Majolica Mania Highlights

MAJOLICA MANIA Highlights In t r o d u c t i o n

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MAJOLICA MANIA Highlights SUSAN WEBER

Bard Graduate Center, New York City

Majolica Mania: Transatlantic Pottery in England and the United States, 1850–1915 is made possible by Philip and Deborah English, the Bernard Malberg Charitable Trust, the Abra and Jim Wilkin Fund, and the Gary Vikan Exhibition Fund, with the generous support of Edward Flower, Amy Cole Griffin, Darci and Randall Iola, James and Carol Harkess, Maryanne H. Leckie, The Lee B. Anderson Charitable Trust, the Thomas B. and Elizabeth M. Sheridan Foundation, Inc., the Robert Lehman Foundation, and the Women’s Committee of the Walters Art Museum, with additional support by Carolyn and Mark Brownawell, George and Jennifer Reynolds, Carol and George E. Warner, Michael and Karen Strawser / Strawser Auctions, Laurie Wirth-Melliand and Richard Melliand, William Blair and Co., Drs. Elke C. and William G. Durden, Wanda and Duane Matthes / Antiques from Trilogy, Joan Stacke Graham, Lynn and Philip Rauch, Robin and Andrew Schirrmeister, Karen and Mike Smith, and other generous donors to the Bard Graduate Center and the Walters Art Museum.

Special thanks to the Majolica International Society.

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A JOL ICA M A NI A: HIGHL IGHTS IS A N IL LUS TR ATED N A RR ATI V E OF how a new type of earthenware—one highly modeled and vividly colored with lead glazes—captured the attention of the English upper classes in the early 1850s and went on to become a commercial sensation among the middle classes in both Britain and the United States in the decades that followed (fig. 1).1 Made of porous, low-fired clay that could be transformed into myriad shapes and styles, majolica inspired novel and imaginative wares in both useful forms and purely ornamental ones (figs. 2, 3). Bold, experimental, eccentric, and gloriously colorful, the ware appealed to a cross section of classes and budgets, and by the end of the nineteenth century, could be found in all types of homes. Indeed, it was seen at the time as a profoundly egalitarian product. It was looked upon as art to “grace the cottage as well as the castle,” and was, as one contemporary journal notes, accessible to “the million, and not the millionaire only.” 2 This wide reach was made possible by a confluence of factors that included a large workforce comprised of men, women, and children alike; technological advances that enabled large-scale manufacturing at relatively low cost; and socioeconomic shifts that provided increasing numbers of people with discretionary income.

Huge quantities of majolica were made in Britain and the United States during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1883, ceramic historian Llewellynn Jewitt (1816–1886) recorded a manufacturer that was producing twenty-six thousand teapots per week; while in 1895, the Pottery Gazette, a British trade journal, reported on another firm that was outputting two flowerpots every minute.3 Majolica mania shares similarities with nineteenth-century Chinamania and its passion for blue-and-white porcelain, and with the earlier tulipomania of the Dutch Golden Age.4 Yet the rage for majolica was distinctive in terms of the scale of the ware’s production and the breadth of its appeal. Its history opens a window not only into the obsessions of certain segments of Victorian society, but also into the aspirations of the wider population. From the studied significance of its antiquarian beginnings as an imitation of Renaissance tinglazed ware (fig. 4) to the quirky charm of some of its later incarnations, majolica, more than any other ceramic ware of the era, makes visible and tangible the anxieties, interests, and desires of nineteenth-century consumers on both sides of the Atlantic (fig. 5).

Majolica was unveiled to the public by the renowned English manufacturer Minton & Co. at the Great Exhibition of 1851, held in London and the first in a series of international exhibitions focused on art, culture, and industry (see page 6). From its beginnings, Minton majolica was seen as a British triumph of art applied to industry. 5 5

Minton & Co. majolica at the Great Exhibition of 1851, London.

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The firm’s rich polychrome glazes, which distinguish the ware, were originally formulated by émigré French designer-chemist Léon Arnoux (1816–1902), described by a contemporary as “the wizard whose magic wand and master-mind serves [Minton] so well.” 6 In 1851, Minton won the Council Medal—a distinction specifically intended to reward innovation—for the technical virtuosity of its new ceramic. The firm would continue to create prizewinning, often monumental majolica for subsequent exhibitions, from the thirty-six-foot-high St. George Fountain for the London International Exhibition of 1862 (below) to a pair of seven-foot-high elephants for the Paris Exposition Universelle of 1889. With these remarkable showpieces, Minton stretched the boundaries of ceramic manufacturing.

Before 1851, a gulf was perceived to have opened between the artistic quality of British industrial design and that of its European competitors, particularly those in France. Minton majolica became central to a debate around the utility of newly formed museum collections as a resource for improving design standards for industry in Britain.

Minton & Co. majolica fountain at the International Exhibition of 1862, London.

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An industrial product that was typically mass-produced, majolica was considered among the most significant success stories of the progressive Government Schools of Design—which had been founded in 1837 to educate designers in order to improve British industrial output.7 In the early years of its production, Minton’s acclaimed majolica was often deliberately and impeccably derived from historical examples found in public and private collections (fig. 6).8 The curators of London’s South Kensington Museum (renamed the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1899) and its predecessors eagerly acquired examples of Italian tin-glazed maiolica, ceramics by the della Robbia family, and works by French potter and scientist Bernard Palissy (1509–1590), the three major foundational sources for British majolica.9 Henry Cole (1808–1882), superintendent of the Department of Practical Art, which oversaw the Government Schools of Design, and founding director of the South Kensington Museum, argued in 1860 that Minton majolica “was created by these art collections.”10 Cole, in turn, collected and displayed many Minton majolica pieces as exemplars of excellent design applied to industry, a practice that aided in the ware’s acceptance by the buying public (fig. 7).

Cole also used the South Kensington Museum to showcase architectural majolica, which decorated the main staircase (the Ceramic Staircase), the Ceramic Gallery, and the Centre Refreshment Room (later renamed the Gamble Room) of the new museum building.11 Royal patronage likewise significantly contributed to the ware’s success.

Prince Albert’s use of majolica for the interior of the Royal Dairy at Frogmore (opposite) was a royal imprimatur that helped catapult it into fashion. Majolica’s early popularity was led by connoisseurial appreciation of the Renaissance originals that the nineteenthcentury versions so closely mimicked.12 Minton was praised for re-creating these costly collector’s items in works more accessible and affordable to all.13 To achieve the most sophisticated and boldly modeled examples (fig. 8), Minton employed French sculptors, among them Pierre-Émile Jeannest (1813–1857), Albert-Ernest Carrier-Belleuse (1824– 1887), and Hugues Protât (born 1816; active 1835–90). With their expertise, Minton produced Renaissance-style wares as well as those inspired by Greco-Roman (fig. 9), Elizabethan, Gothic (see page 2), and Neoclassical sources, among others.

Minton held a near monopoly on majolica for about ten years after introducing it to the public, but where the pioneering firm led, others followed. By the early 1860s, many British manufacturers had realized the commercial potential of the ware and entered into what had become a lucrative trade. Throughout the era, dozens of potteries would not only manufacture majolica, but also fiercely promote their acquisition of the most modern machinery, the most advanced techniques and technologies, and the newest, brightest glaze formulas as guarantors of the excellence of their wares. The pottery 8

factory itself was commodified by dozens of firms, its image lithographed for display in promotional materials ranging from advertisements to price lists. Majolica’s success seemed to epitomize Victorian Britain’s industrial prowess, its advancements in science and engineering, and its self-confidence and optimism.

Minton’s first majolica rivals were the well-established giants of the British pottery industry—Josiah Wedgwood & Sons (fig. 10), W. T. Copeland & Sons (fig. 11), T. C. BrownWesthead, Moore & Co. (fig. 12), and on a lesser scale, the Worcester Royal Porcelain Company (fig. 13).14 Though none of these firms seriously attempted to challenge Minton’s preeminent position with regard to majolica, each one established its own styles, colorways, and designs to compete effectively, while never losing sight of the core products for which it was already famous.

Soon after, many small and midsize potteries entered the field. George Jones and Joseph Holdcroft (see figs. 2, 18, 24), founders of two eponymous firms specializing in

John Thomas (1813–1862). Design for the Royal Dairy: Windsor Home Park, 1858.

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majolica, both trained at Minton, while the pottery owner John Adams (see fig. 19) began his career at Wedgwood.15 All three men paved the way for still more majolica factories.

Their companies targeted a broad consumer base through the introduction of tableware and decorative novelties to attract what was a rapidly growing market dominated by the middle classes.

By the mid-1870s, majolica mania was in full swing. Local British trade directories from this period document 130 manufacturers listing majolica as part of their ceramic production;16 and copious evidence in the form of majolica tea sets, flowerpots, and tableware survives, alongside documentation and examples of the elaborate exhibition showpieces made for promotion and sales. In 1880, the Pottery Gazette reported that “several firms have turned their attention to majolica making, and in most cases those who, in good times, would not have cared to add this department to their business, have found the investment a profitable one.” 17 Agents and wholesalers from all over the world descended on the Staffordshire potting district with order books, searching for the latest designs and novelties available in a range of prices.

Beyond its imaginative forms, majolica’s saturated colors were arguably its main attraction—achieved through the application of lead-based glazes, which added a brilliantly hued, glossy finish to all manner of objects, from teapots and tureens to umbrella stands and vases (fig. 14). Majolica is consistent with other nineteenth-century aesthetic trends, which are characterized by an explosion of color. Polychrome brickwork and architectural detail brightened buildings both inside and out; advancements in synthetic dyes expanded the range of colors available to the textile, carpet, and wallpaper industries; the expression and appreciation of bright color in ceramics revolutionized not only the dining table but also the conservatory and drawing room; and the generation that came of age in the 1850s was the first to experience mass-market color printing.18 Even the bleak industrial landscapes of North Staffordshire could be—and were— presented as treasure troves. In his book The Art of the Old English Potter, artist and designer Marc-Louis Solon (1835–1913) describes how “clays and coal could be had by merely scratching the soil.”19 These vital deposits were spread throughout the six towns of Burslem, Hanley, Stoke-upon-Trent, Longton, Tunstall, and Fenton, which, together with several villages, became known as the Potteries.20 An American correspondent for the Pottery Gazette wrote in September 1880, “Here I am again on a short visit amidst the smoke and ugliness of the potteries—but what does not glitter often contains gold, and this is true with regard to the conglomeration of potting manufactories, iron works, and coal mines, from which I write.”21 Though some majolica-producing firms celebrated the modernity of their factory buildings in their advertising material, contemporary anxieties about the pace of 10

industrialization and social change were nonetheless a reality. In the face of rapid urbanization, nostalgia for rural life was expressed in majolica jugs in the form of ivycovered cottages; in sculptural figures of peasants and shepherds (fig. 15); and in rustic wares celebrating nature. The harvest and the hunt were also favorite subjects for majolica, inspiring designs incorporating figures picking and carrying fruit (fig. 16), as well as those depicting wheat sheaves, corn, hunting dogs, game birds, and other animals in fully colored and accurately modeled detail.

Though the sciences were increasingly professionalized in the nineteenth century, a vast hinterland of cultural practice saw the amateur study of nature as a form of moral selfimprovement, especially for women.22 Majolica manufacturers responded by mining the flora and fauna of Britain and the rest of the world for inspiration. The familiar wildflowers of the British countryside—cowslips, primroses, brambles, water lilies, foxgloves, and dog roses—were popular motifs, as were apple, plum, and strawberry blossoms (fig. 17). Exotic tropical plants such as bananas, lychees, orchids, and bamboo, and the flora of the Americas, including cacti and the tobacco plant, were also common. Majolica depictions of nature at its most riotous entered the market at the same time that gardening became a popular middle-class pursuit. Smaller and simpler models of the luxurious glasshouses, once available only to the very wealthiest, became more affordable to ordinary citizens, while plant pots on stands or pedestals were common in Victorian drawing rooms (fig. 18). Among the most popular and widespread garden wares produced in majolica were garden seats (fig. 19) and jardinieres, some of which were even equipped with fountain fittings (fig. 20).

The proliferation of majolica wares decorated with flowers and fruits, and the abundance of patterns incorporating animals, birds, and marine life (fig. 21), reflect the voracious market for products in the rich colors and shapes of the natural world. Perhaps surprisingly, majolica comprises some of the most vibrant and lifelike three-dimensional depictions of animals and birds made in any medium—and in any era. Contemporary press accounts confirm that many of the ware’s natural embellishments were in fact modeled from life—as if to guarantee the purchaser an intimate connection to nature. Some of the most remarkable forms produced were near-life-size sculptural objects, among them Thomas Forester’s St. Bernard dog; T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co.’s eagle vase (fig. 22), designed by Mark Valsler Marshall (1842–1912); Minton’s Stork (fig. 23), designed

by Johann Hasselmann (John) Hénk (1847–1921); and Joseph Holdcroft’s vase in the form of a bird on a stump, designed by an otherwise unknown “T. Fay” (fig. 24).

Majolica manufacturers likewise kept a close watch on popular culture, producing visual commentaries on contemporary subjects of interest. For example, Minton’s Monkey Garden Seat (fig. 25) may have made wry reference to the debates around 11

“How a Teapot Evolves into a Heron,” ca. 1870.

evolution in advance of the publication in 1859 of On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection by Charles Darwin (1809–1882).23 This link, however tenuous it may appear to modern eyes, was a Victorian cultural reference that was instantly recognizable at the time.

The weirder transformations and metamorphoses portrayed in majolica also drew on contemporary representations of evolution—for example, a set of German satirical colored engravings titled Nach Darwin’s Lehre (According to Darwin’s Doctrine), one of which depicts a teapot turning into a heron (above).24 A jug or teapot in the form of a fish or vulture or tortoise or elephant (fig. 26) suggests a cultural and intellectual environment in which the protean nature of majolica gave rise to humorous, even seemingly absurd works of art to delight the eye.

Majolica proved a wonderfully malleable medium, one that could be imaginatively restyled in response to the latest trends as well as produced in almost any scale. In many ways, it was the direct antithesis of parian ware (unglazed white porcelain imitating marble), the other great ceramic invention of the nineteenth century.25 Moreover, majolica’s versatility made it the perfect vehicle for tableware designed to suit the newly realized needs of the fashionable Victorian home. A growing number of popular magazines 12

as well as cookery books and domestic guides were published from the mid-nineteenth century onward, creating demand within the middle classes for specialty wares such as dessert sets, sardine boxes (fig. 27), game pie dishes (fig. 28), and oyster plates (fig. 29).26 In response to new domestic protocols with regard to dining and decorating—and to the availability of new foods—a seemingly infinite range of designs sprang from every corner of the Potteries.

British ceramic manufacturers understood that novelty was critical to boosting trade and commerce. To keep ahead of growing competition at home and abroad, there was great pressure to regularly introduce original models, exclusive designs, and new colors. Majolica was shaped by nineteenth-century British imperialism, mirroring the outward-looking and intensely acquisitive nature of British curiosity about the larger world. Among the imperial territories, India gained the closest hold on the British imagination. Although a range of Indian-style patterns and motifs were used to embellish jugs, vases, and other wares, the elephant and the peacock were perhaps the most popular symbols and signifiers of “Indian-ness” (fig. 30). Pottery firms created all manner of majolica representations of these two animals—from ornamental mantelpiece figurines to vases and teapots to Minton’s huge majolica elephants, which have flanked the entrance to Thomas Goode & Co. in London since 1889.27 British consumers also enthusiastically embraced the “informal empire,” or the countries that British military, political, and commercial might opened up through treaty ports, trade missions, diplomacy, scholarship, and tourism.28 In due course, manufacturers commodified elements of these cultures for public consumption— art and design of the world was packaged and reissued in majolica embellished with ornament inspired by Egyptian (fig. 31), Moorish, Persian, Chinese, and Japanese sources (fig. 32). Although these wares are sometimes respectful and admiring, they are often simplistic and occasionally brutally racist: a messy mixture of ethnography, perceived exoticism, orientalism, and design idioms borrowed without context or a comprehensive understanding of their underlying significance (fig. 33).

The Aesthetic movement and its embrace of “art for art’s sake” promoted the ideal of uniting the beautiful with the useful, as well as the popular fashion for “exotic,” Asianinspired designs and decoration. Manufacturers were quick to produce “Japanese” and “Chinese” majolica. In the early 1870s, Minton introduced “Persian” ware, a line of austere, Asian-inspired vases and other ornamental shapes glazed in striking monochromatic colors such as turquoise blue, cadmium orange, plum purple, emerald green, and bright yellow (fig. 34). By the end of the decade, Wedgwood had introduced Argenta ware, a new range of majolica featuring muted colors that, more in keeping with Aesthetic taste, are set against a white ground (fig. 35). Other majolica manufacturers followed suit with new 13

wares in the Argenta colorway, many of which incorporate Aesthetic motifs and patterns including sunflowers, fans, flying cranes, and prunus blossoms (fig. 36).

Majolica’s rise corresponded with the development of broad-based consumerism, fueled by large-scale manufacturing coupled with new marketing initiatives— including retail sales through department stores, illustrated trade catalogues, and print advertisements (opposite).29 In addition, expansion of the rail system and steamship transport led to greater availability of consumer goods throughout Great Britain and the United States, while a chain of trade had developed to connect manufacturers with the expanding global markets. Many firms employed agents in the major cities to fulfill wholesale orders for their associated factories. Retail relationships had also been established to deal directly with clients. Some, such as the high-end London outlets of Thomas Goode & Co. of South Audley Street and John Mortlock of Oxford Street, insisted on restrictive agreements with factories and, in some cases, held exclusive rights to specific designs. Occasionally these retailers stamped or labeled the undersides of their wares with their own name in order to underscore the mutually beneficial relationship between seller and manufacturer.30 Throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, international exhibitions continued to be important marketing opportunities for the firms that mounted displays, which typically generated media coverage. The already substantial majolica trade was given additional stimulus in the United States by Philadelphia’s Centennial Exhibition of 1876, at which large displays of British majolica were on view for the fair’s nearly ten million visitors (see page 17). The American enthusiasm for majolica was built on an existing taste for the ware, which had been fostered during the late 1860s and early 1870s by prominent wholesalers and retailers located in the major metropolitan centers along the East Coast. Ball, Black & Co. of New York was selling majolica by 1868, and in the 1870s, crockery-and-glass wholesaler L. Straus & Sons, also in New York, expanded its business by importing majolica and parian. Other firms, including R. Briggs of Boston, Caldwell & Co. of Philadelphia, and Tiffany & Co. of New York, likewise began to import majolica in the early 1870s. 31 British manufacturers produced new American-themed designs especially for the export market, such as Copeland’s Centennial Eagle Pitcher (fig. 37), and wares in patterns named for American cities, for example, Wedgwood’s “St. Louis” line—all destined for retailers and wholesalers across the ever-expanding markets of the United States.

By the mid-to-late 1870s, in order to capitalize on the majolica craze, several American manufacturers—many established by British immigrant potters—had initiated production of the ware. A difficult economic environment, which contributed to a decline in living and working conditions in Staffordshire, had led more and more British potters 14

Thomas Forester advertisement, 1883.

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to seek new opportunities in the United States.32 Pottery workers hailing from France and Germany also sought employment within the burgeoning American ceramic industry.

Bringing molds and glaze recipes with them, in addition to the skills necessary to adapt the raw materials available in their new homeland to the manufacture of majolica, many chose to settle in the developing manufacturing centers of Trenton, New Jersey, and East Liverpool, Ohio.33 The Centennial Exhibition gave the budding American pottery industry the opportunity to showcase its progress. 34 Firms owned by James Carr (1820–1904), J. E. Jeffords (1842–1906), and John Moses (1832–1902) exhibited majolica alongside their stoneware and china.35 Carr’s display was the most substantial, featuring both original designs expressing a national identity and copies of popular English models. The use of these two strategies—innovation and imitation—reveals an underlying problem facing US makers: that of wanting to produce distinctive yet nonetheless saleable wares. The most original pieces on Carr’s stand were four large “George Washington Crossing the Delaware” pedestals (fig. 38).

In 1879, Griffen, Smith & Hill Company (GSH) of Phoenixville, Pennsylvania, began to successfully make majolica on a large scale for the US market.36 GSH produced an extensive range of English- and sometimes French-derived designs, from large punch bowls to small individual butter dishes. Its leading modeler was probably Hamlet Bourne (1852–1899) who, son of one of the chief designers at Wedgwood, had previously trained at Minton. The firm’s “Shell” line, inspired by Wedgwood’s “Ocean” and “Shell” patterns, was its most extensive (fig. 39). The pottery’s more novel designs, featuring a range of naturalistic motifs and a distinctive color palette, also captured the attention of US consumers.

The Arsenal Pottery in Trenton was established in 1876 by British-trained potter and inventor Joseph S. Mayer (1846–1907). 37 Mayer’s business motto was “everybody wants a jug,” and to that end, he positioned his pottery as a high-volume, low-cost producer of majolica for the masses (fig. 40). For nearly fifteen years, Arsenal manufactured copies of models by well-known English firms such as Wedgwood, Shorter & Boulton, and Wardle & Co., while also offering its consumers original designs at prices that were said “to defy competition.” The pottery’s rustic wares, in particular, molded with barklike grounds juxtaposed with colorful floral and foliate elements, express a rural simplicity and unpretentious aesthetic that appealed to the geographically diverse American markets.

Like other US manufacturers, the Chesapeake Pottery in Baltimore engaged Staffordshire-trained potters, including its manager Frederick Hackney (1848–1892), who had worked for many years at Wedgwood.38 It is not surprising that Chesapeake looked to English wares for inspiration, including several patterns, such as “Bramble,” that mimic 16

A. B. Daniell & Son display of Minton wares at the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition of 1876.

models introduced by Wedgwood a few years earlier. In addition to standard tableware, the firm expanded its output with an extensive line of majolica lamp bases, as well as inventive monochromatic wares including clocks (fig. 41).

George Morley (1829–1896), who established his Pioneer Pottery in the East Liverpool district along the Ohio River, began making majolica in 1881 (fig. 42). 39 Morley, though born and trained in England, marketed his ware as “American Majolica,” perhaps as a patriotic appeal to his largely Midwestern customer base. His relatively limited range of designs reflects knowledge of imported majolica, but the application of his glazes is more impressionistic, with splashes of color loosely applied to the standard practical forms manufactured by firms on both sides of the Atlantic.

Richard Harrison (1819–1901) produced a range of useful majolica in refreshingly unique designs often combining dynamic naturalistic ornament with quirky and unexpected decorative motifs. His one-kiln Peekskill Pottery Works in New York’s Hudson Valley remained in business for more than a decade, leaving a legacy of ceramic ware with the enigmatic maker’s mark TENUOUS MA JOLICA (fig. 43).

Within a short period of time, domestically produced majolica could be found for sale in both urban and rural retail outlets across the United States. American wares 17

were largely dominated by ornament inspired by nature, whereas majolica derived from historicist designs was never as popular with US consumers. Another major difference was in the demand for specific accessories used more readily by American consumers, like spittoons, individual butter dishes, and syrup or molasses jugs (fig. 44). Though these particular forms were popular in the United States, they were rarely seen in British homes.

Although US demand for majolica novelties was still strong in the early 1880s, the British market for the ware was generally waning by this time. In 1883, a Pottery Gazette reporter complained that “one man no sooner strikes a ‘bright’ than the whole lot rush pell-mell into it, and glut the market.” 40 Furthermore, retail and wholesale demand for ever-cheaper lines of majolica had impacted quality in the form of sloppy painting, runny glazes, and indistinct modeling. Advertising was increasingly geared toward overseas sales, and yet American consumers were being simultaneously tempted by a flood of inexpensive porcelain and pottery tableware from Continental Europe, which further eroded British market dominance. In addition, high trade tariffs in the United States for foreign-made goods began to give the American potteries an edge over their international competitors.

To offset the weakening market, British firms such as Thomas Forester, Samuel Lear, and others began to produce a new type of majolica.41 Originally called “barbotine” in France, this ornamental ware manufactured in forms including vases, baskets, and plaques, is adorned with applied, high-relief floral and foliage decoration. Forester, in particular, popularized “the raised flowers on earthenware,” which had a remarkable “run of success in all markets” (fig. 45).42 Likewise, the major American majolica producers, such as GSH, Arsenal, and Chesapeake, made barbotine, capitalizing on the fashion for these new, exuberantly decorated ceramics.

As tastes continued to change, consumers on both sides of the Atlantic began to favor simpler designs finished in either less vibrant or monochrome glazes—such as Duchess Ware produced in the early 1890s by the Wannopee Pottery Co. in New Milford, Connecticut (fig. 46).43 Ornamental wares reflecting this shift in fashion began to replace tableware as a major portion of majolica output. Also by this time, the term “art pottery,” which suggests the antithesis of mass production, had entered the vernacular. Some potteries dropped the term “majolica” from their advertisements altogether, although they continued to make smaller amounts of the ware. The Pottery Gazette reported in 1886 that “majolica, a few years ago, was a specialty that took the mark[et] as by a storm; but it has degenerated, and may be said to have had its day.” 44 By the 1890s, majolica mania had subsided. Not only had interest in the ware waned due to changing tastes, but also the ill effects of lead, dust, and other hazardous 18

workplace conditions were being recognized by manufacturers, consumers, and labor reformers alike.45 Firms that did not diversify quickly enough in the United States and in the Potteries of North Staffordshire, including Minton itself, found themselves in trouble.

In a final attempt to revive its majolica sales, during the late 1890s, Minton introduced Secessionist Ware. Created by Léon Victor Solon (1872–1957), this new line of ornamental earthenware was decorated with “tube lined,” or slip-trailed, motifs, mainly in the newly fashionable Art Nouveau style (fig. 47).

As quickly as majolica rose to popularity, it suffered a steep decline, falling out of favor during the early twentieth century and being subsequently lumped together with other unfashionable decorative arts associated with the Victorian era. Dismissed by a new generation of curators and collectors, who looked at the work through modernist eyes, majolica was deemed garish and overdecorated. In 1910, the British Office of Works declared that the St. George Fountain (see page 7) gave “the impression that at the period of its manufacture the art of design must have been at a very low ebb as not only are the subjects chosen commonplace but the coloring is crude.” 46 And, by the 1930s, the Victoria and Albert Museum began deaccessioning formerly prized majolica objects (fig. 48).47 It would take more than a century for majolica to be reassessed and recognized as a great ceramic invention of the nineteenth century. Although it embraced modernity in its mass production, promotion, and marketing, it did not follow the principles of design now associated with twentieth-century modernism in terms of aesthetic simplicity, functionality, and structure. Majolica’s controversial reception may have arisen from the creative tension between its producers’ interest in adapting Renaissance maiolica style and accommodating consumer demand for something new and modern at an affordable price. In spite of its great success in the second half of the nineteenth century, the ceramic’s critical downfall stems from the qualities that attracted the consumer market to it in the first place—its profuse modeled ornament and its magnificent polychrome glazing.

In 1982, art critic Rita Reif reviewed the first major US museum exhibition of British majolica, held at the Cooper-Hewitt Museum in New York. She commented on the “exuberance and technical virtuosity that are hallmarks of a period which has been thought of, wrongly, as stodgy and lacking in imagination,” and expressed hope that “a comprehensive majolica show will one day . . . document all the variations of the basic majolica themes.” 48 It has taken nearly four decades for such an exposition to be realized with Majolica Mania.

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This text is an abridged version of my introduction to Majolica Mania: Transatlantic Pottery in England and the United States, 1850–1915, eds. Susan Weber et al., 3 vols. (London and New York: Yale University Press and the Bard Graduate Center, 2020). For more information on majolica, see the above volumes, which comprise the most comprehensive examination to date of the history of majolica; in the notes that follow, I have cited specific chapters where relevant.

“Art and Art Pottery,” Pottery Gazette 9, no. 102 (December 1, 1885): 1435. “Markets: Notes from the Potteries,” Pottery and Glass Trades’ Review 1, no. 4 (April 1878): 180.

Llewellynn Jewitt, The Ceramic Art of Great Britain, rev. ed. (London: J. S. Virtue and Co., [1883]), 625. The Pottery Gazette reported in 1895 that Thomas Forester & Sons “claims to be the largest in the world for turning out art flower pots, their capacity running to a thousand dozen per week, one machine being able to produce two per minute. When we consider the artistic shape and design of these pots, such an output as this truly marks the development of the age as regards machinery in the application to art.” “Buyers’ Notes,” Fancy Trades Supplement to the Pottery Gazette 20, no. 212 (February 1, 1895): 3.

“The Various Branches of Crockery Manufacture,” Pottery Gazette 19, no. 200 (February 1, 1894): 132.

For Chinamania, see “The Late China Mania,” New York Times, September 14, 1879, 4; Jess Righthand, “‘Chinamania,’ Now Open at the Freer Gallery,” August 20, 2010, Smithsonian Magazine online, http://www .smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian-institution /chinamania-now-open-at-the-freer-gallery-388091/; Patricia Bjaaland Welch, “China Mania! The Global Passion for Porcelain, 800–1900,” Passage Magazine, November/December 2014, 16–17, https://www.academia .edu/9947961/China_Mania_The_Global_Passion _for_Porcelain; and Meg Talbot, “Consumer Culture and the Beginnings of the China Mania,” Politics, Literary Culture, & Theatrical Media in London, 1625–1725 website, www.london.umb.edu/index.php /entry_detail/consumer_culture_and_the_beginnings _of_the_china_mania/commerce/. For tulipomania, or tulipmania, see Anne Goldager, Tulipmania: Money, Honor, and Knowledge in the Dutch Golden Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); and Anna Pavord, The Tulip (London: Bloomsbury, 2007).

For Minton, see Miranda Goodby, “‘The productions of this firm stand pre-eminent”: The Minton Factory and Majolica,” in Majolica Mania, 2:1–31; Elizabeth Aslin and Paul Atterbury, Minton, 1798–1910, exh. cat.

(London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1976); Paul

Atterbury and Maureen Batkin, The Dictionary of Minton (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, 1990); and Joan Jones, Minton: The First Two Hundred Years of Design & Production (Shrewsbury: Swan Hill Press, 1993).

6

Thomas Croxen Archer, “On the Progress of Our ArtIndustries,” Art Journal 13 (June 1874): 175.

7

See Jo Briggs, “Molding Meaning: Majolica in a Transatlantic Context, from Cole to Haynes, from Ruskin to Eastlake,” in Majolica Mania, 1:145–71.

8

For the historical sources of majolica, see Rebecca Wallis, “Majolica: Sources of Inspiration,” in ibid., 1:35–69.

9

The Museum of Ornamental Manufactures opened at Marlborough House in 1852 and then reopened in 1853 as the Museum of Ornamental Art. When its growing object collections were transferred to South Kensington in 1857, it was renamed the South Kensington Museum, which became the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1899.

10 Henry Cole, “Minutes of Evidence,” in Report from the Select Committee on the Kensington Museum; Together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, and Appendix ([London]: House of Commons, 1860), 7–8.

11

For architectural majolica and the South Kensington Museum, see Julius Bryant, “Prince Albert, South Kensington, and the Victorian Taste for Renaissance Revival Ceramic Architectural Decoration,” in Majolica Mania, 1:71–95.

12 For Minton and its Renaissance sources, see Claire Blakey, “The Renaissance Reimagined: Minton, Majolica, and Maiolica,” in ibid., 2:125–41.

13 A Palissy ewer and stand from the Soulages collection, bought by the South Kensington Museum for £215, was copied by Minton and available for purchase for £3.

Henry Cole, “Minutes of Evidence,” 7–8.

14 For Wedgwood, see Gaye Blake-Roberts, “The Innovation and Artistry of Wedgwood Majolica,” in Majolica Mania, 2:143–65; Maureen Batkin, Wedgwood Ceramics, 1846–1959: A New Appraisal (London: Richard Dennis, 1982); and Robin Reilly, Wedgwood, 2 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1989). For W. T. Copeland & Sons, see Catherine Arbuthnott, “‘Highly finished elegance’: Majolica by W. T. Copeland & Sons,” in Majolica Mania, 2:309–31; and Vega Wilkinson, Spode-Copeland-Spode: The Works and Its People, 1770–1970 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, 2002). For T. C. BrownWesthead, Moore & Co., see Laura Microulis, “‘Quaint dragon vases . . . and other choice specimens of the

Potter’s Art’: Majolica by T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co,” in Majolica Mania, 2:211–37; see also Robert Cluett, Staffordshire Pottery, 1858–1962: Majolica, Transfer Prints, Flow Blue, Fine Bone China from Cauldon (Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publications, Ltd., 2004): 56–77. For Worcester Royal Porcelain Company, see Catherine Arbuthnott, “‘Pure in taste and elegant in form’: The Worcester Royal Porcelain Company,” in Majolica Mania, 2:291–307; and Henry Sandon, Royal Worcester Porcelain from 1862 to the Present Day, 3rd ed.

(London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1978).

15 For George Jones, see Gaye Blake-Roberts, “‘Of a high order of art’: George Jones Majolica,” in Majolica Mania, 2:239–61; and Robert Cluett, George Jones: Ceramics, 1861–1951 (Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publishing, Ltd., 1998). For Joseph Holdcroft, see Susan Weber, with Nicolaus Boston, “‘The Minton of Longton’: Joseph Holdcroft’s Sutherland Pottery,” in Majolica Mania, 2:333–53; see also Richard K. Henrywood, Staffordshire Potters, 1781–1900: A Comprehensive List Assembled from Contemporary Directories with Selected Marks (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, 2002).

For Adams, see Laura Microulis and Earl Martin, “‘Acquisitions of “the million”’: Majolica by John Adams & Co. and Adams & Bromley,” in Majolica Mania, 2:187–209.

16 “The Six Towns,” www.thepotteries.org, http://www .thepotteries.org/six_towns/index.htm.

17 “Trade Reports: Trade in the Staffordshire Potteries,” Pottery Gazette 4, no. 38 (August 2, 1880): 499.

18 Regina Lee Blaszczyk, “From Progress to Modernity: Invention and Innovation at the World’s Fairs,” in Inventing the Modern World: Decorative Arts at the World’s Fairs, 1851–1939, eds. Jason T. Busch and Catherine L. Futter (New York: Carnegie Museum of Art, 2012), 18–33.

19 L. M. [Marc-Louis] Solon, Art of the Old English Potter (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1886), 59.

20 Henrywood, Staffordshire Potters, 1781–1900, 16.

21 “Notes from the Potteries,” Pottery Gazette 4, no. 30 (September 1, 1880): 573.

22 Jeanne Kay Guelke and Karen M. Morin, “Gender, Nature, Empire: Women Naturalists in Nineteenth Century British Travel Literature,” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 26, no. 3 (2001): 311–12.

23 Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (London: John Murray, 1859).

24 “Wie aus einer Theekanne sich ein Fischreiher entwickelt” (“How a Teapot Evolves into a Heron”), from Nach Darwin’s Lehre (Berlin: [1860–69]), https: //wellcomecollection.org/works/dx2zvrpf. The set of twenty lithographs was published in Germany shortly after the publication of the first German translation of On the Origin of Species in 1860.

25 Maureen Batkin and Paul Atterbury, The Parian Phenomenon: A Survey of Victorian Parian Porcelain, Statuary and Busts (Somerset, UK: Richard Dennis, 1989).

26 For more on majolica’s use in the Victorian home, see Gaye Blake-Roberts and Susan Weber, “From Teapots to Flowerpots: The Use of Majolica in the Victorian Home,” in Majolica Mania, 1:111–43.

27 Philip M. Rayner, Thomas Goode of London, 1827–1977 (London: Thomas Goode & Co., [1977]).

28 Fa-Ti Fan, “Victorian Naturalists in China: Science and Informal Empire,” British Journal for the History of Science 36, no. 1 (April 2003): 1–26.

29 Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England, Advertising and Spectacle, 1851–1914 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); Roy Church, “Advertising Consumer Goods in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Reinterpretations,” Economic History Review, n.s., 53, no. 4 (November 2000): 621–45.

30 For more on how majolica was promoted and sold, see Martin Levy, “Promoting and Selling Modern Majolica: A Victorian Phenomenon,” in Majolica Mania, 1:173–97.

31 “Sales & Analysis 1872,” RW7/562, Archive of the Museum of Royal Worcester, Worcester, UK. 32 For British potters in the US, see Miranda Goodby, “‘Here is a great many English people’: The Migration of English Potters to the United States,” in Majolica Mania, 3:1–9; and Frank Thistlewaite, “The Atlantic Migration of the Pottery Industry,” Economic History Review, n.s., 11, no. 2 (1958): 264–78.

33 See Marc Jeffrey Stern, The Pottery Industry of Trenton: A Skilled Trade in Transition, 1850–1929 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994); and William C. Gates Jr., City of Hills and Kilns: Life and Work in East Liverpool, Ohio (East Liverpool, OH: East Liverpool Historical Society, 1984).

34 J. Garrison Stradling, “American Ceramics at the Philadelphia Centennial,” Magazine Antiques 110, no. 1 (July 1976): 146–58.

21

35 For James Carr, see Caroline Hannah, “Majolica at James Carr’s New York City Pottery,” in Majolica Mania, 3:11– 25; and James Carr, “Reminiscences of an Old Potter, A Series of Letters by James Carr, nos. 1–6,” Crockery and Glass Journal 53, no. 12 (March 21, 1901): 27–28; no. 13 (March 28, 1901): 23–24; no. 14 (April 4, 1901): 17–18; no. 15 (April 11, 1901): 15–16; no. 16 (April 18, 1901): 23–24; and no. 17 (April 23, 1901): 15–16.

36 The firm is generally referred to as Griffen, Smith & Hill Company in ceramic literature, even though it had changed its name to Griffen, Smith & Co. by 1880. The “GSH” monogram mark, however, continued to be used on the company’s ware until 1889. For more on GSH, see Susan Weber, “Griffen, Smith & Hill Company’s Etruscan Majolica,” in Majolica Mania, 3:27–71; and Dimitrios N. Bastas, Etruscan Majolica: The Definitive Reference to the Majolica of Griffen, Smith & Company (self-pub., Ancient Object Books, 2015; CreateSpace, 2019).

37 For Arsenal Pottery, see Laura Microulis, “‘The colors are rich and often a trifle gaudy’: Majolica Made in Trenton, New Jersey,” in Majolica Mania, 3:73–111.

38 For Chesapeake Pottery, see Earl Martin, “Beauty, Utility, Good Value: Majolica Made in Baltimore, Maryland,” in ibid., 3:113–47.

39 For Morley & Co., see Laura Microulis, “‘Crockery City’ Majolica: George Morley and the Potteries of East Liverpool, Ohio,” in ibid., 3:149–75.

40 “Trade Reports: Staffordshire Report,” Pottery Gazette 7, no. 69 (March 1, 1883): 263.

22

41 For Thomas Forester, see Catherine Arbuthnott and Susan Weber, “Thomas Forester, the ‘Potter King’ of Longton,” in Majolica Mania, 2:383–411. For Samuel Lear, see Catherine Arbuthnott and Susan Weber, “‘Bright colours, odd shapes, peculiar decorations are things most eagerly sought’: Other British Majolica Manufacturers,” in Majolica Mania, 2:453–83.

42 “Thomas Forester J.P.,” in Men of the Period. Selected from Centres of Commerce and Industry (London: Biographical Publishing Company, 1886), 100.

43 For Wannopee Pottery, see Laura Microulis and Susan Weber, “‘A man could do very well if he could get a good glaze’: Other American Majolica Manufacturers,” in Majolica Mania, 3:177–95.

44 “Changes in Pottery Art,” Pottery Gazette 10, no. 112 (October 1, 1886): 1163.

45 For working conditions in the Potteries, see Miranda Goodby, “‘The fearful malady of the clay’: Working Conditions in the Nineteenth-Century Staffordshire Potteries,” in Majolica Mania, 1:97–109.

46 Memorandum, March 31, 1910, “Maiolica [sic] Fountain in Front of Entrance: Demolished 1926,” WORK 17/1/1, National Archives, Kew. 47 For the rise and fall of majolica, see Ben Miller, “The Waxing and Waning of Taste for Victorian Majolica: A Case Study,” in Majolica Mania, 1:199–211.

48 Rita Reif, “Majolica Makes a Bold Comeback,” New York Times, April 4, 1982.

23

FIG. 1

Minton & Co. Fern & Foxglove Garden Pot & Stand, designed ca. 1851; this example 1866.

24

25

FIG. 2

George Jones & Sons.

Punch bowl, designed ca. 1875.

FIG. 3

Wardle & Co. Vase, designed ca. 1868.

26

27

FIG. 4

Minton & Co. Dish with portrait of Queen Victoria, ca. 1855.

FIG. 5

T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co. Dragon Vase, ca. 1876.

28

29

30

F I G . 6 (below)

Minton & Co. Soulages Ewer and Stand, designed ca. 1856.

F I G . 7 (opposite)

Alfred George Stevens for Minton & Co. Design for decoration of Snake Handle Vase, ca. 1862.

F I G . 8 (overleaf) Minton & Co. Victoria Wine Cooler, designed ca. 1851; this example ca. 1855–60.

F I G . 9 (left)

Minton & Co. Cup, 1867.

31

32

33

34

F IG . 10

Josiah Wedgwood & Sons.

Mermaid Clock Vase, designed ca. 1871.

35

F IG. 11

W. T. Copeland & Sons.

Vase, ca. 1875.

FIG. 12

T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co. Garden seat, ca. 1880.

36

37

38

F I G . 1 3 (this page) Worcester Royal Porcelain Company. Mars Vase, ca. 1871.

F I G . 1 4 (opposite) Minton & Co. Prometheus Vase, designed ca. 1867; this example 1873.

39

40

FIG. 15

William Brownfield & Sons.

Peasant vases, 1876.

F IG . 16

Minton & Co. Chariot, designed ca. 1867; this example 1872.

41

F I G . 17

W. T. Copeland & Sons.

Caltha Cheese Stand, ca. 1870s.

FIG. 18

George Jones & Sons.

Calla lily pedestal & jardiniere, ca. 1880.

42

43

44

F I G . 1 9 (this page)

John Adams & Co. or Adams & Bromley.

Corn Garden Seat, ca. 1870.

F I G . 2 0 (opposite) Minton & Co. Triangular Pillar Jardinier[e] with fountain fittings, designed ca. 1860; this example 1861–62.

45

F I G . 2 1 (opposite) Worcester Royal Porcelain Company.

Shell & Lizard, designed ca. 1868.

F I G . 2 2 (this page) T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co. Eagle vase, ca. 1877.

46

47

48

FIG. 23

Mintons Ltd. Stork, designed ca. 1875; this example 1902.

FIG. 24

Joseph Holdcroft.

Vase, ca. 1870s–80s.

49

50

FIG. 25

Minton & Co. Monkey Garden Seat, designed ca. 1855; this example 1867.

FIG. 26

Thomas Forester. Jumbo Teapot, ca. 1882.

51

FIG. 27

George Jones & Sons.

Sardine Box & Stand, designed ca. 1870; this example ca. 1875.

FIG. 28

Minton & Co. Game Pie, 1876.

FIG. 29

Samuel Lear. Oyster plate, designed ca. 1882.

52

53

F I G . 3 0 (opposite)

Minton & Co. Peacock, designed ca. 1875; this example 1876.

F I G . 3 1 (this page) Josiah Wedgwood & Sons.

Egyptian desk set, 1875.

54

55

56

F I G . 3 2 (this page) Worcester Royal Porcelain Company.

Japanese Tea Kettle, designed ca. 1872.

F I G . 3 3 . (overleaf) Minton & Co. Japanese Boatmen, ca. 1875.

F I G . 3 4 (opposite)

Minton & Co. Vase, designed ca. 1870; this example 1873.

57

58

59

60

FIG. 35

Josiah Wedgwood & Sons.

“Luther” Cheese Stand, 1885.

FIG. 36

S. Fielding & Co. Umbrella stand, ca. 1881.

61

F I G . 3 7 (opposite)

W. T. Copeland & Sons.

Centennial Eagle Pitcher, ca. 1876.

F I G . 3 8 (this page) James Carr’s New York City Pottery. “George Washington Crossing the Delaware” pedestal, ca. 1876.

F I G . 3 9 (overleaf) Griffen, Smith & Co. “Shell” ware, ca. 1879–90.

62

63

64

65

FIG. 40

Joseph S. Mayer, Arsenal Pottery.

Jug, ca. 1882–97.

FIG. 41

D. F. Haynes & Co., Chesapeake Pottery.

Clock, ca. 1883–86.

66

67

68

FIG. 42

FIG. 43

Morley & Co. Owl Jugs, ca. 1882–91.

Peekskill Pottery Works.

Bread tray, 1878–ca. 1894.

FIG. 44

Griffen, Smith & Co. “Sun Flower” Fruit [dish] and Molasses Jug, ca. 1879–90.

69

70

FIG. 45

Thomas Forester & Sons.

Plaque, ca. 1883.

FIG. 46

Wannopee Pottery Co. Candlesticks, 1891–ca. 1903.

71

F I G . 47.

Mintons Ltd. Secessionist Ware vase, designed ca. 1900; this example 1917.

FIG. 48

Minton & Co. Large jardiniere, ca. 1855.

72

73

CAPTIONS

Unless otherwise noted, the pieces pictured are included in the exhibition Majolica Mania: Transatlantic Pottery in England and the United States, 1850–1915. When an object was titled by the firm that manufactured it—in promotional material, factory pattern or shape books, or other records—the title is provided in headline style; titles in sentence style are descriptive. Likewise, official pattern names are capitalized and enclosed within quotation marks, while descriptive names are not.

Dimensions are given in inches (and centimeters); height precedes width precedes depth. “Design registered” indicates a design was entered into the British Designs Registry in the year listed, as opposed to being necessarily designed or manufactured in that year.

PA G E 2

Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin (1812–1852), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Pugin Dessert Plate, designed 1849–51; this example 1862.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 7/8 × diam. 9 1/2 in. (2.2 × 24.1 cm).

Impressed marks: MINTON // A // cipher for 1862. Joan Stacke Graham.

PA G E 4

Detail of fig. 1.

PA G E 6

H. Maye, del.; Francis Bedford (1815–1894), lithographer. “Terra Cotta Figure of Galatea & Group of Majolica Garden Vases by Minton of Stoke-uponTrent.” From Matthew Digby Wyatt, The Industrial Arts of the Nineteenth Century: A Series of Illustrations of the Choicest Specimens Produced by Every Nation, at the Great Exhibition of Works of Industry, 1851, vol. 2 (London: Day and Son, 1852), plate 97. Chromolithograph, 18 7/8 × 12 1/4 in.

(48 × 31 cm). Bard Graduate Center Library.

PA G E 7

Robert Dudley, lithographer; Illustrated London News, publisher. Detail of “The Majolica Fountain in the International Exhibition.” Supplement to the Illustrated London News, August 30, 1862. Chromolithograph, 16 × 20 5/8 in.

(40.5 × 52.5 cm). Signed: Robert Dudley. Inscription: THE MAJOLICA FOUNTAIN IN THE INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION. / DESIGNED BY THE LATE JOHN THOMAS. / EXECUTED

BY MINTON, HOLLINS AND CO. Private collection.

PA G E 9

John Thomas (1813–1862). Design for the Royal Dairy: Windsor Home Park, 1858. Pen-and-ink with watercolor and gouache over pencil, 19 7/8 × 23 1/2 in. (50.5 × 60 cm). Inscription: SECTION OF ROYAL DAIRY— LOOKING SOUTH—SCALE 1 IN TO 1 FOOT / SECTION SHEWING EAST SIDE / GROUND PLAN / SECTION SHEWING WEST SIDE. Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2020, RCIN 919774.

P A G E 1 2 (not in exhibition) “Wie aus einer Theekanne sich ein Fischreiher entwickelt” (“How a Teapot Evolves into a Heron”). From Nach Darwin’s Lehre, ca. 1870.

Chromolithograph, 6 3/8 × 8 3/8 in.

(16.3 × 21.3 cm). Wellcome Collection, London.

P A G E 1 5 (not in exhibition) Thomas Forester advertisement.

Colored supplement to the Pottery Gazette, June 1, 1883. British Library.

P A G E 1 7 (not in exhibition) Centennial Photographic Co. A. B. Daniell & Son Centennial Exhibition display, 1876. Albumen print, 13 × 16 1/8 in. (33 × 41 cm). Free Library of Philadelphia, c031954.

PA G E 2 3

Detail of fig. 30.

74

F I G . 1 (pages 24–25) Minton & Co. Fern & Foxglove Garden Pot & Stand, shape no. 1056, designed ca. 1851; this example 1866.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 13 1/2 × 19 7/8 × 18 1/2 in. (34.3 × 50.3 × 47 cm). Garden pot and stand, impressed marks: MINTON // 1056 // cipher for 1866; garden pot, painted decorator’s mark; stand, impressed mark: Z . Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 2 (page 26)

George Jones & Sons. Punch bowl, shape no. 3468, design registered 1875. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 10 × diam. 14 in. (25.2 × 35.5 cm).

Impressed marks: GJ monogram // B // 4; molded mark: British registry diamond for September 13, 1875, parcel 2; painted mark: 3468 / 11. The English Collection.

FIG. 2

F I G . 3 (page 27) Wardle & Co. Vase, design registered 1868. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 12 7/8 × 5 3/8 × 4 3/4 in. (32.6 × 13.5 × 12 cm). Molded mark: illegible British registry diamond [for September 1, 1868, parcel 1]. Rena and Sheldon Rice.

F I G . 4 (page 28)

Thomas Kirkby (1824–1890), painter, after Silas Rice (1821–1873), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Dish with portrait of Queen Victoria, ca. 1855.

Lead-glazed earthenware painted in enamels, diam. 24 7/8 in. (63 cm).

Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 3340-1856.

F I G . 5 (page 29)

T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co. Dragon Vase, shape no. M342, ca. 1876. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 24 7/8 × 14 1/2 × 13 3/8 in. (63.2 × 36.8 × 34 cm). Painted marks: 655 // S . Collection of Marilyn and Edward Flower.

F I G . 8 (pages 32–33)

Pierre-Émile Jeannest (1813–1857), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer.

Victoria Wine Cooler, shape no. 631, designed ca. 1851; this example ca.

1855–60. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 24 5/8 × diam. 16 3/8 in. (62.5 × 41.6 cm). Unmarked. Collection of Marilyn and Edward Flower, ex coll.

Dr. Marilyn Karmason.

FIG. 10

F I G . 1 2 (pages 36–37) T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co. Garden seat, ca. 1880. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 21 1/2 × 16 1/4 × 11 3/4 in. (54.6 × 41.3 × 29.9 cm).

Unmarked. Joan Stacke Graham.

FIG. 5

F I G . 6 (page 31)

Hamlet Bourne (1826–1877), modeler; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Soulages Ewer and Stand, shape no. 732, designed ca. 1856. Earthenware with majolica glazes, ewer: 10 1/2 × 8 7/8 × 5 3/4 in. (26.7 × 22.5 × 14.6 cm); stand: 3 × 11 7/8 × 10 in. (7.6 × 30.2 × 25.4 cm).

Unmarked. Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 7 (page 30) Alfred George Stevens (1817–1875) for Minton & Co. Design for decoration of Snake Handle Vase, shape no. 600, ca.

1862. Watercolor, pencil, pen-andink, and gouache on paper, 13 7/8 × 10 5/8 in. (35.2 × 27 cm). Stamped: 28; inscription in ink: G.2; inscription in ink, on reverse: Minton & Co. Stoke upon Trent. Minton Archive, Stoke-on-Trent City Archives, SD 1705/MS1728/G.2.

A vase of this design is in the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum, London.

FIG. 8

F I G . 9 (page 31)

Minton & Co. Cup, shape no. 1357, 1867. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 8 1/2 × 5 3/8 × 6 1/8 in. (21.7 × 13.6 × 15.8 cm). Impressed marks: MINTON // cipher for 1867 // illegible mark.

Private collection.

F I G . 1 0 (pages 34–35)

Hugues Protât (born 1816; active 1835–90), modeler; Josiah Wedgwood & Sons, manufacturer. Mermaid Clock Vase, pattern no. M1719, shape designed ca. 1871. Earthenware with majolica glazes, metal, and glass, 14 1/2 × 9 1/8 × 4 1/4 in. (36.8 × 23.2 × 10.8 cm). Impressed marks: WEDGWOOD // MB[?] // 1. Aviva and Gerald Leberfeld.

F I G . 1 1 (page 36) W. T. Copeland & Sons. Vase, ca. 1875.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, h.

11 1/4 × diam. 7 1/4 in. (28.4 × 18.4 cm).

Unmarked. Private collection.

FIG. 12

F I G . 1 3 (page 39) Eduard Béjot (1836–1885), painter; Worcester Royal Porcelain Company, manufacturer. Mars Vase, ca. 1871.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 26 5/8 × 14 3/8 × 12 1/2 in. (67.5 × 36.5 × 31.7 cm.). Unmarked. Collection of Marilyn and Edward Flower.

75

F I G . 1 4 (page 38)

Victor Étienne Simyan (1826–1886), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer.

Prometheus Vase, shape no. 1328, designed ca. 1867; this example 1873.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 47 7/8 × 22 5/8 × 17 3/8 in. (121.5 × 57.5 × 44 cm). Impressed marks: MINTONS // 1328 // E // cipher for 1873 // illegible cipher. The English Collection.

FIG. 16

F I G . 1 8 (page 43)

George Jones & Sons. Calla lily pedestal and jardiniere, shape no.

5202B, ca. 1880. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 44 3/8 × diam.

22 1/2 in. (112.9 × 57.6 cm). Unmarked.

The English Collection.

F I G . 2 1 (page 47) Worcester Royal Porcelain Company.

Shell & Lizard, shape no. 4/93, designed ca. 1868. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 9 1/4 × 6 5/8 × 6 in.

(23.4 × 16.8 × 15 cm). Impressed mark: 51 surrounded by four linked Ws within a circle surmounted by a crown. Collection of Marilyn and Edward Flower.

FIG. 14

F I G . 1 5 (page 40) William Brownfield & Sons. Peasant vases, shape nos. 117 and 118, 1876.

Earthenware with majolica glazes.

Female: 12 1/4 × 5 1/8 × 6 1/4 in. (31 × 13 × 16 cm). Impressed marks: BROWNFIELD // 2014 // ; painted mark: 118 . Male: 13 1/4 × 5 1/8 × 6 1/2 in. (33.6 × 13.2 × 16.5 cm). Impressed marks: BROWNFIELD // // ; painted marks: 117 // T. The English Collection.

F I G . 1 6 (page 41)

Minton & Co. Chariot, shape no. 1272, designed ca. 1867; this example 1872.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 11 3/8 × 20 × 8 in. (29 × 51 × 20.5 cm).

Impressed marks: MINTON // 1272 // M // cipher for 1872. Collection of Marilyn and Edward Flower.

F I G . 1 7 (page 42) W. T. Copeland & Sons. Caltha Cheese Stand, ca. 1870s. Earthenware with majolica glazes. h. 10 1/4 × diam.

11 1/4 in. (26 × 28.5 cm). Impressed mark: COPELAND . Joan Stacke Graham.

76

FIG. 20

FIG. 18

F I G . 1 9 (page 45)

John Adams & Co. or Adams & Bromley.

Corn Garden Seat, shape no. 130, ca.

1870. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 19 × diam. 13 5/8 in. (48.3 × 34.6 cm).

Unmarked. Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 2 0 (page 44)

Minton & Co. Triangular Pillar Jardinier[e] with fountain fittings, shape no. 934, designed ca. 1860; this example 1861–62. Earthenware with majolica glazes and brass, h. 52 1/4 × diam. 27 5/8 in. (132.5 × 70 cm). Painted in enamels three times on top of base: monogram including the letters C, M, C, A; fountain stem, impressed mark: cipher for 1861; top section, impressed marks: MINTON // cipher for 1862. The Walters Art Museum, Gift of Deborah and Philip English, Baltimore, 48.2890.

FIG. 21

F I G . 2 2 (page 46) Mark Valsler Marshall (1842–1912), modeler; T. C. Brown-Westhead, Moore & Co., manufacturer. Eagle vase, ca.

1877. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 25 × 23 3/8 × 14 1/2 in. (63.5 × 59.4 × 36.8 cm). Molded on top of base: MV MARSHALL PINX; painted marks: 1162 // 5 . The English Collection.

F I G . 2 3 (page 48)

Johann Hasselmann (John) Hénk (1847–1921), designer; Mintons Ltd., manufacturer. Stork, shape no. 1916, designed ca. 1875; this example 1902.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 39 3/4 × 19 1/4 × 16 3/8 in. (101 × 49 × 41.5 cm). Impressed marks: MINTONS // 1916 // D // 1 // cipher for 1902.

The English Collection.

above & SONS // 6; box and stand, painted mark: 1111; stand, impressed mark: E ; cover, painted mark: 11.

Private collection.

by four linked Ws within a circle surmounted by a crown; molded mark: British registry diamond for January 18, 1872, parcel 6. Rena and Sheldon Rice.

F I G . 2 8 (page 52) Minton & Co. Game Pie, shape no.

1990, 1876. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 11 3/8 × 18 1/8 × 12 3/4 in. (28.9 × 46 × 32.4 cm). Impressed marks: MINTONS // cipher for 1876 // two illegible ciphers; painted decorator’s mark. Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 2 9 (page 53)

Samuel Lear. Oyster plate, design registered 1882. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 7/8 × diam. 10 in.

(2.2 × 25.3 cm). Molded mark: British registry diamond for May 27, 1882, parcel 3. Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 3 0 (page 55)

FIG. 23

F I G . 2 4 (page 49)

T. Fay, designer; Joseph Holdcroft, manufacturer. Vase, ca. 1870s–80s.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 20 1/2 × 11 5/8 × 12 3/8 in. (52.2 × 29.5 × 31.5 cm). Molded on side of base: T. FAY / SCULPTOR. The English Collection.

F I G . 2 5 (page 50)

Minton & Co. Monkey Garden Seat, shape no. 589, designed ca. 1855; this example 1867. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 19 × 14 3/8 × 14 3/8 in.

(48.2 × 36.5 × 36.5 cm). Impressed marks: MINTON // 589 // N // cipher for 1867. The English Collection.

Paul Comoléra (1818–1897), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Peacock, shape no. 2045, designed ca. 1875; this example 1876. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 59 7/8 × 27 1/2 × 17 1/4 in.

(152 × 70 × 43.8 cm). Molded on top of base: P. COMOLÉRA; impressed marks: MINTON // 2045 // cipher for 1876 // other ciphers. The English Collection.

F I G . 3 1 (page 54) Josiah Wedgwood & Sons. Egyptian desk set, 1875. Earthenware with majolica glazes, overall: 5 × 11 7/8 × 4 3/8 in. (12.7 × 30.2 × 11 cm).

Impressed mark: WEDGWOOD . Victoria and Albert Museum, Wedgwood Collection, 9002.

F I G . 2 6 (page 51)

Thomas Forester. Jumbo Teapot, ca. 1882. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 7 3/8 × 9 1/8 × 4 5/8 in. (18.7 × 23.2 × 11.8 cm). Painted decorator’s mark.

Aviva and Gerald Leberfeld.

F I G . 2 7 (page 52) George Jones & Sons. Sardine Box & Stand, shape no. 1831, designed ca. 1870; this example ca. 1875.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 3 7/8 × 8 1/2 × 7 3/4 in. (9.8 × 21.7 × 19.7 cm). Box and stand, impressed marks: GJ monogram in a crescent

FIG. 32

F I G . 3 3 (pages 58–59) Johann Hasselmann (John) Hénk (1847–1921), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Japanese Boatmen, shape no. 1926, ca. 1875. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 6 × 13 5/8 × 2 3/4 in.

(15.3 × 34.5 × 7 cm). Molded on side: J. Henk; impressed mark: 1926 . Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 3 4 (page 56) Minton & Co. Vase, shape no. 1379, designed ca. 1870; this example 1873.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 9 7/8 × diam. 4 1/2 in. (25 × 11.5 cm).

Impressed marks: MINTONS // 1379 // 3 // cipher for 1873. Rena and Sheldon Rice.

F I G . 3 5 (page 60) Josiah Wedgwood & Sons. “Luther” Cheese Stand, pattern no. K3452; this example 1885. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 9 3/4 × diam. 10 3/8 in. (24.8 × 26.5 cm). Stand, impressed marks: WEDGWOOD // ABN // D; cover and stand, painted marks: K3452 // D .

Private collection.

FIG. 31

F I G . 3 2 (page 57) James Hadley (1837–1903), designer; Worcester Royal Porcelain Company, manufacturer. Japanese Tea Kettle, shape no. 254, design registered 1872.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, 7 1/2 × 8 1/8 × 6 3/4 in. (19.2 × 20.6 × 17.2 cm). Impressed mark: 51 surrounded

FIG. 35

77

F I G . 3 6 (page 61)

S. Fielding & Co. Umbrella stand, ca.

1881. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 23 3/8 × 11 1/2 × 12 7/8 in. (59.4 × 29.2 × 32.5 cm). Impressed mark: FIELDING ; incised mark: X ; painted decorator’s mark. Private collection.

F I G . 3 7 (page 63) W. T. Copeland & Sons. Centennial Eagle Pitcher, ca. 1876. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 9 3/4 × diam. 8 5/8 in. (25 × 22 cm). Molded on shields: 1876 CENTENNIAL MEMORIAL / 1776 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE / WASHINGTON FATHER OF OUR COUNTRY; stamped mark: MANUFACTURED BY W. T. COPELAND & SONS / SOLELY FOR / J. M. SHAW & CO. / NEW YORK ; painted mark: B .

Joan Stacke Graham.

F I G . 3 8 (page 62) W. H. Edge (1835–1890), modeler (attributed); James Carr’s New York City Pottery, manufacturer. “George Washington Crossing the Delaware” pedestal, ca. 1876. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 24 × diam.

14 1/2 in. (61 × 36.8 cm). Unmarked.

Bryce Smith.

F I G . 3 9 (pages 64–65)

Griffen, Smith & Co. “Shell” ware, ca. 1879–90. Earthenware with majolica glazes, various dimensions. Various marks. Private collection, some ex coll. Dr. Howard Silby.

F I G . 4 0 (page 66) Joseph S. Mayer, Arsenal Pottery. Jug, ca. 1882–97. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 9 1/2 × 8 1/4 × 6 1/2 in. (24 × 20.9 × 16.6 cm). Painted decorator’s mark.

Rena and Sheldon Rice.

F I G . 4 1 (page 67)

D. F. Haynes & Co., Chesapeake Pottery (case); New Haven Clock Company (mechanism). Clock, ca.

1883–86. Earthenware with majolica glazes, brass, wood, and various other materials, 11 7/8 × 10 3/4 × 4 3/8 in. (30.1 × 27.3 × 11.1 cm). Case: unmarked; mechanism: maker’s mark on frame.

Private collection.

F I G . 4 2 (pages 68–69)

Left: Morley & Co., Pioneer Pottery.

Owl Jug, ca. 1882–84. Eathenware with majolica glazes, 8 1/4 × 5 1/2 × 4 in. (21 × 14 × 10.2 cm). Stamped

78

FIG. 41

FIG. 45

mark: MORLEY & CO. / MAJOLICA / WELLSVILLE, O . Right: Morley &

F I G . 4 7 (page 72) Léon Victor Solon (1872–1957), designer; J. W. Wadsworth (1879– 1955), designer; Mintons Ltd., manufacturer. Secessionist Ware vase, shape no. 3378, designed ca. 1900; this example 1917. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 11 1/4 × 5 1/2 × 4 1/8 in.

(28.6 × 14 × 10.5 cm). Impressed marks: 3378 // ENGL // cipher for 1917.

Collection of Marilyn and Edward Flower.

Company, Lincoln Pottery. Owl Jug, ca. 1884–91. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 8 1/2 × 5 5/8 × 4 in.

(21.6 × 14.3 × 10.2 cm). Stamped mark: GEORGE MORLEY’S / MAJOLICA / EAST LIVERPOOL, O . Private collection.

F I G . 4 3 (page 69) Peekskill Pottery Works. Bread tray, 1878–ca. 1894. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 1 3/8 × 13 5/8 × 10 3/4 in.

(3.5 × 34.6 × 27.3 cm). Impressed mark: HARRISON / PEEKSKILL / POTTERY / WORKS / N.Y. Kurt O’Hare.

F I G . 4 4 (page 69) Griffen, Smith & Co. Left: “Sun Flower” Fruit, shape no. D17, ca. 1879–90.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 7/8 × diam. 5 in. (2 × 12.7 cm).

Impressed mark: GSH monogram encircled by ETRUSCAN MAJOLICA .

Right: “Sun Flower” Molasses Jug, shape no. E23 , ca. 1879–90.

Earthenware with majolica glazes and metal, 8 1/8 × 4 7/8 × 4 1/4 in. (20.7 × 12.4 × 10.9 cm). Impressed marks: GSH monogram encircled by ETRUSCAN MAJOLICA // E23 ; stamped mark: 10 .

Private collection.

F I G . 4 8 (page 73) Pierre-Émile Jeannest (1813–1857), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer.

Large jardiniere, ca. 1855. Earthenware with majolica glazes painted in enamels, overall: h. 86 × diam. 43 1/2 in. (218.4 × 110.5 cm). Painted on upper surface of base in three places: MINTON & CO / STOKE-UPON-TRENT. The Potteries Museum & Art Gallery, 1934.P.179. This jardiniere was deaccessioned from the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, in 1934.

F I G . 4 5 (page 70) Thomas Forester & Sons. Plaque, ca.

1883. Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 3 1/2 × diam. 16 in. (18.9 × 40.7 cm).

Painted decorator’s mark. Nicolaus Boston, London.

F I G . 4 6 (page 71) Wannopee Pottery Co. Candlesticks, 1891–ca. 1903. Earthenware with majolica glazes, each: h. 12 1/2 × diam.

8 in. (31.8 × 20.3 cm). Left: unmarked; right, impressed mark: WANNOPEE .

Private collection.

FIG. 48

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Atterbury, Paul, and Maureen Batkin. The Dictionary of Minton.

Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, 1990.

—. The Ceramic Art of Great Britain. Rev. ed. London: J. S. Virtue and Co., [1883].

Barber, Edwin AtLee. The Pottery and Porcelain of the United States: An Historical Review of American Ceramic Art from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1893.

Jones, Joan. Minton: The First Two Hundred Years of Design & Production. Shrewsbury: Swan Hill Press, 1993.

Bastas, Dimitrios N. Etruscan Majolica: The Definitive Reference to the Majolica of Griffen, Smith & Company. Selfpublished, Ancient Object Books, 2015; CreateSpace, 2019.

Batkin, Maureen. Wedgwood Ceramics, 1846–1959: A New Appraisal. London: Richard Dennis, 1982.

Bergesen, Victoria. Majolica: British, Continental and American Wares, 1851–1915. London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1989.

Cluett, Robert. George Jones Ceramics, 1861–1951. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 1998.

—. Staffordshire Pottery, 1858–1962: Majolica, Transfer Prints, Flow Blue, Fine Bone China from Cauldon. A Schiffer Book for Collectors. Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publications Ltd., 2004.

Gates, William C., Jr. City of Hills and Kilns: Life and Work in East Liverpool, Ohio. East Liverpool, OH: East Liverpool Historical Society, 1984.

Henrywood, Richard K. Staffordshire Potters, 1781–1900: A Comprehensive List Assembled from Contemporary Directories with Selected Marks. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, 2002.

Jewitt, Llewellynn. The Ceramic Art of Great Britain from Pre-Historic Times Down to the Present: Being a History of the Ancient and Modern Pottery and Porcelain Works of the Kingdom and of Their Productions of Every Class. 2 vols.

London: Virtue and Co., 1878.

Karmason, Marilyn G., with Joan B. Stacke. Majolica: A Complete History and Illustrated Survey. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1989.

Peake, Tim H. William Brownfield and Son(s), 1837–1900: A Most Prolific Staffordshire Pottery; An Illustrated Guide to Brownfield Wares, 1837–1900. Self-published, 1995.

Reilly, Robin. Wedgwood. 2 vols. London: Macmillan, 1989.

—. Wedgwood: The New Illustrated Dictionary.

Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club Ltd., 1995.

Stern, Marc Jeffrey. The Pottery Industry of Trenton: A Skilled Trade in Transition, 1850–1929. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994.

Thistlewaite, Frank. “The Atlantic Migration of the Pottery Industry.” Economic History Review, n.s., 11, no. 2 (1958): 264–78.

Weber, Susan, with Catherine Arbuthnott, Jo Briggs, Eleanor Hughes, Earl Martin, and Laura Microulis, eds. Majolica Mania: Transatlantic Pottery in England and the United States, 1850– 1915, 3 vols. (London and New York: Yale University Press and the Bard Graduate Center, 2020). Exhibition catalogue.

Wilkinson, Vega. Spode-Copeland-Spode: The Works and Its People, 1770–1970. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, 2002.

79

This book is published by the Bard Graduate Center, New York City, in conjunction with the exhibition, Majolica Mania: Transatlantic Pottery in England and the United States, 1850–1915.

Exhibition organizers: Bard Graduate Center and the Walters Art Museum Exhibition curators: Susan Weber and Jo Briggs Project directors: Earl Martin and Laura Microulis Copy editor: Susan Homer Design: Laura Grey For purchase information, please visit https://store.bgc .bard.edu/ or email store@bgc.bard.edu.

Copyright © 2020 Bard Graduate Center. Copyright for the essay is held by the author and the Bard Graduate Center. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted in Sections 107 and 108 of the US Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2020934140 ISBN: 978-1-941792-25-4 Printed and bound by GHP Media, Inc., West Haven, Connecticut Front cover: Paul Comoléra (1818–1897), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Peacock (detail), shape no.

2045, designed ca. 1875; this example 1876. Earthenware with majolica glazes, 59 7/8 × 27 1/2 × 17 1/4 in. (152 × 70 × 43.8 cm). Molded on top of base: P. COMOLÉRA; impressed marks: MINTON // 2045 // cipher for 1876 // other ciphers. The English Collection.

Back cover: W. T. Copeland & Sons. Vase (detail), ca. 1875.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 11 1/4 × diam. 7 1/4 in.

(28.4 × 18.4 cm). Unmarked. Private collection.

Frontispiece: Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin (1812– 1852), designer; Minton & Co., manufacturer. Pugin Dessert Plate, designed 1849–51; this example 1862.

Earthenware with majolica glazes, h. 7/8 × diam. 9 1/2 in.

(2.2 × 24.1 cm). Impressed marks: MINTON // A // cipher for 1862. Joan Stacke Graham.

PHOTOGRAPHIC CREDITS Photographs were taken or supplied by the lending institutions, organizations, or individuals credited in the illustration captions and are protected by copyright; many names are not repeated here. Individual photographers are credited below. Permission has been sought for use of all copyrighted illustrations in this volume. In several instances, despite extensive research, it has not been possible to locate the original copyright holder. Copyright owners of these works should contact the Bard Graduate Center, 18 West 86th Street, New York, NY 10024, USA. © British Library: page 15 Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2020: page 9 Brandon Seekins: fig. 38 Bruce M. White: Front and back covers; pages 2, 6, 7, 23; figs. 1–3, 5–19, 21–30, 32–37, 39–47

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WEBER