Research Papers

Author-Elias Hyde ‘20 cessory seems to be a silver ring. Fikadu Section-Research Papers speaks with a slight accent where vowels sound dulled and “th” sounds hint at the In Southern Ethiopia, mid 80s, the comes from traces of Oromo and Amhara. roads are dirt and the jungles are thick. Two languages learned from his mother A government coup has put the country and father respectively. I am with Fikadu in the hands of guerrilla fighters who in an office building where various Harpermeate these jungles. Young boys and vard collaborators work. old men tote rifles and knives in a time We sit in an unadorned room. A of bloodshed and grief. Two young boys black computer sits on a metal desk and seem the picture of the populace, the a bookshelf covers one wall. End to end, epitome of the everyday Ethiopian. They the shelves carry scientific journals. Fikakick up dust as they walk along a dirt du sits behind the desk, leaning back in road which twists through the jungle. It is a office chair. The floor appears a bluish humid, buggy, and hot. The pair come to gray, with wall to wall carpeting and the a deep gorge. A muddy. strong river flows back wall of his room a large window through it. Eddies crash against rocks, a looks out onto Boston. He apologizes for daunting sight below the boys who now the uncomfortable seating, telling me stand on the bridge directly above. Fika- that he did not come to Boston as often du pauses, scared. He turns to his brother as he used to. “I spend most of my time for reassurance as if the two years of age in my lab in Oregon so I have no need for make any difference. For a moment, the a fancy office here.” His lit-up eyes focus buzz of mosquitos and the roar of the on me, inquisitive and relaxed. It takes river seem louder. Then all noise drowns little prompting to start the conversain rattles of gunfire. Men yell in the gorge tion. Fikadu jumps on my questions with below. Out of the jungle, two militias ma- alacrity and soon brings us back to a late terialize. Fikadu can see the bright muzzle 70s Bali Province, Ethiopia. flashes from the woods. He can see the carnage below. But his gaze doesn’t linger. Childhood… He and his brother run, Fikadu in front, pronunciations of a “d.” The man’s accent his brother behind. They run until they As a boy, Fikadu lives a happy, if are out of the jungle, until they reach sheltered, childhood. Socialists control school caked in five miles worth of dust. his country, and his town, Aghafa, stands Now, many years later, Fikadu a showpiece of the government, thus Tafesse is a jovial man, though perhaps public workers maintain it well. He lives he lacks the robust figure and heavy with his family in a farming community. laugh that “jovial” may imply. Rather, he His parents are farmers, his siblings are stands tall and slender. He has somewhat farmers, and he is no exception. He lives hollow cheekbones, thick but short-cut in small house, his family poor. They hair, smooth dark skin, and wears a con- have neither running water nor electricstant, slightly yellowed smile. His eyes ity. Fikadu and his eleven siblings sleep flash brightly, and his face is thin. Smile in one small room together. And yet he lines that trace the ends of his eyes to just considers himself lucky. His mother, before his temples reflect a joyful char- Zewde Wolde, is a woman whose life is acter. He wears a white shirt with the top as much about her children as it is about button and collar undone. His jeans are herself. She works hard alongside her a deep blue and look new. His only ac- husband every day to put food on the

The Podium | Research Papers

small table that fourteen people will crowd around every night. And what’s more, she makes sure that Fikadu goes to school. From kindergarten to sixth grade Fikadu would wake up at dawn and walk the two miles to school with his brother. He will return home for lunch and then walk back to his classroom until he finally comes back home around 4:00. Fikadu’s route to school was well trod with his footprints by the time sixth grade ended. Fikadu pauses. He wants to let what he has just described sink in. “Things were different from then on,” he says. He describes how a government coup overthrew the socialist rule. Violence threw the country into chaos. Independent warlords used the land as a battlefield in a struggle for power. At the same time as this chaos, Fikadu changed schools. Without money for bus fares he had to walk the five miles every day. It was a dangerous walk and Fikadu recalls the tall men with machine guns who dotted the roadside. He would pace the road with his brother each morning and soon the sporadic gunfight over the gorge which morphed the walk into a run became commonplace. Weeks of school were missed when the bullets flew too thick for any student to make it to class. And when school happened, teachers taught kids in the midst of a warzone. Fikadu and his friends ate lunch surrounded by military jeeps and trucks. Reflecting back on it now, he lingers on a description of a white Toyota truck. “They were everywhere” he notes. “And they were scary.” He describes how the trucks would be outfitted with machine guns, how they came screaming into his neighborhood in clouds of dust. “Those white trucks” he says “were the militias.” Fikadu is not somber as he recounts this, in fact he laughs. Simply, he seems in shock that such a thing was once part of his life. He and his family had lived in fear that the militias would kill his parents, raze their neighborhood. But still, Fikadu remembers his childhood as hopeful. He eventually made it out of his early years of high school. A centralized government gained control and all the while his mother worked harder than ever. She even earned enough money to send Fikadu to a private school in a nearby city. Nighttime looms above and stars can be seen in the sky. The air feels heavy, humid. Fikadu peers outside. The small house in front of him shows no light and makes no sound. Next to him his brother sleeps. Fikadu leans out further to breath in the night air. He feels sweaty and hot in the shack where he sleeps. But, that said, it is better than sleeping alongside eleven. The sun would rise soon and he has no intention of going back to sleep, so Fikadu simply watches the sun rise. Come dawn, Fikadu hears his father wake up noisily. His father would always make as much noise as possible, attempt to wake the house, upon getting up. He always liked to have the rooms bustling. Fikadu smells a warm, sweet smell from the house. He knows it is his mother’s sourdough cooking in the huge brick oven. When certain, that the bread sits on the wooden table where the family eats their meals, he rushes inside to wolf it down. Then after praying for thirty minutes, Fikadu gets ready to go to school. Now in eleventh grade school he walks to the city for school, a private school. The week goes by consisting largely of studies and chores. Sunday morning the boy rises early yet again. As is the routine every Sunday, the family of fourteen devout Christians goes to Church. There is little time for leisure. “With the help of God, you will succeed.” It is a mantra the Fikadu repeats from his mother. “She is the smartest woman I know” Fikadu states, the accented words rolling of his tongue slowly. He rests his head on his cheek, shrugging. I look at Fikadu’s face, imagining him as a young boy. The eyes similarly bright, but the lines on his face less distinct and his cheeks fuller. As Fikadu describes his mother, I keep this picture in my mind. “I owe so much to her” he says. “And she makes the best bread I have ever tasted,” he adds with a smile. Now Fikadu heads a lab in the United States researching tuberculosis. Successful and respected in his field he pioneers discovery. In Oregon, he lives with his wife. He tells me

sheepishly that they met on match.com. Then he tells me about more little parts of his life. How he bikes to work, about his little yard where he raises a vegetable garden. Yet the farm he once lived on dwarfs the little patch. He lives a long way from home and he proceeds to tell me how he had left.

Leaving Ethiopia…

Young, slender, he looks around him. He looks up. The ceilings are high, the floors shiny. Large glass windows show sprawling tarmac wandered by huge planes. People bustle all around Fikadu, who clutches his suitcase tightly. Signs above him point in various directions. They give detailed directions in German. Perhaps other languages. He finds it hard to tell. Fikadu has minimal directions which aid in helping him catch his next flight in Hanover. But the surroundings overwhelm him. From Ethiopia to Frankfurt represents a transition from old to new. The clean hallways seem impossible to maneuver. Fikadu feels at home in dirty streets that are crowded, not because of too many people but because of the small size of the road itself. Here huge crowds dart through wide paths. Fikadu regrets leaving Ethiopia. After all, he is only a farmer. Fikadu reaches where his flight leaves only to be notified that he did not make the plane. On the verge of tears now, Fikadu knows that he should be in Ethiopian fields now. “I felt utterly and completely lost.” After high school, Fikadu had the grades to attend a university in Ethiopia, majoring in agriculture. Fikadu had every intent to return to his home one day and continue farming. But after university he was awarded a scholarship in Hanover, Germany. He had never left Ethiopia, and the flight and airport shook his confidence. But eventually he made it to Germany, where he majored in horticulture. Even far from home, Fikadu recalls that he was sure he would return to his farm. In fact, he longed for home making calls home to his mother saying “I don’t like the food! I don’t understand the language! I want to go home!” But this desire to go home soon changed. A large crowd fill the room and Fikadu sits in an uncomfortable chair. It has black plastic handles and the blue fabric that has the feel of lint. People murmur around him but soon a hush falls over the room. He sees his friend in the front of the room. Fikadu holds a camera in his hands, asked by his friend to take pictures of a thesis lecture. From the first words, descriptions of bacterial biology and genomes enthralled Fikadu. By the end of the talk Fikadu sits upright in his chair with an unused camera on his lap. “It was then that I decided to get my PhD” Fikadu recounts as an end to our first interview.

To America…

The man appears tall, dark-skinned with dark eyes. He wears a camouflage-patterned shirt with the sleeves rolled up. A shapeless cap shadows the top of his face. He wears his shirt unbuttoned at the top and his upper body has a loose appearance that contrasts ironed pants and tight tucked shirt tails. The man stands in the back of a truck. He carries a mass-produced gun loosely by his side. Beside the man rests a larger mounted gun. It hangs downward with nobody behind it. The man stands in a bright white truck though the color dulls from dust in a gradient as the metal sides run towards the ground. This is what Fikadu thinks of when he sees a white Toyota truck roll down a Somerville street. Fikadu hesitates outside of his apartment for a moment before hopping on his bike. Today, Fikadu matches the sky, with a smile as bright as the sun, a light blue shirt, and a cloud white fleece jacket. He does not boasts a nouveau riche status. He does not wear fancy clothing, drive an expensive car, or own a ostentatious house. Thus, as I catch his eye, he wears a simple outfit and appears in the process of locking his bike. The air blows crisp and biting. The rust-colored leaves of deciduous trees crunch under my feet. I approach Fikadu and greet him with an em-

brace. We exchange small talk before he leads me to a table where we can start our second interview. We are in a courtyard surrounded on three sides by buildings made of bleached concrete. Big glass windows create uniform patterns up the tall buildings. The third side of the courtyard looks out onto Mass Ave. People, none of whom linger in the cold fall weather, line the busy street. But Fikadu and I sit in metal wire chairs which line the grass square in the courtyard’s center. Fikadu tells me that he would often come to these buildings on work-related purposes (they belonged to various biomedical industries) and on that note he begins to tell about his time in Boston. Leaned back in his chair, he tells me how different the city was from anything he had experienced. He talks about his first apartment was in Somerville. He recollects to me seeing the white Toyota and I talk with him briefly about the area’s geography to get a better idea where he lived. Then he focuses on his work and describes his time as a postdoc. “My boss was terrible, the absolute worst” Fikadu says. He got his postdoc at MIT where he worked in a lab. At this time, Fikadu felt miserable. After graduating and leaving Germany he had got his PhD, thinking he would go back to farm in Ethiopia but maybe teach part time. Instead, he mentally fell apart at his lab in MIT. His boss was cruel, he did not like his roommates and he hated his job. “I just wanted to work in Ethiopia” Fikadu remembers with a tone that implies only slight change in heart. “But it occurred to me that I would be letting everyone at home down if I didn’t continue.” So Fikadu persevered. Multiple job opportunities fell through and Fikadu remained stuck working at MIT.

The Present… It was somewhat recently that Fikadu finally found what he had been looking for. He got a job at a Harvard lab researching infectious diseases in Africa. He worked with purpose, with the goal of helping his home through aid on infectious disease projects. He found renewed interest in his studies as well. All the while he adjusted to his new life. He moved to a new apartment with new roommates whom he adored. Still somewhat foreign to him, everyday life would fascinate him. Eventually Fikadu got the offer to head his own lab in Oregon where he lives today, happily married. “I always want to go back and farm in Ethiopia” Fikadu notes. “But I am helping the country so much more here.” Fikadu made it from a war-torn Ethiopia to high-end research. It is a task near unfathomable for many. But even with his new life, Fikadu has lost no connection to his home, which he visits every year. He sees his many siblings, speaks with them in fluent combinations of Amharic and Oromo. He tastes his mother’s cooking, he sees his parents farmland. For Fikadu, home means the small house in Oregon as well as the smaller hut in southern Ethiopia. The dirt has a fresh smell, and feels thick with water. The tall green stems of tomato plants reach skyward, plum red fruit hanging off but doing nothing to make them droop. The green tufts of carrots poke out from the ground. The smell of petrichor wafts from the damp grass. Rain from last night has given all the plants a healthy glow. Beans climb slowly up a trellis, their pods dangling down glistening with water drops. Bright flowers poke up around the plants. Their petals range from orange to purple in dazzling arrays. Kneeling, Fikadu takes in the smell of the flowers. As he looks up he can almost see the stretching plains of farmland, flat-topped trees in the distance. He looks behind him and sees his wife smiling. Fikadu turns and walks back towards his house. His small vegetable garden is not the same as the fields of Aghafa,

but Fikadu’s smiles brightly nonetheless.

Author-William McCormack ‘18 Section-Research Papers Introduction

President Donald Trump’s sensational 2016 victory generated discussion around shifting popular concerns and a changing Republican party. Commentators sought to analyze the state of a divided, transitioning nation, and Trump’s first year in office has only magnified such debate. Elections have occurred since his inauguration, most notably for Georgia’s 6th congressional district, the Virginia governorship, and a Senate seat in Alabama, and while these individual races may hint at disparate trends, they fail to portray the breadth of America’s reaction to the president. The 2018 midterms, conversely, offer a complete update on America’s political identity, existing as a referendum on the Republican Party and President Trump. “We’re going to be very involved,” President Trump explained at a press conference in early January, “in fact, not only in the Senate, but also in the House...we need more Republicans so that we can really get the rest of the Make America Great Again agenda passed.”1 The unprecedented nature of his political ascendancy and inaugural year bind this November’s results to his success, popularity, and as Trump and Republicans clearly understand, their future agenda. His influence within the GOP and on the campaign trail will define many of the nation’s races next fall, yet in most states, Democrats will benefit from the president’s negative influence. His historically low approval ratings, as well as strong turnout from young, anti-Trump voters in blue and purple states, will transfer the House of Representatives to Democrats, and they’ll claim a 227-208 majority, flipping more than the 24 seats they require for control. In the Senate, however, a map favorable to the GOP and the their successful challenge of incumbent Democrats in red states will allow the Republicans to gain a slim edge of 53-47.2 Trump’s devoted base will cost Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Heidi Heitkamp (D-ND) their seats; Claire McCaskill (D-MO) will also lose, and Dean Heller (R-NV) will cede his position to a Democrat. Most significantly, the Republicans will relinquish control of a unified government, subjecting Trump’s final two years in office to political polarization, legislative stalemate, internal conflict, and continued investigation.

House of Representatives President Trump owns the lowest firstyear approval rating of any president since systematic polling on presidential approval began; according to FiveThirtyEight, Trump’s figure has hovered around 38% since late May.3 His low approval, especially given the health of the economy, bodes poorly for Republicans.4 Since the 1860s, the president’s party has lost seats in the House of Representatives in 92% of midterm elections (and often by large margins, as Figure A shows), and when a president’s approval rating sinks below 50%, the party loses forty seats in the House, on average.5 In fact, President Obama’s approval rating in early 2010 of 49.1% resulted in 63 House seats transferred to Republicans come November of that year.6 The angry energy of the reactionary Tea Party movement swept Democrats to defeat in the 2010 midterms, as grassroots organization and a surge from older, wealthier Republicans secured GOP votes.7 The Republicans capitalized on economic discontent with the status quo. Democrats, the opposition party this year, can similarly take advantage of their outsider position and the GOP unified government by highlighting Republican blunders, harnessing anti-Trump energy to mobilize voters, and emphasizing a need for change. Democrats will benefit from the strongest midterm turnout since 1970, when 46.6% of eligible voters cast ballots.8 Trump’s victory galvanized the left, and anti-Trump protests, including post-election demonstrations, the Women’s March, and the March for Science, reflect the degree to which young, fiery Americans despise the hate, discrimination, and

nativism they feel Trump’s presidency has resurrected.9 Elections in late 2017 prove that frustrated, younger voters will punish GOP candidates who associate with Trump, even if the connection is merely partisan. In Virginia’s gubernatorial race, turnout reached a twenty-year peak; liberals from Northern and Central Virginia ultimately conferred Democratic candidate Ralph Northam the governorship. Northam’s margin of victory doubled and quadrupled former Democratic Governor Terry McAuliffe’s 2013 margin in Northern and Central VA, respectively. Plus, despite 2017 gubernatorial turnout being understandably lower than in 2016, a presidential year, Northam’s victory margin exceeded Hillary Clinton’s by 4,000 votes in both Central VA and Hampton Roads.10 While sexual misconduct allegations against Roy Moore may have inspired an unusually large number of Alabamians to support Democrat Doug Jones, turnout also exceeded expectations in Alabama’s special Senate election, especially among African Americans.11 In both contested races, Democrats showcased voter enthusiasm that previews the party’s potential in 2018. Peter Roskam, a Republican representing Illinois’s suburban Chicago 6th district, will fall prey to energized Democrats in 2018. “Increasingly socially progressive, suburban voters have been drifting away from the GOP for years,” advised Ian Russell, former deputy executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), and IL-06 is no exception.12 An influx of wealthy, educated constituents—since 2010, the district’s median household income has jumped by $26,000 and the percentage of residents with bachelor’s degrees has increased fourteen points to more than 50%—secured Hillary Clinton a seven-point win in a district whose most recent Democratic representative died in 1972.13 Since Trump’s win, the DCCC has hired employees in 38 districts to kindle relationships with grass roots, and their involvement helped spark “Coalition for a Better Illinois 6th,” a group of disgruntled suburban Chicago residents eager to flip their district’s seat to the Democrats.14 Roskam, according to FiveThirtyEight, has voted in line with Trump more than 90% of the time, including on a passed June 2017 bill that punishes “sanctuary” cities and the GOP tax bill, favored by only 33% of Americans in a CNN poll last month.15 He will regret his partisan allegiance when Democrats achieve impressive turnout in increasingly progressive suburbs across the nation and vote him out of Congress. Roskam’s IL-06 is one of 23 split-ticket districts in which an incumbent Republican will vie for support in a district Hillary Clinton won in 2016 (See Figure B). To retake the House, the DCCC should prioritize inciting votes from enthusiastic liberals in these districts. Two seats are being vacated by retiring Republicans (Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of FL-27 and Dave Reichert of WA-08), resulting in the lack of an incumbency advantage and likely wins for the Democrats.16 A third of split-ticket districts on which Democrats hope to capitalize are also in California, one of the country’s bluest states.17 Given the combination of Trump’s unpopularity, an energized left, and the ten-point advantage FiveThirtyEight’s generic ballot aggregate gives Democrats, they should compete viciously to take advantage of these must-win opportunities.18 A Democrat will fill the open CA-39 seat, and Republicans David Valadao (CA-21), Steve Knight (CA-25), Edward Royce (CA-39), and Darrell Issa (CA-49) will lose their split-ticket districts.19 Clinton won the 21st by more than 15 points, and despite the identification advantage Republicans generally enjoy during midterms, minority turnout from Latinos that parallels African Americans’ support of Doug Jones will win Democrats the 21st.20 Issa, for one, won his 2016 race by only 1,621 votes after introducing then-candidate Trump at a campaign rally, and his support for many of Trump’s policies introduced in the House, including the the bill that punishes “sanctuary” cities, will transfer the seat to Democrats.21

Senate Republicans enter 2018 with an auspicious map. 43 seats in the Senate remain safe for the party, while Democrats enjoy the

assurance of only 23.22 An even better fortune for the GOP is that of the eight Republican seats to be contested this fall, seven represent states that Trump won in 2016, including five that he dominated—Utah (+18), Mississippi (+18.6), Nebraska (+26), Tennessee (+26), and Wyoming (+57.6).23 Despite strong turnout for opposition candidates, the nature of senate matchups will negate the advantage the Democrats might normally enjoy with increased voter participation. Lone wolf Dean Heller (R-NV) will lose a race in which Democrats invest heavily, but Republicans should prioritize their spending on challenges to sitting Democrats in red states. Clinton took Nevada by 2.4 points, a margin an incumbent senator could certainly overcome; however, fellow Republican Danny Tarkanian is “primarying” Heller from the right.24 To accomodate, Heller will tout his conservative beliefs, artificially shifting himself right and alienating Nevada’s moderates. His conservative primary campaign and flipflop on the repeal of ObamaCare—Heller originally opposed a repeal before supporting the Graham-Cassidy bill this past summer, which plummetted his approval ratings in Nevada to 22% last August—will cost the GOP a seat in Nevada.25 Plus, given the proximity of the Las Vegas shooting, opposition ads targeting Heller’s record against gun control will unexpectedly expand the margin of a Democratic win in the state.26 Even when control of Heller’s seat switches, seven seats are all the GOP needs to maintain Senate control, and ten Democratic incumbents must face reelection in states Trump captured.27 Republicans should preclude President Trump from campaigning for GOP candidates in purple and blue states—his presence will further mobilize the left—but since Heller’s campaign in purple Nevada is the mere race in a state which the president didn’t carry, party officials should encourage Trump to stimulate his base in red states with incumbent Democrats. Trump’s base in West Virginia, North Dakota, and Missouri will strip Joe Manchin, Heidi Heitkamp, and Claire McCaskill of their seats, slightly improving the GOP’s current advantage in the Senate. Involvement from President Trump in West Virginia, which he won by an astounding 42 points in 2016, will conclude Joe Manchin’s eight-year career in the U.S. Senate. Despite the state’s hastened conservatism in recent years, Manchin’s approval among West Virginians is sound, guaranteeing his victory in a Democratic primary over environmental activist Paula Swearengin and Booth Goodwin.28 Either Evan Jenkins (WV-3) or Attorney General Patrick Morrisey will constitute his feasible opponent in the general election, but Manchin’s true opponent will be President Trump.29 Manchin voted against an ObamaCare repeal and the GOP tax bill, Trump’s two most important legislative attempts in 2017, and Trump’s connection to voters in the state will remain superior to Manchin’s.30 A New York Times article from last month quoted the president already criticizing the WV senator: “He talks. But he doesn’t do anything. He doesn’t do...‘Hey, let’s get together, let’s do bipartisan.’ I say, ‘Good, let’s go.’ Then you don’t hear from him again.”31 Portraying Manchin as Democratic and partisan estranges him from the state’s majority of conservative voters, obfuscating his connection to constituents. Expect Manchin’s opposition to also associate the incumbent with corporate greed; his daughter Heather Bresch is the CEO of Mylan, the pharmaceutical company that produces Epipens and continues to weather public outrage over dramatic increases in Epipen’s price.32 The strength of Trump’s base will also eliminate Heidi Heitkamp’s incumbent advantage in North Dakota and Claire McCaskill’s in Missouri. Heitkamp votes with Trump on barely half of bills introduced in the Senate, and her victory in 2012 was decided by fewer than 3,000 votes.33 Outreach from the president in one of his strongest states will bring a GOP senator to power. Meanwhile, in Missouri, a state which Trump took by 19 points, twoterm senator McCaskill will lose the general election to young GOP Attorney General Josh Hawley. As in North Dakota and West Virginia, Trump’s involvement will sway his base, but

her challenger Hawley’s widespread support— from Mitch McConnell to Steve Bannon—will aid his ultimate victory.34

Conclusion Trends that relate generic polling data, presidential approval, and seats transferred in midterm elections suggest the Democrats should expect to gain an unprecedented number of seats this November (see Figure C and D).35 Simple comparisons of the 2010 and 2018 midterms—from the Tea Party movement’s relationship with today’s anti-Trump, protesting left and both presidents’ poor approval ratings—even imply that Republicans could lose an astonishing seventy or more seats in the House, but 2018 is not 2010. To start, the current economy’s low unemployment rates and surging stock markets give voters confidence in the status quo, whereas economic anger in 2010 provoked votes against Democrats, who led a unified government.36 Democrats will also need to defend twelve seats in districts that President Trump carried in 2016, including three in Minnesota where he won by double-digits.37 Finally, if Democrats want to take back seats in Congress, they need to project a positive, issue-based message. Riffing off anti-Trump attitudes and recklessly funnelling money into key districts may be their most convenient weapons, but constant negativity will not win votes from moderates. In a special election for Georgia’s sixth district last summer, Democratic candidate Jon Ossoff raised almost $20 million more than now GOP Rep. Karen Handel, whose victorious campaign stressed concrete issues like balancing budgets and creating jobs. The Ossoff campaign’s unofficial “Make Trump Furious” slogan failed to appeal to enough swing voters, causing him to lose a close race. Doug Jones, on the other hand, successfully broadcast his opinions on health care and the economy; Democrats should consider Jones’ campaign an effective strategy for regaining seats in Congress.38 While Democrats are well-positioned to capture votes in key House races, the circumstances of the 2018 midterms inevitably favor the Republican Party. Democrats will capture a small majority in the House, the party’s candidates spurred on by Trump’s low approval ratings and measures to mobilize turnout at the grassroots level. In the Senate, a favorable map will ensure GOP control of the chamber through 2020. Despite Bannon’s recent descent, the populist base he and Trump awakened—“The Fourth Turning” as Bannon refers to it—remains strong and significant in the GOP’s most loyal states, and Trump’s base will provide the brunt of GOP force required to retain the Senate.39 No matter the outcome of individual races, Trump’s first two years as president will define the ultimate outcome of the 2018 midterms. Frustration with his presidency will confer Democrats the House, and elation with it will maintain Republican control over the Senate, an illogical relationship that testifies to how polarized America remains.

Endnotes 1 David Weigel and Michael Scherer, “The 2018 midterms are fast approaching. First up: Primary fights for both parties’ future.,” Washington Post, January 6, 2018, accessed January 8, 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/ news/powerpost/?utm_term=.0f2c9a402613. 2 “2018 Senate Election Interactive Map,” 270ToWin, last modified January 2018, accessed January 9, 2018, https://www.270towin. com/2018-senate-election/. 3 President Trump’s aggregate approval rating, chart, FiveThirtyEight, January 9, 2018, accessed January 10, 2018, https://projects. fivethirtyeight.com/trump-approval-ratings/?ex_cid=rrpromo. 4 Nate Cohn, “Strong Economies Lift Presidents. Trump Seems an Exception.,” New York Times, January 8, 2018, A10, accessed January 10, 2018, https://nyti.ms/2EnyqW1. 5 “Follow 2018 With Us,” Cook Political Report, December 28, 2017, accessed January 8, 2018, https://www.cookpolitical.com/analysis/national/national-politics/follow-2018-us. 6 Ibid.; President Trump’s aggregate approval rating, chart. 7 Paul Harris and Ewen MacAskill, “US midterm election results herald new political era

as Republicans take House,” The Guardian, last modified November 3, 2010, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/ world/2010/nov/03/us-midterm-election-results-tea-party; Steven Thomma and William Douglas, “The 2010 electorate: Old, white, rich and Republican,” McClatchy DC Bureau, last modified November 22, 2010, accessed January 10, 2018, http://www.mcclatchydc.com/news/ politics-government/article24601546.html. 8 Barbara A. Bardes, Mack C. Shelley, II, and Steffen W. Schmidt, American Government and Politics Today (Boston, MA: Cengage Learning, 2018), 256; “National Voter Turnout in Federal Elections: 1960-2014,” Infoplease, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.infoplease.com/history-and-government/ us-elections/national-voter-turnout-federal-elections-1960-2014. 9 Tiffani DuPree, “The Year in Protests since Donald Trump’s Election,” Slinter, last modified November 11, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://splinternews.com/theyear-in-protests-since-donald-trumps-election-1820143751. 10 Dan Keating and Kevin Uhrmacher, “An enthusiastic, more polarized Virginia electorate gave Northam the win,” Washington Post, November 8, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/ graphics/2017/local/governor-turnout-analysis/?utm_term=.29879abaf522. 11 Jen Kirby, “Democrat Doug Jones wins Alabama Senate special election,” Vox, last modified December 12, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/12/12/16764846/alabama-specialelection-results-roy-moore-doug-jones; Vann R. Newkirk, II, “African American Voters Made Doug Jones a U.S. Senator in Alabama,” The Atlantic, December 12, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.theatlantic.com/ politics/archive/2017/12/despite-the-obstacles-black-voters-make-a-statement-in-alabama/548237/. 12 Elena Schneider, “The top 10 House races to watch in 2018,” Politico, December 25, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.politico. com/story/2017/12/25/house-races-2018-midterms-republicans-democrats-316207. 13 Ibid; “Illinois 6th District Race Profile,” New York Times, Friday 10, 2010, Election 2010, [Page #], accessed January 10, 2018, https:// www.nytimes.com/elections/2010/house/illinois/6.html; U.S. Department of Commerce, “My Congressional District,” United States Census Bureau, last modified 2016, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.census.gov/ mycd/?st=17&cd=06.; “COLLINS, George Washington, (1925 - 1972),” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, accessed January 10, 2018, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/ biodisplay.pl?index=C000637. 14 Mike DeBonis, “PowerPost To take back the House, Democrats ‘arm the rebels’ with new tools and manpower,” Washington Post, October 10, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https:// www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/?utm_term=.76968398edf3. 15 “Tracking Congress in the Age of Trump,” chart, FiveThirtyEight, January 3, 2018, accessed January 8, 2018, https://projects. fivethirtyeight.com/congress-trumpscore/?ex_cid=irpromo; SSRS, “’Overall, do you favor or oppose the tax reform proposals made by the Republicans in Congress?,’” in PollingReport.com, previously published in CNN Poll, December 17, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, http://www.pollingreport.com/budget.htm. 16 Kevin Schaul and Kevin Uhrmacher, “Can Democrats win back the House in 2018? It’ll be tough.,” Washington Post, December 5, 2017, accessed January 8, 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/politics/candemocrats-retake-the-house/?utm_term=. b46beb19b0f7. 17 Ibid. 18 “Are Democrats or Republicans Winning The Race for Congress?,” FiveThirtyEight, last modified January 9, 2018, accessed January 10, 2018, https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/congress-generic-ballot-polls/. 19 “2018 House Race Ratings,” Cook Political Report, last modified January 8, 2018, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.cookpolitical. com/ratings/house-race-ratings. 20 Schaul and Uhrmacher, “Can Democrats.”

21 “2018 House,” Cook Political Report; “Tracking Congress,” chart. 22 “2018 Senate,” 270ToWin. 23 Chris Cillizza, “The 2018 Senate map just keeps getting better for Republicans,” Washington Post, January 3, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/ news/the-fix/wp/2017/01/03/the-senatemap-just-cant-get-much-better-for-republicans-in-2018/?utm_term=.4657423b2f11. 24 “2018 Senate Race Ratings,” Cook Political Report, last modified December 15, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/senate-race-ratings. 25 Ibid.; John Bowden, “PPP poll finds Heller approval rating falling to 22 percent,” The Hill, last modified August 1, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/344771-poll-hellers-approval-rating-in-nevada-drops-to-22-percent. 26 Alexander Bolton, “Dems plan to make gun control an issue in Nevada,” The Hill, last modified October 3, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, http://thehill.com/homenews/senate/353549-dems-plan-to-make-gun-controlan-issue-in-nevada. 27 Cillizza, “The 2018.” 28 “2018 Senate,” Cook Political Report. 29 Kevin Robillard, “The top 10 Senate races of 2018,” Politico, December 24, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www.politico.com/ story/2017/12/24/senate-race-rankings-gopstill-on-offense-316554. 30 “Tracking Congress,” chart. 31 Michael S. Schmidt and Michael D. Shear, “Trump Says Russia Inquiry Makes U.S. ‘Look Very Bad’,” New York Times, December 28, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https:// www.nytimes.com/2017/12/28/us/politics/trump-interview-mueller-russia-china-north-korea.html. 32 Robillard, “The top 10 Senate.” 33 “Tracking Congress,” chart. 34 Robillard, “The top 10 Senate.” 35 Nate Cohn, “Democrats Are Dominating the Generic Ballot. What Does That Mean?,” New York Times, December 20, 2017, The Upshot, accessed January 10, 2018, https:// www.nytimes.com/2017/12/20/upshot/democrats-2018-congressional-elections-polling. html. 36 Cohn, “Strong Economies.” 37 Schaul and Uhrmacher, “Can Democrats.” 38 Kirby, “Democrat Doug,” Vox. 39Jeremy W. Peters, “Bannon’s Worldview: Dissecting the Message of ‘The Fourth Turning’,” New York Times, April 8, 2017, accessed January 10, 2018, https://www. nytimes.com/2017/04/08/us/politics/bannon-fourth-turning.html?_r=0.

Appendix

Figure A

Source: Washington Post (Dec. 5, 2017)

Figure B

Figure C

Source: Cook Political Report (Dec. 28, 2017)

Figure D

Author-Chetan Shukla ‘20 Section-Research Papers The British Empire, between the 18th and the 20th century, proudly governed over the Asian subcontinent of India, declaring it, ‘the crown jewel’ of its nation.1 Incorporated through a royal charter in 1600, the East India Company exploited trade with the East, eventually becoming the sole agent of British imperialism in India.2 Through the English East India Company (EIC), India provided cheap raw materials, capital, and a large boost to Britain’s Industrial Revolution.3 However, the British occupation in India eventually grew oppressive and unbearable to the native people leading to mass revolt, which took form as the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857. The rebellion was organized and executed by the sepoys, the Indian soldiers employed under British discipline.4 While ultimately unsuccessful, the Great Rebellion, as it is often called, began in May 1857 as Indian soldiers of the Bengal army, the sepoys, mutinied against their British officers, and proceeded to march upon Delhi.5 The sepoys revolted through rapid attacks upon their British officers, using guns, swords, and some even setting whole British villages on fire.6 As the first set of around 100 sepoys revolted, thousands of other impassioned soldiers joined the ranks within days, as the largest uprising in Indian history began.7 While the following months bore witness to hundreds of thousands of deaths on both sides, the most interesting aspect of the Sepoy Mutiny must be its cause.8 Through consistent maltreatment and ignorance of traditional Indian customs, the British sealed their fate in India as they created a population discontented toward their foreign rulers, determined to rebel. During the mid-19th century, the East India Company utilized their British-mandated power over India to gather resources and wealth for their homeland, while altering many policies in the process. One major change, alterations of property policies, directly led to the Sepoy Mutiny, affecting the entire population, rich and poor alike.9 Specifically, the changes relating to annexation laws, codes of land taxation, as well as inheritance legislation forged a coherent and rebellious essence throughout India, culminating in the Great Rebellion in 1857. As the East India Company altered their stance on annexation, the unrest of the Indian population grew exponentially, leading to the Great Rebellion in May of 1857. Prior to the change, the EIC originally gained control over India in 1773, as mandated through the Regulating Act of 1773 which documented the first intervention of the British Empire in the EIC business.10 As the British became more invested in the Asian subcontinent, they installed a governor-general to watch over the land. This first British officer, Warren Hastings (1773-84), sought to expand British power in the region, primarily by acquiring land, leading to the continuous aim of governor-generals to expand British territory.11 Prior to the EIC’s annexation policy, seperate Indian states were mostly governed by princes, providing autonomy and freedom.12 The most prevalent change of EIC policy that occurred came as a direct result of actions by Lord Dalhousie, who recklessly abused his position as governor-general of India between 1848 and 1856.13 By falsifying statements and manipulating his royally mandated rule, the British officer further extended British territory, creating mass unrest in the process. Dalhousie’s actions toward annexation generated a considerable amount of Indian acrimony during the 19th century, provoking revolt. One blatant example of this reckless imperialism occurred in the city-state of Awadh (Oudh). The Nawabs, who ruled over Awadh, had remained loyal to the British since they agreed to join the Subsidiary Alliance with Britain in 1801, which stated that princely states would receive protection from the EIC if they remain cordial to the British. However, despite this, the corrupt Dalhousie alleged that the state was misgoverned and demanded that Nawad abdicate his throne, allowing the British to easily annex the land.14 This outrageous and humiliating act further disturbed Indian states as well as

forging more enemies for the British along the way. Furthermore, during the following six years, Dalhousie proclaimed annexation of much Indian land such as Punjab along with parts of Burma, disturbing communities and upsetting much of the population in the process.15 The annexation policy directly led to the Sepoy Rebellion in numerous ways. As the British conquered land, they imposed illiberal tax policies which, while increasing profits, imposed unjust pressure upon peasants, farmers, and merchants.16 These communities became humiliated, irritated, and most importantly, enraged towards the Westerners who unlawfully seized their land. The anger and humiliation festered until revolt became inevitable. Moreover, the policies of Awadh were particularly influential due to the fact that many sepoys from the region witnessed the atrocities affecting their families, friends, and their home.17 Fueled by British oppression, their anger boiled over, culminating in the fiery revolt of 1857. The EIC also altered their taxation policies, unfairly targeting specific Indian property, which directly provoked the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857. Prior to the EIC renewal contract of 1813, the British did not authorize certain taxation policies. In the early 1700s, the EIC economic control was limited to occupying trading posts.18 Although, the Indian population was accustomed to outsiders ruling over it, just as the Mughals did throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, the Westerners proved to be much more difficult to endure.19 However, as the British extended their power and land through Southern India during the late 18th century, the taxes on farmland increased to an overwhelming amount of ½ or ⅓ of crop production per year.20 Another source placed the average amount of land tax revenue at around 4 million pounds in 1797. However, through territory expansion and taxation enlargement, the revenue withdrawn by the British exceeded 16 million pounds by 1856.21 This crushing amount of taxation caused the Indian peasants to flee their lands, lowering Indian resource production as well as the economy in the process. Furthermore, the peasants and farmers taking refuge with large landowners grew irate and indignant towards the British. As many sepoys were related to these peasants, or were land-fled peasants themselves, the animosity spread into the military, ultimately causing the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857. Another change of the EIC related to their taxation policies of religious property. Following the EIC renewal in 1813, British religious intervention became a certainty in Indian life. The British, while continuing to impose Christian values and missionaries, decided that their religion was superior to local tradition.22 As stated in The Chaplains’ Plot: Missionary Clause Debates of 1813 and the Reformation of British India, “Oxford’s Joseph White stated that “Christianity, whether we consider the promises of its founder, or the spirits of its laws, is calculated for universal use, and claims universal belief.”23 The EIC began to promulgate their Christian values while oppressing traditional Hindu and Muslim customs.24 Moreover, British officers of the EIC decided to tax the Hindu temple and Muslim mosque property unjustly, while their Christian temples remained untaxed.25 By clearly favoring Christianity and unfairly altering tax policies, the EIC inadvertently alienated an extensive portion of the Indian population, now unified against the British. The inequity of taxation directly impacted the sepoys of the Indian army as it became one of many specific reasons which revealed the British endangering their religions. By 1857, 311,000 sepoys were Indian, almost all Hindu or Muslim in nature, and outnumbered their British military counterparts 7 to 1.26 The Mughals, in contrast, while permitting the jizya tax upon non-muslim subjects, allowed other religious groups to practice freely and peacefully throughout their reign.27 As the British threatened India’s religious sovereignty by imposing Christian values through land policy, the sepoys grew agitated, which in turn sparked the Sepoy Rebellion. Finally, the East India Company also altered the inheritance policies of many Indian aristocratic lands, inducing further conflict within India. Before 1818, the EIC did not hold

absolute governance over India and therefore were not able to interfere with matters of royal succession.28 Prior to 1848, an ancient Hindu custom relating to Indian inheritance laws allowed rulers to adopt successors if lacking a viable heir. This simple system, modeled after Chinese Qing Dynasty and Roman customs, prevented kingdoms from falling into civil war due to many hostile agents vying for the throne.29 However, as the British gained power, they also desired more land. The Doctrine of Lapse, a formula designed by Lord Dalhousie in 1848, unjustly acquired land for the British.30 The doctrine stated that if the ruler of a native Indian state lacks an heir, the British empire becomes entitled to the land following the leader’s death.31 Dalhousie imposed his scheme upon many states including Satara, Jaipur, Sambhalpur, Bahat, Udaipur, Jhansi, and Nagpur between the years 1848 and 1854.32 Furthermore, directly following the occupation of such lands, Dalhousie would deprive the working staff, adopted children, or other dependent families of their livings, seizing their property as well as money.33 One specific example, the maltreatment of Mughal emperor Bahudar Shah II, directly offended the Muslim community while the unlawful discontinuation of Peshwa Nana Sahib’s pension shocked Hindus alike.34 These two religions made up the majority of India as well as the sepoy army, of which ⅞ were Indian in 1856.35 In 1848, Dalhousie wrote a private letter regarding his doctrine stating, “I cannot conceive it possible for anyone to dispute the policy...consolidating the territories that already belong to us...”, which confirms the sense of superiority that the British imposed upon India during the mid 19th century.36 As the British forcefully annexed these lands, the communities suffered greatly, bearing harsher taxes, discrimination, and unpredictable British acts. The resentment toward the British spread through the Indian people with exponential pace, directly leading to the Great Rebellion of 1857. As peasants became subject to greater taxes and wealthy ruling families lost power and prestige, the Indian population grew impassioned as it induced further hatred by the sepoys towards their British officers.37 Lacking jobs and incentive to work, the public were able to organize rebellions, such as the Sepoy Mutiny. The British ruined Indian communities using the Doctrine of Lapse and, while gaining land and resources, unintentionally polarized their subjects to a point which the only action available was revolt. Following the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857, the EIC and the Mughal Empire were both abolished as the British Crown seized direct rule of India, forming the British Raj.38 Even following the suppression of the Sepoy Rebellion, Indian animosity towards the British was palpable. Throughout India, smaller protests and revolts continued to occur such as the Indigo Revolts (1859) and much agrarian unrest through the 1880’s.39 But, out of the turmoil and bloodshed of the Sepoy Rebellion, a sense of unity among Hindus and Muslims also emerged.40 This unity and sense of nationalism, along with the tireless work of Mahatma Gandhi led directly to the Indian Independence movement. Therefore, almost exactly 90 years after the revolt on August 15th, 1947, the British government passed the Indian Independence Bill, officially forning the sovereign country of India.41 While attempting to fulfill their own self interest, the British forged the urge for independence throughout India by imposing unjust land policies and mistreating their subjects. The Sepoy Rebellion, justly referred to as the First War of Indian Independence, implanted the sense of nationalism throughout India that allowed the nation occupied by rulers for the past 500 years to finally become sovereign.

Endnotes

1 “Sepoy Rebellion or First War of Independence? - The Victorian Web.” Accessed January 3, 2018. http://www.victorianweb.org/history/ empire/pva31.html. 2 “East India Company - Encyclopedia ....” Accessed January 9, 2018. https://www.britanni-

ca.com/topic/East-India-Company. 3 Ibid 4 Omissi, David. The Sepoy and the Raj: The Indian Army, 1860-1940. Springer,2016. Accessed January 8,2018.https://books.google. com/books?id=suG-DAAAQBAJ&dq=sepoy+definition&source=gbs_navlinks_s. Pg 15 5 “BBC - History - British History in depth: British India and the ‘Great ....” Accessed January 3, 2018. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ british/victorians/indian_rebellion_01.shtml. 6 R. C. Majundur. “The Sepoy Mutiny and The Revolt of 1857”. Published April 15, 2018. Accessed January 8, 2018. http://asi.nic.in/asi_ books/6048.pdf pg. 44 7 “Project MUSE - “Their faces were like so many of the same sort at ....” Accessed January 7, 2018. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/444383/ summary. 8 “The Sepoy Uprising (1857-1858) - connect. bcp.org.” Accessed January 3, 2018. http:// webs.bcp.org/sites/vcleary/modernworldhistorytextbook/imperialism/section_4/sepoyuprising.html. 9 Summers, C. Claire (Spring 2015) “The Indian Rebellion of 1857,” Tenor of Our Times: Vol. 4, Article 6. https://scholarworks.harding.edu/ cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=tenor Pg 43 10 “Regulating Act | Great Britain [1773] | Britannica.com.” Accessed January 1, 2018. https:// www.britannica.com/topic/Regulating-Act. 11 “Warren Hastings facts, information, pictures | Encyclopedia.com ....” Accessed January 1, 2018. http://www.encyclopedia.com/people/ history/south-asian-history-biographies/warren-hastings. 12 “Regulating Act | Great Britain [1773] | Britannica.com.” Accessed January 1, 2018. https:// www.britannica.com/topic/Regulating-Act. 13 “Modern Indian History Lord Dalhousie (1848-1856) - TutorialsPoint.” Accessed January 1, 2018. https://www.tutorialspoint.com/ modern_indian_history/modern_indian_history_lord_dalhousie.htm. 14 “Annexation Made by Dalhousie - History Discussion.” Accessed January 1, 2018. http:// www.historydiscussion.net/history-of-india/ annexation-made-by-dalhousie/2551. 15 “Lahore, 1849 - Project Muse - Johns Hopkins University.” Accessed January 7, 2018. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/478512/summary. 16 “Top 10 Advantages and Disadvantages of British Rule in india - World ....” Accessed January 1, 2018. http://www.worldblaze. in/advantages-and-disadvantages-of-british-rule-in-india/. 17 “What are the main causes of the revolt of 1857 in India.” Accessed January 1, 2018. http:// www.preservearticles.com/201012271730/ causes-of-revolt-of-1857-in-india.html. 18 “Rise and Fall of the British East India Company ... - paulrittman.com.”. Page 2. Accessed January 2, 2018. http://www.paulrittman.com/ EIC.pdf. 19 “BBC - Religions - Islam: Mughal Empire (1500s, 1600s).” Accessed January 2, 2018. http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/history/mughalempire_1.shtml. 20 Ibid 21 26. Administration and Finance of East India Company. Ambedkar, Bhimaro R. PDF. Pg 15 22 “BBC - History - British History in depth: British India and the ‘Great ....” Accessed January 8, 2018. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ british/victorians/indian_rebellion_01.shtml. 23 “Reconfiguring British India - William Carey University.” Accessed December 19, 2017. https://www.wmcarey.edu/carey/lectures/ chaplains-plot.pdf. Pg 2 24 “The Sepoy Uprising (1857-1858) - connect. bcp.org.” Accessed January 8, 2018. http:// webs.bcp.org/sites/vcleary/modernworldhistorytextbook/imperialism/section_4/sepoyuprising.html. 25 “What are the main causes of the revolt of 1857 in India.” Accessed January 4, 2018. http:// www.preservearticles.com/201012271730/ causes-of-revolt-of-1857-in-india.html. 26 “The Sepoy Uprising (1857-1858) - connect. bcp.org.” http://webs.bcp.org/sites/vcleary/ modernworldhistorytextbook/imperialism/ section_4/sepoyuprising.html. Accessed 2 Jan. 2018. 27 “Mughal Empire - New World Encyclopedia.” Accessed January 7, 2018. http://www. newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Mughal_

Empire. 28 “Essay on Doctrine of Lapse - History Discussion.” Accessed December 19, 2017. http:// www.historydiscussion.net/british-india/essay-on-doctrine-of-lapse/730. 29 “Doctrine of Lapse and Adoption (under India - Princely States ....” Accessed January 3, 2018. https://adoption.com/wiki/Doctrine_of_ Lapse_and_Adoption_(under_India_-_Princely_States). 30 “Doctrine of lapse | rules of succession | Britannica.com.” Accessed January 3, 2018. https://www.britannica.com/topic/doctrineof-lapse. 31 “Manas: History and Politics, East India Company.” Accessed January 3, 2018. https:// www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/History/British/EAco.html. 32 “Lord Dalhousie - Mcqs-Indian History-Economy-Constitution ....” Accessed January 3, 2018. http://gkforallexams.in/indianhistory/dalhousie.aspx. 33 “Great Revolt of 1857 (Causes, Nature, Importance ... - Important India.” Accessed January 3, 2018. https://www.importantindia. com/11627/great-revolt-of-1857/. 34 “Great Revolt of 1857 (Causes, Nature, Importance ... - Important India.” Accessed January 8, 2018. https://www.importantindia. com/11627/great-revolt-of-1857/. 35 “The Sepoy Uprising (1857-1858) - connect. bcp.org.” Accessed January 3, 2018. http:// webs.bcp.org/sites/vcleary/modernworldhistorytextbook/imperialism/section_4/sepoyuprising.html. 36 Clarke, J. British India and England’s Responsibilities. Sonnenschein, 1902. Accessed January 8, 2018. https://books.google. com/books?id=bJntAAAAMAAJ&dq=dalhousie+%22I+cannot+conceive+it+possible+for+anyone+to+dispute+the+policy%22&source=gbs_navlinks_s. 37 “What are the main causes of the revolt of 1857 in India.” Accessed January 4, 2018. http:// www.preservearticles.com/201012271730/ causes-of-revolt-of-1857-in-india.html. 38 “Indian Mutiny” Accessed January 7, 2018. http://school.eb.com.libdb.belmont-hill.org/ levels/high/article/Indian-Mutiny/42288 39 Chandra, Bipan. India’s Struggle for Independence. Penguin UK, 2000. Accessed January 9, 2018. https://www.google.com/url?q=https://books.google.com/ books?hl%3Den%26lr%3D%26id%3D0q7xH06NrFkC%26oi%3Dfnd%26pg%3DPT7%26dq%3Dindian%2Bindependence%2Bmovement%2Bprimary%2Bsource%26ots%3D5JPbr_-N7N%26sig%3D713bjbQaTC2k5MelSq0ofdQjxyo%23v%3Donepage%26q%26f%3Dfalse&sa=D&ust=1515468 040837000&usg=AFQjCNHvwei-aZulJfTiYaYvek0jWjh53Q. 40 “Sepoy Rebellion or First War of Independence? - The Victorian Web.” Accessed January 3, 2018. http://www.victorianweb.org/history/ empire/pva31.html. 41 “India and Pakistan win independence - Aug 15, 1947 - HISTORY.com.” Accessed January 3, 2018. http://www.history.com/this-day-inhistory/india-and-pakistan-win-independence.

References: “After the Sepoy Rebellion.” Country Studies. Accessed January 6, 2018. http://countrystudies.us/india/18.htm. Aggarwal, Mamya. “Essay on Doctrine of Lapse.” History Discussion. Accessed January 6, 2018. http://www.historydiscussion.net/british-india/essay-on-doctrine-of-lapse/730. Allingham, Philip V. “Sepoy Rebellion or First War of Independence.” The Victorian Web. Last modified November 20, 2000. Accessed January 5, 2018. http://www.victorianweb.org/ history/empire/pva31.html. Ambedkar, Bhimrao R. “Administration and Finance of East India Company.” Last modified May 15, 1915. PDF. Anonymous post to History Discussion web forum, “Annexation Made by Dalhousie.” Accessed January 6, 2018. http://www.historydiscussion.net/history-of-india/annexation-made-by-dalhousie/2551. Bilwakesh, Nikhil. American Responses to the Indian Rebellion of 1857. November 1, 2011. Accessed January 8, 2018. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/444383/ Summary. American Periodicals: A Journal of History

and Criticism, Volume 21 Chandra, Bipan. India’s Struggle for Independence. Penguin UK, 2000. Accessed January 9, 2018. https://www.google. com/url?q=https://books.google.com/ books?hl%3Den%26lr%3D%26id%3D0q7xH06NrFkC%26oi%3Dfnd%26pg%3DPT7%26dq%3Dindian%2Bindependence%2Bmovement%2Bprimary%2Bsource%26ots%3D5JPbr_-N7N%26sig%3D713bjbQaTC2k5MelSq0ofdQjxyo%23v%3Donepage%26q%26f%3Dfalse&sa=D&ust=1515468 040837000&usg=AFQjCNHvwei-aZulJfTiYaYvek0jWjh53Q. Chaturvedi, Deepak. “Great Revolt of 1857.” Important India. Last modified March 19, 2014. Accessed January 6, 2018. https://www.importantindia.com/11627/great-revolt-of-1857/. Clarke, J. British India and England’s Responsibilities. Sonnenschein, 1902. Accessed January 8, 2018. https://books.google.com/books?id=bJntAAAAMAAJ&dq=dalhousie+%22I+cannot+conceive+it+possible+for+anyone+to +dispute+the+policy%22&source=gbs_navlinks_s. Cleary, Vern. “The Sepoy Uprising(1857-1858).” Modern World History. Accessed January 5, 2018. http://webs.bcp.org/sites/vcleary/modernworldhistorytextbook/imperialism/section_4/sepoyuprising.html. Crockett, Bennie, and Myron Noonkester. “The Chaplains’ Plot: Missionary Clause Debates of 1813 and the Reformation of British India.” WMCarey Lectures. Accessed January 6, 2018. https://www.wmcarey.edu/carey/lectures/chaplains-plot.pdf. “Doctrine of Lapse and Adoption (under India - Princely States).” Adoption.com. Accessed January 6, 2018. https://adoption.com/wiki/ Doctrine_of_Lapse_and_Adoption_(under_India_-_Princely_States). “Doctrine of Lapse: Rules of Succession.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed January 6, 2018. https://www.britannica.com/topic/doctrineof-lapse. “The East India Company.” Manas: History and Politics. Accessed January 6, 2018. https:// www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/History/British/EAco.html. Encyclopedia, Britannica. “East India Company.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed January 9, 2018. https:// www.britannica.com/topic/ East-India-Company. Encyclopedia Britannica. “Regulating Act.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Last modified December 29, 2010. Accessed January 5, 2018. https:// www.britannica.com/topic/Regulating-Act. “Hastings, Warren (1732-1818).” Encyclopedia.com. Accessed January 5, 2018. http:// www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/ south-asian-history-biographies/warren-hastings. “India and Pakistan Win Independence.” History.com. Accessed January 6, 2018. http:// www.history.com/this-day-in-history/india-and-pakistan-win-independence. “Indian History: Lord Dalhousie.” Gkforallexams. Accessed January 6, 2018. http://gkforallexams.in/indianhistory/dalhousie.aspx. “Indian Mutiny.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed January 8, 2018. http://school.eb.com.libdb.belmont-hill.org/levels/high/article/Indian-Mutiny/ 42288. Khurana, Shona. “What are the main causes of the revolt of 1857 in India.” Preserve Articles. Accessed January 6, 2018. http://www. preservearticles.com/201012271730/causes-ofrevolt-of-1857-in-india.html. “Lord Dalhousie.” tutorialspoint. Accessed January 5, 2018. https://www.tutorialspoint.com/ modern_indian_history/modern_indian_history_lord_dalhousie.htm. Majundur, R. C. The Sepoy Mutiny and The Revolt of 1857. Calcutta, India: Srimati S. Chaudhuri, 1957. Accessed January 8, 2018. http://asi.nic.in/ asi_books/6048.pdf. Marshall, Peter, Prof. “British India and the ‘Great Rebellion.’” BBC. Last modified February 17, 2011. Accessed January 5, 2018. http:// www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victorians/ indian_rebellion_01.shtml. “Mughal Empire.” BBC. Last modified September 7, 2009. Accessed January 6, 2018. http:// www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/his-

tory/mughalempire_1.shtml.

Murphy, Anne. Lahore, 1849. April 10, 2010. Accessed January 8, 2018. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/478512/summary. Victorian Review, Volume 36.

“Rise and Fall of the British East India Company.” Paul Rittman. Accessed January 6, 2018. http://www.paulrittman.com/EIC.pdf.

Shuchi Kapila. “The Indian Mutiny and the British Imagination (review).” Victorian Studies Vol 48, no. 1 (2005): 157-159. https://muse. jhu.edu/ (accessed January 8, 2018).

Summers, C. Claire (Spring 2015) “The Indian Rebellion of 1857,” Tenor of Our Times: Vol. 4, Article 6. https://scholarworks.harding.edu/ cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=tenor

“Top 10 Advantages and Disadvantages of British Rule in India.” World Blaze. Accessed January 6, 2018. http://www.worldblaze. in/advantages-and-disadvantages-of-british-rule-in-india/.

Author-Nicholas Hebard ‘21 Section-Research Papers Viewed as one of the most clear-cut examples of genocide since the Holocaust, the genocide of the Tutsi people by their rival tribe, the Hutus, left 800,000 Rwandan civilians slaughtered in cold blood in a gruesome 100-day period that spanned from April to July 1994.1 Sadly, the main culprit behind this human atrocity is racial hatred instigated by an outside, European colonial power. In Rwanda, a person’s tribe signifies his or her ethnic background. Across the country, 85% of the population identify as Hutu, 14% identify as Tutsi, and 1% identify as Twa.2 Although rarely mentioned due to their small numbers, the Twa were the first inhabitants in Rwanda. The majority Hutus migrated from Cameroon, whereas the minority Tutsis came to Rwanda in waves throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.3 Despite their long, notorious history of ethnic tension, the Hutus and Tutsis are remarkably similar people: they speak a common language, live in the same location, and share many traditions.4 Therefore, what could have caused the Hutus to spontaneously rape and murder 800,000 Tutsis. First and foremost, the Hutus resorted to ethnic cleansing because of their frustration with Belgian imperial policies. Belgian rulers in Rwanda gave Tutsis preferential treatment because their tribe was deemed ethnically superior.5 Relatedly, seething anger due to dubious science that declared the Tutsis a superior race incited Hutus to want to kill the Tutsis.6 Lastly, the Hutus exterminated Tutsis because of jealousy over their past history of inferiority and the desire to prevent the Tutsis from taking all the power. Although genocide is never the solution to political or social conflict, the root causes of Hutu resentment are apparent. As referenced, the hatred between the Hutus and the Tutsis was generated by Belgian colonial powers that claimed the Tutsis were superior to the Hutus. At the end of the nineteenth century, European countries rushed to colonize Africa.7 Under the Anglo-German Treaty of 1880, Rwanda, like most of East Africa, went to German control.8 However, after World War I, the League of Nations transferred governance of Rwanda from the Germans to the Belgians.9 Belgium exercised its political authority by implementing a system that would, first, single out the Tutsis based upon their willingness to cooperate; and, then, proceed to racially divide the rest of the Hutus and Tutsis. Over the next several decades, the Belgians passed government mandates in Rwanda similarly to the apartheid policies imposed in South Africa, that would intensify the racial divide. Establishing a racial divide gave Belgians greater control because they pitted the tribes against each other so that they would fight each other instead of rebelling against their colonial oppressors. Although Belgium’s self-serving strategy did work, it ended up causing exponentially more damage than what could have been imagined with 800,000 deaths and a widespread AIDS crisis.10 The Belgians’ apartheid-style policies completely favored Tutsi children by giving them access to European-style educations from which Hutus were cut out. This proper education proved to be a tremendous advantage for many Tutsis who were able to secure colonial administration jobs and positions in business.11 In 1933 and 1934, racial tension spiked as the Belgian government issued identity cards that distinguished Hutus and Tutsis.12 The policy of forcing people to identify their ethnicity to government officials is reminiscent of Nazi Germany, where Jews were labeled with golden stars so that the police could easily single them out for discrimination and punishment. Hutus naturally began to be resent the Tutsis because of this unfair government treatment. The Belgians’ longterm disadvantaging of the Hutus resulted in a burning hatred that grew closer and closer to eruption over time among the Hutu people. Lacking proof to support their claims of Tutsi racial superiority over Hutus, the Belgian government dispatched doctors to “confirm” that Tutsis were in fact a better race.13

At this time, Rwanda already had Belgian military and administrative chiefs and Belgian priests. In addition, they brought scientists to Rwanda with scales, measuring tapes, and calipers.14 These tools were used to take measurements of members of both tribes. First, the Rwandans were weighed, than measured for their cranial capacity, then subjected to comparative analysis of their shape. As ludicrous as it may sound, these three tests were used by scientists to determine a superior race. Generally the Tutsis were taller, leaner, thin lipped, and had hooked noses.15 These traits resembled the way people looked in Europe, which is why Belgians viewed them as better than the Hutus. Such biased rational resembles Hitler’s belief in a superior race of Aryans. Not surprisingly, the scientists concluded that the Tutsis were superior. It was declared that the Tutsis as a whole, had “nobler” noses and more dimensions thought to be more “natural.”16 On the other hand, it was written that the Hutus noses were “coarse” and “bestial.”17 According to the scientists, the median Tutsi nose was two and a half millimetres longer and five millimetres narrower than the median Hutu nose.18 Disturbingly, the shapes and lengths of noses was used to determine the entire culture’s worth. Due to a lack of scientific understanding, some Hutus began to believe that racial superiority was achieved through looks similar to the Tutsis and began to resent it. Élie, a Hutu man said, “In the cities many Hutus envied the Tutsi women they could not have, because of their tall, slim figures, and their polished features.”19 The shady results of this study caused the Hutu and Tutsi tension to reach fever pitch levels. Jealousy of the Tutsis over their ethnicity and past legacy combined with a desire to even out the access to power caused hatred amongst Hutus, which then turned into slaughter. Traditionally, the Hutus were farming people whereas the Tutsis were cattle herders. According to Philip Gourevitch, “This was the original inequality: cattle are a more valuable asset than produce.”20 Élie, the man quoted earlier who lived during the Genocide, wrote that, “Us, we would see the herds going by, hidden in the thickets, tended by cowherds in rags, it would eat at us.”21 Simply stated, the Hutus felt ashamed of their less elite past. To explain how racism in this situation formed, Bill Berkeley says that, “elitism evolved into racism, and a myth of historic Tutsi domination-and cunning-came to be broadly accepted by Hutus and Tutsis alike.”22 In 1962, Rwanda was granted independence as a nation and the Hutu majority took control. Despite their newly-gained power, the Hutus still felt threatened by the Tutsi legacy. Nervous that they did not have enough power to maintain control, the Hutus scapegoated the Tutsis repeatedly. Scapegoating spiraled out of control when President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, died after his plane was shot down on April 6, 1994.23 Hutus immediately claimed that unless they wiped out the Tutsis once and for all, they would capitalize on the power vacuum. The sense of not ever being able to permanently overcome the Tutsis was now common and resistance groups were joined. The hatred was so strong that an unofficial militia group known as Interahamwe was mobilized and at one point had 30,000 members.24 The militia groups believed that to overcome the Tutsis, they must be exterminated entirely. Looking back upon this cruel genocide, historians see that the Hutus were able to feel such intense hate for the Tutsis for three main reasons. First, they became infuriated by Belgians claiming that the Tutsis were ethnically superior.25 Secondly, they came to loathe the Hutus because Belgian “science” declared Tutsis a better race.26 Thirdly, resentment among Hutus for the Tutsis stemmed from jealousy of the Tutsis past advantages as cattle farmers.27 Because of the explosive anger generated, Rwanda experienced an atrocious 100-day period of rape and bloodshed, with 800,000 men, women, children, and babies killed.28 Not only was the death toll tragic, but survivors had to deal with the loss of most or all of their family members. Because rape was used as a war tactic, major health crises such as widespread HIV and AIDS infection left most

households to be run by young children.29 The Rwandan genocide was a terrible human disaster at all levels. As famous social rights leader Nelson Mandela once said, “No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate.”30 Although Mandela worked to end racial inequality in his country, which was South Africa, this quote is equally applicable to the Rwandan genocide. Hutu men were not born hating Tutsis; in fact, the irony of the Rwandan genocide is that the two groups were extremely similar. But, tragically, the Hutus learned to hate Tutsis because an exterior colonial power fanned the flames of ethnic tension and racial inequality. Mandela continues the quote on an inspiring note by saying, “And if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”31 Instead of quickly resorting to ethnic cleansing of the Tutsis, if only the Hutu perpetrators of the genocide could have opened up their hearts and communicated their concerns and resentment about so many generations of Belgian colonial rule dictating social inequality. The genocide of the Tutsis is a cautionary tale of how mind-bogglingly fast hate can blind people and prevent them from engaging in logical thought.

Endnotes 1 BBC, “Rwanda: How the Genocide Happened,” BBC, last modified May 17, 2011, accessed January 9, 2018, http://www.bbc.com/ news/world-africa-13431486. 2 United to End Genocide, “The Rwandan Genocide,” United To End Genocide, accessed January 9, 2018, http://endgenocide.org/learn/ past-genocides/the-rwandan-genocide/. 3 Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice (New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005), 9. 4 BBC, “Rwanda: How the Genocide Happened,” BBC, last modified May 17, 2011, accessed January 9, 2018, http://www.bbc.com/ news/world-africa-13431486. 5 Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice (New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005), 10. 6 Ibid 7 Ibid 8 Ibid 9 Ibid 10 BBC, “Rwanda: How the Genocide Happened,” BBC, last modified May 17, 2011, accessed January 9, 2018, http://www.bbc.com/ news/world-africa-13431486. 11 Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice (New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005), 11. 12 Ibid 13 Ibid 14 Ibid 15 Ibid 16 Ibid 17 Ibid 18 Ibid 19 Jean Hatzfeld, Machete Season (n.p.: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), 219. 20 Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice (New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005), 9. 21 Jean Hatzfeld, Machete Season (n.p.: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), 220. 22 Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice (New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005), 11. 23 “Rwanda Project,” Yale University Genocide Studies Program, https://gsp.yale.edu/ case-studies/rwanda-project. 24 United to End Genocide, “The Rwandan Genocide,” United To End Genocide, accessed January 9, 2018, http://endgenocide.org/learn/ past-genocides/the-rwandan-genocide/. 25 Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice (New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005), 11. 26 Ibid 27 Ibid 28 United to End Genocide, “The Rwandan Genocide,” United To End Genocide, accessed January 9, 2018, http://endgenocide.org/learn/ past-genocides/the-rwandan-genocide/. 29 “Aftermath,” United States Holocaust Museum, accessed January 9, 2018, https://www. ushmm.org/confront-genocide/cases/rwan-

da/rwanda-aftermath#. 30 Good Reads, “Nelson Mandela Quotes,” Good Reads, accessed January 9, 2018, https:// www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/367338. Nelson_Mandela. 31 Ibid

Resources “Aftermath.” United States Holocaust Museum. Accessed January 9, 2018. https://www. ushmm.org/confront-genocide/cases/rwanda/rwanda-aftermath#.

BBC. “Rwanda: How the Genocide Happened.” BBC. Last modified May 17, 2011. Accessed January 9, 2018. http://www.bbc. com/news/world-africa-13431486.

Good Reads. “Nelson Mandela Quotes.” Good Reads. Accessed January 9, 2018. https://www.goodreads.com/author/ quotes/367338.Nelson_Mandela.

Hatzfeld, Jean. Machete Season. N.p.: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005.

Moghalu, Kingsley Chiedu. Rwanda’s Genocide the Politics of Global Justice. New York, NY: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2005.

“Rwanda Project.” Yale University Genocide Studies Program. https://gsp.yale.edu/ case-studies/rwanda-project.

United to End Genocide. “The Rwandan Genocide.” United To End Genocide. Accessed January 9, 2018. http://endgenocide.org/learn/ past-genocides/ the-rwandan-genocide/.

Author-Benjamin Trotsky ‘22 Section-Research Papers In the year 1788, the Constitution of the United States was officially adopted by nine of the thirteen original states, thus passing into law. Three years later, in 1791, three-fourths of the states’ legislatures ratified the first ten amendments to the Constitution. These ten amendments became known as the Bill of Rights. The purpose of the Bill of Rights was to secure the freedoms and liberties of individuals. Specifically, the Fourth Amendment protects a person’s privacy. The amendment states, “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”1 However, like many other amendments to the Constitution, the wording of the Fourth Amendment is quite ambiguous. Therefore, the understanding of the Fourth Amendment has been shaped by the Supreme Court’s interpretation of it. Originating from English Law, the Fourth Amendment has been molded by the Supreme Court, and its application continues to be questioned by current controversies. The Fourth Amendment derives from English law and the Founder’s opinions on cases surrounding personal privacy and warrants.2 There were three major cases involving searches and seizures from the 1760’s, Wilkes v. Wood, Entick v. Carrington, and the Writs of Assistance Case.3 These cases helped the Founding Fathers create the ideals that they used to write the Fourth Amendment. However, these cases did not involve criminal law enforcement or police officers.4 Wilkes v. Wood and Entick v. Carrington are two similar cases involving searches and seizures. Both cases concern men who were handing out pamphlets with libel denouncing the king’s ministers.5 One of the king’s operatives issued a warrant for the pillaging of the men’s houses and the confiscation of their papers and books.6 Wilkes and Entick sued for damages and both won, asserting that the seizure of all books and papers was unlawful.7 Charles Pratt, Lord Camden, was the chief justice of the Common Pleas at the time.8 He presided over both trials, giving powerful opinions in favor of Wilkes and Entick.9 These opinions, in favor of personal privacy, made Lord Camden a hero in the colonies and supported the ideals of the Founding Fathers.10 The third case that inspired the Founding Fathers to write the Fourth Amendment was the Writs of Assistance case. In the 1700’s, many merchants were smuggling goods through Boston.11 In an attempt to prevent this smuggling, British customs officers issued a blanket warrant known as the Writs of Assistance.12 The Writs of Assistance allowed customs officers to search any place that they wished and compel private citizens to help with such searching.13 The Boston merchants, led by James Otis, sued on the grounds that such warrants were void, because of the breadth of the warrant.14 The merchants’ arguments were based on individual privacy and the principal of natural law.15 James Otis became a major influence in the colonies and, “coined the oft-quoted phrase ‘Taxation without representation is tyranny.’”16 John Adams later said of the Writs of Assistance case, “then and there the child Independence was born,” affirming that the ideals of personal privacy were imperative to the Founding Fathers and the colonists alike.17 The Founding Fathers wrote the Fourth Amendment to reverse the precedent in the Writs of Assistance case; but to assert the decisions in Wilkes v. Wood and Entick v. Carrington.18 They wanted to eliminate blanket warrants, prevent government searches that lacked justification, and ensure that searches did not exceed their justification, such as seizing all books and papers, rather than only the pamphlets with libel.19 However, these three cases did not involve criminal law enforcement, as in murder or robbery. Therefore, it is not known whether the Founding Fathers in-

tended to restrict the inquisition of ordinary crimes.20 Furthermore, there were no police officers in the colonial era.21 Accordingly, the Founding Fathers could not consider how or if they wanted to regulate them. Although it is clear that the Founding Fathers wrote the Fourth Amendment to protect the individual privacy of citizens, it is not clear that they intended it to extend to its modern interpretation and application. In the century after it was adopted, the meaning of the Fourth Amendment was not controversial. Yet in the 1900’s, the Supreme Court began to wrestle with the amendment’s ambiguity. They would have to define what made a search “unreasonable,” and what constituted “probable cause.” The Supreme Court also began to establish new precedents surrounding the Fourth Amendment, such as the fact that the police do not need a search warrant in the event of a “hot pursuit.”22 Several cases would shape the interpretation of the Fourth Amendment and its use in modern law. One if the most important cases surrounding the application of the Fourth Amendment in the Supreme Court is Mapp v. Ohio (1961).23 Dollree Mapp “was convicted of possessing obscene materials” following an uncontended illegal search.24 The police were originally searching for a suspected bomber housed in Mapp’s home.25 After being denied permission to search her house, the police returned several hours later with a piece of paper that they claimed to be a warrant.26 Although they did not find the suspect, the police found a trunk of obscene material including books, photographs, and pictures.27 The Supreme Court was charged with the question of whether or not evidence collected during an illegal search could be admitted in a court of law.28 In a five to three decision, the court ruled in favor of Mapp.29 In the majority opinion, Justice Clark wrote, “All evidence obtained by searches and seizures in violation of the Constitution is, by [the Fourth Amendment], inadmissible,” creating what is now referred to as the “exclusionary rule.”30 This decision became a major precedent in modern law, limiting police power and criminal prosecution. However, the fact that a person cannot be convicted of a felony because of illegally obtained evidence remains highly controversial. Another important Supreme Court case that shaped the meaning of the Fourth Amendment is Terry v. Ohio (1968).31 A police officer observed Terry and two other men in plain clothes.32 The officer believed that the men were “casing a job, a stick up,” in other words, preparing for an armed robbery.33 The officer “stopped and frisked” the men.34 After the pat-down, the police officer found two handguns and the men were convicted of carrying concealed weapons.35 Terry appealed, claiming that the evidence used to convict him, the firearms, were collected in the course of an illegal search.36 The Supreme Court ruled in an eight to one decision in favor of Ohio.37 Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote the majority opinion writing that the officer had the authority to pat-down the men, because the he had observed suspicious behavior, and that it was in the best interest of protecting the public and himself.38 Thus, the Court ruled that there were exceptions to the precedent that they created in Mapp v. Ohio. Another exception to the exclusionary rule came from the case New Jersey v. T.L.O. (1985).39 In this case two girls were found smoking in a high school bathroom.40 Since this violated school rules, the girls were brought to the vice principal.41 One girl admitted to smoking, but T.L.O. told the vice principal that she did not smoke at all.42 After asking for T.L.O.’s purse, the vice principal opened it. He found a pack of cigarettes and under that he found cigarette rolling paper.43 The rolling paper led the vice principal to believe that T.L.O. was selling marijuana.44 He continued to search the purse and found marijuana, a pipe, empty plastic bags, a large amount of one dollar bills, and a list of people that owed T.L.O. money.45 T.L.O. was convicted in juvenile court for selling marijuana based on the evidence uncovered from her purse, but the ruling was overturned by the New Jersey Supreme Court.46 In a 6-3 decision, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of

New Jersey.47 The Court decided that school officials do not have to obtain a warrant as long as the search is reasonable.48 They also argued that the privacy of the students had to be offset by the interest of the school.49 New Jersey v. T.L.O. set another exception to the exclusionary rule by allowing school officials to search students if such search is reasonable. Over the course of the modern history, the interpretation of the Fourth Amendment has been altered by several important Supreme Court cases to make it more applicable to the modern world. Today, drug testing and technological privacy are two major controversies which could impact the interpretation of the Fourth Amendment. Both deal with how the Court defines a reasonable search and invasion of personal privacy. These subjects of debate may change the way that the Fourth Amendment is perceived in the modern world. Drug testing has become an increasing common practice in the American workplace. Many workers in the United States are required to submit urine samples used on drug testing. In 2015, more than half of the nation’s biggest companies were considering drug testing their employees.50 Furthermore, 44% of young adults admitted using drugs in 2015.51 These young adults are the men and women entering the workforce. Drug use may dramatically affect a person’s performance on the job, so drug testing may be sensible for employers.52 In fact, addicted employees cost employers an average of $100 billion a year due to impaired productivity.53 Opponents of drug testing claim it violates the employee’s right to privacy and is demeaning to them.54 Additionally, they insist that drug testing is unreasonable because the employers have no reason to believe an employee suffers from drug abuse if they routinely or randomly test all their employees.55 Either way, this is a major issue surrounding the Fourth Amendment that could change the current view of personal privacy and how the Court defines a reasonable search and seizure. Another current controversy centered around the Fourth Amendment concerns technological privacy. While technology has made great things possible, it has also given officials access to data that was previously unobtainable. Carpenter v. United States is a case regarding technological privacy that is currently being heard by the Supreme Court. In April of 2011, the FBI arrested four individuals whom they believed were affiliated with a series of robberies.56 One man confessed that he had been involved, and he provided the FBI with his cell phone number and the phone numbers of other participants.57 The evidence was used to apply for “transactional records” for each phone number.58 Magistrate Judges approved the applications, and they provided the FBI with access to date and time, as well as the approximate location of each call.59 With this new information, Timothy Carpenter was charged with “aiding and abetting robbery.”60 Carpenter motioned to suppress the telephone data on the basis that it was seized in violation of the Fourth Amendment.61 Carpenter argued that the FBI needed to obtain a warrant in order to seize such information.62 However, both the 1st District Court and the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals denied his motion and found him guilty.63 The Supreme Court is now deciding whether the warrantless seizure of phone records is unconstitutional. The outcome of this case will affect the privacy of all Americans, and become a clear precedent in future cases involving technological privacy. Like other amendments in the Bill of Rights, the interpretation and application of the Fourth Amendment has changed over the course of its history. Arising from British Law and defined by the Supreme Court, the Fourth Amendment continues to be altered by current controversies. The Amendment has evolved to protect individuals from unreasonable searches by law enforcement and prevent illegally obtained evidence from being admitted in courts. Furthermore, the Court has struggled with what they consider to be a “reasonable search and seizure.” In the future, the Fourth Amendment will remain in question as the Supreme Court will have to decide how it applies to the developing world. However, at its core, the Fourth Amendment will

continue to protect individual privacy, just as it was originally intended to do. On account of the Fourth Amendment, American citizens can reasonably be assured that their inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness will not be infringed by an unreasonable invasion of their privacy.

Endnotes 1 U.S. Const. amend. IV. Accessed December 23, 2017. https://constitutioncenter.org/media/ files/constitution.pdf. 2 “Search and Seizures - The Fourth Amendment: Origins, Text, and History,” Jrank Law, last modified 2014, accessed December 8, 2017, http://law.jrank.org/pages/2014/Search-Seizure-Fourth-Amendment-origins-text-history.html. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Laura K. Donohue, The Original Fourth Amendment (Georgetown University Law Center, 2016), 1197-1198, accessed December 23, 2017, http://scholarship.law.georgetown. edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2628&context=facpub. 9 “Search and Seizures,” Jrank Law; Ibid. 10 “Search and Seizures,” Jrank Law. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Editors of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, “James Otis: American Politician,” in Encyclopaedia Britannica (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2017), accessed December 28, 2017, https:// www.britannica.com/biography/James-Otis. 16 Ibid. 17 “Search and Seizures,” Jrank Law. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 22 Akiba J. Covitz, Esa Lianne Sferra, and Meredith L. Stewart, “Search and Seizure, Unreasonable,” in Dictionary of American History, ed. Stanley L. Cutler, 3rd ed. (New York, NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2003; Gale, Cengage Learning, 2007), http://go. galegroup.com.libdb.belmont-hill.org/ps/ retrieve.do?tabID=T003&resultListType=RESULT_LIST&searchResultsType=SingleTab&searchType=BasicSearchForm&currentPosition=1&docId=GALE%7CCX3401803784&docType=Topic+overview&sort=RELEVANCE&contentSegment=&prodId=GVRL&contentSet=GALE%7CCX3401803784&searchId=R1&userGroupName=mlin_m_belhill&inPS=true. 23 Mapp v. Ohio,” Oyez, accessed December 8, 2017, https://www.oyez.org/cases/1960/236. 24 Ibid. 25 Street Law, “Mapp v. Ohio,” Landmark Cases of the U.S. Supreme Court, accessed December 14, 2017, http://landmarkcases.org/en/landmark/home. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 “Mapp v. Ohio,” Oyez. 29 Street Law, “Mapp v. Ohio,” Landmark Cases of the U.S. Supreme Court 30 “Mapp v. Ohio,” Oyez. 31 “Terry v. Ohio,” Oyez, accessed December 14, 2017, https://www.oyez.org/cases/1967/67. 32 Ibid. 33 David A. Mackey, “Terry v. Ohio,” in Encyclopedia Britannica (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017), accessed December 14, 2017, https:// www.britannica.com/event/Terry-v-Ohio; Ibid. 34 “Terry v. Ohio,” Oyez. 35 Ibid. 36 Mackey, “Terry v. Ohio.” 37 “Terry v. Ohio,” Oyez. 38 Ibid. 39 Street Law, “New Jersey v. T.L.O,” Landmark Case of the United States Supreme Court, accessed December 15, 2017, http://landmarkcases.org/en/landmark/cases/new_jersey_v_tlo. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid.

47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid. 50 Claire Andre and Manuel Velasquez, “This is a Test: The Dilemmas of Drug Testing,” Santa Clara University, last modified November 16, 2015, accessed December 29, 2017, https:// www.scu.edu/ethics/focus-areas/bioethics/ resources/this-is-a-test-the-dilemmas-ofdrug-testing/. 51 Ibid. 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 “Carpenter v. United States,” Oyez, accessed December 15, 2017, https://www.oyez.org/cases/2017/16-402. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 Ibid. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. Resources Andre, Claire, and Manuel Velasquez. “This is a Test: The Dilemmas of Drug Testing.” Santa Clara University. Last modified November 16, 2015. Accessed December 29, 2017. https:// www.scu.edu/ethics/focus-areas/bioethics/ resources/this-is-a-test-the-dilemmas-ofdrug-testing/. “Carpenter v. United States.” Oyez. Accessed December 15, 2017. https://www.oyez.org/cases/2017/16-402. Covitz, Akiba J., Esa Lianne Sferra, and Meredith L. Stewart. “Search and Seizure, Unreasonable.” In Dictionary of American History, edited by Stanley L. Cutler, 289-90. 3rd ed. Vol. 7. Gale, Cengage Learning, 2007. First published 2003 by Charles Scribner’s Sons. http:// go.galegroup.com.libdb.belmont-hill.org/ps/ retrieve.do?tabID=T003&resultListType=RESULT_LIST&searchResultsType=SingleTab&searchType=BasicSearchForm&currentPosition=1&docId=GALE%7CCX3401803784&docType=Topic+overview&sort=RELEVANCE&contentSegment=&prodId=GVRL&contentSet=GALE%7CCX3401803784&searchId=R1&userGroupName=mlin_m_belhill&inPS=true. Donohue, Laura K. The Original Fourth Amendment. Georgetown University Law Center, 2016. Accessed December 23, 2017. http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=2628&context=facpub. Editors of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. “James Otis: American Politician.” In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2017. Accessed December 28, 2017. https:// www.britannica.com/biography/James-Otis. Ehrensal, Patricia A.L. “Board of Education of Independent School District No. 92 of Pottawatomie County v. Earls.” In Encyclopedia Britannica. Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017. Accessed December 15, 2017. https://www. britannica.com/event/Board-of-Education-ofIndependent-School-District-No-92-of-Pottawatomie-County-v-Earls. Mackey, David A. “Terry v. Ohio.” In Encyclopedia Britannica. Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017. Accessed December 14, 2017. https:// www.britannica.com/event/Terry-v-Ohio. “Mapp v. Ohio.” Oyez. Accessed December 8, 2017. https://www.oyez.org/cases/1960/236. “Search and Seizures - The Fourth Amendment: Origins, Text, and History.” Jrank Law. Last modified 2014. Accessed December 8, 2017. http://law.jrank.org/pages/2014/ Search-Seizure-Fourth-Amendment-origins-text-history.html. Street Law. “Mapp v. Ohio.” Landmark Cases of the U.S. Supreme Court. Accessed December 14, 2017. http://landmarkcases.org/en/landmark/home. ———. “New Jersey v. T.L.O.” Landmark Case of the United States Supreme Court. Accessed December 15, 2017. http://landmarkcases.org/ en/landmark/cases/new_jersey_v_tlo. “Terry v. Ohio.” Oyez. Accessed December 14, 2017. https://www.oyez.org/cases/1967/67. U.S. Const. amend. IV. Accessed December 23, 2017. https://constitutioncenter.org/media/ files/constitution.pdf.

Author-Justin Paré ‘21 Section-Research Papers When Deng Xiaoping became leader of the People’s Republic of China in 1978, he established liberal economic reforms. Starkly different from Mao’s extreme socialist policies, the modernization of China’s economy would spark a new age, turning China from a third world country into a global superpower. In order to expand its influence and grow its new economy, along with fueling its rapid industrial expansion through importing natural resources, China turned to investing in Africa.1 The cooperation has helped each side immensely, with improvements in African infrastructure, education, water, health, and agriculture.2 Not to mention the millions of jobs created for Africans and the unprecedented growth in the African economy.3 From China’s perspective, they help grow their own economy through investment deals and gain raw resources that they need for their own industries.4 Furthermore, China has gained influence in many African countries, and consequently more power in international voting organizations, such as the UN.5 However, despite the positive aspects for Africa and China, there is still concern both in Africa and internationally over Chinese-African relations. Some people see China’s corporate actions as immoral, due to harsh conditions and underpayment among other reasons.6 Furthermore, there is international concern over China’s influence on Africa, specifically with non-democratic states, states with poor rule of law, and states with records of human rights abuses.7 Some analysts fear that China may create its own sphere of influence with these states, where Western investment is scarcer, in an attempt to gain more power and support internationally against the West.8 Chinese investment in Africa has been vital for the significant growth in both African economies and China’s economy; however, there is global concern that in the coming years China will use this relationship to dominate internationally, off-setting the global power dynamic and bringing on “China’s century.” While major Chinese investment in African sectors such as mining and construction mainly began in the early 2000s, the PRC has been involved in Africa since its inception in 1950, a big factor in the influence it now has on the continent.9 At the time, China’s relations with African countries were important to help unite third world countries and gain allies for China.10 This was especially important as China’s relationship with the Soviet Union, once its strongest and most important ally, worsened.11 During this period up until the 1990s, China invested in Africa by offering weapons and military training to different revolutions on the continent.12 China knew firsthand about fighting against colonialism, and helped Africans rebel against the same European imperialists that had once imposed themselves on China. The partnerships not only helped to unite third world countries and find China allies, but also to keep fewer countries from forming diplomatic relations with Taiwan, whom China views as a rogue province.13 In 1971, the UN forced Taiwan and the Guomindang government, whom the PRC had defeated in civil war, to hand over their seat in the UN to the PRC.14 Ever since, Taiwan has been blocked from the UN and its connected international bodies such as the World Health Organization.15 China’s relations with Africa have been key in gaining support to leave Taiwan with as few allies as possible, and to keep them out of international organizations.16 The diplomatic relations formed between China and Africa before the 2000s, through military support and a shared experience of suffering colonialism, created an important base for the influence that China has on the continent today. The major Chinese investment in Africa seen today began in the early 2000s, and Chinese firms began pouring money into a variety of sectors.17 China invests in trade, processing, manufacturing, communications, transportation, roads, agriculture, mining, and education among other sectors in Africa.18 (See appendix)19

Figure 1 illustrates the growth of China’s OFDI (Overseas Foreign Direct Investment) stock in Africa from 2004-2013. The relationship between Africa and China flourished, and in less than a decade, China’s OFDI stock went from around $1 billion in 2004, to almost $25 billion in 2013. Exponential growth was not only seen in China’s OFDI stock, but also in Chinese loans to Africa, a different form of investment not included in OFDI. (See appendix)20 Figure 2 displays the drastic increase in Chinese loans to Africa in billions of dollars. Where Chinese loans were little to none in 2000, in 2014 China gave more than $16 billion worth of loans to Africa. In an article published in June of 2017, McKinsey & Company discussed their research of Chinese firm activity in 8 African countries.21 They estimate that 10,000 Chinese firms are doing business in Africa, 90% of which are private and working for their own profit.22 However, the other 10%, being SOE (state-owned enterprises), are larger, and make heavier investments.23 As to where this huge amount of investment is going, most is placed into natural resources and infrastructure.24 (See appendix)25 Figure 3 shows that in 2015, Chinese foreign direct investment in Africa was mainly into mining (natural resources) and construction (infrastructure). McKinsey also estimated that Chinese firms hold almost half of the market in Africa’s globally contracted infrastructure.26 Just as Western investment in Africa usually gravitates toward natural resources, so does China’s investment.27 In fact, Chinese investment in African infrastructure is very often paid back in raw resources over a long period of time.28 Furthermore, much of the total amount of Chinese investment into Africa is from SOE, backed by the government, pouring money into natural resource projects and infrastructure.29 In less than two decades, China’s investment in Africa has grown from next to nothing, to billions of dollars spread across a wide range of sectors, but focused on SOE investing in natural resources and infrastructure. The Chinese government has sold this partnership as a “win-win,” claiming that Chinese investment helps both China and the African countries involved, and Africa has certainly benefited.30 The wide range of sectors China has supported has helped Africa bolster its infrastructure and improve its education, water, health, and agriculture.31 Specifically, the vast amount of Chinese investment in infrastructure has improved communications, transportation, and technology in African countries, all vital pieces to the development of nations.32 Additionally, the same McKinsey study previously mentioned found that in the African countries surveyed, the vast majority of employees of these Chinese firms are African.33 Extrapolating their data, McKinsey estimates that China helps employ several million Africans.34 On top of this, of the 8 countries that were surveyed, almost 2/3 of Chinese employers offered skills training, half brought a new product or service to the local economy, and 1/3 brought a new technology.35 All of which helps the African economy grow and modernize. Chinese involvement in Africa has contributed to unprecedented economic growth for the continent.36 (See appendix)36 As shown in Figure 4, Sub-Saharan Africa has seen extreme economic growth beginning in the early 2000s, partially due to Chinese investment helping grow Africa’s economy.38 Chinese investment has helped Africa in numerous ways, including improving technology, offering jobs, and contributing overall to the raising of its standard of living and its drastic economic growth. On the other side of things, China greatly benefits from this investment through the acquisition of natural resources, which are vital to fuel its industries.39 China also benefits in other important ways. For example, Chinese government-run banks offer investment into Africa with conditions to employ Chinese companies, materials, and labor, as well as local.40 Additionally, the building of textile factories in Africa help lower costs and offer a way around U.S. and European quotas.41 However, China is mainly involved in Africa for its natural resources and to gain influence. As China’s economy rapidly grew

beginning in the 1980s, so did its demand for resources both for individuals and industries. While China has become number one in mining internationally, it is depleting its local resources.42 China is in the “red zone” for its reserves-to-production ratio (R/P) with nearly all essential minerals, meaning it is burning through its proven reserves extremely quickly and may run out soon.43 China’s continued economic growth and success needs these vital minerals to fuel its industry.44 Beginning in 2006, the Chinese government launched the “Two Resources, Two Markets” initiative, calling for state and private owned companies to pursue investment in mining, and Africa became the best area to do this.45 Africa contains a myriad of natural resources, and has an abundance of newly discovered, world-class deposits of minerals.46 China began to invest more heavily in mining in Africa to import these essential minerals and fuel its economy.47 China’s acquisition of these resources through its African investments has proved essential for the nation’s extreme industrial growth and nationwide reconstruction, and will be vital for sustaining Chinese industry in the future.48 (See appendix)49 As shown in Figure 5, the large majority of Chinese imports from Africa are natural resources (crude materials and fuel). Most of the imports are either minerals or oil.50 Even back in 2009, 30% of China’s oil imports, 20% of its cotton imports, 80% of cobalt imports, and 40% of manganese imports came from Africa.51 Chinese involvement in Africa has contributed to increased Chinese international business, but more importantly, it has secured an abundance of fuel and mineral imports that China desperately needs to keep its economy going. On top of gaining essential natural resources, China is also investing in Africa to gain influence in the continent.52 The PRC has heavily supported the African continent since its founding in the 1950s, and when its support of revolutions ended, its heavy investment soon began, driving Chinese influence in Africa.53 This influence has been hugely beneficial to China on international platforms such as the UN, especially in gaining support for policies that the West objects.54 African nations have voted together in support of China, having a major impact on continuous failed attempts by the UN to enact human rights reforms in China, and China winning the right to host the 2008 Olympics.55 China also uses this heavy support to throw its weight around with global economic policies and issues.56 When it comes to the Taiwan predicament, African support for China has kept African countries from aiding Taiwan, and their votes have helped in keeping Taiwan out of global organizations.57 Furthermore, where the West largely avoided Africa after the Cold War, China seized this opportunity to enter international business and to both generate revenue from investments and spread its influence.58 A manifestation of this is the fact that higher-ranking Chinese political leaders visit the continent far more often than U.S. leaders.59 This has allowed China to sometimes gain African support over the West in international organizations. While gaining natural resources and increasing business are huge benefits of China’s investment in Africa, China also gains a lot of power internationally with Africa’s backing, which has helped China win disputes in the UN. This “win-win” Chinese-African relationship, as advertised by the Chinese government, has been received mostly positively by those in Africa.60 Most African governments are grateful for China as a source of trade and investment, and see the country as necessary for their own nations’ growth.61 (See appendix)62 As seen in Figure 6, according to a poll taken in 2016, 63% of Africans surveyed believe “China has a somewhat or very positive influence on their country.” Meanwhile, only 15% believe China’s effect is “somewhat or very negative.” While a minority, this 15% is important to consider. Contrary to China’s assertion that their investment creates a “win-win” scenario, there are multiple aspects of this relationship that are indeed detrimental to Africa. China has been accused of exploiting Africa for its resources and using unjust business practic-

es.63 In the past, China has been criticized for underpaying local companies.64 Other areas of concern have been harsh working environments in Chinese mines and factories, and the violating of environmental regulations, such as illegal logging.65 Chinese resentment in Africa has caused attacks, arson, and kidnappings perpetrated against Chinese businesses on the continent.66 However, in 2006 China admitted to problems with its business practices and environmental impact on Africa, and promised to reform.67 Despite this promise, there have been continued concerns over China’s effect on the environment, insufficient pay for workers, and terrible working conditions.68 This has led to protests, particularly in Zambia, where in 2011, Michael Sata won the presidency with an anti-China stance.69 Furthermore, the aforementioned McKinsey study found that only 44% of local managers in the Chinese companies researched were African.70 The fact that there are still complaints of the same immoral corporate practices, coupled with most local managers being Chinese, lend support to the argument that China is exploiting Africa for its resources. Most managers are Chinese, leading some to argue that Chinese management of lower-level African labor, working in terrible conditions and being underpaid, all to fuel China’s economy with raw resources, is unjust exploitation. Despite the many positive impacts China has had on Africa’s economy, there is still plentiful criticism over harmful Chinese business on the continent, and strong claims that China is exploiting Africa’s resources and labor for its own benefit, at the expense of Africa. Further international concern has risen over China’s investment in non-democratic states, and governments with records of human rights abuses.71 Alarming to some, especially the West, is China’s use of loans to these countries, without conditions on how to use that capital.72 This allows dictatorships and governments that abuse human rights to grow and remain in power. Moreover, efforts to use sanctions and loans with stipulations to create democratic reform and political liberalization in Africa are greatly undermined, as China is a massive alternative willing to overlook these aspects. While personal morals have led to less Western investment compared to China in these states, so has the risk factor. Often connected to these abusive regimes are corruption and poor rule of law, factors that present risk and have deterred much Western investment.73 Where Western companies have been more cautious with investment, due to insufficient infrastructure, corruption, and weak companies, representing higher risk, China has been more willing to deal with this risk.74 A huge factor in this is that China’s major companies are supported by the central government, and are therefore able to navigate the politics more effectively and form a long-term strategy.75 With less competition, all of this has led to China having a larger share of investment than the West, and therefore more influence in, countries led by abusive regimes.76 Some analysts, especially in the West, fear that China is aiding and investing in non-democratic nations to sell their authoritarian style government model, which created extreme growth, in order to unite authoritarian nations, creating a sphere of influence that would support China against the West.77 The world has already watched China use its African backing to its advantage in the UN; however, this prediction implies a much more sinister tone. The analysts fear a future in which China gains steadfast support from certain African countries against the West. A future in which China uses this new power to game the UN into forming a world more suitable to Chinese interests, likely at the expense of the West. Although extreme, tension from China bashing heads with the West in the UN could break out into major conflict in the future. However, there is still evidence that refutes this bold claim, specifically China’s participation in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) in Africa, and its willingness to inspire peace through cooperation and democratic reform.78 UNPKO on the continent have worked to create peace by inspiring liberal reforms, and China has helped with this in an attempt to improve its global image in the

eyes of the West.79 This differs from China’s previous strategy of non-involvement with African governments, as China has recently been more conscious of its international reputation.80 Additionally, starting in the late 2000s, China distanced themselves from dictator Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, and worked for peace in a tumultuous Sudan.81 While China remained stubborn in its support of the Khartoum government in Sudan, it tried to persuade those in power to cooperate with the world in establishing peace.82 China was successful in that Sudan agreed to allow UN and African Union peacekeepers into the region.83 It is not surprising that China is attempting to appease the West with these actions, as China is still major trading partners with the United States and other Western nations. This may mean that China is not working to dominate the UN over the West as some fear. On the other hand, China may be playing both hands, buying time to gain more influence in Africa while remaining strong economic relations with the West, before it goes on the offensive in the UN and challenges the West. While the world waits for China to make its intensions clear, it is evident that the relationship between China and Africa is likely to continue to grow. As Figures 1 and 2 demonstrate, Chinese investment in Africa has drastically risen since the early 2000s. Furthermore, as recently as in the first quarter of 2017, the flow of Chinese direct investment in the continent increased substantially from 2016.84 Additionally, on December 4th, 2015, President Xi announced 10 major initiatives to further increase cooperation between China and Africa during the next three years (2016-2018).85 He also pledged $60 billion of Chinese funding for these plans.86 Xi stated that the initiatives will focus on helping African nations with the three major issues that are hindering their development, being insufficient infrastructure, a lack of funds, and a lack of skills and education.87 To do this, China will continue its investment in infrastructure, education, agriculture, and aid to reduce poverty.88 China has promised that the plans will promote further industrialization, modernization of agriculture, and help bring development that is both independent and sustainable to Africa.89 China’s major plans to continue fostering its relationship with Africa, and the important ways in which each side supports the other, seem to suggest that Chinese investment in Africa will continue to increase in the coming years. Despite the numerous negative aspects, at least 63% of Africa seems unwilling to give up a major source of fueling its economy and raising its standard of living. China on the other hand, is keen on growing its relationship with Africa in order to gain more international influence, and to continue increasing natural resource imports to support Chinese industry. As China’s investment in Africa transitioned from revolutionary support to a wide variety of sectors, mainly natural resources and infrastructure, Chinese-African cooperation boomed. Africa received investment in different areas, bringing jobs, technology, skills training, and an overall improved living standard and economy. The African economy skyrocketed, partially thanks to Chinese investment.90 Despite concerns over unjust Chinese corporate practices, including inhumane working conditions, underpaying workers, violating environmental regulations, and exploiting African labor and resources, only 15% of Africans believe China has a negative impact on their country.91 On the other hand, 63% think China has a positive effect on their nation.92 Meanwhile, China has benefited from natural resources it desperately needed for its industrial growth and nationwide reconstruction, and still requires today to support its industry.93 Moreover, China has also gained more power on the global stage, and has already used its influence in Africa to garner votes in the UN.94 Some, mainly in the West, predict that China will use its relationship with Africa, especially in abusive authoritarian states where Western influence is lacking, to create its own sphere of influence and gain steadfast support from much of Africa.95 Then, they believe China will use this new backing to challenge the West in the UN, in an attempt to bully other nations into submit-

ting to China’s will.96 If this clashing of superpowers were to ever happen, it could very well erupt in large-scale warfare. Currently, it seems that Chinese-African cooperation will continue to grow. While at the moment China is still cooperating with the West, only time will tell if they gain enough influence in Africa and attempt to use that power to dominate globally, creating “China’s century.”

Endnotes 1 Linsung Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” in Berkshire Encyclopedia of China, ed. Kerry Brown and Winberg Chai (n.p.: Berkshire Publishing Group, 2009), 19-21. And Howard W. French, China’s Second Continent: How a Million Migrants Are Building a New Empire in Africa (n.p.: Alfred A Knopf, 2014), 4. 2 Firoze Manji and Stephen Marks, eds., African Perspectives on China in Africa (n.p.: Fahamu, 2007), 24. 3 Kartik Jayaram, Omid Kassiri, and Irene Yuan Sun, “The Closest Look yet at Chinese Economic Engagement in Africa,” McKinsey & Company, June 2017, accessed January 6, 2018, https://www.mckinsey.com/global-themes/ middle-east-and-africa/the-closest-look-yetat-chinese-economic-engagement-in-africa. And Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 4 French, China’s Second, 4. And Vladimir Basov, “The Chinese Scramble to Mine Africa,” Mining, December 15, 2015, accessed December 31, 2017, http://www.mining.com/feature-chinas-scramble-for-africa/. 5 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 21. 6 Eleanor Albert, Christopher Alessi, and Beina Xu, “China in Africa,” Council on Foreign Relations, July 12, 2017, accessed December 30, 2017, https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-africa. 7 Christopher M. Dent, ed., China and Africa Development Relations, Routledge Contemporary China Series (n.p.: Routledge, 2011), 68-69. And David Dollar, Heiwai Tang, and Wenjie Chen, “Why Is China Investing in Africa? Evidence from the Firm Level,” Brookings Institution, August 12, 2015, accessed January 7, 2018, https://www.brookings.edu/research/ why-is-china-investing-in-africa-evidencefrom-the-firm-level/. And Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 23. 8 Dent, China and Africa, 68-69. 9 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 19-20. And French, China’s Second, 4. 10 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 19. 11 Ibid 12 Ibid 13 Ibid 14 Andrew Jacobs, “Sidelined at the U.N., a Frustrated Taiwan Presses on,” New York Times, September 22, 2016, [Page #], accessed December 31, 2017, https://www.nytimes. com/2016/09/23/world/asia/taiwan-china-united-nations-un.html. 15 Ibid 16 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 21. 17 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 20. And Manji and Marks, African Perspectives, 24. 18 Ibid 19 Lihuan Zhou and Denise Leung, “China’s Overseas Investments, Explained in 10 Graphics,” World Resources Institute, January 28, 2015, http://www.wri.org/blog/2015/01/ china’s-overseas-investments-explained-10-graphics. 20 Neha Sinha, “China’s Economic Engagement in Africa,” Vivekananda International Foundation, March 16, 2017, accessed January 6, 2018, http://www.vifindia.org/article/2017/march/16/chinas-economic-engagement-in-africa. 21 Jayaram, Kassiri, and Sun, “The Closest.” 22 Ibid 23 Ibid 24 David Owiro, “CGTN/CCTV’S Growth and Influence in Africa,” People’s Daily Online, December 27, 2017, accessed December 31, 2017, http://en.people.cn/n3/2017/1227/c900009309157.html. 25 Ibid 26 Jayaram, Kassiri, and Sun, “The Closest.” 27 Dollar, Tang, and Chen, “Why Is China.” 28 French, China’s Second, 4. 29 Dollar, Tang, and Chen, “Why Is China.” 30 Albert, Alessi, and Xu, “China in Africa.” 31 Manji and Marks, African Perspectives, 24. 32 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 33 Jayaram, Kassiri, and Sun, “The Closest.”

34 Ibid 35 Ibid 36 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 37 Mathew Benjamin, “Sub-Saharan Africa: Will It Regain Its Economic Footing?,” Sage Business Researcher, June 5, 2017, accessed January 6, 2018, http://businessresearcher.sagepub.com/sbr-1863-1029332790840/20170605/sub-saharan-africa. 38 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 39 Basov, “The Chinese.” 40 French, China’s Second, 4. 41 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 20. 42 Basov, “The Chinese.” 43 Ibid 44 Ibid 45 Ibid 46 Basov, “The Chinese.” And French, China’s Second, 4. 47 Basov, “The Chinese.” 48 Basov, “The Chinese.” And French, China’s Second, 4. 49 Wenjie Chen and Roger Nord, “A Rebalancing Act for China and Africa: The Effect of China’s Rebalancing on Sub-Saharan Africa’s Trade and Growth,” International Monetary Fund, 2017, accessed January 6, 2018. 50 Jing Shuiyu, “China-Africa Trade Enjoys 16.8 Percent Boost in Q1,” China Daily, May 12, 2017, accessed January 6, 2018, http://www. chinadaily.com.cn/business/2017-05/12/content_29312460.htm. 51 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 19-20. 52 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 19. 53 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 19-20. 54 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 21. 55 Ibid 56 Ibid 57 Ibid 58 French, China’s Second, 4. And Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 19. 59 French, China’s Second, 4. 60 Albert, Alessi, and Xu, “China in Africa.” 61 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 62 Sophie Morlin-Yron, “This Is What Africans Really Think of the Chinese,” CNN, November 6, 2016, accessed January 6, 2018, http://www. cnn.com/2016/11/03/africa/what-africans-really-think-of-china/index.html. 63 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 64 Ibid 65 Ibid 66 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 23. 67 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 24.

68 Albert, Alessi, and Xu, “China in Africa.” 69 Ibid 70 Jayaram, Kassiri, and Sun, “The Closest.” 71 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 23. And Dent, China and Africa, 68-69. 72 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 23. 73 Dollar, Tang, and Chen, “Why Is China.” 74 Basov, “The Chinese.” 75 Ibid 76 Dollar, Tang, and Chen, “Why Is China.” 77 Dent, China and Africa, 68-69. 78 Ibid 79 Ibid 80 Ibid 81 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 24. 82 Ibid 83 Ibid 84 Shuiyu, “China-Africa Trade.” 85 “Xi Announces 10 Major China-Africa Cooperation Plans for Coming 3 Years,” Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, December 8, 2015, accessed January 6, 2018, http://www.focac. org/eng/zfgx/dfzc/t1322068.htm. 86 Ibid 87 Ibid 88 Ibid 89 Ibid 90 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. 91 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 22. And Albert, Alessi, and Xu, “China in Africa.” And Morlin-Yron, “This Is What.” 92 Morlin-Yron, “This Is What.” 93 French, China’s Second, 4. And Basov, “The Chinese.” 94 Cheng, “Africa-China Relations,” 21. 95 Dent, China and Africa, 68-69. 96 Ibid

Appendix

Figure 1

Figure 2

Figure 3

Figure 4 - Sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP (1990-2015)

Figure 5 - Sub-Saharan Africa Exports to China

Figure 6