The Two Faces of the Temple - A Thesis Research Essay

t he t wo fac e s of t he t em pl e

AR5806/7 Architectural Design Research T hesis

AT H E E R A H K A M A L , A 0209249 Y Na t io n a l Un ive r s it y o f Si n g a p o re , 2 0 2 2 - 2 0 2 3 T hesis Advisor : AR . Chaw Chih Wen

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1 Preach And Control 2 Rites And Wrongs 3 Devotion And Denied

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Th e N ew D ivi n e – D a t a Re l i g i o n 1 The 1st Commandment – Paths to Devotion 2 The 2nd Commandment – Proselyitsation of Technolog y 3 The 3rd Commandment – Building Places of Wor ship

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My whole architectur al jou r n ey i s d e d i c a t e d t h e s e following people who are always there with their unwaivering f aith in me. Th a n k yo u . Th i s wh o l e pr oces s woul d d n ot h ave ex i s t e d wi t hou t a ny of them To my siblings, cousins and parents - for the endless wa r m t h a n d l ove yo u s h owe re d m e i n t h e s e t r y i n g times, may god bl es s yo u a lway s.

My f r i e n d s – fo r a l l t h e f a c e l e s s z o o m s a n d f a c e t i m e s, t h o s e re a l ly k e p t m e g o i n g . I c o u l d n ' t thi nk o f anyo ne el s e I wo u l d r a t he r b e on t hi s jo ur ney wi th .

La st but n ot l eas t, to Chi h We n. D e s p i t e b e i ng a n extremely tr ying student, yo u s t i l l h a d i m m e a s u r a bl e pati ence and d ed i cati o n. A nd for t ha t I a m ex t re m e ly g r atef ul.

Th e s i s A dvi s o r : C h aw C h i h We n 2 nd Read er : Bob by Won g

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ABS TR AC T In HomoDeus, Yuval Noah Harari prophesies that the future of humankind will diverge into two distinct classes, the superhumans and the useless class , as the world shifts towards a data-centric society. This data-centric society is perpetuated by what Harari mentions as Data Religion. A religion where data prophets and messengers are formulating new prophecies for society, which has plenty to do with technology and algorithms but not much with God. The birth of the useless class is the causation of technology and AI displacing the need for the physical human in jobs, thus rendering them useless in the economy.

Religious scriptures and Hinduism theories birthed the Indian Caste system, which has become the most integral aspect of the county’s social structure. The caste system is a system RI VWUDWLʷFDWLRQ WKDW GHOLQHDWHV RQHÞV VRFLHWDO KLHUDUFK\ 0DGH IURP WKH DQWKURSRORJLFDO being of God, the fourfold Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras, are the castes not as oppressed as the Untouchables known as the Dalits, which is a group created outside of the body of the divine—seen as unwanted in the being of the divine and religion. As “Hindus tend to see their religious identity and Indian national identity as closely intertwined” , the religious theories of the caste become an imperative prophecy for Hindus to follow. It becomes a MXVWLʷHG H[FXVH WR PDUJLQDOLVH DQG EHOLHYH WKH 8QWRXFKDEOHV DUH XQZDQWHG LQ VRFLHW\ 7KHUH VHHPV WR EH DQ XQFDQQ\ SDUDOOHO WKDW H[LVWV EHWZHHQ WKH XVHOHVV FODVV LQ 'DWD 5HOLJLRQ DQG WKH XQWRXFKDEOHV RU 'DOLWV LQ +LQGXLVP 7KHVH WZR VHHPLQJO\ GLʲHUHQW EXW VLPLODU UHOLJLRQV SURPLVH WKHLU EHOLHYHUV KDSSLQHVV IXOʷOPHQW DQG SXUSRVH LQ WKH FRVPRV $W WKH VDPH time, the religions do not see all of humankind as equal, indiscreetly shunning them from the word of the divine.

Bangalore, known as the Silicon Valley of India, becomes a site of inquiry where we see both Data Religion and Traditional Religion converging. This new religion heralds a tremendous religious revolution in society. It is here where data prophets and politicians are proselytising this new religion to the masses by emphasising technological knowledge, jobs and infrastructures. Dalits are shunned from such opportunities beginning of religious caste theories and thus unable to be part of Bangalore’s technological narrative. Eventually, Harari’s vision of the useless class will surface and collapse onto the Dalits. Casting a deeper layer of marginalisation, rendering the Dalits obsolete in the face of both Data Religion and Traditional Religion. What will become of the Dalits?

With the rise of Data Religion in Bangalore, the thesis seeks to envisage how the Dalits can àSUD\á LQ WKHLU QHZ WHPSOH WKDW VHHNV WR IXOʷO WKH SURPLVH RI ERWK UHOLJLRQV WR VWD\ UHOHYDQW LQ WKH HFRQRP\ WKULYLQJ ZLWKLQ WKHLU FRPPXQLW\ 7KH WKHVLV GRHV QRW DLP WR DEROLVK WKH H[LVWLQJ Caste System. Rather, to prevent the marginalised gap between the Dalits and superhumans from widening to the point of their obsolescence. .H\ZRUGV 5HOLJLRQ 0DUJLQDOLVDWLRQ ,GHQWLW\ 'LVSODFHPHQW 'DOLWV 3DUDOOHOV 'DWD Technologies, Society.

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what if temples in india served two religions?

PART ONE

“THE DIVINE AND DISPL ACED IN HINDUISM”

“I search for God, whom should I hear?

I made stone temples, carved God out of stone But priests are like stone, They imprison God. Whom shall I hear?

We were born Untouchables Because of our deeds.”3

1 The D ivine and D ispl aced in Hind u i s m

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Theologically, bodies are sacred as God divinely gave them as mediums to express their devotion to him, symbolically and physically. In Eastern religious cultures, such DV +LQGXLVP WKH KXPDQ ERG\ LV JORULʷHG IRU LWV FRVPRORJLFDO DQG DQWKURSRORJLFDO VLJQLʷFDQFH DQG GRHV QRW UHFRJQLVH LWV LQIHULRULW\ 7KH ERG\ DQG WKH FRQVFLRXVQHVV have been central theories for Indian symbolism and philosophies, one of which is the Vastu Shastra (the science of architecture). In the Sanskrit treatise, the Vastu Shastra idolises the body as a macrocosm and microcosm of design. “It that ultimately determines the location, function, height and even sequence of construction for every element of a temple, family house”4 and community. The body, as a result, becomes a convergence of symbol and object, nature and culture, and the individual and society.

Hindus identify their Indian national and religious identity as intimately interwoven; WKXV UHOLJLRQ DQG LWV YDOXHV KDYH VLJQLʷFDQWO\ VKDSHG ,QGLDÞV HFRQRPLF DQG VRFLDO behaviour.

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ure 2

Early written evidence of the Vedas (holy scriptures), between 1500-800BC5 , mention the caste system’s establishment during the Vedic period. This social system was adopted into the religion of Hinduism and proliferated during British Imperialism, prevailing in India’s society. Today’s caste system consists of the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Outside the four-fold lies the Dalits or the Untouchables, who are deemed highly inferior in society. Dalits became the assembly of slaves to administer labour and services to the higher castes in Hinduism. In contemporary India, Dalits have been the target of extreme marginalisation by the dominant castes, denied education, lands, and jobs, and socially shunned. Thus the only opportunities left for them are unwanted, emphasising their place in society. Although “untouchability” and its practice in any form is forbidden under Article 176 of the Indian constitution since 1987, forms of marginalisation have embedded itself deep within the nation, primarily when its roots were formed in Hinduism.

1 The D ivine and D ispl aced in Hind u i s m

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P R E AC H AND C ON TROL

Deriving from the beliefs of the Varna, Dalits were viewed as ritually polluted and unclean, hence their exclusion from the caste system. Each and every holy scripture of Hinduism preaches the importance of a hierarchy system in society and devout punishment if the followers deny the word of God7 . In current society, these UHOLJLRXV QDUUDWLYHV DUH UHʸHFWHG ZKHUH WKH MREV RI 'DOLW ODERXU JHW H[SORLWHG E\ WKHVH elites, take on terrible forms, and are treated inhumanely. Industries and even the government use contract labour systems, obtaining a group of Dalits each month at a lower cost than paying an individual minimum wage based on their working hours.

Worked to the core with oppressive wages, the Dalits are still unable to disobey the dictatorship of the upper caste, for it will be seen as defying God and acts as a veil for GHʸHFWLQJ LQMXVWLFH E\ WKH XSSHU FDVWH

Justifying the domestic drudgery and income exploitation of the Dalits, the city categorises their job scope into skilled and unskilled labour. Those lucky with higher education often attain jobs at a clerical level, construction industry or as teachers in lower tertiary education. However, Dalits from less fortunate backgrounds immediately get shoved into unskilled physical labour for the city doing the manual work, scavengers, sewer cleaners and as maids. Brahmins and upper caste work in well-operated infrastructures and 'sanitised' skyscrapers, whereas the Dalits work on the polluted streets of India. Perpetuating the purity-pollution archetype.

1.1 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hinduism: Preach And Co ntrol

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8. Rakesh Kumar Narayana, “No Land in Sight : Impact of Caste on Slum Communities' Access to Land in Bangalore, India,” No Land In Sight: Impact of Caste on Slum , August 2012, https://nmbu.brage.unit.no/nmbuxmlui/handle/11250/187864. P67.

7KH SK\VLFDO ERG\ RI *RG %UDKPD EHFRPHV D V\PERO UHʸHFWLQJ WKH LPSRUWDQFH of the higher caste. Brahmins and the upper castes reside in the upper half of Brahma's body. Work from the brain, soul and stomach are the essences for a society to function; hence, taking the glory for the upper caste's service to the country.

Untouchables were born from seperate from the body of the creator, seen as a GLʲHUHQW EUHHG IURP %UDKPDÞV OLQHDJH 7KH XQVNLOOHG ODERXU RI WKH 'DOLWV JRHV unnoticed and unacknowledged by society.

In interviews with Dalit labourers, they mentioned they could never speak up or challenge the voice of the upper castes, "what will happen? Nothing. We can do nothing against them. We just have to quietly do our jobs and go. If we go on strike, they'll ask us to go home and get others to do the job for them for the same salary. No matter what, they will ensure work happens"9 . Those who work to dispose of trash are treated like disposable trash indeed.

9. Ibid. P66.

Laws of Manusmriti tell the story of how Dalits were birthed into the cosmos to obey the dominant castes. Thousands of slavery years later, Dalits have internalised and believe their being is not respected as seen in the word of God and society, describing WKHP DV XQZDQWHG DQG ʷOWK\ :K\ ZRXOG WKH 'DOLWV LQ ,QGLD VWLOO EHOLHYH LQ D UHOLJLRQ where their God does not see humankind as all equal? Paradoxically, the sinners, Brahmins and upper castes are allowed to play God and shovel innocent Dalits into marginalisation and still be rewarded for their deeds to him and society.

1.1 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hinduism: Preach And Co ntrol

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R IT E S AND WRONGS Figure 7: News18, People from the upper caste are guarding the temple with sticks and rods, 2017, Photography, Uttar Pradesh, India, https://www.news18.com/news/ india/dalits-barred-from-entering-templein-up-told-not-to-step-outside-home-for10-days-1500651.html

Figure 7

Figure 8: Sekharipuram Agraharam, A typical rural preist settlement in India, Photography, India, https:// www.archdaily.com/983475/ urban-disparities-how-caste-shapescities/62a2c2c73e4b3133f4000004-urbandisparities-how-caste-shapes-cities-image

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7KH XWLOLVDWLRQ RI ODERXU ZDV D MXVWLʷFDWLRQ IRU DSSURSULDWLQJ WKH VRFLHW\ LQWR WKH caste hierarchy one was birthed into, which is seen as the action of following religious observances and acts. Practice in religious beliefs and acts in Hinduism highlights the Dalits' undesirability and extends into God's house and rules.

10. Rita Sangtani et al., “Importance of Human Duties in Hindu Dharma,” Multidisciplinary Subjects For ResearchVIII, Volume-2 2 (2021): P5, https://doi. org/10.25215/1300708239.

11. Manali S. D S Deshpande, “History of the Indian Caste System and Its Impact On India Today,” History of the Indian Caste System and Its Impact On India Today, December 2010, https:// digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/socssp/44.

P25 12. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and M. G. Bhagat, Philosophy of Hinduism (New Delhi: Samyak Prakashan, 2016). P33-34

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Moksha is the ultimate spiritual goal of Hinduism that preaches believers that they can escape reincarnation's cycle of rebirth onto the earth. Liberated from reincarnation and ascend to a place beyond life and death. To achieve ultimate moksha, one should pursue the path of knowledge, appropriate actions or works in society and devotion to God10 . Reincarnation is a realm below moksha ,I JRRG GHHGV ZHUH LQVXʵFLHQW IRU liberation in God's eyes, they would be reincarnated into the world. Thus, it can be said that one's present location in the caste hierarchy has been determined by deeds committed in past lives11 .

,Q WKH 9HGDV /RUG %UDKPD ELUWKHG WKH %UDKPLQ FODVV ʷUVW DQG ZDV EHVWRZHG ZLWK spreading the knowledge of God and Hinduism. Brahmins then became priests, and "this way they curtailed knowledge”12 as the only ones who could understand the Vedas; this indicated the monopoly this class would have on society. Dalits were banned from learning the prophecies of God since the beginning, and these actions have been translated to the stripping of entry to the sacred grounds.

brahmin communit y

temple trust and societ y

Association recognised across the nation for temple building.

stone carving fac t ory

Association recognised across the nation for temple building. 10% commission

*Main actor that determines entire temple building process and whether a temple is aesthetically worthy to be opened to the public upon completion

stone cu t ting

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Ma c h i n e r y Wo r k

Labo u r In ten s ive D alit Wo r k er s

Labour I nt e nsive Da lit Worke r s

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8. Rakesh Kumar Narayana, “No Land in Sight : Impact of Caste on Slum Communities' Access to Land in Bangalore, India,” No Land In Sight: Impact of Caste on Slum , August 2012, https://nmbu.brage.unit.no/nmbuxmlui/handle/11250/187864. P67.

Figure 9

The ecosystem of building temples begins with the manual labour of the Dalits and the wealthy, elite Brahmanical priests. Dalits, who typically dominate the construction workforce, are tasked with building the temples and carving deities out of stone for the temple's statues. However, despite the laborious contribution to building these WHPSOHV WKH %UDKPLQ DQG VRFLHW\ HLWKHU PDNH LW GLʵFXOW IRU WKHP WR HQWHU WKH SODFH of worship or, at times, deny them entry. In states such as Bangalore and Karnataka, it is an open secret that priests and the city impose an entrance fee for the Dalits only.

Due to the hierarchy imbalance and the fact that most Dalits are poor, they become powerless in the face of priests (Brahmins) who own the temple13. Dalits know of their undesirable existence and perform their prayers outside the temple . In %DQJDORUH D 'DOLW FRQJUHVV OHDGHU ZDV QRW DOORZHG WR JR LQWR WKH WHPSOH DQG RʲHU his obeisance near God during the ceremony of Mangala-arti (morning prayers)14 In D VLPLODU HYHQW WKH SDUHQWV RI D 'DOLW ER\ ZHUH LPSRVHG D ʷQH E\ WKH FLW\ DIWHU WKHLU son entered a temple without permission. Dalits are deemed so impure in religion and society thattemple workers had to cleanse the temple and perform rituals15 solely of the Dalit's boy trespassing.

“You’re like chappals, stay outside”16

13. Karnataka Dalit Man Forced to Spend 11k on Feast for Entering Temple,” Hindustan Times, September 27, 2021, https://www.hindustantimes.com/ india-news/karnataka-dalit-man-forcedto-spend-11k-on-feast-for-enteringtemple-101632769728048.html.

14. “I Was Denied Entry into Temple for Being Dalit: Cong Leader Parameshwara Alleges,” Hindustan Times, April 15, 2022, https://www.hindustantimes. com/cities/bengaluru-news/i-wasdenied-entry-into-temple-for-beingdalit-cong-leader-parameshwaraalleges-101649997215484.html.

15. Kiran Parashar, “Karnataka: Family Imposed Rs 25,000 Fine after Dalit Boy Enters Temple in Koppal, 5 Held,” The Indian Express, September 24, 2021, https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ bangalore/karnataka-family-imposedʷQH RI UV DIWHU GDOLW ER\ HQWHUV WHPSOH LQ NRSSDO ʷYH KHOG 16. “'You’re like Chappals, Stay Outside’: Dalits Denied Entry into Temple in Karnataka,” The News Minute, August 27, 2019, https://www.thenewsminute. com/article/you-re-chappals-stayoutside-dalits-denied-entry-templekarnataka-107916.

1.2 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hindu ism: Rit es and Wro n g s

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These policies shape how Dalits view and utilise space in religious typologies. In Hindu temples, the act of worshipping is a journey through the series of shrines within the temple compound. Before entering the temple compound, one will stand humbly before the sacred structure with hands in a prayerful gesture. This is where the ritual of worship begins and ends. However, as one enters the temple, there is D VHTXHQFH RI ZRUVKLSSLQJ SUD\LQJ ʷUVW WR *RGV WKHQ GHLWLHV ZDONLQJ DURXQG WKH VDQFWXP SUHVHQWLQJ RʲHULQJV WR *RG DQG VLWWLQJ IRU FKDQWV17.

18. Ibid.

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$IWHU ZRUVKLS +LQGXV ZLOO JHW EOHVVHG ZLWK RʲHULQJV RI *RG IURP SULHVWV DQG participate in post-worshipping activities like hymns and religious readings of one's future18. These acts of worshipping within the temple announce their arrival to God in his house, where people create an intimate connection with the divine and themselves.

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However, the Dalits still found a way to worship the divine despite being denied entry from the outside.

1RQHWKHOHVV WKH\ FRQWLQXRXVO\ PDQDJH WR ʷQG ZD\V WR VXUYLYH ZLWKLQ VRFLHW\ Do Dalits have a way of repurposing spaces that they have been exiled from to do VRPHWKLQJ LQ D SDUWLFXODU PDQQHU WKDW EHQHʷWV WKHP DW WKH HQG RI WKH GD\"

1.2 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hindu ism: Rit es and Wro n g s

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Holy books and prophecies of Hinduism QHYHU PHQWLRQHG ʷYH YDUQDV RQO\ the fourfold19. These sacred scriptures became reasons for Dalits and society to think of them as obsolete because God said such. The beliefs of both Moksha and reincarnation diminish the hopes of a breakthrough from their current life to the Dalit's next life. Like a glass ceiling they can never shatter, upward mobility in religion is something they can seek but QHYHU ʷQG

The inability to enter temples to bountifully pray to the divine, and attain knowledge in religion and society, inherently suggests to the Dalits that they might never escape reincarnation into the world as a Dalit. Not just them but their progeny will be cursed and destined to be born as oppressed Dalits in India. Religion creates a physical and spiritual barrier to integrating within religion, space and society. Dalits perceive the world from the outside because of how society and they view themselves as outsiders.

Their association with God is what they see from the outside. For instance, the temple, only the iconographical façade is how they view a temple. Not the VSDFH ZLWKLQ 7\SRORJLHV JHW UHGHʷQHG because of their depth of association and observance of the space.

How have other forms of resistance from the upper caste redefined Dalits association with space to their identity?

Figure 14 1.2 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hindu ism: Rit es and Wro n g s

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DEVOTION AND DENIED Not only the physical being of Dalits, but their living spaces are also demarcated as ʷOWK\ DQG LPSXUH ,Q WKH .DQQDGD ODQJXDJH RI %DQJDORUH VOXPV DUH FDOOHG NROHJHUL .ROHJHUL FRPELQHV WKH ZRUG .ROH PHDQLQJ ʷOWK\ DQG *HUL IRU FRORQ\20. Indeed calling the slums, Kolegeri resonates with how Dalits are perceived in society. In Bangalore, slums are primarily dominated by the Dalits, at an estimated 38%21. The state sees slums as problematic, justifying those reasons with constraints with the budget, impracticality of redeveloping several slums and migrating citizens to other towns when redeveloping the slums.

Such logic by the state acts as a veil for an urban representation of the caste system towards the Dalits from owning land equally with the rest of the population. Fearing that Dalits would then be unjustly struggling for natural resources. Once again, the weaponisation of the caste system perpetuates marginalisation through forbidding land ownership, exclusivity to upper casts and harnessing resources, thus resulting appalling states of living.

In the metropolis of Bangalore, Karnataka approved the construction of a prejudiced Brahmin Village. The elitist compound sells plots to Brahmins only22 to maintain the purity of a living environment devoid of all the other lower castes. What is more astonishing is the government's support for such a prejudiced project or the brazen discrimination of societal caste structures?

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1.3 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hindu ism: D evot ion and D en ied

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,Q :KLWHʷHOG DQ XUEDQLVHG FLW\ LURQLFDOO\ VOXPV DUH GHQLHG EDVLF IDFLOLWLHV VXFK DV ZDWHU DQG HOHFWULFLW\ DQG IDFH XQEULGOHG JDUEDJH EXUQLQJ E\ VWDWH RʵFLDOV 7KHVH methods were employed as passive forms of eviction to the slum dwellers, as the state refused the sight of Dalit slums in the leading cities in Bangalore23. Eviction of slums LV DQ HPSW\ SURPLVH E\ WKH VWDWH RʵFLDOV WR XSJUDGH WKH OLYLQJ HQYLURQPHQWV RI WKH slums into houses and veiling as methods to chase slum dwellers out of progressively urbanising cities. A study by Bangalore Development Authority indicated that slums are commonly found near residential and commercial areas compared to industrial areas, where only 14 out of 159 slums were found24.

Hence the theory that the minimal interaction between the commerce parts of a city and the overlap in spaces of housing infrastructures and slums are deliberately curated could be made.

An example of eviction and perpetuating the growth of slums within housing infrastructure is the town of Koramangala in Bangalore. Because of its rapid XUEDQLVDWLRQ LQWR RQH RI %DQJDORUH V SURPLQHQW FLWLHV VWDWH RʵFLDOV IRUFHIXOO\ HYLFWHG the slum communities in Koramangala, mostly Dalits, to build multiple apartment FRPSOH[HV 6OXP GZHOOHUV ZHUH OHIW XQQRWLʷHG RI WKH HYLFWLRQ DQG ZHUH JUHHWHG LQ the morning with bulldozers and policemen tearing their homes apart. Alongside WKHLU GLVSODFHG KRPHV DQG LWHPV WKH SRRU SHRSOH RI .RUDPDQJDOD ZHUH QRW RʲHUHG UHOLHI KRXVLQJ RU OLYLQJ DUUDQJHPHQWV E\ VWDWH RʵFLDOV 6OXPV UHDSSHDUHG DJDLQ LQ Koramangala in Kudlu, Silkunte and Sarjapur.

The Karnataka Housing Board was mandated to build apartments at a low cost for the poor displaced Indians. However, upon completion, the housing board violated the planning regulations and sold apartments at high prices, which eventually went to the upper classes25 . When the evicted Dalits returned to settle in Koramangala, they were robbed of a house they had promised, thus building slums again in the town.

Dalit land was displaced, exploited and appropriated by the upper castes for their own EHQHʷW :LWK WKH ULFKHU FDVWHV RFFXS\LQJ WKHVH UHVLGHQWLDO ZDUGV 'DOLWV FUHDWH KRPHV within these wards to obtain jobs they require such as maids and cleaners, ingraining that their jobs are the leftover unsanitary occupations nobody would acquire.

1.3 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hindu ism: D evot ion and D en ied

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As a result, land becomes the immediate issue Dalits struggle with. Slums are the LGHQWLW\ RI WKH PDUJLQDOLVHG FODVVHV RI ,QGLD 6WDWH RʵFLDOV SHUSHWXDWH WKH PLQLPDO territory interaction between the higher castes and the marginalised in India. The gap only widens through political exploitation, eviction policies and forced displacement of the Dalit slum dwellers to the outskirts of the urbanised city and isolation and housing infrastructures and commerce industries26.

Land occupation of the higher castes of Dalit grounds strips away their sense of LGHQWLW\ 7R WKHP EXLOGLQJ KXWV RI WLQ VKHHWV LQ VOXPV LV MXVW WKHLU ʷUVW VWHS LQ WKH process of accessing land in the city"27 , where their identity to the country would not be displaced by the state because of religion.

Slum communities and Dalits don’t possess liberty and ownership over the lands they have occupied over the years. Land will never be shared equally or in certain towns at all with the Dalits. Is the only way to create a space of freedom, ownership and identity for the Dalits visibly hidden from the upper castes?

1.3 The D ivine And The D ispl aced in Hindu ism: D evot ion and D en ied

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PA RT T WO

“THE NEW DIVINE–DATA RELIGION”

1 The 2DThe ivineNew and D Divine ispl aced – Din at aHind Reliugiio sm n

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The new religion, as Harari calls Data Religion, believes that our entire universe FRQVLVWV RI GDWD ʸRZ DQG DOJRULWKPV 7KH KXPDQ V FRVPLF GXW\ LV WR FUHDWH DQG VHUYH these data-processing technologies and systems. Our content of the being changes, EHFRPLQJ SK\VLFDOO\ FRPPRGLʷHG LQ PRGHUQ DQG IXWXUH VRFLHWLHV (YHQWXDOO\ RXU QHZ SURSKHWV ZLOO GULYH KXPDQV ZLWKRXW LQVXʵFLHQW WHFKQLFDO VNLOOV DQG SRZHU RXW RI their menial jobs, and this unworking class will lose economic purpose in the world.

It is not to say that Data Religion is anti-humanist and is against all forms of human experience. Instead, it is not a sacred principle in the new religion. Is religion then not as neutral as we think it is?

The proliferation of technology in this era has often been seen as the great equaliser, providing neutral grounds for individuals competing for opportunities in the social and economic realm of the nation28. However, Andrew Feenberg argues otherwise that technology reveals and mirrors social and economic marginalisation29 patterns born out of the power imbalance between the inferior and the elite. In Bangalore's case, the Dalits and the rest of the castes.

Only the elite with wealth, power and technological knowledge will continue to thrive in this data cosmos. Thus splitting humanity into what Harari views society as made of the useless class and superhumans30 GRHV QRW VRXQG WRR ʷFWLWLRXV

It is on the grounds of Bangalore, India, where we see the embodiment of Data Religion and marginalisation theories. Rapid utilisation and the importance of dataprocessing technologies are the driving narratives of Bangalore IT Urban's landscape.

“The dream of Digital India will go through India’s villages”31 said the prime minister of India. Bangalore, the Silicon Valley of India, is one of the two leading cities salient in creating high-technological industrial sectors, contributing more than 40 per cent32 to building these infrastructures in India. Here is where prophets and messengers of Data Religion, dataists and politically powerful beings are proselytising the religion DQG WKH LPSRUWDQFH RI EHLQJ WKH HOLWH ZLWKLQ WKH FRVPRV RI GDWD ʸRZ ,Q WKH VDFUHG rituals of attaining technological recognition within the world, the profane aspects of Bangalore’s Dalits are cast aside.

28. Raksha Kumar, “India’s Tech Sector Has a Caste Problem,” Rest of World, January 19, 2022, https://restofworld. org/2022/tech-india-caste-divides/.

29. Ibid.

30. Yuval Noah Harari, Homo Deus: A Brief History of Tomorrow (London, UK: Vintage Publishing, 2017) P408

31. Narendra Modi, “The dream of Digital India will go through India’s villages”, (India’s 76th Independence Day Speech, 15 Aug 2022) quoted in Hemant Kashyap, “The Dream of Digital India Will Go through India's Villages – PM Modi,” Inc42 Media (Inc42 Media, August 15, 2022), https://inc42.com/buzz/ dream-digital-india-through-indias-villages-pm-modi/.

32. Kalra, Rajrani. High Technology and Intra-Urban Trasnformations: A Case Study of Bengaluru, India, December 2007,https:// doi.org/https://etd.ohiolink.edu/ DSH[SURG UZVBHWG VHQGBʷOH VHQG"DFFHVsion=kent1195648204&disposition=inline. P57

This narrative of technologically globalising Bangalore is realised unequally equally for the Dalits, which Data Religion uncannily to Hinduism marginalises their livelihoods, education, jobs, land and opportunities. Although the government has attempted to solve prejudices against the Dalits, entrenched histories of casteism within the policies and nation, contributes to this persisting disparity. The digital divide becomes a parallel to the divide in caste’s religious traditions.

:KDW LV %DQJDORUH GRLQJ WR EUHZ WKLV DVSLUDWLRQ WR EH SDUW RI WKH GDWD ʸRZ"

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THE 1 S T C OMMANDMEN T 7KH ʷUVW FRPPDQGPHQW LQ 'DWD 5HOLJLRQ LV WR EXLOG DUFKLWHFWXUDO HOHPHQWV ZKHUH worshippers can procreate and take in more data knowledge. In 2019-2021 the government invested over 17 billion dollars 33 in tech infrastructures. Every year nearly "1.5 million engineers" 34 and "215,000 computer science"35 students end their pilgrimage from university, obtaining a degree indicating their devotion and existence to serve the data economy in India. These statistics expose Bangalore's data economy's underlying agenda by identifying the relationships between the proliferation of education and jobs.

A society wrought with the caste system creates hurdles for the marginalised to enter the tech industry from the beginning, which is education. In India, schools are notoriously divided into private for the elite and upper castes and government-funded SXEOLF VFKRROV IRU WKH SRRU DQG ORZHU FDVWHV 7KH ʸDZ LQ SXEOLF VFKRROV LV WKH ODFN of faculty, good facilities, quality education, soft skills and, most importantly, the utilisation of the English language. English becomes an essential skill for Indians once they enter the tech industry.

Most engineering degrees are conducted in that language and converse with foreign companies and talent with hefty stakes of businesses in the city. Through such displacement, merit (soft skills) and knowledge (education) become distinct entities within the realm of higher education. According to 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census, the literacy rate for Dalits is at 60%, whereas the overall national rate is 74%36, which illustrates the wide marginalisation of education in society. Thus, giving the wealthier upper-caste students a footing in the tech industry.

Competitiveness in IT occupation in India desires high levels of merit and knowledge, WKXV GUDZLQJ PRUH RQ WKH DʶXHQW GLVWULFWV RI WKH FLW\ 7KH PDMRULW\ RI WKH WRS technical colleges in Bangalore are built within the thriving tech city centres. In places OLNH (OHFWURQLFV FLW\ :KLWHʷHOG %70 /D\RXW DQG 7DYDUHNHUH WKH FRVW RI OLYLQJ LV VLJQLʷFDQWO\ KLJKHU GHHPHG RXW RI UHDFK IRU VWXGHQWV FRPLQJ IURP ORZ LQFRPH backgrounds. However, Dalits with opportune backgrounds still have an option to enter these colleges with the help of reserved seats and the Right to Education Bill37 mandate. The reservation and Bill ensure that colleges accept a percentage of Dalit students every year to ensure equality within such inequalities38. Despite the mandate from the government, corruption and denying entry of Dalit students still exist.

TamBrahm, a Brahmin association in Bangalore, forged the number of low-income and Dalit students accepted to schools, and in turn, their schools would be Dalit-free39.

Figure 22

32 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

How has the increase in IT hubs exaggerated the marginalised gaps within the castes of Bangalore?

40

Figure 24

2 .1 The New D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 1 The 1st Commandment D ivine and D ispl – Pat aced hs in to Hind D e voutio ism n

33

Figure 25

Admission into engineering and tech colleges is a rite of passage into Data Religion that promises a more meaningful life. Unfortunately, when Dalit students emerge triumphant in technical colleges, they are dealt with the same prejudiced cards in attaining jobs in the next chapter of their lives. 67% of Hindu engineering and technology graduates come from upper-caste backgrounds; it would not be farfetched to suggest that 70% of the IT workforce compromise the upper castes41.

With their strong associations with the original Silicon Valley, the IT sector and government in India promised to create neutral grounds where jobs accepted people based on their merit (knowledge and skill) and not the nepotist caste status to be as elite as corporations in the US. With India's new priority on principles of merit. Jobs in the IT sector, as a result, were deemed as "the new equaliser"42, a neutral arena that would rescue society from its history of caste marginalisation and prejudice.

Merit becomes a form of neutrality because it is a representation of the interest of the society at a macro level which fails to address inherent problems at the micro-scale43, the state of the marginalised entities that were outcasted from equal opportunities.

Merit is a false representation of neutral grounds as not Dalits do not start on the VDPH TXDOLʷFDWLRQ LQ HGXFDWLRQ V DV WKH UHVW RI WKH FDVWHV 34 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

Figure 26

The upper and middle castes enjoy more privileges in educational institutes and their curriculums. IT industries have become very particular and arduous during the hiring SURFHVV HPSKDVLVLQJ WKH QHHG RWKHU WKDQ ,7 NQRZOHGJH (QJOLVK ʸXHQF\ PLQG intellect-spirit, presentation, integration, and other 'soft' communication skills”44 Although the discrimination is not as explicit, Dalits are not exposed to the privileges of soft skills LQ SXEOLF VFKRROV DQG HGXFDWLRQ LQ QRQ YHUQDFXODU IRUPV WKXV DUH ʷOWHUHG out of the selection process for not possessing the right skillsets.

These Dalits from more frugal low-tier colleges manage to enter the IT industry but do low-skilled jobs, which sometimes have no relevance to IT. They end up as cleaners DQG VHFXULW\ ZDUGHQV %\ ʷOWHULQJ RXW LQFRPSHWHQW 'DOLWV WKH WHFK LQGXVWU\ LV DOVR ʷOWHULQJ RXW WKHVH FDVWHV UHVXUIDFLQJ WKH UHOLJLRXV IRUPV RI PDUJLQDOLVDWLRQ LQ ZKDW LV supposed to be a neutral ground for all.

In the attempts to establish the IT industry at the forefront of India, IT sectors and professionals are again ingrained in India's religious and societal histories of caste.

Merit becomes a myth and a tool for caste breeding to occur within both schools and jobs. Both technological and design infrastructure in schools and jobs are prejudiced to intrinsic roots in caste, proliferating societal marginalisation. Denying any forms of upward mobility, this parallels concepts of liberation in Hinduism and barriers to achieve a better life.

2 .1 The New D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 1 The 1st Commandment D ivine and D ispl – Pat aced hs in to Hind D e voutio ism n

35

Figure 27

36 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

T HE 2 ND COM MANDME N T The second commandment in Data Religion is the proselytisation of the word of the new religion. To communicate with the divine, one must possess digital devices, WKH PHGLXPV WR FRQQHFW WR WKH GLYLQH DQG EH ʸXHQW LQ GDWD OLWHUDF\ )RU WKH OHVV fortunate Dalits, digital devices, access and infrastructure inadequacy come from marginalisation towards them entrenched in religious and societal beliefs. Thus, crippling their mobility into the religion and the progressively high-tech society from communication, jobs, and education.

)RU WKH JRYHUQPHQW WKH ELJJHVW VLQ LV WR REVWUXFW WKH ʸRZ RI GDWD DQG WKLV VLQ LV burgeoning the digital divide in the nation within the Dalit's mobility in technology.

Not for the unequal opportunities, this would bring for the marginalised, but instead because it would question the validity of India's identity as the forefront of the digital economy.

In the wake of these problems growing, the government introduced digital literacy missions as a downstream attempt to bolster the number of data illiterates in disadvantaged parts of India. These missions illustrate how technological communication products (TCP) integrate people, caste, knowledge, and technology in favour of the nation's success and identity.

Have these missions and products worsened the exclusion of the Dalits in the exclusive high-tech society?

1 The D ivine and Disat isplion acedofinTech Hind u i sgmy 2.2 T he Ne w D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 2 nd Commandment – Proselyt nolo

37

Figure 28

Figure 29

Figure 30

38 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

The government launched the National Digital Literacy Mission and the PMGDIHA schemes to help over 60 million digital illiterates with a 20-hour45 introductory session on utilising TCPs to teach how the internet, government e-services and essential communicative apps function. However, the criteria for enrolment were limited to one person from each household. Despite their intentions, the policies were portrayed as trivial solutions to solve the disrupted relationships of technology, the marginalised DQG VRFLHW\ ZKLFK KDV EHHQ RQ KROG GXH WR LQVXʵFLHQW PDQSRZHU WR HGXFDWH XVHUV ,V the government attempting to see the policy through or a master of grand gestures, misleading the nation with words and no actions?

7KH OLPLWHG H[SRVXUH FUHDWHG LQHʲHFWLYH SDUWLFLSDWLRQ LQ WKHVH PLVVLRQV DQG SDVVLYH Dalit users of TCPs that will not be fully harnessed. What would have been more IDYRXUDEOH IRU WKH 'DOLWV LV LI WKH VFKHPHV H[WHQGHG WKHLU PLVVLRQV WKDW ZRXOG EHQHʷW the lives of the Dalits through the utilisation of TCPs. Dalits living in metropolitan towns of India perform their businesses traditionally on the street, relying on word of mouth to spread their businesses due to not having the necessary access to diversify themselves through online networks and platforms. Preventing their upward mobility within data religion.

Tech prophets in Bangalore tend to dismiss the Dalit's inadequacy with technology and education with quick and grand gestures of broadcasting nationwide digital missions to bridge the existing digital divide. Inherently, the problem comes from the tech prophets forgetting that poor living conditions exist within the increasingly high-tech society. The Dalits are constantly at risk of becoming useless in the globalised world because of Data Religion and traditional religion because of society's ignorance. The lack of attention towards the Dalits is creating the digital divide.

TCPs might have helped to a certain extent to bridge this divide, but they haven't restructured society's position towards the marginalised caste.

1 The D ivine and Disat isplion acedofinTech Hind u i sgmy 2.2 T he Ne w D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 2 nd Commandment – Proselyt nolo

39

THE 3RD COMMANDMEN T

7KH WKLUG DQG ʷQDO FRPPDQGPHQW LQ 'DWD 5HOLJLRQ LV WKH FUHDWLRQ RI VDFUHG technological temples for worship. Massive data, technological and machinic infrastructures have become the new temples of India. Where the inputs from tech worshippers feed knowledge to these high-tech sacred structures creating outputs as a reward for society's devotion, is becoming a primary infrastructure in India.

Bangalore's high-tech industry is growing sporadically, which is crucial in amplifying India's IT ecosystem.

46. Nagar, Anuradha. “How Bangalore Will Play an Important Role in Building India's Data Centre Footprint.” W.Media, July 11, 2022. https://w.media/howbangalore-will play-an-important-role-inbuilding-indias-data-centre-footprint/.

Karnataka government recently granted Bangalore over RS100.50 crores to establish the Data Centre Policy 2022-202746, with a profusion of subsidies and inducements, which desires to expand the data centre ecosystem, and RS100.00 crores to draw JOREDO LQYHVWPHQW LQWR WKH LQGXVWU\ :LWK WKH LQʸDWHG VKDUHV RI LQYHVWPHQWV %DQJDORUH will gradually evolve into one of the most prominent cities with a booming data centre industry.

Does the location of high-technology temples lead to the deepening of existing disparities?

40 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

Figure 31

2.3 T he New D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 3rd Commandment 1 The D ivine – B and u ilding D isplPl aced acesinofHind Wo rush i sip m

41

Figure 32

42 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

6XFK VLJQLʷFDQW LQIUDVWUXFWXUH GHPDQGHG D PRGLʷFDWLRQ DQG UHVWUXFWXULQJ RI WKH XUEDQ ODQGVFDSHV RI %DQJDORUH LQʸXHQFLQJ WKH SULFHV RI ODQG LQ WKH FLW\ +LJK commercial land value is centralised at the core of the metropolis. As such, the hi-tech corridor, designated by the Government of Karnataka, agglomerated towards the SHULPHWHUV RI %DQJDORUH V VRXWKHDVW WHUULWRU\ FRQVLVWLQJ RI :KLWHʷHOG .RUDPDQJDOD HSR Layout, Electronics City, and JP Nagar"47 , with the intention of urban sprawling the hi-tech towns. However, these areas have a high population of Dalits and less fortunate backgrounds. with the intention of urban sprawling the hi-tech towns.

However, these towns have a high population of poor Dalits. Technological enterprises are unfairly given tax subsidies and allowed to encroach into these lands ZLWKRXW GLʵFXOW\ E\ WKH JRYHUQPHQW :KHUHDV ZKHQ 'DOLWV DUH UHTXLULQJ IRU DQ DSDUWPHQW RU VPDOO SLHFH RI ODQG LW JRHV XQERWKHUHG ,Q WKH WRZQ RI :KLWHʷHOG Koramangala and Electronics city, as it has ample land48, were partly transformed from poor residential wards and slums to advanced living complexes.

The displacement perpetuates the creation of slums within these high-income residential localities, where apartment cost is high for the Dalits. Forming a pattern where high-tech enterprises exist, there is an agglomeration of slums and low literacy rates49 :LWK WKH LQʸX[ RI ,7 MREV DQG ZHDOWK\ SHRSOH WKHUH ZRXOG EH PRUH ORZ skilled jobs that the Dalits can take up. Creating an atmosphere of poor urban within these technological corridors. The locality of hi-tech infrastructures widens the marginalisation between the Dalits and upper castes.

47. Kalra, Rajrani. High Technology and Intra-Urban Trasnformations: A Case Study of Bengaluru, India, December 2007,https:// doi.org/https://etd.ohiolink.edu/ DSH[SURG UZVBHWG VHQGBʷOH VHQG"DFFHVsion=kent1195648204&disposition=inline. P125.

48. Ibid. P109.

49. Ibid. P193.

:LWK WKH V\VWHPLF PDUJLQDOLVDWLRQ RI WKH FDVWH V\VWHP 'DOLWV DOVR VXʲHU XQGHU neo-liberalism, denying them equal urban land access whilst serving preferential treatment to the upper caste by the government. There isn't any obscurity as to why government and urban planners approve building of these lavish high-tech temples whilst neglecting shaping lands for the poor slum dwellers without basic facilities and ODQG JUDEELQJ 0RQHWDU\ HʲRUWV DUH LQMHFWHG LQWR WKH XSVWUHDP DVSHFWV RI VRFLHW\ disregarding the need to support the downstream ends of Bangalore.

Systemic religious oppression in the caste system's history disdains ownership and evicts Dalits from their land. Once again, the parallel presence of the new religion repackages forms of marginalisation against the Dalits. Data Religion and governmental planning in Bangalore perpetually neglect the Dalit communities' land needs. Conquering their lands in the periphery and land costs displaces the Dalit's identity to their city and promotes the annihilating complex from the upper castes.

2.3 T he New D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 3rd Commandment 1 The D ivine – B and u ilding D isplPl aced acesinofHind Wo rush i sip m

43

Figure 33

The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

2.3 T he New D ivine – D at a Rel igion: The 3rd Commandment 1 The D ivine – B and u ilding D isplPl aced acesinofHind Wo rush i sip m

Figure 34 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

PART THREE

“EPILOGUE”

1 The 2DThe ivineNew and D Divine ispl aced – Din at3aHind Epi Relilouggiio sum ne

47

THE GR EAT COLL APSE

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The underlying argument of the thesis is the surfacing of the parallel presence between the two religions that are more intertwined than it seems. Hinduism and 'DWD UHOLJLRQ LV DQ LOOXVLRQ WKDW VHUYHV DV D SURPLVH EXW LV QHYHU IXOʷOOHG IRU WKH 'DOLWV 'DWD 5HOLJLRQ VHHPV WR RʲHU DQG SURPLVH LWV ZRUVKLSSHUV WKH VDPH SULQFLSOHV Hinduism does. Happiness, hope and liberation from earth's problems but only at the advantage of being born into the elite upper castes.

Caste oppression rooted in religious theories, perpetuated by Data Religion, has manifested a layer that scorns their identity, which prevents any form of upward mobility in society for the Dalits. Dalits have historically been marginalised in society to a point where they are associated with dirty and unwanted jobs, like how they are perceived. Hinduism has caused the emancipation of the Dalits from their land, houses, jobs, places of worship, equal opportunities and even their own identity.

In comes the birth of a new religion, Data Religion, that posits itself as a heroic belief

48 The Ne w Te mple of To mo r row

re 35

WKDW ZLOO VHUYH DV WKH JUHDW HTXDOLVHU IRU DOO RI VRFLHW\ 6DYLQJ WKH PDUJLQDOLVHG RʲHULQJ them a new religion that would bridge the divide in the nation. Once again, the new divine and his followers frown upon the Dalits, creating unequal starting points for MREV DQG HGXFDWLRQ LJQRUDQFH RI GRZQVWUHDP HʲRUWV LVRODWLRQ RI GDWD LOOLWHUDWH 'DOLWV and displacing communities to make way for high-tech hubs. Instead of bridging the divide, India is aggravating the exclusion, casting the Dalits further away from the rest of society than traditional religion already has.

Inevitably, the Dalits will be left behind as the world and upper castes progress by them, emphasising their unwantedness in both beliefs and society. The future of the Dalits would look like the collapse of Harari's theory of the useless class in the face of Data Religion and the marginalisation of Hinduism's religious caste system. Where the Dalits become beyond useless and unwanted in society, perhaps even obsolete.

The question, then, arises is there a way to preserve the divide in society and the caste for the Dalits to progress within Bangalore to stay relevant?

1 The D3.1 ivine Epilog and uDe:ispl The aced Great in Hind Colla u ipssme

49

36 mo r row 50 The Ne w Te mple of ToFigure

T HE DAL I T S NEW T E MPL E OF TOMORROW

'DOLWV FRQVWDQWO\ ʷQG PHDQV WR PDNH D OLYLQJ RI WKHLU VLWXDWLRQ ZLWKLQ WKHLU RSSUHVVHG existence. Due to their condition in a disadvantageous primary economy, the Dalits manifest and thrive within a secondary economy or space founded on their knowledge, skills and beliefs.

Moving forward, the thesis will continue investigating these few sites on the fringes RI :KLWHʷHOG (OHFWURQLFV &LW\ DQG .XGOX ZKHUH WKH GDWD SURSKHWV DQG SROLWLFLDQV DUH creating a high-tech urban sprawl within the perimeter of Bangalore Urban. Delving further into these areas where the thesis investigation, religions and marginalisation converge and Dalits exist in urban-poor conditions. The thesis stands as a speculative LQWHUYHQWLRQ RI DQ DOWHUQDWH HFRQRP\ IRU WKH 'DOLWV IXOʷOOLQJ WKH SURPLVH RI ERWK religions.

The new religious 'temple or economy' forges a new aesthetic of how the Dalits have thrived within the existing oppressing community through their reinterpretation of spaces, basic needs, practices and tools and means that have been taken away from them. In this new 'temple', Dalits can seek a purpose of theirs in India's changing digital economy whilst maintaining the caste system's hierarchy to remain relevant within Bangalore.

3.2 Epilog ue: 1 The TheDD ivine al it sand New D ispl Temple aced of in Tomo Hind urrow ism

51

BIBL IOG RAP H Y KEY TEXT Harari, Yuval Noah. Homo Deus: A Brief History of Tomorrow. London, UK: Vintage Publishing, 2017.

Kalra, Rajrani. High Technology and Intra-Urban Trasnformations: A Case Study of Bengaluru, India, 'HFHPEHU Û KWWSV GRL RUJ KWWSV HWG RKLROLQN HGX DSH[SURG UZVBHWG VHQGBʷOH send?accession=kent1195648204&disposition=inline.

Kamath, Anant. “‘Untouchable’ Cellphones? Old Caste Exclusions and New Digital Divides in Peri-Urban Bangalore.” Critical Asian Studies 50, no. 3 (2018): 375–94. https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2018.1479 192.

Kuttiah, Pranav. “Caste in the Urban: Bangalore as Case Study.” Round Table India. Round Table India, March 31, 2017. https://www.roundtableindia.co.in/caste-in-the-urban-bangalore-as-case-study/.

Narayana, Rakesh Kumar. “No Land in Sight : Impact of Caste on Slum Communities’ Access to Land in Bangalore, India.” No Land In Sight: Impact of Caste on Slum , August 2012, 1–99. https://nmbu.brage. unit.no/nmbu-xmlui/handle/11250/187864.

Raksha Kumar, “India’s Tech Sector Has a Caste Problem,” Rest of World, January 19, 2022, https:// restofworld.org/2022/tech-india-caste-divides/.

Upadhya, Carol. “Employment, Exclusion and ‘Merit’ in the Indian IT Industry.” Economic and Political Weekly 42, no. 20 (2007): 1863–68. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4419609.

RESEARCHE D TEXTS “‘You’re like Chappals, Stay Outside’: Dalits Denied Entry into Temple in Karnataka.” The News Minute, August 27, 2019. https://www.thenewsminute.com/article/you-re-chappals-stay-outside-dalits-deniedentry-temple-karnataka-107916. à%%03 /D[LW\ :KLWHʷHOG 6OXPV LQ WKH 'DUN IRU :HHNV á 'HFFDQ +HUDOG '+ 1HZV 6HUYLFH 'HFHPEHU KWWSV ZZZ GHFFDQKHUDOG FRP FLW\ ZKLWHʷHOG VOXPV GDUN ZHHNV KWPO “I Was Denied Entry into Temple for Being Dalit: Cong Leader Parameshwara Alleges.” Hindustan Times, April 15, 2022. https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/bengaluru-news/i-was-denied-entryinto-temple-for-being-dalit-cong-leader-parameshwara-alleges-101649997215484.html.

“Karnataka Dalit Man Forced to Spend 11k on Feast for Entering Temple.” Hindustan Times, September 27, 2021. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/karnataka-dalit-man-forced-to-spend-11k-onfeast-for-entering-temple-101632769728048.html.

“The Rise of Data Religion.” CRASSH, December 7, 2021. https://www.crassh.cam.ac.uk/ events/26948/.

Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji, and M. G. Bhagat. Philosophy of Hinduism. New Delhi: Samyak Prakashan, 2016.

Colomina, Beatriz, and Mark Wigley. Are We Human?: Notes On An Archaeology of Design. Zürich, Switzerland: Lars Müller Publishers, 2016.

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FRQVWLWXWLRQRʷQGLD QHW FRQVWLWXWLRQBRIBLQGLD IXQGDPHQWDOBULJKWV DUWLFOHV $UWLFOH Cornish, Chloe. “Bangalore Keeps Its Crown as India’s High-Growth Tech Hub.” Financial Times.

Financial Times, April 7, 2022. https://www.ft.com/content/022aa805-3699-4bac-a845-81c95d015bc2.

Deshpande, Manali S. D S. History of the Indian Caste System and Its Impact On India Today, December 2010, 1–35. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/socssp/44/.

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Editors of Hinduism Today. “Visiting a Hindu Temple.” Welcome to Kauai’s Hindu Monastery and Himalayan Academy. Accessed October 29, 2022. https://www.himalayanacademy.com/view/visiting-ahindu-temple_ei.

Feenberg, Andrew. “Marcuse or Habermas: Two Critiques of Technology.” Inquiry : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 39, no. 1 (1996): 45–70. https://doi.org/https://doi. org/10.1080/00201749608602407.

Fernandez, Marilyn. “Merit Construction and Caste Loopholes in the Indian It Social Habitus.”

The New Frontier: Merit vs. Caste in the Indian IT Sector, 2018, 65–133. https://doi.org/10.1093/ oso/9780199479498.003.0002.

Franco, Fernando, Jyotsna Macwan, and Suguna Ramanathan. The Silken Swing: The Cultural Universe of Dalit Women. Calcutta: Stree, 2000.

Fernandez, Marilyn. “The Indian Information Technology Sector.” The Indian Information Technology Sector: The New Caste Inequality Frontier , 2018, 1–63. https://doi.org/10.1093/ oso/9780199479498.003.0001.

Flood, Gavin. “The Body.” Oxford Bibliographies, August 2015. https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/ view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0154.xml#:~:text=In%20popular%20or%20 folk%20Hinduism,containing%20the%20cosmos%20within%20it.

Hale, Jonathan. “Architecture, Technology and the Body: From the Prehuman to the Posthuman.” The SAGE Handbook of Architectural Theory, 2012, 513–533. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781446201756.n31. .KDQ 6RELD à%HQJDOXUX 2QH RI WKH 7RS 7HFK +XEV DFURVV $VLD 3DFLʷF %HLMLQJ 7RSV á 7KH (FRQRPLF Times, August 26, 2022. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/tech/technology/bengaluru-rankedsecond-in-apac-top-tech-hub-list/articleshow/93784615.cms.

Mittal, Abhishek. “A Brief History of the Caste System and Untouchability in India.” The Logical Indian.

The Logical Indian, September 30, 2016. https://thelogicalindian.com/story-feed/awareness/castesystem-and-untouchability-in-india/.

Mothkoor, Venugopal, and Fatima Mumtaz. “The Digital Dream: Upskilling India for the Future.” Ideas For India, March 23, 2021. https://www.ideasforindia.in/topics/governance/thedigital-dream-upskilling-india-for-the-future.html#:~:text=Upskilling%20India%20through%20 PMGDISHA&text=This%20is%20the%20world’s%20largest,being%20trained%20under%20the%20 programme.

Mudur, G.S. “Computer Science Skill Wake-up Call in Study.” Telegraph India. Telegraph India, March 18, 2019. https://www.telegraphindia.com/education/computer-science-skill-wake-up-call-in-study/ cid/1687124.

Nagar, Anuradha. “How Bangalore Will Play an Important Role in Building India’s Data Centre Footprint.” W.Media, July 11, 2022. https://w.media/how-bangalore-will-play-an-important-role-inbuilding-indias-data-centre-footprint/.

NIC, Laxminarayan Prajapati. “Right to Education.” Right to Education, July 2021. https://dsel. education.gov.in/rte.

O’Reilly, David. “Exploring Religion and Identity Politics in India.” The Pew Charitable Trusts. The Pew Charitable Trusts, March 3, 2022. https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/trust/archive/winter-2022/ exploring-religion-and-identity-politics-in-india#:~:text=Hindus%20%E2%80%9Ctend%20to%20see%20 WKHLU RQH RI ,QGLDÞV WZR RʵFLDO

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BIBL IOG RAP H Y RESEARCHE D TEXTS (CON T-) Parashar, Kiran. “Karnataka: Family Imposed Rs 25,000 Fine after Dalit Boy Enters Temple in Koppal, 5 Held.” The Indian Express, September 24, 2021. https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/bangalore/ NDUQDWDND IDPLO\ LPSRVHG ʷQH RI UV DIWHU GDOLW ER\ HQWHUV WHPSOH LQ NRSSDO ʷYH KHOG Ponnusamy, R. “Engineering in Need of Reform to Achieve Employability.” University World News, October 23, 2021. https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20211019103626927.

Sangtani, Rita, Tilottama B Galande, Vinod Kumar Cherukuri, Birajlakshmi Ghosh, Dilipkumar A Ode, and Jigeshkumar D Chauhan. “Importance of Human Duties in Hindu Dharma.” Multidisciplinary Subjects For Research-VIII, Volume-2 2 (2021): 1–5. https://doi.org/10.25215/1300708239.

The Vedic Village. “Residential Plots for Sale for Brahmins in Bangalore.” Shankara Agraharm - The Vedic Village. Accessed October 31, 2022. https://www.vedicagraharam.com/about-us/blog/ Residential-sale-in-Bangalore/.

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Figure 1: Piebinga, Paul. India-Haridwar Kumbh Melah. Photograph. India, https://paulpiebinga.com/ india-haridwar-kumbh-melah Figure 3: Kadri, Meena. "Upper" castes kept awayfrom "polluted" space and activities.

Photograph. India, https://www.archdaily.com/983475/urban-disparities-how-caste-shapescities/62a2c2c23e4b3133f4000003-urban-disparities-how-caste-shapes-cities-photo?next_project=no Figure 4: Khanna, Chandan. For India’s Caste-Based Sewer Cleaners, an Uncertain Robot Rescue, 2019, Photograph, India, https://undark.org/2019/09/20/sewer-robots-combat-sewer-scavenging-india/ Figure 5: Rahman, Azizur. A manual scavenger cleaning a dry toilet in TK1 village near Agra, Uttar Pradesh. 2018. Photogrpah. Uttar Pradesh, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/04/imborn-to-do-this-condemned-by-caste-indias-sewer-cleaners-risk-death-daily Figure 7: News18. People from the upper caste are guarding the temple with sticks and rods, 2017. Photography.

Uttar Pradesh, India. https://www.news18.com/news/india/dalits-barred-from-entering-temple-in-uptold-not-to-step-outside-home-for-10-days-1500651.html Figure 8: Sekharipuram Agraharam, A typical rural preist settlement in India. Photography. India. https:// www.archdaily.com/983475/urban-disparities-how-caste-shapes-cities/62a2c2c73e4b3133f4000004-urbandisparities-how-caste-shapes-cities-image Figure 11: NDTV. Dalits punished for entering temple: Government steps in. 2011. Video screenshot. 00:48.

Puri, India, https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/dalits-punished-for-entering-temple-government-stepsin-459281 Figure 12: MOJO STORY. Dalit Family Fined Rs. 23,000 By Villagers After Their 2-Year-Old Child Entered A Temple | Karnataka. 2021. Video Screenshot. 0:33. India, https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=yuYEp9Eo764&ab_channel=MOJOSTORY Figure 13: Daiji World. Kolar: Atrocity on Dalits at its peak - No entry into temple, hair cut. 2021. Photograph.

Kolar, India, https://www.daijiworld.com/news/newsDisplay?newsID=889948 Figure 15: Shankara Agraharm. A joint Venture Project of Karnataka Housing Board. Newspaper Article.

India, https://www.vedicagraharam.com/images/Bhagyanagar-Page.jpg Figure 16: Shankara Agraharm. An Exclusive Brahmin Community Township. Newspaper Article. India, https://www.vedicagraharam.com/images/sanathanadhramaad.gif Figure 17: Madivali. Eswarrapa, Iqbal, Javed. Muthuramalingam ,Vivek. Chaudhry, Shivani. Governance

By Denial, Forced Eviction and Demolition of Homes in Ejipura/Koramangala, Bangalore. Photograph. India, https://www.hlrn.org.in/documents/Bangalore_Fact_Finding_Mission_Final_Report_June_2013.pdf Figure 18: Madivali. Eswarrapa, Iqbal, Javed. Muthuramalingam ,Vivek. Chaudhry, Shivani. Governance

By Denial, Forced Eviction and Demolition of Homes in Ejipura/Koramangala, Bangalore. Photograph. India, https://www.hlrn.org.in/documents/Bangalore_Fact_Finding_Mission_Final_Report_June_2013.pdf Figure 19: Deccan Herald. %%03 OD[LW\ :KLWHŬHOG VOXPV LQ WKH GDUN IRU ZHHNV. 2018. Photograph. India, KWWSV ZZZ GHFFDQKHUDOG FRP FLW\ ZKLWHʷHOG VOXPV GDUN ZHHNV KWPO Figure 20: Madivali. Eswarrapa, Iqbal, Javed. Muthuramalingam ,Vivek. Chaudhry, Shivani. Governance

By Denial, Forced Eviction and Demolition of Homes in Ejipura/Koramangala, Bangalore. Photograph. India, https://www.hlrn.org.in/documents/Bangalore_Fact_Finding_Mission_Final_Report_June_2013.pdf Figure 21: Chilton, Adam. Life in a Bangalore Slum. 2020. Photograph. India, https://www. summarycommajudgment.com/blog/life-in-a-bangalore-slum

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BIBL IOG RAP H Y IMAGES (CON T-) Figure 24: Research Matters. Bengaluru has been listed as one of the emerging new cities for expats in the world. in a Bloomberg report. 2022. Photograph. India. https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/bengaluru-news/bengaluru-among-six-best-cities-for-expats-report-101660640264842.html Figure 26: Rao Shisir. Dalit students in Bengaluru school allege violence: FIR against headmistress. 2021.

Photograph. India. https://www.thenewsminute.com/article/dalit-students-bengaluru-school-allegeYLROHQFH ʷU DJDLQVW KHDGPLVWUHVV Figure 28: PMGSIDHA, 'LJLWDO ,QGLD 7KH ,7 OLWHUDF\ PLVVLRQ LV JHWWLQJ ELĠHU EXW LW IDFHV SUREOHPV DW HYHU\ OHYHO. 2017. Photograph. India, https://scroll.in/article/855259/digital-india-the-it-literacy-mission-is-gettingbigger-but-there-are-problems-at-every-level Figure 29: PMGSIDHA, 'LJLWDO ,QGLD 7KH ,7 OLWHUDF\ PLVVLRQ LV JHWWLQJ ELĠHU EXW LW IDFHV SUREOHPV DW HYHU\ OHYHO. 2017. Photograph. India, https://scroll.in/article/855259/digital-india-the-it-literacy-mission-is-gettingbigger-but-there-are-problems-at-every-level Figure 30: Kalvi National Digital Literacy Mission (NDLM). Photograph. India, https://kalvitrustindia.org/ ndlm.php

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