Culture and Democracy

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lnlroduction Section One:The Slate Wete ln

14

Govelnmenl

18 Expression and Opprsssion

Dominanl Culture Dominant Valu6s

29

Dominanl Economics

32

Section Two: Another Slandard

Cullural D€moc€cy

38

Democralic Values

42

A Changed Landscape Ell€ctiv6 Opposition 51

Oui Fuluro Appendjx On6: Tho Shellon Trust Appendix Two: Orcanisers & Cont butors

-56

This manifesto has been organised by a group ot members ofthe Shelton Trusl, as parl oi lhe Trust's

conlribulion lo a debat€ which has been gathe/ng

'campaign for the arts'.

a

discussion paper tor Another

Slandard 86: Cullure & Dernocracy, a Conterence iaking placo on July 12th and 13th 1986 in Shefiield.

This conference is itself a slaging posl ida movement

lo

establish cutural alliances which aan sel the

agendalor polilical and social change.

The Shelton Trust began in 1979, as a national organisation ol communily arlists, and has grown lo

a wide

range of cuhural workers and activisls. During that period it has moved from a embrace

concern wjth radicalising 'lhe ans lo a recognitlon

that it is the operation of a domi.ant hierarchical culture that causes and sustains oppression

if

this

society. That oppr€ssion underlies allareas ofcultural

wo*.

Our desire 10 oppose and change lhis dominant

cullure rs inseparable tom the desire lo change the

polilical and economic systerns which dir€ct and penelrale il.

Oul of lhis r€cognition has come development of a

iramewo of ideas we call

the

cultural

democracy. This is nol concemed directly with the

day-lo-day practices oi cultural aclivists. Rather it addresses the aims ol lheir work. and the work ot the many thousands of others

wo

ing to slmilar ends.

This rnaniiesto is wrillen from our expe ence, and locates lhat experience wilhin a larg€r context ol society. lt is concemed, in some small pad, wilh 'the

arls'. How€ver, it is nol, in any sense, lhe basis for a

specification for

socialism based in a common analysis of polilics, economics andcullure.

Our aim is the creation ot an egalita an and

momentum lor at least live years. Specifically, it has

been wrllten as

lt is a

pluralsociety, by the exlension ol democratic praclice 10 all

social relationships.

Cullural democracy ollers an analysis of the

cultural, polilical and economic systems which dominal6 in Bdtain. More impodanlly, it ollers a tool

Elfeclive aclion

is

impossible without Contrcl ol culture by a snal gtoup s

-ndersland ng. nol control of thought direclly. Ralher il is the convol

ol the abiity to use lhought and

understanding.

Cultur€, at any one time, is th€ agenda of whal ls imagined to b€ possible. Cullure is not simply the evrdence of an unequal economic syslem. Culture s

ils toundation, its suppon, ils means ol juslilicatlon

and influence, and lhe context within which thal system suslains itsell,

Brla'r is h'ghly cenlralised. Ownership re-1ai's concenlrated in lh€ hands ol very small numbers of people. Government works by creating and per-

xwM

pelrating an exclusive and inaccossible hierarchy, The same islrue both ol the pow€d!lprotessions and

the media, Togelher lhey transmit a culture which

o

ginates in the power of a few but lhrough which all

the population are instructod to live, At any one lime this powedultew can be crudely

refefied to as 'the ruling class, Thls class can be denlfied with a group or groups oJ people - lhe Landed aristocracy, weallhy business psople, top

polticlans and medla celebrities. Whlle entrance is nol necessarily hereditary, il aLways revolves around the acquisition and protoction oi wealth.

The power ot these ruling classes is rooted in economic power, bul it is not limiled to lhis sphere.

E

This power is also located within, and transmilted

related lo inlerlocking nelworks ol professional codes

through, the means of cultutal production. They do

and practces. lt then Looks at tho avenues of

not, in general, rulg by force and coercion. They ll.rle

expression availab e lo ths majo ly of peopl6, and the

by convincing the majority ot lhe populatiof thal the

dynamics ot cull!ral oppression wilh which people

present syslem, and lhe structures and institutions

conlend. I examines tho dominanl culture ard valu€

thal embody il, are inev table, 'natu ral' and necessary.

syslems lhat undeQin lhese syslens ol oppression,

They do lhis throuqh a process of oppression, n

and relates these to the economic syslem thal

which lhe majo ly are convinced that whal th€y wan1,

-

legillm ses lheir continued existence.

whal they think they need, is less importanl than what

-

The second seclion proposes another standard

cult!€l

lhey are told will be made avaiable to lhem. ln this

by whlch a socalism which linked politicaland

way people are encouraged to collude in lheir own

activism

oppression, and rewarded lor do,ng so. This mari-

cullural democracy, linked to democratic valu€s, and

iesto recognises thal oppression, and ils effects on

proposes

lhe possibilities ol an emerging socialism.

opposlion to lhe dominant hie€rchical cullur6. Finally

W€ believe lhal socialists must develop a coherent view of culture. we cannol afiord merely to respofd to dominanl righl-wing individualism by arguing lor a bit more of this and a bit less of lhat. lnstead we must produce a positive underslanding

il lays oul lhe basis lor deciding on praclical poiitical

decided democrai cally, by those Oroups and aliances which commit ihemselves lo lheir

and practice which arise from a difterenl, a socialisl,

achievement,

rn

ghl move foMard. ll delines a concept ol

a

number

of criteria for an

€ffective

aims.

It is in lho nature ollhese aims lhallhey must be

view of tho rols thal culture plays ufder capitalism,

There are a number of key words which recur

and th6 ro e il plays as a vilal part of a democratic

lhroughout lhe maniiesto. We define here lhe way lhat we inlend to use thern.

This manilesto is in two parts. The firct pan, 7he

We use th€ word cullule to indicate social

Slate Wele ln, Wovides a short analysis ot some ol

actvity lhat creates, communicates or sustains social

the dominant torces which shape, and will shap6, Erilish sociely, we do not believe lhal lhese forc€s

value, However, we refer here only to those aclivities

diller, n ther underlying motivatiofs and

mech

alisms, kom tl^e lorces which shape and delern ne other'tksl wo d' capitallst societies.

flCI

wlch predoninanlly create and suslain social meaning. Ws nclude in this al forms of public cornmunication.

This seclion begins by looking at some of the

We use the wotd politics to mgan the administering and organising ol al forms of aclivity

delining characleristics of governmenl, which are

belweef people. We do nol just refer to the aclivities

of elected or nominated representatives, or specilic events such as eleclions or parliamentary sessions, Politics and culturc are bolh ways of desc bing

socialactivity. They are nol separate and conlaifable

activities that are voluntary or optjonal, and from

which people can be excluded or can exclude themselv€s. Th6y ar€ not somelhing thal can be added to, orlaken away from, social relationships. On

-

the contlary, lhey are lhe detifing characterislics of such relationships.

All people exist wjlhin, and are

pa

of,

numerous cultures, and all cullures are political. We

are all concerned, individually and in common wilh others, lo establish our own views and to express our understandings and our ways ol life. The degree io which any ol us are successlul, and lheways in which

we are succossful, lies in how far our cultures are We use lhe word lo mean direcl participation ano shared powero.

a'oper a-d accou']table bas:s Democtacy, then, is an analysis oi cullur€ and

politlcs, lt can, and should, operate in any area ol society trom the conduct ol personal relalionships to the conlrolof the base ol industrialproduclion,

We believe that socialjsm is built through a process ol deepening and extendrng democracy. llovernent towards cultural democracy is ils cor€.

flz

are themselves hidden from us. Professional groups

Cultural life ,in Britain takes place withln capitalism. This serves lo limil lhe extenl and curla I

such as barristers are sell selecting, and powerful

the lorms that lllo can take, However. we believe the

members, are se ected without public accouftabilty,

voluntary groups, lror. mag slrales lo Arts council

of

capilalism has b66n completely misrepresenled by a// the rnaior polilical parlies. nature

often as 'experts' frorn intormal lisls oi 'the greal and the sood.

Olten this has beon a deliberate politica strategy.

Mosl lormal bodies operate lhrough invtauon,

Somet mes it has been the resull of ignorance. Always

in lhis way, just as mosl goverring institutions are

It has

resulted in possib lities

lor real

change,

headed by appoinred boards.

-1€ sare

rs

lrue.

n

possio lir es lor a ge ru'1ely denocralic sociely, beirg

practice, tor the boards

stilled orcurlaied.

shareholding (lhat is, th€ efleclive abilily of the rich to

We intend to examlne briely some key leatures

purchase an invilation)

ol the state ol Brilain, belore outlining a basis lor rnoving lowards these democatic possibiLilies. We

of

is lho decidng lactor

I

eleclion by shareholders,

These hidden slruclures exisl equally in al

beg n with tho nature ol government,

a€

oi companies. Size

walks ol 'public life', and ensure the sultabilily' ol

governed at many levels, The United

appointees, The public criteria emerge as

Naiions, the EEC, The House of Commons, the House ol Lords, local councils, educalion authorilies,

expefience','fairmindedness','edlcatjon' and so on,

We

developmeni corporalions, regiorial authorjUgs, the

The hidden crit€ a ensure lhat their eifect is lo suppo inslilutions against the incursion ot wider experience and p!blic scruliny. l\4oreover, even

monopolislic ulilit es (gas, water, eleclricity),lhe Bank

where the membershjp of public bodies ls elected

of England, the Church of England, lhe three arms of

lhere is no mechanism to requlre members to consu l,

health aulhorilies, police aulhorities, urban

broadcasting lhe military, arts associat a!thorities, transporl authoilies, the judiciary, and many bodies from the Olfice ol Fair Trad ng io lhe

ons,

DHSS and lhe lnduslrial Tribunals

al

involve oa rema n accounrable to their conslluenc es.

Yet this lack of real pub ic control and access remaras largely u'noticed. The eve'cse ot power rs

exercise power

regularly described in ways which make il appear dull,

overour lives. whetherwe like lt or not.

Allhough our government is aleged

incomprehensible and remote- This dislance,lhis lack

to

be

of clarty, is portnyed as normal', as is

ihe

ack ol

democralic, the rnajorly of lhose bodies lhal have

scruliny which inevilably accompanies it. Aithough t is

power to convol, direcl and influence (]s are nol

sometimes pretended othelwise, governmenl is

elec-Fo. The '1embe's-ip appoinled

p

ol mosl of then

is

vately, oJten through mechanisms whlch

fl5

separalo frorn the irilerests and concerns of the populat on; excepl briefy at eleclion times, when a

mnorlly ol the population choose between the

designal€ themselves as 'responsible' for lhe nation,

candidal€s made available lo lhem.

but th€y also setu€ to add lo the structure of control

What accountabilty there is wilhin government

and oppression,

operal€s upwards and inwads, towards a smaller

any direct and accounlable connection with the

The licensing laws, for example, werg lirst introduced lo cut down on key workers' alleged drinking du ng the Fksl World War, bu1 have grown into a major instrument of soclal regimentation- Tho

public', has allowed the growlh of systems of ,n/omal corfolwithin the instilutions ol govemment When we

policing l€chniques in Norlh€rn keland which were

group ol more powerlul poople, rather than outwads iowards lhe rest ot the population The absence of

Prev€ntion of Terorism Acl allowed the pioneerlng of

vote ior a prcgramme of leglslaiion, we later Jind that its effects are very difierent irom those we intended

later introduc6d inlo England.

This occurs bgcause of the inflLlences oi lhose

preoccupies itse'l wilh pr€vonting people combi'ring

systems of lobbying and back-door negotiatlon which

freey,

consiilule lhe real mechanisms oi control, and

groups. lt has also been obsessed wilh controling

because thero is no systern for making clear what a

fiosdom of movement. This has been relaxed only in

proposal wi I mean in practice,

direcl proporlion to lhe increasing ability of

Law-making

Currenlly voling seNes simply lo sel in vain a

long, and olt€n secret series

ol

British sociely habilually

excepl in licens€d or olJicially permitted

governments and police forces to locale and identify

bureaucratic

individuals. The ability oJ individuals to move freely

mechanisms, What happens lhen remains hjdden

has b€6n accompanied

unlilthe resulls finally become publlc.

lo keep track of peopl€ - lrom lhe lnland Revenue's

by

a whole ar?y of devices

records lo Nalional lnsuranc€ numbers and passports, Where these have been administered

'Juslice'is no more dernocratic than lhe polillcal syslem which cufiently, and fraudulently, represenls ilself as such. Bar slers are called to lhe bar by other

separalely, intormalion lechnology increasingly

olher judges,

barristers, judges are chosen by lawyers are policed by their own organisalion, lhe

makes possibJe thek coordinalion for policy purposes.

lhe p e slts ihe

to padicipat€ on an equal basis. lt has been built by

Law Sociely; and at the top oJ

fl6

in

This system is not

neurd. Everybody

is notfree

unelected Lord Chancellor.

the most powedul groups within socioty rellecting

Indeed lhe devolopment ot 'justice', in response to powertul interesls is frequently

their inleresls. Government usurps lhe power ot the

oppresslve, first in specillc lerms and then much more generally, Laws are enacled and insttuled as an

Fublic servanls have becorne ilavemasters. What is

answer lo the immediate needs o{

lhose who

eleclorate and acts nol on its behalf but in its stead.

flv

promoled as representatlve democracy ends up as no democacy atall, bul a libelal oligarchy.

which occur at ths lop oi a protessional hierarchy are

The instilulions and structures ol govemment, although immensely powerful, are themselves only a small parl ol the lorces which acl on us, with or

wilhout our permission- Some of the others wield direct economic power, blrt mostly their power is more

{E}

subtle. ln lhe main they are concerned with lhe

rces.

M

the individualieelings ot those proJessionals within it.

Professionals may nol personally suppod or belleve

if

prolession is accoded. Usually lhis status is enlolced

implemenl ideas which have already been enacted elsewhere, A gynaecologisl may be personally

issue licences and certificates, A passport

application, for example, must bs countersigned by a

sympalhetic lo the needs ol women in childbirth, and may even be abl€ to change local medical practice

member of an ollicially recognised protession, with

the resuli that the weallhy and 'educated gel their

considerably. She is not, however, in any real sense,

fiiends to sign while 'ordinary people havs to pay a

accountable lo those wornen, excepl where she may

doctor or sol citor a fee lo have il done,

be proven in law to have made mistakes. Moreover

Many of the powers prcfessionals exercise are

the women with whom she works have

unaccountable and self-regulalory, lloreover access

power

10

'ro insisl that she work as she does, They are s mply

lo lhe re evant skills is deliberalely restricted, and olten dkeclly lorbidden lor anyono olher than a Iicerspd prcless o1al. The powet o'tl^e ololess ons

luc*y lhat she chooses to do so, Allhough dedicated and Tadica' prolessionals may be able to alfect local practices, they are unable

depends on their ablly to mainlain a monopoly over a

to unabl€ lo change or redirecl lhe overall directlon

to

and resourcing of the seruice to which lhey belong.

prevenl olhers undenaking them.

ln p'olesso_s ranging 1om lhe health service the army, tho police force, to the broadcasllng nelwo'ks a']d lhe _ewspaper indusla dec'sions

the valuss oi the ruling culture, but their work

nonetheless transmils lhese values, because lhey

by law, either direclly or by ihe lega ly granted power

of oflen quite sirllple tasks, and to act

by

Prolessionalism operales without relerence lo

majority of the population, because of the status lheir

rang€

by

that prolessionalism is objecuve by selt-definition.

uch of

the decision-maklng in this sociely is in the hands ol people who are judged more compelent lhan the

lo

lhat this is so. The BBC was established goverfment, as was the lBA. They are said

which they were set up. This fiction suppons the beliet

controlled and d rect€d. fo

unblased because the instlutional slruclure ensures

broadcasters to be independonl of the system by

mechanisms through which our ives are regr'llated, Prcfessionalism is one of Ihese

used subsequently to valldale the professional operatron of the hierarchy. we are told, for example, lhat television news repods are generally fair and

The n€eds ol consum€rs are subordinaled to the

fl9

praclices and beliels of the professionals, which ale

themselves contaifed by government

of

that

democtacy.

hierarchy.

Wilhin lhis system, there exists

a

Decislon making is h dden, and social needs ar€

powe.f'r.rl

redofined as administrative problems. The effect ot

assumption that need is nol definab e by lhose who

this is to deny the majority of citizens the ability lo

have the need. Need is only definable by those who

participate in defining lheirown ne6ds.

have received a long and speciallsed education, and

are usually mombers o{ a prolessional association that regulates lhs detinition ol othe/s needs. ln facl, these 'n€eds' usually have much more to do with the history and internal logic ol professional practcos,

and lhe capilalism wilhin which lhey operate, lhan with any social expression ol nssds, Poverty is delined by economists, academics and journalists; by

anybody bui those who experience poverty, 'Standards' have ov€r'ridden people's own definitions ol need.

To be 'ordinary'wilhin lhis syslem is to be disenfranchised in evsry area except thg mosl goneral. Only ai eloctions do 'ordinary' people hav€ power, and in elections lhere are no opportunities lo comment on specilic issues, no opponunities to make

anylhing butthe rnosl gonoralof comments.

This syslem has been constructed during, and as a part of, the growlh of capita ism.lt ls neilher an accident nor a conspiracy, in lhe usual sefse of that

word. lt has be€n assembled slowly over tine, through the conslant modifcation of behaviour, actions and methods of licensing, some ofwhich v/ere

deliberately planned and some

ol whlch

were

unplanned or had unforeseen consequ€nces. lndeed it is slill being assembled, for it is not tho son of

2A

syslem thal is ever'finished'. This is ils svength, and

lhe reason lhat it is so powedll and so inimical to

2n

we can recognise, undelsland and allow for;and from

which we can forrn opinions or gain knowledge Hather it is the prciessonalwo* of a journalist and it

ol

goverfmenlal and professiona power are bolslered by a number of assumptions about the ways in whlch ideas are

The mechanisms

already contains op njons and

il has, in lacl, been seiected by a pa icular class ol professionals to though it were raw data, but

jLrstify th€ present syslem, often by arguing that this

provide a parlicu ar range ol vi6ws,

somehow inevilable, or lhat ihe mechanisms thal underpin it are common_sens6"

ls

when l-e Peacoc( co nn:ttee was consderi'1g

llmes ran many edilorials and a icLes stressing lhe need to break up this unwieldy and unnecessary monopoly. This lhe future ol the BBC,lhe

-fhese assumplions promote a particularview.

Forms of expression that people uss vary lrom

group to grolp, community to community class lo

inlormaiion comletely changes character il one realises that Fuperl Murdoch has a large linancal

class, bul th€y share common features Where expression occurs between oquals the terms on

which

it

occ!rs are erplicit, and

int€rosl in television cornpanies whlch \4ould directy

personally

and greally benelll from th€ dismantling ofthe BBC

understandablo, The people involved make sense of what lhey leam, because they, Iiterally, know whal is

This kind of intormation is externallolhe reader.

The choices il ollers aI€ spurious, for people can only

golng on-

use it to form a point ol view which has eflectlve y been predeterrnined by lhe pre-packaged range thal

ln reationsh ps where the lerms are hidden.

however, what occurs

is not expressive'

but

is offered,

oppressive. Ralher lhan gaining knowledge through

hidden

The concern ol the professionals involved

one evel or anolher, wth

groups ol people are oppressed in thisway A majorily

or reading), lnformalon, therefore , comes in lhe forrn

lhe extent lo which they have opporlunities lo address

of 'stories' about perconalllies, and nol in the forrn ol dsveloped argunents aooul rssues. Actve clo ce is

their own needs direclly.

kind of expresslon we experience ln our daily lives lt isnt, ll is nol a personal expression' th€ bias ol which

is at

a iofin ol presenlaton

wh'ch keep people buyi_g (and walcl_ing ot lislen ng

in

When we read somolhifg in a newspaper' lor examp e, we are taught to believe lhat it is the same

the cri16ra used in lhe

dkectly or indireclly, with prolitability.

l\,lany dilferent

oi the populalion faces some form oi oppression

l\,4oreover.

conslrLrction ot this €nge of vews are concerned,

a prccess in which the terms are undgrstood' p€ople oporate in the dark, picking up incomplete infomalion the sources o1which remain

as embedded wilhin

it. Th s professionalised intormauon is presented as

formed and nrade public, and aboutlhe ways in which decisions are reached and ralitied These are used lo

system

b

62

za

rendered unlikely, and parUcipalion in lhe crcalion ol public opinion is removed from the agenda

No

ordinary' porson, libelled by

a

national

newspaper, can ailord to seek redress ln the courls There is no legal ald available for this purpose From this perspective, the owners ol newspapers, whether ndlviduals or corporalions, can be seen to own lhe rneans to create social meaning ll is unimporlanl

whether or nof the Sun or the

Mitot

suppoft a

particular issue. Whal matters is their power to define

the range ot views thal will be deemed 'legitimate'

around any issue, and their relaled abllity

10

undermine popular belief in any allemativeview.

This power is maintained by the power ol wealth. Directly, it is mainlained by lhe ability of larce companies to undercul smaller compelilors and thus force them out of business. ll you have no purchasing power, you have no voico and lh-s no purchasing

power. lndirectly, it is maintained by the kind ol

€xpe,rsive lobbyrg which resulls

ir

rcensing

regu ations, and legalkameworks which work to their

advanl9ge,

Such concentralions

ol

Power

are

fundamentally undemocralic because they create and suslain a specific vlew ol society in a way which canfot easily be challenged, The means lo propogale opinions publicly through the modia s literally owned

by a srnall number ol rlch men, whose cullure has

moblised and used the struclure ol lh€ law to support, mainlain and develop a moriopoly

The mechanisms of oppresson lfterlock lo lorm a domlnant c!lture, W€ are displaced fron lhe centre oi our lives. We learn through sophislicated

ald ohen appa'erlly co'ger al mea_s Ihat B ila n is 'our cultlre, our sociely'and lhat we both pa iclpate ir it and beneiit frorn it, even though in fact a majority o' peope may be lhirkirg a1d leelirg olhe'wise From the values it promotss and lhe symbols it uses

in this promotion we learn lo detine our expectations

and inlerprel ou' own

'ives

Personal erp€rierce

becomes inlerior, somelh ng nol wonh cormunica_ ling orsomelhing thatwon't be heeded

in

We recelve rather than express, and lake pa our own oppress on by acling uncritlcally on

received desires, valuss and storeolypes. These serue to divert ationtjon lrom the complexilies of inleraction to th€ simplicitios ol an extemally dkected cullure, Th€ perennial enthusiasm whjch is fostered

tor our heritage' is an stereotype,

lt

examplo

ol one

such

points attention backwards and

undermines a lactivity except that whlch coniorms to

what is classiiled ollicially as'cultr'lre' ll does lhls by aifirming the oflicial verslon ol history and then

romanlicising lt. This delermines the agenda oi relerences forthe luture, It

is ircnic, then, thatthe guardians and curatoG

ol lhls olfioial' culture regularly

remark on the

propenslly oi totalharian slales to falsify h slory, as

q^ La1l

though the history they teach is absollte, objective

and universal, and all their records are

a

true'

representation ot the pasl. ln so dolng lhey hide lhe

iactlhal B tish cultur6 also pedorms lhis lunction, but

Thg ability lo name and to deline is a key toolfor

in a way which d sguises the tacl. The heritage of the

I'ose wlo conffol thg doninant cu,ture. Namrlq

ruling class is lhe oppression, even the slavery ot

confers power. This power flows trom ownership ot

otherclasses and olher naiions.

the means to propogale and promdl6

defifitions. ll pernrits the crealion of image, identity,

ln any way objectlve. I has been written by those groups occupying lhe positions of power whlch

social value and status. lt is a process of judgement, which autho.ises and leg t l1is6s some tnings w']ile

enable lhem to shap€ public knowledge. These are

deToling and dsmssrng oll'ers, -his pow6r is applied across a whole rangs ol social activities and

also the groups wilh most to protecl, The efiecl of a popular acquiescence in lhe idea ol 'our heritage -

afianqements.

whal 'we' did yesterday, rather than what is lo be

Own€rshlp, access and distribution permit the

done now - is the same as lhe effecl that lhe monopolisl modia g€nerate. Lt delines whal is

making

oi categorcal and

apparently absolute

stalemonts on lhe basis of their being 'infomed' and

vaLuable, wh' e idenl fying lhe peop e lhal own it in as

'independent' judgem€nts. These exemplify

anodyne a way as possible.

'excellence'; what is mosl desirable, most suitable

Any opposilion 10 lhe prevailing slandards, therefore, seems

and leasl challenging io the interests oi lhe dominant

to have less validity than the

cullures.

dominant cullure it opposes. lt seems less r€al, l6ss

The culture ol lhose who are most powedul is

so id, less known, less re iable, less 'Brilish', Po itical

manifest, We need to romind ourselves, lor exampl€,

action has a sligma allached to it. To organis€ against

thal the Hammer Bearn roof in Westminster Hallwas

the status quo impli€s going againsta'natu€l ordgr'

made by numerous skilled working people and nol by

ol lhings, aid therefore implios deiying common

ths monarchs and politiclans whose nam6s

sense. Any group which soeks to estab ish ils own

associated with lhe buildifg. ll is remembored for rts

idently, based around its own definjlion ol its needs is

associalion with personal power rather than col aboralive skill. The workers w'o nade it ';d no

disadvaflaged lrom lhe outsel.

These received ideas alfecl us all. W€ aro affected by how tar we feel these ideas lo bg

it would be pul and lhe workers'names, th6 records of

lhe r liv€s ars lost, il indesd they werc ever recorded.

lee ings lo be shared, The domjnant cuilure promotes panicular imaqes and dernoles olhers, lt manip!lales

ieeling by lnvokiig ideas ol wonh which lhe vasl malority ol citizens have had no pan

if

creaUng.

are

say in whal lhey were building or lhe pupose to which

accessible or resslable and by how larwe believo our

26

lhose

The hjstory wh ch comprlses 'our he tage' rs not

q)V AU

Oflicial history comprises the legacy of lhe power ol ruling class€s to name, realised in the actions and a elacls named, Bolh have values deriving iiom lheir crealorc, but the va ues atlached

to those who initialed, commjssoned or boughl theni

I@ IM

are imposed on them.

Art', ike 'herilage', is an

Dominant culture is underpinned by a set of ideoLogical

conslruction. Access to a position ol power wilh

n

sociely conlers the ab lily to transmil value through

personal tasle. ldeas can be owned, and the

values, some ofwh ch are codified in law and some of

which are promoted informally. lt is justfied by lhe notion thal lhese values, and the laws and regulallons

promotion ol one padicular group oi creative skills as

made in lheir name, are universal, lirneless and absolule. ln realily, however, aws are made and

'art. and th6 simultaneous dismissal of all other such skills as mere 'crafls', is one way ln which this

admin stered by the most powerfulgroups in sociely,

ownership is enlorced,

lhis means those whose lives form and suppon the

The whole edllice of production in lhis soclety is

lounded upon this separation of acuvily from purpose.

To be placed oulsde the ambit of

approved

detinilions is almosl invarably lo be deprived ol any

torr

of publc dislr,bulon. E)'p'ession 1avacLumis

no expression at a l. lt is a bewildering oppression, ol

a son wh

c!

has beer applied syslerrarically du'irg

the development of capilalism to 'an', lo women, to minorilies of allkinds and to othersoc eties.

These mechanisms are deslgned to promote

one parlicular sel of values at the expense of all others, They airn lo make impossible lhe existence and developmenl ol other sets ot va ues, particularly

l-ose a.rsing from orher culures. They an. moreover, lo sustaln lhose who promole lhem,

and necessarily reilect and pror.ote their interesls. By

rulnq cukure impose

lhei

needs,

thei

behavour

and thelr values on lhe rest of the populalion, while

maintaining thal lhese values are an objectivo measurernenl oi civilised behaviour.

Pa icular ways oJ behaving are elevated into 'standards ol behaviour', in a way wh ch denigrates and disenlranchises the habits and ideas of other groups, ln lhis way a uniform patlern oi social expectalions emerges, arid we subscribe lo or are lorced to aspire lo one set of values, Expeclations are d

vorced lrom needs.

This process oi separation is a cenlal lacet of the dominanl cu lure, and one oJ lhe stanirig points

for ils system of values. Peop e are separaled from

oller oy

professional intâ‚Źrmâ‚Źdiar'ies.

Generalised informalion s superlmposed of personal

each

knowledge. Feeling is separaled lrom action.

ln this way indviduals are encouraged lo believe that they alolre are responslbl6 for their

oo

z@)

personal advancement- Wth lho excepton of lhose actions which are detined as criminal, it is, however, notviewed as lheir responsibilly I this turns oul to be

at the expense ol other people. Thus a system ls

created which maintains conlrol by opening up dislances between people, and then iustifies itself by claiming that this distance is 'nalural'.

The hiqhly paid are depicted as 'top people" which ineviiably implies th€ existence ol'botlom

M

'tBg=' 35D

-L--

people'. CaPitalism constructs an apparently 'natural' order: a pyramidal slruclur€ which is a social version ol lhe suruivalol lhe fillesl, in which af€w hawks rule

over many sparrows This is th€ doctrine of individualism; a doct ne which is used to justify those ideas, values and beli€fs which most suit the ruling

groups in this society by dressing them up in an apparsnt objeclivity.

The structure ot language ilself is subjectto this' and is used lo support apparent objectivity Whenever the words are nol lhere an idea or leeling wi'l remain

unslaled, Language can be a door to underslanding but itcan also be a baftier preventing our access lt is a Jeature ol an opplessive culture that languago will

consislently promote lhe interests

of the

most

powerful. Language is never neulral. People who are example, are redelined as oppressed,

for

'disadvantaged', in a way whlch immobilises them by problem of polilical issue reducing

a

io a

adminislralion.

The slrLtcture of society the language thal wo are laught, combins to dis€nfianchise the majority of the population by promoling values _ tools of urderstanding - lhat apparently rnean one thing' but

5CI

operale lo anolher, unstated end, Cultur€s may change cons derably without

5X

changlng lhe ceftralfact thal there is a culture which dominales and imposes an oppressive slandard, and

thal this rulng culture determines the oppodunities and avenues of cullural expression for lhe majority of

citiz€ns. This is compl6tely incompalible with

services, Domlnant cullure, and lhe syslem of dom nanl valLres which suppo{s

simultaneous project of

creating markets for them_ lt also began lo encroach

il, have been generated and

on more and more areas ot social life, as it expanded

sustained lhrough economic power, connecled lo the

from lhe prodLrction of simpte, tang bte goods lo lhe

changed, and chafging, nature of the capilalism

capita ised dellvery ol setuices s!ch as'educalio|,or

wlthin whlch cultulallile takes pace.

'heallh'

Capllallsm began as an economic system which

lndustriallsed lh€ prod!ction and dislribution

afd began the

As it did lhts, it necessarity movod from being a

oJ

melhod of organislng econom/c production

Vadil onal goods lrom clothes, househotd and

lo

a

method of ordering conscio!sness fecessary for ever

v/orkplace implements to lood_ At lhis stage il was a

increasing produclion. The production oJ qoods and services is ceasing to be its prlmary task, lnslead this

way ol producing, more prolitab y, what peopte a ready wanled, whelher shirts, knives or cheese,

has become the prodLtclion ol rnarkels whose

Thls process involved individual enlrepreneuls deve oping, or paying to have developed, |dus-

st mulaled'n€eds'it canthen meet.

This is b€ing achieved by a number ot means.

Firstly compantes have tended to amalgamate or

lrialised equivalenls of Vadilional goods. Thus the soap that was produced industrialty tn the latter halfof

abso6 each other, wilh.ths resutt that in most major areas of produclion there is an €lfeclive monopoly

the nineleenth century was not lhe same as soap produced tradilionally; bul il was an anaogous

held by asmattcanet. This monopoly has been abt€ to

product capable of seruing lhe same lunction as

define popular expectations by d6termtning the

traditional soap,

choices thatwe wiJlbe allowed, and marketing what is essentially lhe same matedal in a variety ot shapes and with avariety of catcutatedty difterent images.

The ioglc ot capitalism, though, contains no idea ot

sllfic ency. lt s a system

in which growth occurs for

profit, and the generation of wealth becomes a value

This monopolislic power has also enabled the

in its own right. There ts no sLrch lhing as sufficient

promotion of a consensus view of, say, the necessity of usirg washing powder or shaving crearn, or the

proil, and iherelore no poinl at which a business, or an enlrepeneur wil have grown rich enough. Unllke

normality and desirabitity of smoking cjgarettes. From

physical hunger, a h!|ger for money and the power il

lhis perspective every advertisment for a lamily catr is

br ngs, is never saliated.

a piece ol propaganda about the desirabitity of

For this reason capilalism did not cease growing when it had reached lhe point where jt was capable of meet ng the basic needs of food, sheltsr and clolhing. ll continued to generate prod!cls and

d ving

t)9)

rather than laking the bus or train. Over and above lhe effect of a specific advertisement in selling us one

{ro

or anolher car, we are sold th6 idea tJrat we need a car, whatever brand we choose. it tells us that the

wheth€r socialisl or nol. lt is a vitalarea for campaign

corred choice is between brands ol cars ralher than oehvee_ ouying a ca'or a bus Pass.

and struggle. Capitalism is not bounded simply by poljtics and economics. Opposition which does nol

Second y capllalism has sought to break down

needs into smaller and smal er units, in order lhal we can be laught lo use a greater number ot products

rccognise this cannot be efiective.

and services to achieve the same eflect Thus the

own transformation of ilself. Ralher than roacting lo

need to be healthy has been lurned inlo a desire

_

Opposilion must also recognis€ capitalism's

lhose structures capilalism has opgraled, it musl antjcipate and address conlrol as it is now being

a

rnarket - lor dielary supplements, vilamin pills and

€xercis6d and developed.

body lotions. Even the desk€ to be thin, itsell the

Capitalism is dynamic. The masive pot€nlial of

subjecl of and at least partly the res!ll of widespread

promotion, is lurned into

a

matkel

information lechnology

lat additional

conslmer goods, including low calorle toods and

currently i!elling a

Ownorship ol conlrol is becoming more important

appellto suPPressants, Th rdly the prcvision ol prclessional and olher services have been capilalised, with the resultlhal the

than iornral ownorship ol the means of production.

Production is gv€rywher€ being diversified whlle

number ot professional intermediados with lhe ability

control is being cenlralisod, which weakens the indust al power of workers and the polilical conlrol of

to exert profound eflects on our lives has incroased dramatically, and lhe markel lor lheif services is lho

nation stales.

This applios

subject of deliberale stimulalion.

lo

manufacturing, and

it

also

The mechanisms of slim! alion arise as a parl

applies lo the creaUon oi markels for multinatioJral

of the dominanl cu lure and the values il promotes,

corporalions. Tobacco companies are adapling to lhe

and lhemselves serue lo sustain and develop it. This

increasing impact ol legislation in OECD countdes by

cullurs is the medi!m through which the business ol creating markets is managed and at tho same lime

transfer ng sal€s lo new markets,

hidden iiom view, lt also enables and !nderurles lhe

capitalise and inslale new forms oi conlrol. Cornpuler

It also applies to lhe movement of wealth to

and salellite technology can now move rnoney

shaping and determining of popular €xpectatiors inlo

beyond the abilily of governmeftalexchange controls

the lorms necessary lorthis business lo happen.

to reslrict rnovemeft. This lransnalional operation

Cullure then is not something which happens on

ths iiinges ol capitalisl economics. lts manipulation the key to capilalism's continued groMh, and h

64

is

translormatior ot conlrol in lh€ woro s econom es,

cannot be controJled dernocralically, nor opposed by

iE

its continued exislence. Culture, therelore, cannol

an issue ol perpheral concern to political activislB

any conventional approaches to law, political

55

organisation or govenment.

lnduslrial or economic aclivism, lhen, will bo

Iutile withoul

a parallel cullural aclvism, j!st

as

cullural aclivisro which is nol rooted n po it cal and

wl

be selt-servng and lrivlal.

Witho!t cullural democracy, lnduslrial or polltical econom

c aclivsm

democracy are merely abstract notions incapable ol being put inlo praclice. Together they are capable oi bringing democracy into exislef ce.

a

oo 2(A

OQJ

ooo

order

s

never universal, bul is aways bounded by constraints some ol which are pracucal

Choice

manulacturcd by the muLtjnatonals.

10

This prccess, lke most of lhe socal processes

parllcular commlnites, classos and cutures. Al culture is political afd it works lo lhe advanlage of

which surround Lrs, happens in our name, athough we are g ven no opport!nity to shape, direct, contrcl

lhose who have lhe rnost opportunity to make choic-o

or prevefl il. lt seryes as one oi a multitude ol

because they exercise the mosi power.

examples. all of which indicate the profound need for

The cu'renl mode ol social o'garisalon is

a democrallc syslem capable of permitling direct

Lrnable to cope wilh any gro!ps whose interesls are

expressions oi n€ed, not by a private netlvork oi rul ng

dilferent lrom its owf, except in ways which are oppressive. lt is lnable to cope democraucaly, for example, with the demands made upon I by rn

groups, but by the majority ol citzens.

ll high ghts the imponance ol br.rilding a polilical syslem wh ch is genu nely and d reclly democratic,

ult cu ltu ralism.

ll

crops.

Teal cons--lpton and lhp 'esuling gap s convenienlly lilled by imporled baby ioods,

and some ideologica. Allleelings and allopifions are

particLrlar, and arise {rom and relate direclly

lo supply markets lor anjmal feed

ProdLjctfue capacily s dverted to suppod Weslern

and which enables the majorily of cilizens to

updates imperiallsm in order to designate

parlicipate n lhe crealion and maintenance of social

groups as rinorilies in need of le p, o' as aliens in

rghls. Wjlhn

need ol civilising. lt denies them any righis of particlpalion in plannifg or admlnisttalling their

a

democracy there can

be

no

assumption lhal righls exisl, lor ln a democracy lher€

are no dghls except lor lhose which are openly and

needs. lnslead it arranges to acl on thek behali and in

democralically made. S!ch a syslem depefds on

their stead. Whit€ arc oilicers, for example, set up,

creation ralher lhan assLrmption, on communicalion

and then subseq!ently staff, 'elhnic arts comm ttees

and expression rather lhan reslriclion

rather than restructuring lhe inslitltions within which

and

they work, so thatthey can becorne gen!iney plural.

A measure oi lhe extent to which a society s democratic can be iound n how far people leel that

Moreover ll exports th s deniallo the rest of lhe

world. [,lr.rllinalional food cornpanies, tor example, create and then monopolise markels for lood

they are able lo express lheir needs through pa.lic palio_ rn ts ad.l ,rrsraro,r: whelher

producls that are entirely unrelated to expressed

plann ng pub ic lransport roules or even n going to

assist indigenous agrculture and make possible tho

i6 d slorr naliona economies in the Thitd World

in

choos:ng

w_al l_6y are ab e lo ouy whe' lLey go shopping or n

feeds. Technical expe ise that could be used to local control ol nulrition is used by the oECD nations

r_

59

war. n a genuine democracy people make their orlture rather than have il rnade tor lo lhem - localiy,

led to ils creation, That sense ol conlact should be

nationally and lnternalional y.

This is whal we mean by cult!

a

raL

democracy.

ll

integral, from the moment oi foundalion lo the regu ar

s

ilical syslem, which depends on exchange and colaborat,on. ll depends on lsle'i'g as well as telling. lt ls necessarily accessiblo to convibutoris lrom many sources, and il makes conllnuous po

rE)

il

s not, ther lhe selvice wi

I

not prcmolo lhe va ues lhat sLppofted ils creation. lt w ll atrophy n the m nds of ts users as lhey lose their

sense ol rnvolvement, and as lhey conlinue lo move lorward while lhe sedice apparenUy slands still,

poss ble democralic movemenl through lhâ‚Ź building

oi social alliances, lt is a process which beg ns frorn

A sociely commitled to culturaldemocracy, and

the proposilion lhat democracy is impossible unless

to lhe induslria democracy and political democracy

al the adminislralive

thal must accompany il, will necessarily operate with

syslems within a society are

dlllerent and open valLres and standards-

themselves democratic, understandable and ava able lor Lse by lrre r4oriry of tl-e pop rlaron.

The ideas that conslitute

cultural democracy both enable and depend upon dhect participation, and take as their aim the building and sustenance of a society in whlch people are free to come together to produce, distribute and receive the cultures lhey choose,

A

culture that is genuinely dernocratic presupposes on y ilux and change, Polllical a ms cannot be identif ed separately from lhe means lo implement lhem. Peoplâ‚Ź make demands which lead

to polillcal objeclives. when

implemenled lhese

demands do not cease. They are conlingent on lho service received, and lhey condition lhe operaUon ol this seru ce.

Services rn!sl thereiore be crealed and administrated in recognition oi the democratic process, with the raeans of real dernocrat c chango

4CI

working ol the seryice. lf

buill n. Th6 poinl where a servlce is inslitlted is the po nl oi closesl contacl with those whose demands

4n

Dominanl culture is energelically promoting

occur within the relatlonships that exisl and develop between people, and form a vital part of those

individualism. Th6'new individualism' it is alleged, will

relationshlps. Values are developed and egitimjsed

take society lorward into a new era of 'populal cao lals-, Wlal r wil sclualy do. is lo 'noder'l ce and slrenglhen af existing lramewolk ol unequal socal reatio_ships, whia leaving the' basc

through a process of negotiation

We rnust seek to develop systems of values which are pluralislic. Values arise wilhin communit es'

within grcups oi people, and they draw lheir strength and vltality from the lile of these communities. We

prifciples untouched,

must find ways of enabling the values ot diflerent

There is a crucial diflerence belween the kind of

individuaism which is being promoted and individuality. fhe famet is the product of, afd lsell suppons. a syElen' ol oppressive values. lt ls an

groups lo coexlst, withotll one oppressing the other'

invitalion lo plan personal weliarc, and access to the limited materialgains which are desirable lor personal

wel'are, lo t"e exclLsion

olwde'socal concetrs.

Th s individua sm is lrresponsible because lt pretends that the ind vidual can somehow be absoLved of social responsibility. This kind of indiv dualism abandons oi any possibility ol making

common rights, in lavour ot a brutal scranrble lor whalever righls have been conceded by those groups that currently possess lhe powâ‚Źr to deline.

Thls irresponsibility supports the claims of the mosl powerful minoriues lo impose their desires on society, and have them egilirnised as natural' needs,

iusl as it efiectively deiies the possib lity of rec prcca social realionships. lt is in direct opposition lo that

form of responsibilty which arises fiom a mutua recogniton of needs and the consequenl making of rights through lhe process ol exchange.

We believe thal values arse and are susla ned

and deve oped as patl ol a

social process

They

46

the idea ol'cu lural indListr

A panicular sel of creative acts, 'lhe

es' s more usef!

than the

ol

ldentilies a sma I range of actvty \thich has been

lhe arts" in which unaccountable fundfg bodies glve oul lheir 'prnces favolrs' lo the ucky

chosen lrom an inlinitey arger range. This choice

recip enls ol thelr'expert choice. A cullural ifdusldes

râ‚Źpresents lhe va ues ol one pai( cular class.

lt

arts',

dea

strategy recognises that d flerenl groups ol peop

s the

e

operat on ot an oppressive cu ture. We believe lhat

express lhemse ves in diJlerent ways, using differing

whatevet aealive acts people panicipate in are important 10 those peope, and are capable of producinq the pleasures and inslghts usualy all buted lo the arls.

The arls are a mechansm Jor award ng prvlleges lo creative acts sanctioned by some

forms. Fudher it is not lhe parlicu ar the serior,rsness

ol

lorm used, blt

inlent and lhe place lhat activity,

and the producls thal result irom it, occupy wth n the

lives

oi

communities. Fundng, where necessary,

should recogn se intenlion, nol the medium lhrough which that intention is expressed.

powerlul groups at lhe expense of a I others. Bodies

Criteria ior lunding culluraL activities which

llke the Arts Counc I ol Greal Britain are unelecled

begin wilh a series ol mora jLrdgernents aboul the

ways ol perpetrating this and should be abo ished.

place ol cerlain aclivlies within the'High Ans are noi,

They are by nature 4capable ol re,orm. From the

and never can be, democratic. Whalever their

persdectlve ol clltural dernocracy, we beleve it is

apparent intenlon, they willalways be oppressve.

mporlant s ensurinq that a pluraily of cullural prodLrction is posslble, that the resouTces lor such

qlresrions oi access to pLrbllc buildligs for people wllh

activllies are avaiable in ways people can use, and

disabiiues cease to be issues ol'concern', which can

that there exist distribuuon channels able and wiling

be undenaken 'as soon as possible, and become what they tr!ly are: basic questions ol democratc riglrls, Such quesllons necessarily ptecede all

From the starling polnl of cultural democracy

to dlstibute lhe wide var ely ol work that occurs.

The inlellectlal and adminlstrative apparalus of

'arls fund ng agencies are vifiualy unable to cope properly wth ary arl whch does nol have ils

co-side ario's oi consl'Lclng den'ocralic le sure

anceslry in the Renaissance or the subsequenl

policies.

poicies. They cannot merely be a part oi such

ol cosmopolitan European {ine a . AIr can

Wthout access to pubic buildngs, large

pedorming arts, for example, are lorced to redeline

numbers of cilizens have thek lreedom curtailed, are

ther music, poelry or dance, n order

disenlranchised, and efl unable lo panicipale. The

to lit inlo a dorn nant Eurocenlric concepton anC thus

lack oi availability of public lransport and essential

meet lhe criter a oi lunding adencies.

s!ppod servces such as ch dcare cudailthe freedom ol further arge groups ol ciizens in a way which is

h story

themselves as

e

When a// peop e's creativity is laken serlously,

46

ncompatible with

democracy.

l

Britain's nalional newspapers are the persond

Any elfective opposltion musl nol merely

property of eighl)deahhy mef- 80% ol periodicals are

propose anoiher exlernal 'polilical syslem, bul musl

distributed through jusi three wholesalers, who efleciively have belween them the power lo

work towards iundamenlaly d fferent ways ol feellng

determine what magazines reach the public.

ol a capitalst,

and liv ng. We cannot use lhe langlage and practices

hierarchical, monarchical, sexist,

Democracy requires that monopolles be dis-

racist, m litar st cu ture to propose, and organise for,

nranlled. ll requires thal the costs ol such iorms of

rts replacement. We cannol successf!lly comm-

production be lowered, and dislribulion systems b!ilt

un cate the need

which allow people to influence what is distlibuted. ll

by using the values of a society which we recognlse lo

fu her requires that

be divlsive, exploitalive and oppressive,

people have access lo the

io creale domocratic ways

We habilually reter

producers whlle having the space to s mpy ignore

to as

ol

iving

the'Labour

[,4overnenl', yet it is in realily no such thing. lt is a

them.

Socialism slands forlhe redisvibution ol weahh.

series ol partially democratic svuclures which can, for

To be democral c, it has lo redistribute power.

Centraisaton râ‚Źsulls in a separalion belween a

instance, lransmit sexisl values every bit as we I as the Consetuative Party. When actually in government,

facility, a setuice, and those who produce and use t,

lhe Labour Pa y did nol create slrlclures which

Cultural democracy lherefore proposes decen-

promoied soclalist values, and did not add io, or buid

lralisation, as a means of breaking down power, and

on, progressive deas such as th6 co-op6ratve movement embod ed, b-l nsread enacled reiorms in

prevsnting

ils

accumulation

ln

unassailable

much lhe same way as a riineteenlh century Liberal

Decenlralsat on ot cultural resolrces can be

Nalionalisalion has been, in praclice, morely

conlrolled production and distribulion netlvorks which

economic reform ol dlsorganised ind!stries, in ways

allow people to exert active iriflLrence, lnstead of

whch put them under nominal state rather than

cenlralised power wh ch percolales downwards, cullural democracy resls upon a pluralty ol local

'private ownership. The health service, lor example,

powers which can choose lo lederale on a bas s ol

in

reciprocal need, for examplei

46

governmenl.

achieved wilho!t parochial sm, establishing locally

lo build roads, lo

never came under d rect democralic control and has.

consequence, been altacked successfully by

subsequent governments, incuding

lhe ast Labo!r

provide networks of heallh care or 10 rnanufactlre

governmenl and the present Thatcher governments,

goods requiring a large scale oi operation,

The electorate neither owns nor conlrols lhe heallh

sen

ce l'

l"as lrerely bee-

lod lhat it

does. in

contrad ction

r

around specilic iss!es, without comprom sing lheir

of a legal and polil cal syslem thal

overall aims, They will nol, then be a united Jronl,

recognises on y power and nol need.

EI@

The institLrtions thal corilrollhe stale are not the

which seeks to bury or hide dilferences, bul wlll

electorale, nor can they leglimately stand in for, or

operale on the basis ol construcliv6 disagreement.

undersludy, the e ectorale, The electorate, ho\,1/ever,

These alliances wil also b9 contingont. Thal is to say,

has no dlrect control over the mechanisms ot the state, Voting is at best an occasional syslem ol influence wilhin which sell regulating political parties

w ldepend Lpon rr€ g'oups involvod conlinuirg to place the alliances on their lists of prio lies. Th6y wil nol be open ended but rather will be explicilly

promole policy direclions aboul which most of the

renewed or canceled at regular interyals.

popu atlon have no coherent knowledge, [,{oreover

lhey are not provlded wilh anything from which lhey

Within these alliances any one static social anaLysis - class analysis, lor example - will be

co!ld form such knowedge,

recognised as oppressjve wherever and whenever it

they

seeks

Any analysis ofwhal we mean by'lell wing musl

be monopolistic. Women, gays and lesbians,

lhercfore beg n with a lundamental reapprasalof our

Blacks and Asians, people wlth disabilities, and similar

startinq poinl. lt must slart wllh an underslanding of

groups do not tace harrassmenl or disadvantage

how our presenl society operales; how the many

becauso oI class, but because ol being female, gay,

slructures and organisations, and lhe complex

Black, Asian or disabled. However, this is not lo say

relationships belween lhem, exist and have elfect,

lhat people ar€ not harmssed because lhey are wo*ing class-

This requkes examination, but this examifatof cannot clalm to be Unal. lt cannot be prescriplive, bu

To say lhal lhis oppression does not oxisl. or is

r.ust be preiiguralive. lt is a pulling logether of many

sor.ehow less or less rmponant, it poopls are not

lhreads to creat€ visible understanding that popu ar

working class, or to say lhal , il peopls are oppressed

movemenls ar€ political change.

lhey must be working class, is ilsell oppressivo. lt

A dlflerent 'lefl politcs needs to be created,

limits and constrains id6n1ity, it cancols oppodunitjes,

where unilary polllica parties do nol appropriate lhe

for selldolomination and it undermines the pluralily

slrugg e and experience of olhers in order to jusllfy

of experience,

being representalive. The iorms oi such a po ilics will

We must recognise lhal capitalism has developed beyord being a forr of €cononic

deveop through allances, through direct combinalions oI dillerenl grolrps, nol led bul leadiig

production, and is now predominanlly a method of creat ng and sustaining the conditons necessary for

jolnlly.

4E

10

The alliances we envisage will be condiliona.

That is to say, the groups involved wi I come together

49

lhal economic produclion to flo!rish and grow. Any movement lhat aims io be elfective in proposing an

idea ol society other lhan lhal promoted by capitalism

mrst recognise lhal cap ta' sm cannol be oveflh'own by activity whlch'takes place solely in the sphere ol econonrics or poliUcs, because the organisation of the social syslem extends beyond these,

Actions in lhess spheres, undertaken ln lhe belief lhat they ate, on lheir own, ?evoluUonary" will be doomed to failure. They wlll at besl retorm some ol

the surface aspects of tho system, while leaving ils core unlouched, They can providâ‚Ź no radically elfective opPosilion.

Our polilics should procoed from lhe recognition

that oppression is not siatic but occurs withlt relationships. lndeed it could be said that oppresslon

is lhe relatio-ship

belween people n an opprâ‚Źssive

society. Politicalgoas are specific kinds of constanlly

occurring change, mther than stalic ends which in practlce prornote lhoir own invisible agenda We need a programme to promote a movo lrom separaUon to cornmunication, fromdisconnected passivity to engaged activily.

We mr.rst work to inverl the oppresslve logic ol the cufient licensing and regulatory mechanisms We

must replace ihem with denocratlc processes capable ol serving psople's needs.

we m!sl campaign for social slructures which allow and encourage lhe right ol access lo tho creation and dist butlon ol ideas, teelings and beliefs.

People musl have a rlght to make ihemsleves heard, and to make lheir views and opin ons public in ways whlch satisfy lheirperceived and exprâ‚Źssed needs We mustwork forlhe decentralisalion of cullural

production and dislribulion. we must move from a system in which ideas and producls are transmitled lrom cenlra ising sources. We m!sl argue for systems to suppod ideas and products which are producod and distributed kom many local and regional sources

where they occur, and to supporl their s!bsequenl Iederal on or netwo*ing,

we must

50

recognise cultural plurality. The

dominani cultural mochanisms are currenlly geared to the mass production of a v6ry limited range ol

views, emanating from interlocking interesls lhat

educalsd'within society. The idea of an'officlal'sel of

constilute the ruling class,

slandards, and a set

administer

high costs ol access to the media of comm!nication,

them, presents thos€ views which reflect, and favour, the inte.esls ot one class as a 'balanced' and, by

and by legal reslrictlons imposed in lho name ol

implicalion,'nalural' cofimon-sense, to which all

'public interesl', These entry costs must

groups and allclasses should aspir€.

This monopoly

as

maintained by the anificially

bg

dramatically lowered, and these monopolies must be

The slrcngth oflhe ruling classos is thatthey are

broken up. These cuffenl lorms of social control must

an inlerlocking sel of interosls ralher than an idenlifiable group ol peopl€, and thus lhe dominant

be replaced by an enlirsly diiferent lorm ol social accountability geared to promoting pluralities of

cullur€ which lhey have broughl into being, and which

it nudures and promotos, lunctions by fosle ng and

expression.

We musl learn dilferent klnds ol responsibility

sustaining a sel ol beliefs and ideas which support

lrom those used to juslify the nonopolios ol the

and legrl,mise lhose inlerests, Cultulal domocracy is a

dorninant instilutions. We must begin by recognising

way ol breaking up and replacing ihat imposed

that cuitures aris€ within groups and are expressed

culture with cultures which are open, accessiblo and

colleclively. Groups have

a riqhl lo

plural.

express

lhemselves and corrmurrzale in their own voice and

These d€mocratic cultures allow people to

in thek own lorms. Any notion of ?esponsibility' that

develop and communjcate social meanings within

s.lences some voices and reslricts some forms is

lhek own lives, and to participalo in the creation and

clea y oppressive, Capilalism prev6nts g€nuin€ popular comm-

administralion of democracy, rather lhan swallow lhe

unicatlon and th€ ability to determine locally the ideas

preserve itsell.

illusion ot democracy which capitalism foslers to We musl build visible. flexible netwofts thal will

and aclivili€s public resources should supporl, The

ol lhese ideas, through a growing number of conditional and contingent

suppo the

ideaol an abslract 'freedom ol speech'is promoled lo disquise this. From the persp'ecUve of cultural demo-

cracy, the lssue is nol 'freedom

ol

exchange

but

alliances. We must ensuro lhat these n€two*s are

public

powe ul onough lo build democracy: cullural demo-

ol speech'

democratic agreement on lhe nalure

cracy. inouslrial democlacy, political derrocracy.

oxpression, and democratic controloverlho means ol public expression-

We must abolish any 'standards ol 6xcsllence'

52

ol regllalions to

which presume to be univ€rsal while being arlanged

and implementod by the rnost wsallhy, mobile and

55

Our premise lor action emphasises translating perconal experience inlo cultural activity, ralher ihan

Many strands ot lhe aclivities thal comprise

th6 unilomily of defining wolk according to exterior goals. Our intention is to do this democratically, by for negotialion not imposition. The equality we aim

cullural democracy already exisl- The loundalions of many al iances have been laid. We believe the key

elgment in creating cullural democracy ts making

has no moaning if it is nol localed in ils social contsxls' We seek to cr€ale social equalily in pa nerchip

apparenl how and why some of its many component

strands ar€ operatlng and khy others need lo be

wlth those with whom we wolk, Wg aim 10 address th€ bolh sp€ciiic oppr€ssions and their rools within

brought into play.

The leap lhat croales a social movemenl iiom

lhe praclice ol many groups begins wilh

pgruasive domiflation of an int€mational capitalist

lhis

cullure,

commilment to openlng up lh€ means by which we

We believe lhal codes ol aesthetics, and lheir inteeretion, represent exterior siandards ol cultural

determine our goals. We aim to make accessible our

polentiallo

allY wilh olhers.

value, and need

Languages are lhe means o! our expresson.

collaborative methods of working. Wilhout these

facloies. We are all producers and allconsumers. As

'collectivity' remains abstract and impractical'

democraUc

We seek abolition of ownership of control, fiom prolessional assumptions of ability to ih€ practice ol

contrclol the languages wo use, from English to road signs.

copyright. Public conlrol ol the power to djsribut6

Educalion, however il takes place, is lhe means

through decentralised m€ans needs lo be bo established. The conlrol of any resource can decentralised ' the challenge to us is lo irnplement

by which we learn 1o use oxpression. Wo believe education shou d prirnarily be about ways oi thinking, not about subjocts ot lholghl. lt should emphasise the

Lh

skllls of sharing exporience and ol applying what is lea'ned. We nepd lo clarly how educariol is ong n-

nvolve

pittalls separate our organisation ol expression. Such

It is esse ntial that those decisions are democralic,

instruction, These resourc6s should not be restricted by any arbltary crite a such as ags-

s ourse'ves whereverwe possess resources

The implementatlon ol cullural democracy musl developing ways ol overcoming lhe pitlalls lo

ated, what is chosen lo be taught, how and by whom.

We need educalional resources, defned by communilies, where anyone can share edLlcation, ?lher lhan instrlulions lor specilic a'oJps lo 'eceive

replaced by democratic

pluralism, We seek to delin€ and utilise democralic'

They are social lrameworks as much as schools or

culllral aclivisls we need to establish

to be

trtr

[]ld,

our social purposes trom actions Wilhout resolving hidden lhese diflicullies our activilies wil support lhe agendas of lhe dominanl culture We will enirench rather than replace slandard values'

our work should not limit itself to expressions of

persona laste. W€ need to ask whelher our working partnerships movo lowards the cr€ation of vocal,

@

r

visiblg and enfranchised minorities, in a movement of allianc€s.

We need lo ensure thal lhe organisation ol trades unions does not set up a primacy ot wo*erc' needs over other socialneeds- We should not prevent

access to communication, We should socialise rot prof€ssionalise. Protecting our parUcular interests

should nol hinder th€ general dsmocratic developmenl of public seruices, and the public detemination ofwhal thoso services should be.

Socialism ls not antitheljcallo management,lt is

the use of managemenl lor democratic ends. Politcal

activism is not confined to polilical paties: it occLtrs through ihe generalion ot social markets which have

slilllargely unrecognised powels of change.

The women's movement is on€ powerful demonstration ol a social market in which value is

made and exchanged, We need to develop the management and organisational skills to exchange between such specilc social markets.

We must wo rk logelher to build a iuture we can

call our own. The only alternative is no iuture, and ihat is no alternalive.

mombership The Shelton Trust is a democratic wilhin the English organisation thal has grown from to €mbrac€ a and Welsh community arts movement cultural activists h is ongaged in

wide range of democracy' at campaigning on issu€s ol cultural both local and nalional levels

Members

ol the Trust ar6 engaged in ths

lrades unions formation of cultural alliances within

education, broadcasling and 'lhe

arts'

They

policies participato in the development of the Trust's activities through local and

and campaigning

specilic goals regional meeiings organised around to lho Trust's and targets, They also havg access growing intormation nelwoft as The trust organises an annual conf€rence regional seminars ll publishes

well as regular

Anolher Standatd sixlfi'es ayeat has ln th€ last €ighteen months the magazine included interviews with Sheila Rowbotham'Tony

Geolf wilson. Maur€en O'Farrell' Nabil Shaban' included articles Travis and Faroukh Dhondy h has ol imagery during the on topics ranging fiom the use to tho role ol women in lh€ cullural

miners' strike

lh€ Video workplace, irom the politics b;hind praclico of Becordings Act to the history and Oueenspark

Book in Brighton'

cunently cosls Membership of the Shelton Tru$

56

g1O p€r year' For lurther details ploas€ write to: The Old Tin School' Membership, The Shelton Trust' Collyhurst Road, Manchester M10'

Ths L4anilesto was designed and laid oul by Andrew Howad, Hania Janiurek and Henry lles' The illustrations in the manifesto are based upon These a series of pre-hispanic l,lexican Stamp designsand as ceramic slamps were used on textiles' banners

This l\,{anifesio was written tor th6 Shelon Trust,s campaign lor culturald€mocracy, il was produced as a

special issue of Another Standard. lt was launched

a form of symbolic folk modicino They formed a signilicanl pad ol many social and religious riluals ln presses and many ways they conslituted lhe pinting

and discussed at a Conference h6td at Sheffiojd Polytechnic on July 1zth and 13th, 1986.

The ideas in this manifesto evotved during the three and a hati y€ars pr€ceding the Conier€nce. They developed as a pan ot the debate and discussion thal

the means ol public communicalion in a civilisation

aross within the series ol regionajseminars organised

The Sh6lton Trust would lik6 to thank Frank

based more around imageslhan words

by lhe Shelton Trusi.

goyd ol Cultural Pannorships for organising a crash

We would tike to thank phit Cope oJ Valley and

course in compute sed typesetting,

Vale CommunityArtswho started lhe balt rojtinq.

Th6 Conference was organised by working

The Organisers ol tho Conlerence proglamms and adminisl€tion wore:

parties comprising members and directorc of lhe Trusl.

The working parlies were aslollows:

Tim Applebee: lecturer in Drama al Bradfod and llkley Community Collegs and lree lanc6 Theatre

Th6 Organisers ofthe Manileslo were:

Director.

Owen Kelly: member of l\,lediumwave and

Sybll Burgess: lreelance adminislrator

aulhor of Communhy Anand The Stale.

John Lock: researcher with the

researcher.

Docklands

Sylvla King: msmber ol Jubilee Communily Arts

Forum and a Labour Councillor in the London Boroldh

and singet and P€rlormer'

The Shelton Trust is grateiul to all those who

Karen Merkel: member of C!hural partnerships

spoke on the conlerence panels and chaired wo shops and discussions We would also like to

and freelance researcher.

The rnanifesto was w lten collaboratively, The foilowing people contribuled at various slages lo the dilferenl d€lts:

participated thank alllhe groups and organisations who in the displays and exhibitions

Th€ Shelton Trusl would like to thank all the

Sheila H€nderson, Fod Henderson, F€ticjty Harvest, Debra Beay, Hania Janiurek, Sue Burd, Frank

Boyd, Tim Applebee, Tammy B6dford, Andrew Howard,

and

59

indjviduals and organisations who provided the support particular, we would work throughoutthe conference ln and the like lo thank those who organised lh€ crcche stewardinq.

The organisers of ths Conferonce

Cultural PartnershiPs

Enter_

tainmenls w€re:

Bradford and llkl€y Community Collogo

Jon Shafiockststudent of Communily Studi€s at

chapter vidso Projoct

Bradford and llkley Community Co ege.

Communily Ans Wo*shoP

Mik€ Mcoarthy: actor-member of Sheltjotd Popular Theatre and freelance ih€atre djroctbr and

Vallsy and Vale Communily Arts

The Shelton Ti.l6l is grateful to thosg Reglonal

performer,

Ans Associalions, Trades unions and Local Authoritiss who olf€red bursa es to assist people 10 attond tho

The Sh€lton Trust would tike to thank all of tbe performerc and musicians for providing lhe conlerenco

conlerence. Ws would liketo thank allth€ organisations

and instilutions who gavs donalions and financial

entsrtainnrent, Tho organisors ofth€ Design and publicitywere:

support.

Tammy B6dford: momber of Va ey and Vale

The Shglton Trust is slighlly suppodsd bythe Arts

Community Arts, administralor.

Councll ol Great B tain.

Brandan Jeckaon: member of

Jubilee

Community Ans, video mak6rand dosigner.

Andr€w Howard: work€r at lslington Bus Company_, p nter and designer.

Phlllp Sky: worker at U-print, Chapter Arts Cenlre, printer and designer.

The o$anis€rs of the linancesw€r€:

Pam

cill:

worker

at Derby

Community

Photography, photographer.

Anna Potten: memb€r of Mobile Ans, freelanc€ visual designer in Hampshke.

Gary Wihshtre: wo*sr at The Btock projoct, Communily Educationalist.

The Trust would tike to lhank the following organisations who hav€ given time and resources freely:

Jubilee Community Ans

60

lslinglon gus Company

6fl

ilo, 22

Book List Other

titles

f rom Comedia

No,

33

WOMEN, MEDIA, CBlSlSr Femininity and Oisorder bv a4 95 pap€rback onlv

No.

32

PHOTOGRAPHIC PRACTIC€Si Towards a Dfierent thaoe ed'led bV Stev e Bezenc€ne1

f3 95

No,3l 30

chde tvtatiera

paperb6ck, 110 50 hardback

p6perb6ck,

ar2 00 hardback

'nqlo. paperback,

tl2

29

TH€ STnUGGLE FOR BLACK ARTS tN BR|TAIN bv Kwes Owusu 14 95 paperbact onv

No,

2a

FOUFTH RATE ESTATE-An analomy of Fteei St.eet bV Tom Ba stow a3 95 pap€rback, al0 95 hardbac[

27 IHE

YEAFS OF TFE WEEK bv Patroa Cockburn

f6 95 paperba.( on y

26

No,25

INTEBNATIoNAL IMAGE MAFKETS-in s€arch of an tlternarive persp€ctive o\ A'ra.d lva'learr Micl€le Malteld'r ano xd!ie'D€lcoun t4 95 papetbad tl2 00 h€rdbrcr

No,

20

SHUT uP AND LISTEN: Wom€n 6nd local bv Helen Ba€hr and Michee RYan E1 95 pap€rback only

24

TELEVISION IVIYTHOLOGIES-Stars, Shows and Signs edrt€d bv Len Masr-orm.i t3 95 paperback, tl0 50 hardback

No,

23

COMMUNITY, ART AND THE STATE-a diffe.ent prescription

by Ow€. Ke rv fl oq p!p- ba.. t 0 0 d ooa .

view iiom th€ insidg

No.

tg

PRESS, RADIo AND TELEVISION-An int'oduction to the m€dia edned b! David Monev and Bra. Whlaker l1 80 paperback onlv Pub sh;d joLntlv wlh lhe Workers Educationa Associalon

No,

17

NINETEEN EIGHTY_FOUF in 1984: Autonomv control and Communicaiion ed ted bv Crspin Aubrev a.d P6!l Ch hon

l3 95

No.

1a

PaPerback,

frO

50 hardback

TELEVISING'TEBROFlSlvt': Polilicsl violenco in Popular cultu'e bv Phr o sch es.oer, Graham Murdock a'd Philp Ellott

f4 95

PaPerback, 112.00 h6rdback

No.

15

CAPITAL; Local nadio and Private Protit bv Local Fzdo Workshop a3 95 paperback, el0 50 hardback

No,

14

NOTHING LOCAL ABOUT lT: London s local radio bv Local Badio a3 95 paperback, e10 50 hardback

No.

13

MICROCHIPS WITH EVEBYTHINGT The conssquences technologv €d ted bY Pa! Sreqhad E3 95 oaPerback, eg 50 hardback PLb shed lo.tlv wlh lhe nsllute ol Contemporary Arts

No,

l2

THE woRLD WIRED UP-Ufscrambling Puzz € bY Brran MurPh! paP€rba.l tg 50 hardba.r

ol inlormation

$e new communcalions

il50

425 paperback onry No.

a

bv Moyra Grant fl 75 paperback onlv

TEACHING THE MED A by Len Maslerman a5 95 paperbacl, fl2 00 h6rdback MAKING SENSE OF THE MEDTA A to-pad media srudies course bv fo y Co! den, ..rohn fart ev and T h O'S! tvdr

radio

t{o, 19 THE BRITISH tvlEDlAr A guide tor'O' and'A' l€vel studsnts

00 h6.dback

No.

No.

2l

BOYS FROM THE ELACKSTUFF: The Makino of TV Dram.

by Bob Mr and Fobn N€son

f5 95

No.

No.

UNOEFSTAINSiThe Sens6 and Seduclion ot Adve.tsing

by Ksihy Myers

t5 95 No,

N4

popular fiction FEAOING BY Nul,48ERs-conremporarv publishing and bv K€n Worpole f3 95 paperba.k, e10.50 hardback

No. 11 WHAT'S THIS CHANNEL FO{U)R? An anernative report €drred bv Srmon Blanchard and Davd Morev a3 50 paperback, a9 50 hardback

No.

lO

lT AIN'T HALF FACIST, MUM-Fighting.scism n the media ed red bv Ph 1 cohen t2 95 PaPerback, f7 50 hardback P!b shed ro nrlv w lh the Campaig. Agarnst nac sm i' the Meda