Instructor Manual For Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal 12th Edition By Terence Ball, R

INSTRUCTOR’S MANUAL/ TEST BANK FOR

BALL | DAGGER | O’NEILL|KIRKPATRICK

POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES AND THE DEMOCRATIC IDEAL TWELFTH EDITION

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS Instructor’s Manual Preface: To the Instructor 1.

Ideology and Ideologies

1

2.

The Democratic Ideal

4

3.

Liberalism

7

4.

Conservatism

13

5.

Socialism and Communism: From More to Marx

20

6.

Socialism and Communism: After Marx

25

7.

Fascism

29

8.

Liberation Ideologies and the Politics of Identity

33

9.

“Green” Politics: Ecology as Ideology

36

10.

Radical Islamism

39

11.

Postscript: The Future of Ideology

42 ii

Test Bank 1.

Ideology and Ideologies

48

2.

The Democratic Ideal

53

3.

Liberalism

60

4.

Conservatism

73

5.

Socialism and Communism: More to Marx

83

6.

Socialism and Communism: After Marx

99

7.

Fascism

102

8.

Liberation Ideologies and the Politics of Identity

111

9.

“Green” Politics: Ecology as Ideology

119

10.

Radical Islamism

126

11.

Postscript: The Future of Ideology

134

Preface: To the Instructor We don‘t need to tell you that most college-level instructors are harried and overworked. This Instructor‘s Manual and Test Bank is intended to lighten your load, if only a little. It is an instructor‘s companion to Ball, Dagger, O‘Neill, and Kirkpatrick Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal and an accompanying anthology, Ideals and Ideologies: A Reader, both published in 2024 in their revised and updated twelfth editions. Both books are the fruits of many years of teaching generations of undergraduates what ideologies are, how they work, and what consequences they produce. We emphasize that the study of those systems of ideas called ―ideologies‖ is unlike any other, inasmuch as many millions of human beings have died fighting under their banner. In other words, to analyze political ideologies is not to deal in academic abstractions but in too-often bloody reality. We also emphasize that the study of ideologies contributes to civic education, inasmuch as (say) a conservative or liberal student learns what liberalism and conservatism are, where they come from, how they have changed over time, and why many find these ideologies attractive, she might feel less iii

antagonistic toward the other side. The same is of course true for people of various other political persuasions, fascism and radical Islamism possibly excepted.

Our textbook now includes discussion questions at the end of each chapter; many of these are identical to the essay questions here. Your students will not, however, have access to the true/false, multiple choice, and other objective questions in this manual.

Every instructor has her or his own teaching style, which may or may not accord with our suggestions in these pages. These are merely tools and techniques that we have found useful. Feel free to amend, modify – or reject outright – any or all of our suggestions.

Happy teaching!

Terence Ball Richard Dagger Daniel O‟Neill Jennet Kirkpatrick

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1. Ideology and Ideologies READING ASSIGNMENT

Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, and Kirkpatrick, Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal (Text), Chapter 1 Optional: Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, and Kirkpatrick (editors), Ideals and Ideologies: A Reader (Reader), Part I

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Describe what the term ideology originally meant.

Define the term ideology, as it will be used in this course.

Identify the four functions of a political ideology.

Specify the connection between ideology and human nature.

Discern the link between different ideologies and their respective understandings of freedom.

Understand why anarchism, populism and nationalism—although not themselves ideologies—exert such a powerful force in today‘s world.

NOTES

Ours has been called ―the age of ideology.‖ It might more accurately be termed the age of ideologies — plural, not singular—because we live in a world of contrasting and competing ideologies. The high degree of ideological conflict, combined with the ever-increasing sophistication and destructive potential of technology, makes a potent and potentially explosive combination. This combination helps to explain the ferocity of political conflicts—civil wars, wars of national liberation, and revolutions—in the twentieth century. If we are to understand this world and to survive in it, we need to appreciate not only the awesome power of technology but also the power of political ideas and ideologies.

As the word ideology implies, the term originally referred to the systematic study of the origins or sources of our ideas. This eighteenth-century notion of ideology did not survive into the nineteenth century. An ideology came to mean a set of ideas that was somehow suspect, and quite probably false. The term ideology still retains this meaning for many of us. As we will use the term in this course, however, ideology has no pejorative or unfavorable connotations.

By ideology we refer to a systematically interrelated set of ideas with four characteristics: explanatory, evaluative, orientative, and programmatic. An ideology, that is, (1) purports to explain political phenomena; (2) offers a basis for evaluating actions, practices, and policies; (3) orients its adherents to the sociopolitical world, giving them a sense of identity and purpose; and (4) provides a program of political action.

Virtually everyone has a political ideology of some sort; otherwise individuals would remain relatively disoriented, would be unable to account for puzzling political and social phenomena, lack a basis for moral and political evaluation, and be unsure of what they should be doing, and with (or to) whom they should be doing it.

Different ideologies, of course, fulfill the four functions in quite different ways. Each supplies its adherents with quite different explanations, standards of evaluation, social orientations, and programs of political action.

In addition to these four functions, modern ideologies have two further features. First, every ideology has at its core a view of human nature—a conception of what human beings are, what moves or motivates 5

them, what they are capable of achieving, and how they are (or ought to be) related to others. Second, and perhaps more surprising, every ideology harbors a particular view of freedom (or liberty). Freedom, for a fascist, means something quite different from what it does for a feminist, a liberal, or a Marxist. But how can this be?

The answer is that freedom, like democracy (see Lesson 2), is an essentially contested concept—that is, a concept whose meaning is forever in dispute. Just as we do not all agree on what counts as art (do Andy Warhol‘s paintings of Campbell‘s soup cans count?) or music (are John Cage‘s strident atonal compositions music or noise?) or dance (does the ―slam dancing‖ of punk rockers count as dancing?), so do we disagree about definitions of democracy and freedom.

We will discuss the disputes that rage around democracy in the following lesson. Here we want to look more closely at liberty and freedom. We can understand the different ways in which different ideologies construct the concept of freedom by looking at the three features of any view of freedom.

Freedom is a three-sided or triadic relation. It involves: (1) an agent—someone who is said to be free (or unfree, as the case may be); (2) a goal—something at which the agent aims or hopes to achieve; and (3) an obstacle (or obstacles)—the actual or potential barriers that stand in an agent‘s way. To say that, ―A is free‖ therefore means that an agent (A) is free from an obstacle or barrier (B) and is therefore free to achieve his or her aims or goals (C).

Ideologies differ in the ways in which they identify the agent, the obstacle(s), and the aim(s) or goal(s) sought by the agent. For example, a liberal—as we will see in Chapter 3—identifies the agent as an individual; the obstacle as other individuals with whom the agent is in economic or other competition; and the goal as success in the agent‘s competitive endeavor.

By contrast, a Marxist, as we shall see in Chapters 5 and 6, conceives of the agent not as an individual but as a class—the working class—and the obstacle as another class, the capitalists and the economic system over which they preside (namely, capitalism); and Marxists view the aim as the emancipation of workers in a cooperative, classless communist society.

And a Nazi, as we will see in Chapter 7, views the agent as a racial or ethnic group (a Volk); the aim as racial purity; and the obstacle(s) as the presence, the influence, and even the ideas of Jews and other supposedly ―inferior‖ races or ethnic groups.

Other ideologies, of course, conceive of freedom in still other ways. For the moment, all students need to remember is that freedom is an essentially contested concept to which different ideologies give different meanings. And, as the next lesson explains, the same is true of democracy.

Before we consider the different ways in which competing ideologies construct the concept of democracy, we need to take note of a further feature of ideologies in the modern world. Despite their differences and their mutual antagonisms, modern ideologies are alike in being revolutionary. Each seeks to remake the world in its own image. Each tries to turn the world upside down. And this is because each views the political world in a different way. Each ideology offers its own explanation and evaluation of otherwise puzzling political and economic events. Each orients its adherents in a distinctive way. And each offers its own political program, its own vision of the good society.

Ideologies are predicated on the notion that ideas are important, that they do, or can, make a big political difference. People die, often quite willingly, in wars and revolutions, not merely because they expect to enjoy some material or economic advantage—far from it—but because they believe strongly and fervently in the transforming power of ideas.

Political ideas and ideals have had, and continue to have, a profound impact in reshaping the political landscape in which we live. It therefore behooves us, not only as students and scholars, but also as citizens, to understand the nature of the ideologies that have made a deep and lasting impression upon our world.

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WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT If you ask students to keep a journal, you might begin by asking them to react to and reflect briefly upon the first chapter and (if you are also using the Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, and Kirkpatrick Reader) the accompanying essay by Terrell Carver on the history of ideology.

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2. The Democratic Ideal READING ASSIGNMENT

Text, Chapter 2 Optional: Reader, Part II LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1. Recognize the differences among democracy as an ideal-- ―the democratic ideal --‖ and the different conceptions of democracy held by competing ideologies.

2. Describe what democracy originally meant.

3. Recognize the main features of the republican tradition as it evolved from Aristotle and Polybius to the American founding.

4. Outline the rise, decline, and revival of the democratic ideal from ancient Greece to the present.

5. Describe the ways in which the meaning of democracy has changed over the course of Western history.

6. Identify the reasons for which non-Western, nonliberal regimes—such as the ―people‘s democracies‖ of China and the old Soviet Union—have claimed (at least rhetorically) to be democratic.

7. Know what is meant by the claim that democracy is an ―essentially contested concept.‖ 8. Recognize the ways in which voting rights have been curtailed or denied.

9. Understand the reasons for and against the claim that some issues should not be decided democratically, by majority vote.

10. Know what the four varieties of democracy are, and how they differ from one another.

NOTES Our word democracy comes from two Greek words: demos, meaning ―people‖ or ―common people,‖ and kratein, ―to rule.‖ Thus, demoskratia originally meant ―rule by, and in the interest of, the common people.‖ And since the common people constituted a numerical majority, democracy came to be associated with the idea of majority rule. Early Greek democracy was thus a system of class rule, that is, of rule by one class, the demos, in its own interest and, as often as not, in opposition to the interests of other classes, including the aristoi (―the best‖—the source of our word aristocracy, ―rule by those few who are best qualified to govern‖).

Democracy in the Golden Age of Greece—the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.E.—seems by our modern standards to have been ―undemocratic‖ in several respects. For one thing, the right to vote and hold public office was denied to women, resident aliens (metics), and slaves. For another, there were no legally guaranteed rights of freedom of speech, press, and assembly. Any citizen who publicly expressed unpopular views could, by a majority vote in the Athenian Assembly, be banished from the city and forced into exile, or even executed. Such was the fate of Socrates, the philosophical gadfly executed in 399 B.C.E. for daring to question certain popularly held religious and political views—including views about the value of democracy. Questions about truth, he claimed, cannot be decided by majority vote.

Socrates‘ pupil Plato agreed. His best-known work, The Republic, criticizes democracy and paints a memorable picture of an ideal state ruled by a wise ―philosopher-king.‖ Plato‘s pupil Aristotle took a somewhat more favorable view of democracy, although he too believed it to be a factious, unstable, and short-lived system of government. The best system, he argued, would be a system of ―rule by the many,‖ or polity, which aims at promoting the public good, not the individual or class interests of one faction or 8

another. This idea of a mixed constitution or republic (from the Latin res publica, meaning ―the public thing‖ or ―the public business‖) was picked up and developed by later Greek and Roman thinkers, including Polybius. He attributed the longevity of the Roman Republic to its mixture of different classes and interests; out of their competition and compromises came a closer approximation to the public good.

Two important events stifled the further development of the idea that the best system of government was one in which the people ruled. The first was the demise of the Roman Republic. With the triumph of the tyrannical Caesars, Rome ceased to be a popularly governed republic, becoming instead a despotic and militarily expansionist empire. The second was the rise of Christianity, with its contention that worldly matters—including political matters—are much less important than otherworldly ones, especially salvation in an afterlife.

Democratic and republican ideals went into a long eclipse that ceased only during the Italian Renaissance (or rebirth—the rebirth of classical learning and political ideas and ideals). The Renaissance writer who did more than anyone else to revive and defend the idea of republican government was Niccolò Machiavelli. In his Discourses (1531) he criticizes princely rule, advocating instead a system of popular rule by a virtuous and vigilant citizenry bent on protecting its liberty, which Machiavelli equates with the idea of self-government. The greatest danger to republican or self-government comes from corruption— the tendency to turn away from attending to the public business and turn inward toward private or individual interest, especially economic self-interest. Liberty or self-government, Machiavelli insisted, was not for the lazy, the selfish, or the corrupt, but was fit only for citizens steeped in self-discipline, love of country, civic virtue, and respect for the law. Only under ―a government of laws, not men,‖ could citizens remain free.

These ideas proved to be particularly influential in seventeenth-century England. As developed by James Harrington and others, the idea that popular self-government could be both stable and just became central to ―the Atlantic republican tradition‖ which was later to inspire the American revolutionaries and Founding Fathers.

But seventeenth-century England also saw the return of democracy, at least as an inspirational ideal.

During the English Civil War of the 1640s, some thinkers—Levellers like John Lilburne and Diggers, such as Gerrard Winstanley—called for the creation of democracy, that is, rule by and for the benefit of the common people. At about the same time, in the new English colony of America, dissident puritans like Roger Williams were preaching that all people being equal in God‘s eyes entailed their being equally entitled to govern themselves in a ―democratical‖ way.

Still, democracy remained a dissident—and, to some, a dangerous—form of government, usually equated with mob rule. Only in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries did democracy finally become respectable. In the United States, the democratic ideal was altered by the republican tradition, with its emphasis on balanced government, the rule of law, and the protection of civil rights.

Yet there are other regimes and systems of government that claim to be democratic but which do not offer such safeguards for individual rights. The so-called (and now defunct) people‘s democracies of Eastern Europe, for example, censored the press and sometimes imprisoned outspoken critics for expressing their views. And yet they claimed to be democratic—indeed, to be more genuinely democratic than the United States. Surely, one might think, this cannot be so. In order to see how this might be, we need to remember the earlier meaning of democracy. In its original Greek sense, democracy meant rule by and for the benefit of the numerically largest social class. In modern industrial society this class is the working class or, to use Marx‘s term, the proletariat. Because the proletarian or people‘s democracies rule in the interest of the working class, this, they claim, entitles them to be called democracies. This assertion (absurd as many will find it) continues to be heard from the communist regimes of China, North Korea, Vietnam, and Cuba.

Thus, in the modern world, the word democracy is an essentially contested concept—that is, a term with its meaning in dispute. Different people, adhering to different ideologies, define democracy in quite 9

different ways. For some, the concept is closely connected with a particular social class; for others it is not. For some, democracy means not only majority rule but, in addition, the protection of minority rights; for others, it means nothing of the sort.

And this, in turn, gives rise to a concluding consideration: democracy is not itself an ideology but an ideal—an aim or aspiration—that different ideologies define in different and sometimes radically divergent ways.

Just what those ideologies are, and how they define democracy and allied notions such as liberty (or freedom), will be discussed in later chapters.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT You might wish to ask students to react briefly in their journals to what they read in the text (and, if you use it, the Reader) for this lesson. How, if at all, do these readings alter or enlarge their previous understanding of democracy?

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3. Liberalism READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 3 Optional: Reader, Part III

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Identify the several varieties of liberalism and the historical circumstances in which they emerged.

Describe the conceptions of liberty (or freedom) at the core of each variety or variant of liberalism.

Show how each variant of liberalism performs the four functions of ideology described in Chapter 1.

Discuss Adam Smith‘s contributions to the liberal tradition.

Describe the differences between welfare-state liberalism and socialism.

Identify the main defining features of the liberal conception of democracy, that is, liberal democracy.

Know the point and purpose of J.S. Mill‘s ―harm principle.‖ Understand the distinction between ―positive‖ and ―negative‖ liberty Know what the ―two selves‖ or ―dual self‖ doctrine is and how it informs T.H. Green‘s and other welfare-state liberals‘ understanding of freedom.

10. Understand the ―conservative‖ origins of the first welfare state in Bismarck‘s Germany.

NOTES

WHAT IS LIBERALISM? You might begin by asking students this question: When you hear that someone is a liberal, or that a particular proposal or policy is liberal, what do you think this means? You might also ask them to write out their answers according to the following format. Ask them to mention general principles rather than specific policies regarding, say, gun control or capital punishment.

A liberal person (policy, politician, and so forth) is: 1. ___________________________ 2. ___________________________ 3. ___________________________ Chances are their answers will include one or more of the following. A liberal is: inclined to be in favor of expanding the role of government in our daily lives; tolerant, perhaps even permissive, toward unusual or ―deviant‖ persons or actions; more concerned with protecting the rights of unpopular minorities than those of the majority; and so on. These principles are in turn translated into policies such as: higher taxes, with more monies spent on social-welfare programs than on defense; opposition to laws restricting freedom of expression and action, including such actions as having abortions or smoking marijuana; and protecting the rights of defendants in criminal cases and restricting the power of the police to gather evidence and extract confessions.

But are these answers correct? Historically speaking, they are—and they aren‘t. Each of the above is a feature of one or another part of the long liberal tradition. As we will see, classical liberals like John Stuart Mill and modern libertarians tend to oppose governmental intrusion into the private sphere, while modern welfare or welfare-state liberals are more inclined to favor state intervention. In order to see how the liberal tradition can contain such apparently contradictory views, we need to look at its long history.

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THE EVOLUTION OF LIBERALISM Deriving from the Latin word liber, meaning ―free,‖ liberalism has from the beginning championed the freedom of the individual from unjustified or unnecessary restrictions or restraints. In the Middle Ages, these included restraints on religious worship and economic activity. The rise of liberalism was thus associated with several important developments. The first was the waning of the Middle Ages and, with it, the demise of feudalism. A second development was the increasing importance of trade and commerce and the appearance of the merchant capitalist as a key figure who sought to break down older feudal and religiously based barriers to trade. A third was the Protestant Reformation, with its questioning of papal and priestly power. And the fourth was the emergence of individualism. Along with these developments emerged new ideas—that the individual is sovereign and endowed with a set of natural rights, including the right to life and liberty, and that the state should serve the individual and not the other way around. It was in the name of these and other liberal ideas and ideals that the great revolutions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were fought in England, in the American colonies, and in France. From the beginning, then, liberalism has been embroiled in political conflict and ideological controversy.

One of the main worries expressed by critics of this emerging ideology was simply this: How can order possibly be maintained in a society whose members were freed from traditional religious and economic restraints? Would not such ―masterless men‖ ride roughshod over each other? If the older restraints no longer sufficed, what was to be substituted in their place? These were among the questions that early liberal thinkers asked and attempted to answer. In the seventeenth century, Thomas Hobbes in Leviathan (1651) argued that a condition of perfect liberty—what he called the ―state of nature‖—would be one of grave danger and insecurity in which life would be ―solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.‖ Some way must therefore be found, he said, to bring solitary individuals into civil relations of cooperation and harmony. And, in keeping with the practices of the new commercial society, Hobbes suggested that an agreement—a compact or social contract—was needed to bring and bind people together.

Hobbes‘s successor, John Locke, agreed that some sort of social contract was the only means by which individual liberty and social order could be reconciled. The contract would specify the rights of individuals and limit the government‘s right to restrict the actions and activities of its citizens.

Despite their differences, Hobbes and Locke agreed that civil society rests on the consent of rational, selfinterested individuals concerned with protecting their lives and their property. Hobbes and Locke are, in this sense, defenders of the doctrine that we now call individualism. Individualism—the idea that the individual is the sovereign ruler of his or her own person—is at the core of liberalism and the liberal idea of freedom. Liberals have historically viewed the idea of liberty or freedom through individualist lenses.

Thus, when Locke wrote that every person possesses a right to ―life, liberty and property,‖ liberty was placed second only to life itself. And when Jefferson, in the Declaration of Independence, asserted that everyone has a right to ―life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,‖ he too asserted the primacy of liberty.

So, in order to understand liberalism, we need to look at its understanding of liberty (or freedom).

Recall now our discussion in Lesson 1 of freedom as a triadic relation involving (A) an agent, (B) a barrier or obstacle, and (C) an aim or goal. To see just how liberals have historically conceived of liberty (or freedom), we need to see how they identify the three elements of the triad.

(A)

The Agent. For the liberal, the agent is the individual, not the class, caste, rank, or order to which the agent belongs. Each individual is, so to speak, an isolated self-governing sovereign.

(B)

Barriers or Obstacles. Freedom, for the liberal, is the absence of restrictions. To be free, therefore, is to be unencumbered by obstacles or barriers. Specifically, the obstacles standing in the way of individuals include restrictions or limitations such as laws, rules, regulations, and restrictive customs and traditions that arbitrarily inhibit, impede, limit, or otherwise hinder the 12

actions, movements, and choices of individuals, particularly in the private or personal sphere of thought and conduct. Liberals have tended to draw a fairly sharp distinction between public and private spheres. In the sphere of private belief, especially religious beliefs, one‘s liberty should be absolute, according to Locke and other advocates of liberal toleration. The state has neither the right nor the authority to tell its citizens what to believe or how to worship.

(C)

Goals or Aims. The goals at which individuals aim are, of course, many and varied. Some people seek religious freedom; others, the freedom to travel or emigrate; and others, the freedom to vote and to run for public office. Liberals have at one time or another defended the rights of individuals to pursue these and many other goals. But, historically, liberals have placed a premium on pursuing and promoting one‘s self-interest, as one understands it. Once free of feudal ties and other restrictions, most individuals, it was thought, would ―naturally‖ try to promote their own well-being. As Locke put it, human beings have a natural right to ―life, liberty, and property.‖

Two social institutions were supposed to protect and promote these rights. First, the free market would allow individuals to pursue their own interests in competition with others pursuing their interests.

Although earlier, preliberal moral codes had condemned such self-interested behavior as sinful or unjust, early liberals like Bernard Mandeville and Adam Smith believed such ―selfish‖ behavior to be both rational and socially beneficial. ―Private vices,‖ said Mandeville, have a way of becoming ―public benefits‖ in the long run. But perhaps the most famous case for self-interest was made by the Scottish philosopher and economist Adam Smith, in The Wealth of Nations (1776). Human beings, he said, have a natural ―propensity to truck, barter, and exchange.‖ Smith did not praise unlimited greed as a virtue, but rather advocated moderated and measured self-interest (or what he called ―prudence‖).

However, like Mandeville, Smith argued that although each individual in seeking to make a profit intends to benefit only him or her, the larger (and altogether unintended) result is that everyone benefits. It is, Smith says in a famous phrase, as though an ―invisible hand‖ were turning even individual vices into public benefits and morally condemnable selfish individuals into public benefactors.

In addition to the invisible hand of the market was the second, and more visible, hand of the state. It is necessary that the scope and power of the state be minimal or severely limited because it restricts the freedom of its citizens. That accounts for the old liberal adage ―that state governs best which governs least.‖ Thus, the state does have a role to play, although its role is in most cases limited to making and enforcing the laws that are needed to promote public and private dealings (for example, laws that enforce the terms of contracts between individuals). The state is supposed to intervene to protect individual rights and to act in those few instances in which the free market does not or cannot operate.

The history of liberalism in the late-nineteenth century and twentieth century was the story of disagreements about how much the unassisted ―free market‖ is able to achieve and how well it can provide socially necessary services. The two sides of liberalism—the economic and the ethical—have long coexisted in uneasy tension.

In the early nineteenth century, the Utilitarian liberals led by Jeremy Bentham tried to reconcile this tension by devising a market-based moral theory. Utilitarianism holds that each of us shops around, seeking to maximize our pleasures and minimize our pains. Human beings are by nature hedonists; we are, that is, pleasure-seekers and pain-avoiders. Human nature impels us to search for pleasure or happiness and to avoid pain or unhappiness. Each person has a natural or innate interest in promoting his or her own pleasure or happiness. Hence, says Bentham, there is no overriding ―public interest,‖ apart from ―the greatest happiness of the greatest number.‖ Bentham and his disciple James Mill were free-market liberals. But Mill‘s more-famous son, John Stuart Mill, extended this notion beyond the economic sphere. John Stuart Mill maintained that the free market of goods and services was less important than the free market of ideas and opinions. The state, he said, 13

should not legitimately interfere with the expression and dissemination of ideas, however unpopular or unorthodox they may be. Mill‘s On Liberty (1859) is a sustained defense of individual freedom and an impassioned argument against paternalism; that is, the idea that the state or any other institution or person can legitimately censor or silence unpopular individuals or minorities for their own or someone else‘s good. Too often, says Mill, the majority, or the state that speaks in its name, has been mistaken or misguided. Far too much of human history is a sad chronicle of the censoring and silencing of people with unorthodox or unpopular views. Socrates, Jesus, Galileo, and countless others have been silenced, to the detriment of human progress and happiness. To be sure, new truths and novel views are uncomfortable or unwelcome. But that, says Mill, is not sufficient reason for not listening to and considering such unorthodox views.

Mill maintains, then, that the state has no business restricting the expression of ideas and opinions. But what of actions? Surely the state has a legitimate role to play in restricting or regulating certain kinds of actions or behaviors. But which ones can it legitimately limit or restrict? Mill answers by drawing a distinction between purely private or ―self-regarding‖ actions and public or ―other-regarding‖ acts. An act is self-regarding, says Mill, if it affects only the person performing it. An act is other-regarding if it also affects someone else. The state, he concludes, has no right whatever to interfere with self-regarding acts and a legitimate, though severely limited, right to intervene in other-regarding acts. Only if an otherregarding act actually harms someone other than the person performing it can the state step in to regulate, restrict, or outlaw it.

But what about economic actions and transactions? Are they purely self-regarding, or are they otherregarding? If the latter, to what extent can the state legitimately restrict or regulate the economic actions and activities of its citizens? Consider, for example, the case of inheritance. Suppose my parents leave me a million dollars, and yours leave you nothing but debts. Obviously, I am freer to pursue my aims than you are to pursue yours, especially if your aim is to be a billionaire. Liberal equality (so-called equality of opportunity) would hardly characterize our relationship. What, then, should be the proper role of the state? Should it maximize my parents‘ freedom to dispose of their wealth as they see fit? Or should it seek to promote equality of opportunity by providing a ―level playing field‖ that is not tipped toward my or anyone else‘s advantage—by, for example, levying a stiff inheritance tax on large fortunes?

In attempting to answer such questions, liberals divided into two competing camps. On the one side were those who favored letting individuals decide how best to make and dispose of their wealth. They favored unrestricted economic competition and laissez-faire. These ―Manchester liberals‖ believed that life was a struggle for survival and that the market was best suited to decide the outcome. This view was soon supplemented by the ―social Darwinists,‖ who claimed to apply Charles Darwin‘s theory of evolution and natural selection to the study of human society. Like the liberals of the Manchester school, they believed that the role of the state should be limited to seeing that contracts were kept and private property protected. For the Manchester Liberals and Social Darwinists, then, freedom was the freedom to compete and to keep the fruits of one‘s victory over other, unsuccessful, competitors.

Another school of liberalism, the reform or welfare-state liberals, held very different views. If liberal ideals such as equality of opportunity were to have any meaning, the playing field must be made more level than it has heretofore been. Some kinds of freedom—especially economic freedom—can be restricted in favor of other freedoms and in order to promote other important values and ideals. In short, T. H. Green and other reform-minded liberals believed that the Utilitarians, the Manchester Liberals, and the Social Darwinists had got it all wrong. For one thing, their view of ―human nature‖ was mistaken.

Human beings, said Green, are not selfish, pleasure-seeking animals but are rational and reflective creatures capable of being motivated by noble and generous ideas and ideals—such as justice and fairness. The prospect of anyone being treated unjustly is a source of pain to any morally sensitive and reflective human being. And, Green added, each of us, far from being a pleasure-seeking animal or automaton, harbors a vision of an ideal or better self. This higher self is, in short, a conception or picture of the kind of person we would like to be. With this more-expansive notion of the self came a more14

expansive notion of self-interest—and a different view of freedom and of the role of the state in promoting and sustaining individual freedom.

For Green and later welfare or welfare-state liberals, like Leonard Hobhouse in England and John Dewey in the United States, freedom is not simply the liberty to do anything one pleases, provided that it does not interfere with other people‘s freedom to do as they please. Instead, they insisted, freedom is the opportunity for our ideal or higher self to be realized, that is, made real. Freedom, in other words, is the freedom of our ideal or higher self to promote its ideals and goals in a community consisting of other similarly situated higher selves. True liberty or freedom, then, requires that our ideal or higher self be free of the temptations to which our lower self too often succumbs, including the temptation to take advantage of, or to care nothing about, those less fortunate than ourselves.

From this reform or welfare liberal perspective, then, the laws that smooth social relations and restrict allout competition are actually aids to true liberty, not restrictions on our rights or our freedom. These laws restrict our lower selves even as they encourage our higher selves to realize our nobler, more just, and generous ideals.

As we will see, a similar sentiment has been invoked by socialists in support of their schemes for social reform. But we need to distinguish clearly reform or welfare-state liberalism from socialism. Socialism seeks not to reform capitalism but to replace it with a system of publicly owned enterprises. Welfare-state liberalism, by contrast, presupposes and takes for granted the existence of a capitalist system. From the perspective of the welfare-state liberal, the role of the state includes that of regulating competition and alleviating the social ills and individual injuries wrought by a competitive capitalist society.

In fact, the grandfather of the modern welfare state was neither a socialist nor a liberal. Otto Von Bismarck, the Prussian militarist and ardently antisocialist ―Iron Chancellor‖ who united Germany in the latter part of the nineteenth century, believed that the welfare state was the best way of opposing socialism. Through a state-sponsored system of taxing employers and employees to support ill, injured, and unemployed workers, the German state could increase its power and prestige while at the same time stealing the thunder from the socialists, who had made considerable gains by playing upon the workers‘ fears of illness, injury, and unemployment. The welfare state supplied a social safety net in an unpredictably up-and-down cyclical capitalist economy.

In the United States, the rough-and-ready liberalism of the Manchester school was advocated by proponents of ―rugged individualism‖ such as Herbert Hoover. (It was, in fact, Hoover who coined the phrase ―rugged individualism.‖) But no matter how rugged they were, isolated individuals were hardly a match for the Great Depression of the 1930s. Workers lost their jobs, farmers lost their farms, and financiers lost their fortunes. No one seemed safe from the ravages of a competitive capitalist system gone haywire.

During the Great Depression, welfare-state liberalism came into its own. President Franklin D. Roosevelt pushed through programs that would have been unthinkable only a few years earlier. Although some critics cried ―socialism,‖ F.D.R. was no socialist. He was simply a reform-minded welfare-state liberal who had tried, as he thought, to save capitalism from its own excesses.

The Depression ended with the coming of World War II. But the welfare state and its supporting ideology, liberalism, continued to flourish well into the 1960s, during the presidencies of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. In the 1970s (and even more in the 1980s, during the administration of President Ronald Reagan) the ideology of welfare-state liberalism was criticized by those who called themselves conservatives.

But, as we‘ll see in the next lesson, American conservatives like Ronald Reagan have borrowed heavily from the essentially economic liberalism of the older nineteenth-century variety—that is, from Manchester Liberalism.

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There is one group, however, that criticizes Reagan and other contemporary conservatives for not being true to the economic principles of Manchester Liberalism and the ethical principles of John Stuart Mill.

This is the loose alliance whose members sometimes call themselves true liberals but, most often, simply libertarians.

Modern libertarians like Ayn Rand, Murray Rothbard, Milton Friedman, and Robert Nozick want to get the government out of the boardroom and the bedroom—that is, out of the economy and out of the moral domain. The state, they say, has no business ―interfering‖ in any economic transaction, including the selling of sex or drugs or any other commodity or service. Almost any decision, including the decision to take drugs or to sell sexual services or to buy them from others, is a private moral decision made on the basis of self-interest and therefore best left to individuals operating in the environment of the free market.

The state, say the libertarians, should be minimal in its scope and morally neutral in its operations.

Therefore, it should not try to regulate the economy or to reform its citizens.

If nothing else, libertarianism and the other varieties of liberalism we‘ve looked at in this lesson suggest that the liberal tradition is complex and varied. No doubt it is this complexity, variety, and variability that accounts for much of the modern confusion over what liberalism is and what liberals believe. And yet, as we will see in the next lesson, much the same can be said about what conservatism is and what conservatives believe and advocate.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Ask students to record in their journals their reactions to and reflections on their readings for this lesson.

Then return to the listing of liberal characteristics at the beginning of this lesson. Are these, in their view, still accurate and adequate? Why or why not? Ask them to record their answer(s) in their journal.

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4. Conservatism READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 4 Optional: Reader, Part IV

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Identify the several varieties of conservatism.

Describe the similarities and differences between these variants.

Identify and explain the main features of Edmund Burke‘s political thought.

Explain why conservatism in the United States so often resembles early or classical liberalism.

Describe how each variant of conservatism fulfills the four functions of an ideology, as described in Chapter 1.

6. Explain classical conservatism‘s ambivalent attitude toward democracy.

7. Describe classical conservatism‘s critique of classical liberalism.

8. Explain contemporary conservatives‘ critique of welfare or welfare-state liberalism.

9. Compare and contrast the classical and modern conservatives‘ conceptions of human nature.

10. Compare and contrast the classical and modern conservatives‘ conceptions of freedom or liberty.

11. Compare and contrast classical and modern conservatism‘s understandings of democracy.

NOTES

WHAT IS CONSERVATISM? Begin by asking students this question: When you think of conservatives and conservatism, what comes immediately to mind? Do you think first of particular persons (of former President Ronald Reagan, say, or former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, or former President George W. Bush) or of policies and positions advocated by these or other contemporary conservatives? Examples of the latter might include such policies as increased military spending, decreased expenditures for social-welfare measures, limited government ―interference‖ in the economy, and the like. But when you try to focus not on particular persons or policies but on conservatism as an ideology, what then comes to mind? Before continuing, list at least four features or tenets of conservatism as you understand it. A conservative believes: 1. ___________________________ 2. ___________________________ 3. ___________________________ 4. ___________________________ Ask students to keep their answers in mind as they do the assigned reading. After completing their reading, ask them to return to their answers. Ask if they would still answer as they did. What, if anything, would they change and why? Ask them to record these reactions in their journal.

If your students find conservatism confusing in several respects, they are not alone. Not all who call themselves conservatives agree about what is central to the ideology of conservatism. Some conservatives claim that conservatism is not an ideology at all but an anti-ideological orientation or set of dispositions.

But, as we will see, conservatism does fulfill the four functions of an ideology. And so we need not hesitate to view it as an ideology.

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THE HISTORY OF CONSERVATISM Historians of political ideas and ideologies sometimes draw a distinction between two kinds of conservatism: an older conservatism stemming from Edmund Burke, which we might call classical conservatism, and a newer variant, which we might call modern or contemporary conservatism. In this lesson we will be looking at both kinds of conservatism, classical and modern, and at other offshoots and variations as well.

Let‘s begin by trying to understand some of the similarities and the differences between classical and modern conservatism. Their most obvious similarity is that they share the same label. And this shared label suggests that both are concerned with conserving something. But when we ask what they claim to conserve, how they propose to conserve it, and by whom they think it should be conserved, we see that the two kinds of conservatism give very different answers.

To see how and why they differ, we need to look at the history of classical conservatism. Although there have been many statesmen and political thinkers whom we might call conservatives, one in particular stands out as spokesperson, standard-bearer, and champion of the classical conservative tradition.

Edmund Burke was an outspoken critic of liberalism for several reasons, including (1) its view of human nature and government and (2) its view of freedom. As we noted in the previous lesson, the classical liberal view of human nature is that human beings are naturally rational, competitive, narrowly selfinterested, calculating creatures devoted to maximizing their own advantage in relation to other people.

Civil society is therefore simply an aggregation of self-interested individuals who are kept in check by a system of law. And that system of law is in turn enforced by a minimal state. Moreover, that minimal state is created by its members, who make a social contract into which they enter freely for the purpose of protecting their life, liberty, and property.

This, at least, is the early liberal view of human nature. But it is assuredly not Burke‘s view. Burke believed the liberal view of human nature and government to be not only mistaken in theory, but also politically pernicious when put into practice.

But why did Burke believe this? For one thing, human beings are not self-interested calculators but creatures of habit, custom, and tradition. And, for another, political society is not simply a heap of isolated individuals but a living and changing organism greater than the sum of its individual parts.

Individuals may come and go, but the society of which they are members endures. In short, the argument by liberal social-contract theorists that society is (or could conceivably be) brought into existence by consenting, contracting individuals, at least in the way they imagine it, is in Burke‘s view a politically pernicious fiction.

If political or civil society rests on some sort of ―contract,‖ Burke says, it is not the kind of contract that liberals like Locke had in mind. It is less like a legal contract than a sacred covenant that binds people and generations together.

Point for point, this Burkean or classical conservative view of human nature and government differs from the picture painted by early liberal thinkers. But nowhere is the difference between early liberalism and classical conservatism more evident than in their different views of freedom and democracy. As we saw in Lesson 3, to be free, for the classical liberal, is to be free from obstacles that stand in the way of realizing one‘s own individual desires or interests. For the liberal, this kind of freedom is an unquestionable value, subject only to the constraint that one individual‘s enjoyment of her freedom does not restrict another‘s enjoyment of hers.

But Burke‘s view is very different. For him, freedom is not necessarily a good thing. It can be, but it does not have to be. To ask whether freedom is a good or a bad thing is like asking whether fire is a good or a bad thing. Clearly, fire is a valued good if and only if it is kept under control and put to good use. But once out of control, fire‘s destructive powers are awesome and fearful and to be avoided if at all possible.

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So, too, Burke says, whether freedom is a good or a bad thing depends on the uses to which it is put by an individual or a party or by an entire society. Kept under control and put to good use, freedom is without doubt a very valuable thing. But once out of control, the destructive power of people freed from all legal and traditional restraints is horrible to behold.

What then are Burke‘s and the classical conservative‘s conceptions of liberty? And what, by implication, becomes of democracy? To take the first question first, there is, Burke insists, against Locke and others, no abstract ―right‖ to liberty possessed by all people. To claim otherwise would be as absurd as claiming that there is an abstract right to fire belonging to everyone, including arsonists. Rights, including one‘s right to liberty, are always concrete, never abstract or universal. It makes no sense, in Burke‘s view, to speak of ―the rights of man,‖ although it makes perfectly good sense to speak of ―the rights of Englishmen‖ or of some other people or nationality. And, as with rights, so too with liberty. Instead of speaking of liberty (or freedom) as an abstract idea or ideal, Burke speaks of ―liberties,‖ by which he means the particular freedoms that people enjoy in particular societies. These liberties will, moreover, differ from one society to another. The liberties enjoyed by the English, for example, need not be identical with those enjoyed by the Spanish, say, or French or Italian people.

What then of democracy? Democracy, in Burke‘s view, was a system ripe with the possibility of abuse. It gives too much power, he thought, to the least reflective and responsible members of society. A society is best governed, Burke believed, by those who have the greatest stake in its well-being and are the most reflective and thoughtful of its members. If that society should be a democracy, it then behooves the people to elect the wisest and most prudent among them and then leave them free to govern as they think best. Elected representatives should be neither a mirror of nor a messenger from their constituents.They are, instead, a trustee authorized to represent their constituents‘ interests as they see fit.

For Burke and for classical conservatives more generally, direct or participatory democracy is both undesirable and impracticable. Any defense of direct democracy is tantamount to a defense of anarchy and mob rule. And to prove this point Burke had, he thought, only to turn his gaze across the English Channel, where the French Revolution was then raging. In Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) Burke maintained that the French Revolution represented almost everything that was wrong with the modern world. Motivated by a mixture of envy and rage fueled by abstract liberal theories about ―liberty‖ and ―the rights of man,‖ mobs of masterless men and women embarked on a mad rampage. They had attacked King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette and members of the hated aristocracy. And why?

Simply because of who they were and to what class they belonged. The French revolutionaries had turned their France into a nation of spies and informers. As a result, few of the people of France were secure, and none was truly free.

To promote freedom by thus violently removing real or imagined obstacles in their way was, Burke believed, to hold a mistaken and wholly indefensible view of liberty. The only freedom worth having, Burke believed, is the ordered liberty to act in accordance with the laws and abide by the traditions of one‘s own society. These laws and traditions are not obstacles or constraints but enablements—aids to help people play a useful part in some larger, well-ordered whole. Society is not merely a collection of individuals, each of whom is independent of the others. Rather, society is conceived by classical conservatives like Burke as a web of relationships and reciprocal dependencies. To use one of Burke‘s favorite images, the individual members of a community or nation are woven together like threads in a larger social fabric. Taken individually, none of the threads is strong or beautiful; but once woven tightly together, the whole can be both strong and beautiful. In such a social fabric none of the individual threads determines the shape or pattern or color of the whole. Only in a frayed fabric (already coming apart at the seams) do the individual threads stand out from the rest. That, thought Burke, is the dismal picture presented by a liberal individualist society. A society consisting of self-seeking individuals, each essentially independent of the others and thus ―free‖ to pursue his or her own self-interest is, for Burke, a deranged, disordered, or sick society—a threadbare society scarcely deserving of the name.

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What classical conservatives like Burke mean by freedom or liberty now comes into clearer view.

Recalling the three elements of our triad for analyzing different conceptions of freedom, we can begin by looking at Burke‘s view of who the agent is. Society, he says, does not consist of isolated individuals but of people involved in relationships of mutuality and interdependence. Each person therefore has a particular station or status and a stake in the larger society into which that person is born, is educated, marries, works, lives, and dies. All these actions, activities, practices, and institutions are part of the social fabric into which we are woven and which we help to weave, reweave, and repair. The goal of free men and women is to maintain the integrity of the social fabric. To do so, however, requires that one surmount such obstacles as false beliefs about liberty, society, and human nature. Liberty, says Burke, is not absolute or without limits, societies are not simple machines to be tinkered with, and human nature is complex.

With this classical conservative view of the nature of human beings comes a corresponding view of politics and the purpose of political life. The purpose of political activity is simply to preserve and conserve the social fabric within which these necessary human activities are carried on from day to day and from one generation to the next. As the British conservative philosopher Michael Oakeshott (1901– 1990) puts it, politics is nothing more than the activity of attending to the arrangements of one‘s society.

Politics is not, or should not be, part of any attempt to radically remake one‘s society from the ground up.

Still less should politics be a, or involve any, collective attempt to make imperfect persons and institutions perfect. That task belongs only to God. And even he did not succeed in creating such creatures. Thus, conservative politics, as Anthony Quinton says, is necessarily and inescapably ―the politics of imperfection‖—and, by implication, the repudiation of what Oakeshott calls the ―rationalist‖ politics of perfection.

By classical conservative lights, the mistake made by political radicals and rationalists from Robespierre to Pol Pot is two-sided. First, they are mistaken in believing that human nature is malleable and even, one day, perfectible. From this first mistaken belief follows a second mistaken belief, namely that humans can and will one day live in a perfect society—an earthly paradise from which greed, envy, and injustice have been banished once and for all. But to bring this about, they believe it both necessary and possible to pull an entire society up by its roots and remake it from the ground up. The results of such large-scale attempts at social engineering are bound to be disastrous. And this, says the classical conservative, is because society is not perfect and can never be made so. Politics is not an exact science but an inexact and imperfect art, the art of ―muddling through‖ one step at a time and without the aid of abstract theories or elaborate rationalist blueprints. There may well be truths in this art, but few, if any, are simple. One of the few simple truths is that there are no simple truths, no easy solutions to social problems, because social problems are always complex. So we had best be wary, Burke says, of anyone who claims that such simple solutions are readily available.

Having sketched several key features of classical conservatism, let‘s move on to consider the similarities and contrasts between classical and modern conservatism. Both, as we have seen, share the name conservative. So both are presumably concerned with conserving something. But conserving what? And how? And by whom?

We have noted that Burkean or classical conservatism is skeptical toward liberal individualism. The irony of modern conservatism is that it speaks the language not of Burke but of the very liberalism and individualism that Burke found so objectionable. What the modern conservative seeks to conserve is not Burke‘s ―social fabric‖ but the very principles of individualism, competition, and self-interest that Burke believed to be destructive of that very fabric. And this in turn gives a characteristic twist to the language, and therefore the thought, of the modern conservative. Let‘s look a little more closely at this difference.

Burke and his successors in the classical conservative tradition stress the delicacy, intricacy, and complexity of the social fabric; they see individuals as inevitably situated in a web of interdependency and as connected across generations with their ancestors and with their unborn successors. It is therefore 20

possible, within this classical conservative framework, to justify the welfare state as a way of smoothing the rough spots caused by a competitive capitalist society.

By contrast, modern or individualist conservatives, from Herbert Hoover to Ronald Reagan, are much more inclined to talk about rugged individuals pulling themselves up by their bootstraps. And they are apt to talk about freedom as the freedom of individuals to compete with others, especially in the economic arena of the free market. For the modern conservative, then, freedom is intimately tied to free enterprise, that is, to a competitive, capitalist economic system. This form of conservatism has been especially strong in the United States, where the founding principles of the country included a belief in individual rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Because these essentially liberal rights were part of the American tradition, there was a clear sense in which those people who advocated rugged individualism in the United States were taking a conservative position.

Another difference between classical and individualist conservatism is worth noting. As we have seen, classical conservatives emphasize the intricacy of the social fabric and the complexity of its problems.

With this comes their deep-seated skepticism regarding supposedly ―simple‖ solutions. Individualist conservatives, by contrast, are much more inclined to claim that our problems are really quite simple (stemming mostly from too much government ―interference‖ in the operations of the free market) and to claim, correspondingly, that the solutions are therefore essentially simple: reduce the size of government; reduce government spending, particularly for social welfare programs; and give the free market a free rein, in economic if not in moral matters. If these themes sound familiar, they should. We have encountered them already in our discussion of neoclassical or laissez-faire liberalism in Lesson 3. These ―modern‖ conservative prescriptions are precisely the ones ordered by earlier economically minded liberals, and by nineteenth-century Manchester liberals in particular.

If nothing else, this brief and selective historical sketch helps explain how conservatism came to be a house divided. But the story is more complex yet. For besides the division between classical and individualist conservatives, there are differences and divisions between these and other kinds of conservatives as well.

For example, there are so-called neoconservatives, such as the late Irving Kristol and his son William, who founded the Weekly Standard and now edits The Bulwark. Neoconservatives might be described as disenchanted welfare-state liberals. For while acknowledging the merits of capitalism as an economic system capable of generating great wealth, neoconservatives share the classical conservatives‘ concern over the social disruption and dislocations brought about by a freewheeling market economy. These include labor unrest, unemployment, the social and familial disruption and violence wrought by ups and downs in the business cycle, and the adverse burdens that these impose upon those least able to deal with them, especially the very young and the very old. When those young people grow up, they prey on the old, and so the vicious cycle repeats itself. These and other ills of capitalism led Irving Kristol to suggest that capitalism deserves only two out of a possible total of three cheers.

At the same time, however, neoconservatives insist that the welfare state, although good in inception and intent, has fared badly in practice. It has created an entrenched class of welfare bureaucrats with a vested interest in perpetuating the poverty and dependence of their ―clients‖ and has thus perpetuated the very problem that it initially sought to alleviate. The social-welfare system needs not to be discarded, but rethought in new and creative ways.

But neoconservatism consists not only of a critique of capitalism and of the welfare state alike, but also of ―cultural‖ questions. Neoconservatives like Daniel Bell claim that capitalism harbors numerous ―cultural contradictions.‖ And it is through these contradictions that capitalism undermines its own already-thin moral and intellectual foundations.

To take only one example, consider the following. On the one hand, capitalism rests upon people‘s willingness to defer pleasures and gratifications; in other words, to save and invest in the present with the expectation of receiving a greater return in the future. On the other hand, however, capitalism creates such 21

abundance that people tend to think that there are no limits, that almost anything is possible and that one can have it all, here and now, without waiting or undue effort. In short, capitalism spoils people, leading them to expect more and more while actually being able to deliver less and less. Far from being confined to economic matters, this attitude carries over to other areas as well. It carries over into attitudes toward government, for example.

Too many people now expect too much, too quickly, from all institutions, and from government in particular. Citizens want lower taxes and increased government spending for their pet projects. They want to deny welfare benefits for others while demanding them for themselves. Middle- and upper-middleclass citizens speak not of ―welfare benefits‖ but of ―tax reductions‖ and a ―better business climate,‖ but the result is the same. The result is an increasing inability of government to ―deliver‖ and, with this, a decline in the legitimacy of governmental and other institutions. By and large, then, neoconservatives tend to be skeptical welfare-state liberals in domestic matters and hardline anticommunists, and nowadays antiterrorists, in foreign affairs. In the presidency of George W. Bush, neoconservatives became especially prominent for their argument that the United States must use its military power not only to strike against terrorists but also to promote democracy around the world.

In marked contrast with individualist conservatives, neoconservatives also tend to take a lively interest in artistic, literary, educational, and other broadly cultural issues. And they do this because it is through our culture, broadly understood, that we define who we, as a nation and a people, are, or aspire to be. And in far too many aspects of our culture in our music, our literature, our theater, our art, and, not least, in our educational curricula, we are defining ourselves as ill-mannered, amoral drifters and degenerates undermining or discarding what little remains of a once great and vibrant Western culture.

Neoconservatives complain that an ―adversary culture‖ composed largely of left-leaning intellectuals, feminists, and assorted malcontents poses a greater threat to our values and way of life than do any real or imagined threats to the free market. Thus, the political struggle waged by real or true conservatives, say the neoconservatives, must include a cultural and intellectual struggle against this subversive ―adversary culture.‖ This is important because while these adversaries might initially influence the values and attitudes of only a handful, they must sooner or later trickle down to the masses, where their influence will be even more pernicious. This serves to explain why neoconservatives have a deep and abiding interest in cultural and educational matters.

To this point we‘ve considered three kinds of conservatives: classical conservatives, modern conservatives, and neoconservatives. As though this weren‘t division enough, there has emerged of late yet another kind of conservative, at least on the American political scene. The Religious Right conservative shares several affinities with other kinds of conservatives. The Religious Right agrees with Burke and other classical conservatives that religion is a conservative force and is therefore a cornerstone of a viable conservative society. But they ignore or disagree with classical conservative warnings about the danger of unbridled religious zeal and the self-righteous single-mindedness and claims of absolute certainty that often accompany it. To put it bluntly, classical conservatism is profoundly skeptical in a way that Religious Right conservatism is not.

The Religious Right agrees with the modern conservative antipathy to communism, though less for economic than for theological reasons. The Religious Right also agrees with neoconservatives that the most dangerous threat to our traditions and way of life is not only economic and political but also cultural and moral. But religious conservatives, unlike most neoconservatives, tend to equate morality with Christian fundamentalism and to adopt a more circumscribed view of Western culture and history.

The Christian Right claims to be democratic, believing that society should be ruled by a righteous or ―moral‖ majority of ―born-again‖ Christians. (Whether this ―moral majority‖ is also a numerical majority is never made entirely clear. And so we cannot say whether its majority status is purely moral—that is, they make up in righteousness what they lack in numbers—or refers to some claim to numerical superiority as well. In listening closely to the sermons of the late Reverend Jerry Falwell and others, it sometimes seems to be the one and at other times the other.)

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The Religious Right also tends to favor increased government intervention in areas and activities previously deemed private. They want the state to ban abortions, make prayer mandatory in public schools, restrict or outlaw certain sorts of sexual activities, and purge schools and libraries of materials that they regard as morally offensive or un-Christian. Thus, in these and many other respects, the Christian Right would greatly increase and expand the powers of government. And certainly, in this and other respects, the views of this group stand in stark contrast to those espoused by other kinds of conservatives.

One particularly puzzling feature of the recent history of the Religious Right is its ardent support of Donald Trump. Why would they embrace a thrice-married, self-admitted adulterer? Several answers are possible. One is that they are inconsistent at best or hypocritical at worst. Another is that they are cleareyed political realists who are willing to overlook the faults and shortcomings of a president who delivers the judicial and other appointments and policies they have long favored. Having said that, in the United States as least, Trump has put increasing strain on core conservative beliefs of every sort, from the individualist conservatives‘ belief in free trade to the neoconservatives‘ belief in American global leadership and a muscular foreign policy, to traditionalists‘ understanding of the role of the Constitution and American political institutions.

What then should we make of all this division and diversity within the conservative camp? Well, for one thing, we can see that ideologies and ideologues rarely speak with a single voice, and conservatism is certainly no exception. We have seen that there are several species or varieties of conservatism, each of them sharing certain family resemblances with the others, but each having features or characteristics that are incompatible with other rival traditions. Of course, the same can also be said of other rival ideological traditions, including the diverse and varied socialist tradition—the topic of our next two lessons.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT You may wish to ask students to record in their journals their reactions to and reflections on the reading assigned for this lesson. Ask them to include the reactions requested at the outset of this lesson.

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5. Socialism and Communism: From More to Marx READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 5 Optional: Reader, Part V

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Distinguish between utopian and scientific socialism.

Describe the main features of Marx‘s ―materialist conception of history.‖ Describe what Marx thinks is wrong with capitalism.

Describe the steps in the revolutionary sequence as Marx envisions them.

Describe democracy and freedom as characterized by Marx.

Describe the ways in which Marx‘s theory fulfills the four functions of an ideology, as outlined in Chapter 1.

NOTES

You might wish to begin by asking students this question: when you hear the word socialism, what comes to mind? List the adjectives that, in your opinion, would best characterize a socialist society: 1. ___________________________ 2. ___________________________ 3. ___________________________ What comes to mind when you hear the words communist and communism?

1. ___________________________ 2. ___________________________ 3. ___________________________ After completing this lesson, ask students to return to their list of adjectives. Would they want to modify the list and, if so, in what way(s)? Ask them to record their answers in their journal.

SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM BEFORE MARX Socialism and communism are related, though by no means identical, ideologies. And there are different varieties of socialism, just as there are different varieties of communism. The thinker whose name we most often associate with both is probably that of Karl Marx. Yet socialism and communism predate Marx by many centuries. Twenty-five centuries ago Plato envisioned an ideal republic whose guardian class was to own all things (including spouses and children) in common. Early Christians, and later monastic orders, pooled their worldly possessions. In the early sixteenth century, St. Thomas More envisioned an ideal communist commonwealth from which private property, profit, and greed had been banished.

During the English Civil War of the 1640s, several radical sects, such as the Diggers or ―True Levellers,‖ tried to put communal or communist ideas into practice, calling for every able-bodied person to work and to contribute to the common store of goods, skills, and services. Fearing the spread of such radicalism, the English authorities destroyed their communes and arrested their leading spokesmen.

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With the coming of the Industrial Revolution in the late eighteenth century, these earlier agrarian visions of socialism and communism were replaced by a more urban-industrial vision. This more modern vision was in part a reaction against the profound social upheavals brought about by industrial capitalism.

Uprooted from the farms on which they had worked for generations, families moved into the cities looking for work in factories. Their working conditions were unsafe and their living quarters cramped, dirty, and squalid. The workers‘ condition contrasted sharply with that of the newly emerging class of capitalists, whose wealth was growing apace as their workers‘ health, wealth, and welfare were diminished.

Most observers were shocked by what they saw. Some thought such squalor natural, necessary, and inevitable, even though regrettable. Others thought that some way must be found to improve the condition of the working class by, for example, passing laws requiring safer and cleaner working conditions. But some thought that the whole system was rotten and needed to be changed from the ground up. Many in this latter group called themselves ―socialists.‖ They tended to belong to either of two camps. One, the moralistic or ethical socialists, believed that the system would change when people came to recognize industrial capitalism as a morally intolerable evil. A more humane socialist society of equals would come about as a result of people changing their minds about the old system of profit and exploitation. The other group, the so-called scientific socialists, agreed about the aim but disagreed with the moralists about how it might be brought about. Some, such as Saint-Simon, believed that hidden historical processes were at work that would bring a socialist society into being. For example, industrial society requires the expertise of engineers and technicians; socialist society requires planning, and planning requires a knowledge of social, economic, and industrial processes; therefore, industrial capitalism, with its need for technical expertise, lays the groundwork for an expertly planned socialist economy. Other socialists, such as Charles Fourier and Robert Owen, attempted to plan perfect socialist societies, and their disciples attempted to put these into effect in model communities.

KARL MARX‘S CONTRIBUTIONS These and other efforts by earlier socialists were all criticized by Karl Marx as utopian socialism. It is impractical, Marx maintained, to suppose that socialist society will come about as a result of people having a change of heart. And it is no less impractical to suppose that socialist society will come about automatically and inevitably, as a necessary consequence of capitalism. Capitalism, Marx argued, makes socialism (and eventually communism) possible, but by no means inevitable. Such a society can be created only if the old society is first destroyed. And such destruction will happen only under the right conditions. The working class, or proletariat, as Marx called them, must realize that their class interests are incompatible with, and opposed to, those of the dominant class of capitalists or bourgeoisie. The workers must, in short, be enlightened as to their ―real condition‖ and how it might conceivably be changed.

Marx offered his theory as an aid to such enlightenment. Drawing upon a number of diverse sources, including Hegel‘s philosophy of history and the economic theories of Adam Smith and others, Marx formulated his own theory of how capitalism had come into being, how it was changing, and how it might be overthrown. The cornerstone of Marx‘s theory of social change is the ―materialist conception of history.‖ Marx called himself a ―materialist‖ and the cornerstone of his theory ―the materialist conception of history‖ in order to emphasize a key difference between himself and earlier utopian socialists: farreaching social change involves more than changing one‘s ideas or ideals; it requires changing the material conditions, the social, economic, and institutional structures and processes, that underlie the dominant ideas. This, then, is the main theme of the materialist conception of history.

Human history, says Marx, is the story of a twofold struggle: the struggle to master nature for human aims and ends and the struggle between different social classes. The two are related in this way: in order to master nature, human beings must labor; for this labor to be effective, people must relate to and work with one another in ways that increase their capacity to put nature to human use. This requires two things.

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First, it requires what Marx calls the ―material forces of production‖: raw materials and tools for extracting, processing, transforming, and transporting these raw materials into useful objects as well as the labor of the humans that use them. Second, in order to create and make optimal use of these material forces, people must enter into what Marx calls the ―social relations of production‖: that is, the social division of labor that characterizes their particular society or ―social formation.‖ In a primitive hunting society, for example, some do the hunting, others the skinning and tanning, and others the transforming of tanned hides into tents and sandals, the fur into coats and blankets, and so on.

Marx emphasizes material production because it is the precondition of life itself and therefore of all other human actions, activities, institutions, and practices. Before human beings can do anything else, they must first produce the means of their subsistence and reproduce the species. In these respects, human beings belong to the animal kingdom. But human beings, unlike other animals, are rational. That is, we are thinking beings. We are curious; we ask questions about life; we want to know the whys and wherefores of our existence. We want, that is, to know why things are the way they are, why some people work hard and die early while others live lives of leisure and ease. And so every social formation is capped by an ―ideological superstructure,‖ a system of ideas and ideals by means of which the social relations of a particular society are justified and legitimized in the eyes of its members.

People living in slave societies, for example, learn that some human beings are ―slaves by nature‖ or that it is ―God‘s will‖ that they be slaves, while others are masters.

And in capitalist society, with its class division of labor between the ruling bourgeoisie and the subservient proletariat, people learn that the ―laws of economics‖ dictate this as the only rational and workable arrangement. For those who remain unconvinced, says Marx, there is always religion, the ―opiate of the people,‖ which dulls their minds to the possibility that such a system is made by human beings and can be changed by human beings.

Because ―the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas,‖ it follows that in capitalist society the dominant or ruling ideas of the bourgeoisie are widely viewed as the only ideas worth taking seriously. Alternative ideas—and especially socialist ideas—are either ignored or are portrayed in the classroom, the curriculum, and the mass media as self-evidently silly, unworkable, or absurd. Thus ―informed‖ by educators, economists, and journalists, the members of the working class are kept from forming a true picture of their situation and the system under which they live and by which they are exploited. They suffer, in short, from ―false consciousness.‖ Marx meant for his theory to do two things. The first is to help workers overcome their false consciousness by supplying them with the means of cutting through the cant and misinformation to which they are exposed in capitalist society. That is why Marx‘s theory is cast as a ―critique‖ not only of capitalism but also of ―political economy,‖ that is, of the economic theory that justifies and legitimizes the capitalist system of production, exchange, and distribution. But second, and more constructively, Marx attempted to point to the possibility of another, more just and equitable, society, which would, he believed, be a classless communist society.

Let‘s look briefly at the ―critical‖ and the ―constructive‖ aspects of Marx‘s theory. Marx did not believe that capitalism was an unalloyed evil. He thought it had been beneficial in that it had helped to break down feudal society and punctured the ―illusions‖ that had governed the medieval mind-set; it had enormously increased humanity‘s powers over nature; it had greatly expanded the productive capacity of human beings; and it had, as a result, created enormous wealth.

But capitalism, like feudalism, had now outlived its usefulness and caused more problems than it had solved. For one thing, the capitalist system of production is ―alienating‖ in four respects: it separates or ―alienates‖ workers from the product of their labors; it kills the spirit of creativity by making the worker serve the machine, rather than the other way around; it dulls or destroys the workers‘ capacity to create and enjoy beauty; and it alienates workers from each other, by making them into competitors rather than comrades.

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Marx argues that the capitalists, although affluent and comfortable, are also alienated. Just as capitalism makes the worker into an ―appendage of the machine,‖ so it makes the capitalist into an ―appendage of capital.‖ That is, the capitalist must do what ―the market‖ tells him or her to do, even if it means ignoring his or her conscience or casting morality aside. In capitalist society, Marx says, the only thing that is ―free‖ is the market; all others, including the capitalists, are its servants or slaves.

But this, in Marx‘s judgment, is a perverted or topsy-turvy kind of society for human beings to inhabit.

The only kind of society fit for human habitation is one in which human beings are free and in full control of their fate. To be truly free, the proletariat (and ultimately everyone) must be free of the constraints and restrictions imposed by class divisions, economic inequalities, and the unequal life chances that may result. And they must be free to recognize these inequalities. They must, that is, be free of the ―false consciousness‖ that makes them mistake their own real interests. Only then can workers fulfill the basic human need to have rewarding work and the respect of their fellows.

But such is not, and cannot be, the case in capitalist society. There, the market is free and in control; human beings are its appendages and servants. Thus, Marx concludes, capitalist society is unfit for human habitation.

What, then, are the prospects for change? And what constructive alternative does Marx claim to offer?

Marx claimed that the capitalist system is self-subverting and, in the long run, self-destructive. It has created its own ―grave diggers‖: the proletariat. By bringing them together and teaching them to work cooperatively to produce complex and costly commodities, the bourgeoisie, or capitalist class, has given the proletariat a sense of its own enormous collective power. The bourgeoisie has also given them a common enemy (the bourgeoisie), a common interest (namely, the overthrow of the bourgeoisie), and a common aim (the replacement of capitalism with a just and equitable system of production and distribution).

But capitalism is self-subverting in other ways as well, ways that lead, in the final analysis, to proletarian revolution. The steps in the revolutionary sequence are as follows: (1) periodic and ever-worsening economic crises bring about (2) the immiseration of the proletariat, which in turn leads them to develop (3) revolutionary class consciousness, thereby giving them the will and motivation to (4) overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize state power for themselves in the form of (5) the dictatorship of the proletariat.

When it is no longer needed, (6) this dictatorship or transitional state will wither away, thereby making possible the creation of (7) a classless communist society.

About the last step, Marx had remarkably little to say. Unlike the utopian socialists (who had planned future societies down to the last detail) Marx was determined to resist the temptation to ―write recipes for the kitchens of the future.‖ The shape of any future society should be decided by future people, not by Marx or anyone else. This explains why Marx made only a few vague and tentative suggestions regarding the possible shape and structure of communist society: it will almost certainly be democratic; the major means of production will be publicly owned and democratically controlled; there will be free public education for all; all able-bodied people will work; and the rule regarding production and distribution will be ―From each according to his ability; to each according to his need.‖ But where Marx was vague and tentative, many later Marxists were precise and dogmatic. What happened to Marx‘s theory after Marx‘s death is among the several topics to be taken up in our next lesson.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Ask students to record their reactions to and reflections on their readings for Lesson 5. They might also make a list of the terms and/or phrases most central to Marx‘s thinking (for example, alienation, freedom, surplus value, social relations of production, and so on) and define them in their own words. Finally, ask them to return to their list of adjectives at the beginning of this chapter and complete the task given there.

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6. Socialism and Communism: After Marx READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 6 Optional: Reader, Part VI

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1. Describe the part Engels played in (re)interpreting Marx‘s theory .

2. Define revisionism and Eduard Bernstein‘s role in revising Marxian theory along evolutionary lines.

3. Outline Bernstein‘s critique of revolutionary socialism and the arguments and evidence he advanced in defense of evolutionary socialism.

4. Describe the central features of Lenin‘s reinterpretation of Marxian theory to suit Russian conditions.

5. Describe Lenin‘s notion of a ―vanguard party,‖ and explain why he thought it to be necessary.

6. Outline Lenin‘s critique of revisionism.

7. Outline Lenin‘s theory of imperialism and its explanatory function for Marxist-Leninists.

8. Describe Stalin‘s contributions to and reinterpretation of Marxism-Leninism.

9. Describe Mao Zedong‘s contributions to and reinterpretation of Marxism-Leninism.

10. Identify the origins and main features of anarcho-communism.

11. Identify the origins and main features of Fabian socialism.

12. Describe the several explanations for the absence of a large-scale socialist party or movement in the United States.

NOTES

After Marx‘s death in 1883, his friend Friedrich Engels emerged as chief spokesman for, and authoritative interpreter of, the theory that Marx had formulated. Engels‘s chief contribution to the reinterpretation of Marxian theory was to simplify it by recasting it in ―deterministic‖ and ―materialist‖ terms. Where Marx had emphasized choices and options, Engels spoke of necessity and inevitability. Where Marx had stressed the social foundation for material production and social change (the ―materialist conception of history‖), Engels emphasized an older and (according to Marx) outmoded philosophical ―materialism‖ that reduced social and economic phenomena to ―matter in motion.‖ After Engels‘s death in 1895, another influential interpretation of Marxian theory was taking shape.

Revisionist Marxists, including, preeminently, Eduard Bernstein, maintained that Marxian theory needed to be revised and brought up to date. Bernstein claimed that revolutionary Marxism was both politically unnecessary and morally undesirable. Contrary to Marx‘s predictions, the working class had not, by the end of the nineteenth century, become poorer and more miserable (Marx‘s ―immiseration thesis‖).

Due to the growing power of labor unions and of socialist parties like the SPD in Germany, workers were, on the whole, becoming better off economically and a more powerful political force as well. These developments, Bernstein maintained, made armed revolutionary struggle unnecessary. In addition, he argued, the peaceful political and economic ―evolution‖ of capitalism into socialism was morally preferable to achieving that end by means of violent revolution.

Even as Bernstein‘s ―evolutionary‖ ‘ variant of Marxism became dominant in German socialist circles, a very different variant was emerging in Russia. An economically underdeveloped society, Russia had few proletarians in Marx‘s sense of the term. Its economic base was mainly agricultural, and its workers were mainly peasants who had until very recently been poor serfs toiling on feudal estates. Marx, who had 28

made disparaging remarks about the ―idiocy of rural life,‖ believed that the prospects of a progressive revolution were pretty dim in a predominantly agricultural society.

Even so, some Russians believed it both possible and desirable—perhaps even historically inevitable— that revolution come to Russia. Not all would-be revolutionaries were Marxists, but many were. The Russian philosopher Georgi Plekhanov, much influenced by Engels‘s ―materialist‖ recasting of Marxian theory, in his turn influenced the young Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known by his revolutionary pseudonym, Lenin.

Lenin acknowledged that Russia seemed unripe for revolution in several respects. For one, its workers were mainly agricultural rather than industrial; they, like Russia‘s economy, were backward and they tended to be suspicious, superstitious, and deeply religious. And so, Lenin argued, what was needed was a tutelary ―vanguard‖ party to educate and enlighten the workers as to their real or true class interests. And because Russia was politically backward (ruled by an autocratic tsar and run largely by censors and police spies) this vanguard party had to be small and tightly knit in its organization and secretive and conspiratorial in its operations. It was democratic in the sense that it operated according to the doctrine of ―democratic centralism‖; that is, members were free to discuss and disagree over political and tactical questions. But once a decision had been made and agreed to, no one was free to dispute or disregard it.

This party was to be made up mainly of bourgeois intellectuals because only they had the theoretical knowledge and acumen required to inform and educate the workers. Without such a party the workers were bound to make mistaken decisions and to act wrongly.

This, Lenin argued in Imperialism (1916), was precisely what had happened with the outbreak of World War I. Workers in England and Germany volunteered eagerly to fight each other, rather than joining together to fight the ruling bourgeoisie. They did so, Lenin explained, because the workers in the advanced capitalist countries had come to have a small share in the ―superprofits‖ generated by their respective countries‘ imperialist ventures in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. These huge profits from abroad allowed capitalists at home to pay higher wages, thereby raising the living standard of workers. It was this, and not the ―evolution‖ espied by Bernstein, that explained why the ―immiseration of the proletariat‖ had not occurred in the industrialized and affluent Western capitalist countries. And it was this, Lenin held, that explained the workers‘ willingness to fight and kill their fellow workers from other ―enemy‖ countries. World War I was, in reality, a war among capitalist countries for a larger share of the superprofits to be made in the non-Western world.

To meet its treaty obligations, Russia entered the war against Germany. The war did not go well for Russia. Defeat followed defeat, the desertion rate was high, and back home the peasants were suffering from war-induced shortages of food and fuel. In March 1917, riots broke out in Petrograd and other Russian cities. When Tsar Nicholas ordered his troops to stop the revolt, they refused. Shortly thereafter the Tsar stepped down, to be replaced by a coalition government. Afraid he might miss the revolution altogether, Lenin (with assistance from the German government) left his exile in Switzerland and traveled to the Russian border. Once in Russia he rallied Bolshevik forces to topple the provisional government headed by the non-Bolshevik socialist Alexander Kerensky in October 1917. Lenin was named premier.

He proceeded to take Russia out of the war. Pursuing a policy of ―war communism,‖ Lenin in the name of the people seized mines, mills, farms, and factories. The Bolshevik government gave land and bread to the peasants. Wealthy landowners and others who had much to lose started a ―White‖ counterrevolution against the ―Reds.‖ The Reds emerged scarred but victorious. The brief civil war had taken a heavy toll, and some restive peasants and soldiers turned their anger against the government.

To assuage their anger and defuse the growing discontent, Lenin in 1921 instituted the New Economic Policy (NEP). Under the NEP, peasants were allowed to farm their own land and to sell their produce for a profit. At this time also, the secret police or Cheka was formed to root out dissidents and potential counterrevolutionaries.

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In 1924, Lenin died. Within five years, his place had been taken by a man whom he distrusted deeply, Joseph Stalin. In 1929, Stalin began consolidating his hold over the party. In the mid-1930s, he began laying the groundwork for the purge trials of the late 1930s, which resulted in the imprisonment and death of other leading Bolsheviks and untold millions of ordinary Soviet citizens.

In order to justify these and other policies and practices, Stalin made several ―creative adjustments‖ to the ideology that had by then come to be called Marxism-Leninism. Of these, three deserve special mention.

First, Lenin had claimed that the working class is afflicted with ―false consciousness.‖ Stalin went further still, claiming that the party itself is not immune from this malady and must therefore be led by an allknowing, all-powerful, and infallible genius—namely himself. The party was merely to be a rubber stamp, putting its seal of approval on any decision that Stalin made. Second, Stalin decreed a strategy of ―socialism in one country,‖ the rationale being that socialism (as a precursor to full communism) must be consolidated in the Soviet Union before it can come to any other country. The communist parties of all other countries must therefore be subservient to the Soviet Communist Party, led by Stalin. In Stalin‘s hands the old Marxian vision of an international movement of equals was replaced by a vision of a national Soviet hegemony over unequals. And third, Stalin based his claim to infallibility upon his insight into and mastery of the ―scientific socialist‖ theory of ―dialectical materialism‖ that owed much more to Engels than to Marx.

Stalin died in 1953. Today, more than a half-century later, the Soviet Union no longer exists. But Russia and the other republics are still trying to exorcise Stalin‘s ghost.

Communism still endures, at least officially, in China. The larger-than-life figure whose legacy the Chinese are attempting to come to terms with is the late Chairman Mao Zedong. Mao made a number of alterations in Marxian theory—or rather, more precisely, to that theory as earlier amended by Lenin and later by Stalin.

That Mao should have been attracted to Lenin‘s Bolshevik variant of Marxism is not altogether surprising. The first great revolution of the twentieth century did, after all, occur in Russia. And Russia, like China, was economically underdeveloped and primarily agricultural. Both, moreover, had millions of peasants and relatively few industrial workers; that is, both lacked a sizable proletariat. While still a student at Beijing University in the early 1920s, Mao came to believe that Lenin had shown how and why a vanguard party could lead a successful revolution against the ruling class. Adapting Lenin‘s arguments to Chinese conditions, Mao made and offered an ideological justification for the Chinese Revolution that brought the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to power in 1949.

The ideology now known as Mao Zedong Thought includes several features. First, Mao proposed bypassing the small urban proletariat, opting instead to tap the vast reservoir of resentment among the Chinese peasantry. Second, Mao downplayed the importance of ―objective‖ or ―material‖ conditions, stressing instead the central importance of revolutionary ―consciousness‖ or ―will.‖ Third, Mao stretched the concept of class not only to cover economic and social strata within China, but also to include entire nations. The United States is a bourgeois nation, and China is a proletarian nation. And just as CCP forces surrounded the cities, China and other proletarian nations are to surround the bourgeois nations of the world. Cut off from the resources, cheap labor, vast markets, and superprofits to be found in ―proletarian‖ (that is, in developing) countries, the bourgeois nations must capitulate. In these and other ways, Mao, like most modern Marxists, altered Marx‘s original theory almost beyond recognition.

Not all modern socialists and/or communists claim to be Marxists, of course. Many are and have been critics of Marx and the Marxists.

Many anarchists (or anarcho-communists) criticized Marx‘s scenario for revolutionary seizure of state power. The anarchists said the state ought to be abolished, not taken over. The state is by its very nature oppressive. To put state power in the hands of the communists will only corrupt them, making them into new and even more oppressive masters. Variations on this theme came from Bakunin and Kropotkin, among other anarchists.

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Another group of socialists, the Fabian Society of Great Britain, has eschewed revolution altogether, favoring instead a peaceful parliamentary path to socialism. Essentially the same view has been taken by most American socialists, from Edward Bellamy to Michael Harrington.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Ask students to record their reactions to and reflections upon their readings for Lesson 6.

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7. Fascism READING ASSIGNMENT

Text, Chapter 7 Optional: Reader, Part VII

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1. Identify the main features of Enlightenment thought.

2. Identify the main features of the Counter-Enlightenment.

3. Trace the connection between the Counter-Enlightenment and the several varieties or variants of twentieth-century fascism.

4. Describe the main tenets of fascism as found in its Italian and German variants.

5. Describe the view of freedom found in the several variants of fascism.

6. Describe and explain the fascist conception of, and attitude toward, democracy 7. Describe the connection between Woltmann‘s ―racial Darwinism‖ and its interpretation and application by the Nazis 8. Say what the Nazis meant by ―the final solution‖ and how they attempted to carry it out.

9. Discuss the refugee crisis in contemporary Europe and its role in reviving far-right or neo-fascist movements there.

10. Identify and discuss the main tenets of the American ―Alt-Right.‖ NOTES

Fascism is the name generally given to a generic group or class of ideologies, each of which shares several characteristics. In very general terms, we can begin by noting that the defining features of fascism are more negative than positive; that is, this particular ideology is characterized in large part by what it is against or opposed to. Fascism is, in this sense, a reactionary ideology in the sense of that term as defined in Lesson 4. In other words, fascism in its several varieties represents a reaction against other ideologies and intellectual currents. Specifically, fascism is rooted in the reaction against the eighteenth-century Enlightenment and the two major ideologies—liberalism and socialism—that spring from it.

Different as they are in other respects, these two ideologies are alike in sharing the main premises of the Enlightenment. These include: 1.

2.

3.

Humanism—the idea that human beings are the source and measure of value. Human life is valuable in and of itself. As Kant put it, human beings belong to the sovereign ―kingdom of ends‖; therefore, no one may justly use another human being merely as a means of achieving his or her own end or goal.

Rationalism—the idea that human beings are rational creatures and that human reason, most fully expressed in scientific inquiry, will solve all mysteries and reveal solutions to the problems that human beings face.

Secularism—the idea that religion may be a source of comfort but not of absolute and unquestionable truths for guiding public life. Where science and scripture conflict, scripture must give way to science.

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4.

Progressivism—the idea that human history is the story of progress and improvement, perhaps even inevitable improvement, in the human condition.

5.

Universalism—the idea that there is a single, unified, universal human nature that binds the whole human race together, despite differences of race, color, or religious creed. Moreover, human beings are equal; that is, alike in that they share the same essential nature, including the use of language and the capacity for reason.

Despite their very real differences, liberalism and socialism share these fundamental characteristics. But fascism does not. Indeed, the origins of fascism can be traced back to the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century intellectual current that some scholars call the Counter-Enlightenment. This reactionary current included many thinkers, including the linguist Herder, the royalists de Maistre and Bonald, the libertine and pornographer the Marquis de Sade, and the racial theorist Arthur Gobineau. Quite clearly, then, the thinkers of the Counter-Enlightenment were a fairly diverse group. And it would be neither true nor fair to call them fascists or even proto-fascists. But it is true that they were (in Keynes‘s famous phrase) the ―intellectual scribblers‖ who supplied the themes, the ideas, and ideals (the intellectual ammunition) that twentieth-century fascists carried and used with deadly effect.

Despite their differences, and, taken together, these thinkers were alike in rejecting one or more of the major premises of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment.

1.

The error of humanism lay in its failure to recognize that differences of sex, race, language, culture, creed, and nationality run very deep indeed: they define who and what people are and how they think of themselves, of other people, and of the nature of their interrelationships. And, contrary to what Kant says about the kingdom of ends, people do treat one another as means to their own ends. Masters, for example, treat slaves merely as a useful means or instruments of their own will.

2.

The main error of rationalism—the reliance on reason—resides in the naive view that people are rational creatures. Yet the prevalence of superstition and irrational prejudice (the widespread belief in astrology and magic, for example) shows that reason is a weak reed. Most people, most of the time, cherish and cling to their unexamined beliefs and do not wish to allow themselves, or anyone else, to examine them closely, much less to criticize them.

3.

The Enlightenment‘s secularism is no less naive. As for religious beliefs, we do not know whether they are true or false. But true or false, they are socially necessary and useful. The important point, socially speaking, is that people believe that there is a heaven to reward the good and a hell to punish the wicked.

Anyone who dares question this is a blasphemer, though less for theological than for social reasons: to end a question or criticize these beliefs is to endanger social stability. If people ever came to doubt the existence of an afterlife, all hell (so to speak) would break loose on earth.

4. The Enlightenment‘s faith in the inevitability of progress is misplaced or mistaken. Given innate human limitations, substantial progress is impossible and illusory. Imperfect human beings will live in, and perpetuate, imperfect human practices and institutions. The most ―progressive‖ move would be regressive: to return to an earlier, and better, condition is preferable to living in a decadent, corrupt, or perverted present.

5. And as for the idea that there is a shared and universal human nature that transcends and overrides differences of race, religion, and creed, we need only return to number 1 above: our differences define who and what we are, whether Jew or Aryan, Catholic or protestant, man or woman, master or slave, child or adult, Black or white. Our natural predilection is to associate with people like us and to shun those who are different. Between those who are different, as regards race, religion, language, nationality, and so forth, conflict is both inevitable and ineliminable.

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Now, taken singly, there is nothing necessarily fascist about any of these views. But, taken together, they form a large part of the backdrop for fascism.

Nor is fascism a single, univocal ideology. It appears, rather, in a number of forms or variants. Let‘s look briefly at several of these, beginning with the Italian variant. Italian fascism, especially as represented by Benito Mussolini, partakes of all five features of the Counter-Enlightenment noted above. To cite several examples of the kinds of difference it emphasizes: it is natural for the strong to dominate the weak, for men to dominate women, and for superior nations (like Italy) to dominate weak and inferior nations (like Ethiopia). Other differences, especially class differences, are to be subordinated to the nation, an idea whose concrete expression (or embodiment) is the state and whose symbolic or emotional embodiment is the all-powerful Duce, or leader. He alone is the focus of love, loyalty, and authority. From this it follows that democracy, as interpreted by liberals and by socialists, is unnatural and unworkable. Fascism replaces democracy‘s cacophony of many voices with the unique and unmistakable voice of a single all-powerful leader.

Now, given fascism‘s hostility to democracy, it might seem strange to say that fascists like Mussolini subscribe to a view of freedom, but they do. The agent that is (or needs to be) free is the nation. The goal at which the nation aims is national power and glory, both of which are to be found in the unquestioning loyalty of the citizens and in the Italian nation‘s power over other nations. The obstacles that need to be removed include certain Enlightenment ideas, especially liberal notions about individuals having ―rights‖ against the state and Marxian notions about divisive class struggles within the nation. These obstacles are to be overcome, and these goals achieved, not by means of rational debate and argumentation, and still less by ―parliamentary bickering,‖ but by sheer force and by powerful propaganda calculated to appeal to people‘s patriotism and love of country. The force was supplied by the Black Shirts and the propaganda by the state ministry of propaganda, which censored books and newspapers, determined editorial policies, and helped to shape the school curriculum for students of all ages.

Mussolini believed that Italians, like other people, had a deep-seated need to believe in and to follow an all-knowing and all-powerful leader. This innate ―will to believe‖ (as the American psychologist William James—certainly no fascist—had called it) was once vested in God and religion. Now, thought Mussolini, it was more likely to be directed toward political leaders like himself. This, he held, is only natural, since history is the story of a few Great Men (Alexander the Great, Caesar, Napoleon, and now Mussolini) who are able to mobilize the myths (in Sorel‘s sense) and tap the sentiments (in Pareto‘s sense) that inspire and motivate particular peoples in particular times and places.

These and other views were shared by Mussolini‘s German counterpart and ally, Adolf Hitler. Hitler held that the Führerprinzip (the leadership principle) bound the masses to their all-knowing leader. They became the obedient body and he the head and heart. And just as the body follows the head and heeds the heart, so must the people or Volk follow their Führer blindly, unquestioningly, and obediently. And from this it follows, of course, that democracy of any kind is a dangerous delusion to be avoided. The Führer thinks and acts as the Volk would think and act, if they were racially pure, free of ―foreign‖ ideas and ideals, and bent on realizing their innate racial destiny. But since they are not, they need the Führer to represent and act on behalf of their racially higher selves.

Once again, it might seem strange to suggest that Hitler and the German fascists (Nazis) had a conception of freedom; and yet they did. The agent is to be the Volk, whose essence or spirit is represented by the Führer. The aim or goal sought by the Führer on behalf of the Volk is to realize its destiny. That destiny is to realize its volkish or racial purity and supremacy. The Aryan Volk—the predominantly blond, blueeyed Teutons of Germany and northern Europe are destined (if they have the ―will‖) to dominate other, lesser peoples or races, particularly Jews, Gypsies, Slavs, and other ―inferior‖ races or nationalities.

Before they can do this, however, they must confront and surmount certain obstacles or barriers. These include the very existence of Jews and other ―inferior‖ peoples and, no less importantly, ―Jewish‖ ideas about equality. If Aryans are to be truly ―free,‖ they must suppress and eliminate not only Jewish people but also ―Jewish ideas,‖ including liberalism and Marxism and all the Enlightenment notions upon which 34

both are predicated. ―Soft‖ ideas about equality and humanity are obstacles for Aryans bent on destroying the enemies of racial purity.

Against these ideas and ideals Hitler and the Nazis pitted their propaganda and their practices, with deadly effect. From these ideas followed their justification for the burning of books, to begin with; then for the burning of temples and synagogues; then for arrests and deportations; and, finally, for the burning of people, by the millions.

Hitler and Mussolini are dead, and their crimes are distant if unforgettable memories. But their legacy lives on. It lives in various white supremacist and anti-Semitic groups in the United States: the Ku Klux Klan, the Aryan Nation, gangs of ―Skinheads,‖ and Neo-Nazi militia groups. Some are inspired by The Turner Diaries, a chilling fictional portrait of a white supremacist revolution that produces a racially ―pure‖ America.

Clearly, then, fascism is hardly the relic of a bygone era. It is with us still and is currently undergoing a resurgence across the globe..

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Ask students to record their reactions to and reflections upon the assigned readings, with special emphasis on current examples of fascist theory and practice in the United States and abroad. Or you may want to ask them to write a paper in which they explain why they think that a particular group or party—the French National Front, for instance, or the World Church of the Creator—is or is not really fascist or Nazi.

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8. Liberation Ideologies and the Politics of Identity READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 8 Optional: Reader, Part VIII

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1. Describe the characteristics common to all liberation ideologies.

2. Describe the main features or tenets of the several liberation ideologies.

3. Describe the conception of liberty or freedom found in each of these liberation ideologies.

NOTES

Liberation ideologies—Black liberation, women‘s liberation, gay liberation, liberation theology, native people‘s liberation, and even animal liberation—share several common or core features: (1) All are directed to a particular audience, namely Blacks, aboriginal or native peoples, women, or gays and lesbians. (2) The audience to which these ideologies direct their appeals is usually some oppressed group.

But sometimes, as in the case of liberation theology or of animal liberation, the appeal is also directed to bystanders and even to ostensible oppressors as well. (3) Liberation ideologies seek to emancipate oppressed people not only from the external constraints imposed by oppressors but also from the mental constraints – what William Blake called ―mind forged manacles‖ -- that oppressed people have internalized. Think, for example, of a slave who believes that God or nature has decreed slavery or the status of being a slave. (4) Liberation ideologies also attempt to ―raise the consciousness‖ and alter the outlook of oppressed people, to empower them to take their fate into their own hands. Let us look briefly at each of the aforementioned liberation ideologies.

The ideology of Black liberation is directed to a particular audience, namely Black people. Black people have long been discriminated against by white people. But such external forms of oppression as racial jokes, jibes, stereotypes, job discrimination, and so forth are even more insidious when they are attempts to expose and overcome the oftentimes subtle ways in which Black individuals have internalized ―white‖ norms and values and then go on to articulate and defend alternative ―Black‖ standards of beauty, appropriate behavior, and so on, as a way of instilling a sense of self-respect and ―Black pride.‖ This, of course, is in addition to the ongoing external threats to freedom that Black liberationists see with respect to such issues as voting rights, police brutality, racism‘s impact on intergenerational wealth, income inequality, and discriminatory housing patterns, The ideology of Black liberation includes two main variants: (1) the Black integrationist (or assimilationist) variant, which emphasizes external barriers facing Black people, such as laws, and (2) the Black separatist (or nationalist) variant, which stresses the need for people of African descent to take control of their own destinies by militantly and openly opposing racist beliefs and attitudes.

Turning next to the ideology of women‘s liberation – feminism -- we see similar features. This ideology is directed at women, who have long been oppressed by men and who have themselves participated in their own oppression by, for example, objectifying themselves as sex objects, as child-bearers, and so on, to the detriment of their full and free development as whole human beings.

The women‘s liberation movement has several variants, of which two have been particularly important and influential. The liberal feminist variant tends to place more emphasis on such external barriers as discriminatory laws or hiring practices. The more militant radical feminist variant, by contrast, gives 36

greater weight to the problem of the patriarchal belief system within societies that enable men to control women‘s behavior. Some women internalize these beliefs, attitudes, and stereotypes---making them less willing and able to empower themselves. However, all feminists continue to be concerned with how both external and internal forms of oppression come together to create such issues as rape and violence against women, reproductive rights, access to education and jobs, the gendered wage gap, and many others.

The ideology of the LGBTQ+ liberation movement is directed in part at men and women who are attracted to people of the same sex. For many years in the United States, being gay or lesbian was treated as a mental disorder. It was also dangerous since members of this community were routinely targeted with violence and discrimination, and still are. Some gay men and lesbians try to hide their sexual preference, either out of shame, fear of being discriminated against, or a combination of the two. The ideology of gay liberation attempts to help them both to overcome discrimination and to come to terms with and feel comfortable about their same-sex orientation. It attempts to instill a sense of shared identity and gay pride as a way of overcoming homophobic discrimination, fears, stereotypes, and attitudes held not only by many straights but also by many gay men and women themselves and which make them ashamed and powerless. The ideology of gay liberation seeks to empower them by helping them to overcome old fears and crippling attitudes about their allegedly ―abnormal‖ sexual preference and to fight the legal discrimination that emerges from such attitudes in the larger culture.

Native people‘s liberation movements are concerned with the well-being of native or indigenous people— Native Americans in the United States, the Aborigines in Australia, First Nations in Canada, the Maori in New Zealand—whose lands have been conquered and cultures demeaned by white European settlers.

European domination has undermined the pride and identity of these peoples. Their various liberation movements (sometimes grouped together under the term indigenism) aim to recover the identity and restore the pride and dignity of these oppressed groups. More materially, they seek political power and, in some cases, the restoration of lands long ago taken from them and the enforcement of fishing and other rights guaranteed to them by treaties made with their ancestors.

Liberation theology, as the name implies, has a more distinctly religious or theological orientation than do the other liberation ideologies we have discussed. It offers an emancipatory interpretation of the Gospels.

It views Jesus, for example, as a teacher who helped people liberate themselves not only from sin but also from the evils of an exploitative money economy (compare his encounter with the money changers) and who criticized the Pharisees and others who think themselves morally and socially superior (compare the Pharisee who prayed to ―thank God that I am not like other men‖). Jesus, moreover, showed us how to ―exercise the option for the poor‖ by choosing to live among them and taking ordinary workers as his disciples. Thus, the Scriptures, properly interpreted, convey an emancipatory message: the dignity of labor, human equality, and the empowerment of the poor and powerless.

Liberation theologians attempt to address several audiences at once. The main audience is the poor or powerless peasant or worker (often, though not always, in Latin America, where liberation theology has been most influential). But they also address the wealthy and affluent, appealing to them to follow Jesus and ―exercise the option for the poor‖—that is, to take their side in the struggle for social justice. The poor are oppressed not only externally (by landlords and powerful corporations, for example) but also internally, by their defeatist (and self-fulfilling) beliefs and attitudes about their own inferiority and powerlessness. The theology of liberation attempts to expose and break through those self-imposed shackles to give the poor a sense of their own dignity, power, purpose, and potential.

The ideology of animal liberation is addressed to humans who hold unexamined assumptions about the innate superiority of their own species. Along with this sense of superiority goes a certain set of attitudes toward animals: that we can, for our own profit or pleasure (and without worrying about their pain), eat their flesh, use their fur or skin for clothing, and perform painful experiments on them. Animal liberationists argue that these attitudes, usually termed speciesism, are harmful not only to animals but also to human beings. Speciesism, they say, gives us a false picture of our species‘ real and proper relation to other species and of the environment that makes our mutual existence possible. Only when we 37

overcome this deep-seated prejudice will our full humanity be realized. Thus the ideology of animal liberation hopes to liberate animals from human oppression by appealing to human beings to examine their own previously unexamined beliefs about and attitudes toward the animals with which we share the earth.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Ask students to record their reactions to and reflections on the assigned readings. Chances are that this lesson, more than any of the others so far, might touch some kind of nerve. Some people tend to be skeptical or suspicious of, or even hostile toward, Black people, indigenous peoples, women, or gays and lesbians who speak the language of ―liberation‖ in more or less militant tones. Encountering these liberation ideologies allows us not only to learn about them and the people who espouse them, but also, and no less important, to look within ourselves, to examine our own ideas and feelings about people who are somehow ―different.‖ Ask students to describe their reactions and reflections as honestly as they can.

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9. “Green” Politics: Ecology as Ideology READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 9 Optional: Reader, part IX

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1. Describe the green critique of the other ideologies examined in preceding lessons.

2. Describe the main features of an emerging green ideology.

3. Describe key differences within the green movement.

4. Explain how problems of time horizons and collective action are especially troublesome for environmentalists.

5. Discuss what a ―green‖ democracy might look like.

NOTES

Historically, ideologies have emerged from major social, economic, and/or cultural crises. The emergence of the so-called Green movement is no exception. The crisis out of which this movement and its ideology have emerged is the environmental crisis of the late twentieth century. Because this ideology is so new, it has no fully formed structure, no settled orthodoxy, or even, for that matter, a name upon which all its adherents can agree. But because many call their movement Green politics, we shall use green as a convenient term of reference.

The Greens tend to be critical of several features of modern society. First, though not opposed to technology per se, they are critical of the unreflective use of human technological power to ―master‖ nature for human ends—and especially the end or aim of economic growth. Second, and perhaps even more important, Greens tend to be critical of other modern ideologies, insofar as these ideologies either justify, or acquiesce in, the degradation and destruction of the natural environment.

The Greens have, accordingly, begun to mount a twofold assault on the ―arrogance‖ of modern technological society. The first part consists of a critique of the assumptions and shortcomings of other modern ideologies; the second, the construction, articulation, and justification of an alternative Green ideology or ethic. Let us briefly consider each of these in turn.

The Green critique of other ideologies is directed mainly against an assumption that all modern ideologies share. Sometimes called anthropocentrism or humanism, this assumption holds that human beings are the natural and rightful masters of nature. According to this view, nature is merely a resource base from which human beings draw to serve their own ends. Nature itself has no value apart from this function. All modern ideologies—right and left, liberal and conservative, Marxist and non-Marxist—share this humanist assumption. This arrogant attitude, say the Greens, has given us a poisoned and polluted planet whose species, including the human species itself, are now in grave peril from man-made ills.

The ―arrogance of humanism‖ lies in its assumption that we are not only superior to nature and her species, but also somehow separable or apart from them. But this is factually false, say the Greens: we, like all species, are deeply dependent upon each other and upon the conditions that nurture and nourish us. Far from being discrete and disconnected creatures, we rely on other species, and they rely on us.

This, after all, is what ecology is: the study, recognition, and appreciation of the myriad connections and interconnections of supposedly different things. The tree and the fish, the giant polar bear and the tiny 39

plankton that swim in the sea, the human infant and the tropical rain forest, these and others are all part of an intricate web of life. This web, tough in some ways but fragile in others, has been torn and disrupted by humans in their heedless headlong rush to ―master‖ nature and to acquire wealth and other worldly goods.

Against this studied indifference to nature, the Greens counterpose their own alternative ideology or environmental ethic. This ethic has several key features. The first and most central feature is the fact that all things are connected. ―What goes around, comes around,‖ as some say nowadays. All actions, however small or apparently insignificant, produce consequences of some sort. We can no more act inconsequently than we can touch one part of a Jell-O mold without shaking the whole. This sense of intimate interconnectedness, almost lost to modern men and women, forms an essential part of the folk wisdom of supposedly primitive peoples. From such people, say the Greens, we modern and supposedly sophisticated people have much to learn.

From the fact that all things are connected, several other features follow. One is that all life, human or otherwise, is, if not sacred, then certainly deserving of respect and preservation. Our fate is connected inextricably with the fate of other creatures, from the smallest to the greatest. (Think, for example, of the bees that pollinate the crops without which we would starve.) And since life can be created and sustained only under certain conditions, those conditions need to be maintained and preserved. These include clean air and water, appropriate habitat, and other life-sustaining conditions.

These conditions, and the myriad life forms that they sustain, are threatened in two ways: first by nuclear war (or omnicide, that is, the destruction of everything) and second by the slower but no less certain route of ecocide, meaning the destruction of the ecosystems that sustain life on Earth. Each of these sets a central part of the Green agenda.

From the first threat comes a duty to be pacifists and work for peace. To be peaceful or to be a pacifist, Greens hasten to add, does not mean that one ought to avoid all conflict. Some conflicts (especially between those bent on destroying the environment and those dedicated to protecting and preserving it) are probably inevitable, at least for the foreseeable future. Greens should not refrain from participating in these confrontations but should take part in peaceful, life-respecting ways.

From the second threat, the threat of slow ecocide, comes a duty to do whatever one can, individually and collectively, to slow and ultimately to stop or even reverse these destructive processes and practices.

These range from such individual actions as not buying or using products wrapped in non-biodegradable plastic or Styrofoam and recycling cans, bottles, and newspapers, to more public collective actions such as boycotting bottlers that produce and stores that sell such products. It is not necessary that everyone, or even a majority of consumers, refuse to buy such products or join in protesting their manufacture and sale. All that is necessary is that enough people participate to make a dent in the producers‘ profit margins. At that point the producers and distributors will begin to look for, and possibly talk with their critics about, better alternatives. In these and many other ways, say the Greens, individuals can and do make a difference.

Of late there have emerged many differences and disagreements within Green ranks. In the main, these differences center upon means (appropriate strategies and tactics) rather than upon ends. The end, they agree, is the preservation of the planet, its natural environment and ecosystems, and the species that it nourishes, including the human species.

Some Greens, especially those favorably disposed to pluralistic interest-group politics, contend that Greens should form and support coalitions of environmental interest groups and send lobbyists to Washington and to the various state capitals and other political centers to press for legislation favorable to the environment. Other Greens, by contrast, eschew such special-interest tactics because, they say, the earth and its inhabitants do not comprise a special interest but a universal one with pressing needs. Now is not the time for ―politics as usual‖ but for more urgent discussions and actions regarding the future of our planet.

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Some Green groups, such as Greenpeace the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society, and Extinction Rebellion favor dramatic, direct-action strategies for confronting whalers, polluters, developers, and other despoilers of the environment face-to-face and head-on. By these means, they say, the consciousness of the public can be raised and people can become concerned, reflective, and aware. Less militant and more conservative groups, such as the Sierra Club, favor a quieter, more low-keyed approach. They prefer to educate and inform people. Still other groups, such as the Nature Conservancy, favor a low-profile strategy of quietly buying up private land to turn into nature preserves and wilderness areas. Yet, despite these differences of accent and approach, all agree about the importance of public or political action as a strategy in the campaign for a clean environment.

Some Greens are less inclined to political tactics than to religious rituals and observances to raise people‘s consciousness, to heighten their awareness of the peril faced by humans and other species. We should, they say, look upon the earth as our common mother, the goddess Gaia, from whom we all draw nurture and sustenance. Only in this way can we overcome our anthropocentric pride and humanistic arrogance; only in this way can we come to think in earth-centered, not human-centered, terms. Some, though by no means all, who call themselves ―deep ecologists‖ speak in these essentially spiritual or religious terms.

Other deep ecologists, especially those affiliated with Earth First!, speak in less religious and more Malthusian terms. The earth, they say, can get along very well without humans, who have a propensity to plunder and despoil their planet. If human beings cannot learn to live with other species and walk lightly upon the earth, then their demise is not to be regretted but welcomed.

Still other Greens, particularly those who call themselves ―social ecologists,‖ are suspicious of both religious language, on the one hand, and militant anti-humanism on the other. If humanism has been an arrogant creed in the past, it need not be so in the present and future. For humans have the capacity to reflect upon and learn from their mistakes. We human beings are, they admit, responsible for the mess we have made. We owe nothing to any real or imagined goddess. But we do owe it to ourselves, to other species, to our children and their grandchildren to take responsibility for cleaning up and reversing the mess that we have made. Today, this ethic often goes under the heading of sustainability.

Despite their differences regarding means, however, it appears that most Greens agree about a common end: the preservation of the earth and its entire species.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Ask students to record their reactions to and reflections upon this ninth lesson. A word of warning: it is easy to agree with much that the Greens say and with their reasons for saying it. But, for many of us, it is less easy to put Green precepts into practice. Ask yourself and your students: am I, or would I be, willing to forgo many of the amenities and conveniences I currently enjoy? For example, would I / we be willing to give up our cars in favor of bicycles and mass transit? Use these reflections as a route of entry into our own deep-seated attitudes about the human species and its relation to other ―lesser‖ species and the environment that sustains us.

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10. Radical Islamism READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 10 Optional: Reader, Part X

LEARNING OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, students should be able to: 1. Briefly recount the origins and history of Islam.

2. Identify key differences between moderate or mainstream Islam and radical or fundamentalist Islamism.

3. Recount the key tenets of radical Islam, including its conceptions of human nature and of freedom.

4. Describe the four functions that radical Islamism performs for its adherents.

5. Describe radical Islamism‘s view of and attitude toward democracy.

6. Describe the origins and beliefs of ISIS.

NOTES The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 (9/11) and subsequent attacks around the world have forced citizens of the United States and other Western democracies to pay attention to Islam generally and to radical or fundamentalist Islamism in particular. Many in the West know little, if anything, about Islam, and such ignorance often breeds fear that is without foundation in fact or history.

Islam, along with Judaism and Christianity, is one of the three great monotheistic religions. The Arabic word islam means ―submission,‖ that is, the submission of the individual‘s will to the greater will of Allah (God). Islam originated in the teachings of the prophet Mohammed in Arabia early in the seventh century A.D. Mohammed claimed to have been visited by the angel Gabriel, who on several occasions revealed to him the contents of what became the Qur „an (or Koran), Islam‘s holy book. This book, along with the Sunna (the sayings and teachings of Mohammed), forms the scriptural basis of the Islamic faith and of Shar‟ia (Islamic law). Islam spread rapidly throughout the Middle East, North Africa, and westward as far as Spain. Islam quickly displaced various local religions and their deities, thereby providing a kind of common connecting thread among diverse countries and cultures of that region.

Islam teaches its adherents to subordinate their individual wills to the greater will of a single all-wise, allknowing, and loving God (Allah), to care for the poor and needy, and generally to lead a pious and upright life. The requirements of this life include turning toward the holy city of Mecca to pray five times each day, fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, and engaging in jihad. The Arabic word jihad literally means ―struggle,‖ and it refers primarily to the individual‘s internal or spiritual struggle to resist sin and the ever-present temptation to sin. This struggle is sometimes called ―the greater jihad‖ to distinguish it from ―the lesser jihad,‖ or the struggle to preserve the Islamic faith from its critics, detractors, and enemies.

One of Islam‘s earliest enemies was Christian Europe. Several monarchs in medieval Europe, urged on by leaders of the Christian Church, proposed to prove their Christian piety by invading the Holy Land in order to retake its territory and rescue its inhabitants from ―infidel‖ Islam. In the Crusades (literally, wars on behalf of the Cross) European armies conquered large parts of the Middle East, killing or converting their Muslim inhabitants and incurring an enduring enmity among Muslims. Indeed, many Muslims of the 42

Middle East regularly refer to members of the American military as ―crusaders‖ bent on undermining or even destroying the Islamic faith.

Many Muslims fear the military power and cultural influence of the West. The more radical the Muslim, the greater the fear and the more insistent the perceived need to strike back with any weapon available, including terrorist tactics. Western, and particularly American, attitudes disturb or offend conservative Muslim sensibilities. Western liberalism, with its emphasis on religious toleration, sexual equality, separation of religion and politics, drinking alcohol, and general secularism, is something that many Muslims view as not only offensive but dangerous, threatening as it does to undermine the spiritual wellbeing of faithful Muslims, especially young and impressionable ones. American media—music, films, and television programs broadcast around the world—not only depict a decadent Western culture, but threaten to infect young Muslims with distorted visions and values.

To radical Islamists, these products of Western culture, along with America‘s support of Israel---indeed, that nation‘s very existence---and its military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan, are interconnected aspects of a concerted conspiracy to destroy Islam itself. Their response is, in a word, jihad, a ―holy struggle‖ to discredit and cast out the infidel American ―crusaders‖ and their Israeli allies in order to reclaim the Middle East and elsewhere for Islam. In this struggle any available means is legitimate, including terrorism.

The mixture of ideas and beliefs that comprise the ideology of radical Islamism derives from several sources. But if there is a single thinker or theorist whose ideas have been especially influential, it is Sayyid Qutb (1906–1966). Qutb (pronounced coo-teb) was an Egyptian journalist and high-ranking member of Egypt‘s Ministry of Education. He was also an outspoken critic of the corrupt regime of King Faruq of Egypt. To silence Qutb, the king effectively exiled him to the United States, where in 1949 Qutb earned an M.A. degree in education from the Colorado State College of Education. Qutb‘s stay in the United States proved to be an important interlude in his life. He was appalled by American consumerism, secularism, relaxed sexual mores, high divorce rate, racial inequality, and the ready availability of alcohol, as well as America‘s support for the then-new state of Israel. His American sojourn, in short, rekindled his conservative Muslim sensibilities. Upon his return to Egypt he joined the radical Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, becoming in due course the leading theorist of its more militant or radical wing.

When Colonel Gamel Abdul Nasser overthrew King Faruq‘s regime, he courted Qutb and the Muslim Brotherhood in hopes of winning their support for his nationalist government. Qutb proposed that Nasser remake Egypt as an Islamist theocracy. When the secularist and Arab-nationalist Nasser refused, Qutb and the Muslim Brotherhood turned against him. Qutb was on several occasions arrested, imprisoned, and tortured. In 1966, finally, he was executed for his outspoken opposition to Nasser‘s policies. He thus became a martyr and hero of the radical Islamist cause. His ideas live on in the ideas and actions of Al Qaeda, ISIS, the Taliban of Afghanistan, and other radical Islamists of today.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT This chapter provides a good opportunity for a ―before and after‖ assignment. That is, ISIS, Al Qaeda and the ―war on terrorism‖ have been much in the news in recent years, so students should have some rough idea of what radical Islamism is before studying it in this chapter. You may ask them, then, to put their understanding of radical Islam into writing before they read the chapter (and possibly the accompanying readings in Ideals and Ideologies). Once they‘ve read the chapter, ask them to reflect, again, in writing, on how their understanding has changed, if at all, in light of what they‘ve read. This could also be done in a single paper in which the student is asked to compare what he/she/they knew about radical Islamism before reading the chapter with what he/she/they knows now, after reading it.

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11. Postscript: The Future of Ideology READING ASSIGNMENT Text, Chapter 11

The preceding lessons have dealt with a fairly wide variety of ideologies, past and present. But what of the future of ideology? Will ideologies, as some commentators have claimed, cease to play a major part in modern politics? Are we witnessing what sociologist Daniel Bell once called ―the end of ideology‖? Or are we merely seeing the decline and demise of some ideologies, such as Marxism-Leninism, and the emergence of new ideologies in response to the new crises of our time?

Although it is too early to offer a definitive answer, it appears that the second is the more likely answer.

After all, people will doubtless continue to need something that fulfills the four functions of ideology that we outlined in Lesson 1. They will also, in all likelihood, continue to talk about, and to at least say that they value, ―freedom‖ and ―democracy‖—ideals that different ideologies interpret in different ways. If the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist notions of ―people‘s democracy‖ are dead or dying, other conceptions, such as liberal democracy, are very much alive and continue to attract adherents around the world.

Add to this the fact that new political movements are emerging and gaining adherents: the green, gay liberation, animal rights, and radical Islamist movements—to mention only four relatively recent arrivals on the political scene -- are apparently growing in numbers and influence. Other movements thought to be long dormant, or even dead, are coming back to life. For example, neo-Nazi groups and other white-supremacist organizations, including the Alt Right—have proved troublesome in recent years, and neo-fascist parties across Europe have demonstrated a surprising resurgence in electoral strength.

Radical Islam has also joined the cacophonous chorus of contending ideological voices. With its outspoken and often violent opposition to liberalism—to freedoms of speech, press, religious toleration, and so on—radical Islam decries ―decadent‖ Western values and defends a harsh and authoritarian version of Islam. It also calls for jihad (struggle), which radical Islamists interpret as a duty to engage in a holy war against Americans and others who supposedly threaten Islam as a religion and a way of life.

This recent arrival on the ideological scene suggests, in the strongest possible terms, that ideology is unlikely to end in the twenty-first century.

In addition to these ideological voices, we must also note the continuing influence of nationalism and the growing opposition to globalism or globalization—that is, to free-trade regimes such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the TPP (Trans-Pacific Partnership), and institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). Opponents of globalization range from Greens and organized labor to Donald Trump , who fears that the United States is surrendering its sovereignty to these free-trade regimes. Taken all together, in sum, these contending points of view provide a recipe for the revitalization, not the end, of ideology. Hence, it appears that ideology will be with us for some time to come.

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT Two possible assignments suggest ways of using this chapter to help students pull together what they have learned about political ideologies. The first assignment would ask them to explain why they agree or disagree with Ball, Dagger, O‘Neill, and Kirkpatrick‘s claim that we have not yet reached the end of ideology or of history (in Francis Fukuyama‘s sense of ―history‖). A second, less comprehensive assignment would use the chapter‘s section on ―Ideology and Public Policy‖ to test their ability to understand how people who apparently follow the same ideology may nevertheless disagree about 44

specific policies. You might ask your students, for example, to explain how one liberal may be opposed to legalized abortion (or the topic could be capital punishment) while another supports it, or how conservatives could support such an apparently anti-conservative policy as same-sex marriage.

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Test Bank

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1. Ideology and Ideologies MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Which of the following is NOT a function of political ideologies?

A. orientation B. evaluation C. edification D. political program E. explanation Answer: C 2.

People who are strongly committed to an ideology and try to persuade others to accept it are called A. nationalists.

B. empiricists.

C. disciples.

D. ideologues.

E. the correct answer is not listed.

Answer: D 3.

Some idea or conception of human nature is important to a political ideology because

A. it sets the limits of what the ideology considers to be possible to achieve politically.

B. it explains why ideologies are so attractive to so many people.

C. it provides an indication of how the ideology wants to change or reshape human nature.

D. it shows how ideologies use scientific studies of human nature for their own purpos es.

E. people who need people are the luckiest people in the world.

Answer: A 4.

Which term best describes an attempt to bring about a radical transformation of society?

A. revolution B. orientation C. rebellion D. coup d‟état E. reform Answer: A 5.

Since the French Revolution, people who want to make radical changes in society have been called A. leftists (or left wingers).

B. rightists (or right wingers).

C. centrists (or moderates).

D. recidivists.

E. ideologues.

Answer: A 6.

Political ideologies are like revolutionary movements because they assume or presuppose that

A. power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

B. every society will consist of a small group of leaders and a large group of followers.

C. people will take action, but they will do it only to promote their personal interests .

D. the more things change, the more they stay the same.

E. people can act to make a difference in the world.

Answer: E 47

7.

Empirical statements, such as the ones scientific theories use, try to A. inspire revolutionary action.

B. disguise and defend the interests of the dominant class in society.

C. define one of the key terms of an ideological system.

D. describe some feature or features of the world.

E. prescribe how things ought to be.

Answer: D 8.

According to the functional definition of ideology, all ideologies try to A. stir up the common people against their rulers.

B. protect the interests of the ruling class in society.

C. establish and defend some form of democracy.

D. explain why societies are always divided into rulers and ruled.

E. provide people with a sense of position or situation in society.

Answer: E 9.

According to the orientation function of ideology, all ideologies try to provide their adherents with

A. an outline to explain their opposition to other ideologies .

B. a list of forbidden people, activities, or beliefs.

C. a sense of who they are and their position or situation in society.

D. an explanation as to why societies are always divided into insiders and outsiders.

E. a general program of social and political action.

Answer: C 10. The way political positions are now commonly described as left, right, or center comes from A. the fact that Karl Marx and other prominent radicals have been left-handed.

B. the anarchists‘ attempt to overthrow the British government in 1848.

C. seating arrangements in the National Assembly during the French Revolution.

D. Karl Mannheim‘s attempt to distinguish central from peripheral ideologies.

E. soccer, where the most ―radical dudes‖ always play the left-wing.

Answer: C 11. Which of these statements about political ideologies is FALSE? A. Political ideologies are static, or unchanging, in nature.

B. Ideologies include basic beliefs about human nature that shape their views of what is possible.

C. Ideologies usually claim to promote freedom.

D. Ideologies try to unite thought with action.

E. Ideologies sometimes simplify ideas to appeal to large numbers of people.

Answer: A 12. According to the triadic model, freedom is A. ----------Just another word for nothing left to lose.

B. something that all ideologies claim to promote.

C. something that some ideologies defend but others attack.

D. a matter of being free from obstacles in order to pursue a goal.

E. a right that all agents have to pursue happiness in whatever way they choose.

Answer: D 13. Nationalists believe that A. democracy is always the best form of government.

B. all governments are immoral because they deprive people of freedom.

C. people who share a common birth or homeland should be united in a political body.

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D. a coup d‟état is a safer way to achieve nationhood than a revolution.

E. ideologues are ―terrible simplifiers‖ who are too dangerous to be trusted.

Answer: C 14. Someone who believes that government or the state should be abolished or eliminated is A. a nationalist.

B. an anarchist.

C. a democrat.

D. an ideologue.

E. an empiricist.

Answer: B 15. According to MacCallum‘s triadic model of freedom, the three aspects of freedom are A. agents, obstacles, and goals.

B. people, revolutions, and outcomes.

C. legislating, judging, and executing.

D. ideas, laws, and desires.

E. parties, negotiations, and policies.

Answer: A 16. Ever since it was invented in the late 1700s, the term ―ideology‖ has been used to link A. science and religion.

B. logic and justice.

C. thought and action.

D. religion and revolution.

E. theory and education.

Answer: C 17. Which of the following should NOT be considered political ideologies?

A. anarchism and environmentalism B. liberalism and conservatism C. conservatism and socialism D. nationalism and socialism E. anarchism, populism and nationalism Answer: E

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

The term ideology originally meant the scientific study of the origin of ideas.

T

2.

The Greek root of our word anarchy, anarchos, means ―chaos and confusion.‖ F

3.

Most radical ideologies are opposed to freedom.

F

4.

Every word that ends in ―-ism‖ names an ideology.

F

5.

The term revolution originally meant a revolving or return or completion of a cycle.

T

6.

Like scientific theories, ideologies simply try to explain why things are the way they are.

F

7.

The term radical comes from the Greek radikalos, meaning ―crazy‖ or ―mad.‖ F

8.

Every ideology claims to defend and extend ―freedom,‖ as the ideology sees it.

T

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E.

empirical normative nationalist anarchist essentially contested concept

F. G. H. I. J.

ideologically loaded term ideologue orientation evaluation program

1.

A statement that tries to describe or explain the way things are: A

2.

Someone who wants to abolish or do away with government: D

3.

A statement that tries to prescribe how things should or ought to be: B

4.

Someone who wants to unite a people who share a common birth into their own state: C

5.

The fact that different ideologies have their own conceptions of freedom indicates that it is a/n: E

6.

An ideology‘s plan for action—of what should be done—is its: J

7.

The ideological function that helps people see how political events relate to them individually: H

8.

When an ideology assesses the goodness or badness of social conditions, it is engaged in: I

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following terms. ideologue essentially contested concept revolution the explanatory function the evaluative function the orientative function the programmatic function nationalism anarchism empirical normative ESSAYS 1.

What is the triadic model of freedom? What are its parts, and how can they be used to analyze ,compare and contrast political ideologies?

2.

What is a political ideology? In what ways is an ideology similar to, and in what ways different from, a scientific theory or a religion?

3.

Why are conceptions of or ideas about human nature and freedom so important to political ideologies?

4.

Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, and Kirkpatrick maintain that nationalism, populism and anarchism are not political ideologies. Why?

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2. The Democratic Ideal MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Plato was adamantly opposed to A. monarchy.

B. democracy.

C. aristocracy.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: B 2.

The form of government favored by Machiavelli is A. monarchy.

B. democracy.

C. aristocracy.

D. republic.

E. tyranny.

Answer: D 3.

The American Founders attempted to create a(n)

A. republic.

B. democracy.

C. constitutional monarchy.

D. constitutional democracy.

E. none of the above.

Answer: A 4.

Democracy originally meant a system of rule by A. the poorest class of citizens.

B. the numerically largest class of citizens.

C. a philosopher-king.

D. both A and C are correct.

E. both A and B are correct.

Answer: E 5.

Aristotle argued that polity is a better form of government than democracy because A. the ―middling‖ or middle-class men who rule a polity will work to promote the common good.

B. polity is rule by the many in the interests of the many.

C. polity is rule by the many who are poor, and justice demands that the poor hold power.

D. democracy is a form of mixed government, and mixed governments simply lead to confusion.

E. he was an aristocrat who couldn‘t bear to say anything good about democracy.

Answer: A 6.

Plato and Aristotle believed that democracy is

A. a bad form of government because it gives too much power to the wealthy.

B. a good form of government because it gives most power to the ―middling‖ class of people.

C. a good form of government because ―what touches all should be decided by all.‖ D. bad because it gives power to people who lack wisdom, foresight, and self-restraint.

E. a good form of government as long as the people elect Plato and Aristotle to office .

Answer: D 53

7.

According to Niccolò Machiavelli, the greatest danger a republic faces is that it will be A. torn apart by disputes between different religious groups.

B. unable to protect individual liberties from the tyranny of the majority.

C. destroyed from within by the corruption and complacency of its own citizens.

D. unable to achieve the ―rota‖ necessary to maintain mixed government.

E. weakened by the poverty of its citizens.

Answer: C 8.

One of the republican features of the U. S. Constitution is the A. constitutional provision that everyone has a natural right to life, liberty, and happiness.

B. power given to the president to act as commander-in-chief of the military.

C. Supreme Court‘s right to review all bills before they become laws.

D. principle of majority rule.

E. division of Congress into a popular body (the House) and a more aristocratic body (the Senate).

Answer: E 9.

Alexis de Tocqueville believed that democracy leads to

A. mediocrity, conformity, and the tyranny of the majority opinion.

B. a strong government because it encourages political participation.

C. a diverse society with many geniuses because of its devotion to individuality.

D. a breakdown of law and order because individuals will do whatever they want to do.

E. a strengthening of law and order because people will learn how to govern themselves.

Answer: A 10. According to the Greek writer Polybius, a republic is A. just another name for a social democracy.

B. not as good as democracy because it places too much power in the hands of the wealthy.

C. the most stable form of government because it mixes rule by one, the few, and the many.

D. a satisfactory form of government for a small territory but not for a large one.

E. the worst form of government because it requires too much time and effort from the people.

Answer: C 11. In Aristotle‘s terms, the good form of ―rule by the many‖ is A. oligarchy.

B. polity.

C. the rota.

D. democracy.

E. aristocracy.

Answer: B 12. Which of the following contributed to the revival of democracy in the seventeenth century?

A. Roger Williams and the Levellers B. John Stuart Mill and the Utilitarians C. Plato and the Guardians D. Polybius and the Machiavellians E. Paul Revere and the Raiders Answer: A 13. Which of the following best describes the idea of mixed or balanced government?

A. Governing power will be shared by the one, the few, and the many.

B. People of different groups or nationalities will blend together into a single political unit.

C. The government will always try to promote the greatest happiness of the greatest number.

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D. The government follows the rule, ―What touches all should be decided by all.‖ E. Anyone who wants to go into politics these days must be unbalanced!

Answer: A 14. Which of the following statements best reflects the early Christians‘ attitude toward politics?

A. Obey those who are in power and seek no power for yourself.

B. Monarchy is the only acceptable form of government because God appoints kings to rule us.

C. Democracy is the only acceptable form of government because God creates us all as equals.

D. We are all equal in God‘s eyes, so no one has the right to have power over other people.

E. Different forms of government must be mixed together to do God‘s will.

Answer: A 15. Which of the following was NOT a feature of Niccolò Machiavelli‘s Discourses?

A. the desire for a mixed government B. the attempt to promote a virtuous, public-spirited citizenry C. belief in the rule of law, not the rule of princes or monarchs D. fear of the corruption of the citizens by luxury, selfishness, and ambition for power E. belief that property should be distributed equally to give every citizen equal power Answer: E 16. Majority rule must be limited to protect individual rights and liberties, according to A. people‘s democracy.

B. liberal democracy.

C. evaluative democracy.

D. social democracy.

E. conservative democracy.

Answer: B 17. According to the Greek philosopher Plato, which form of government is better th an democracy?

A. oligarchy (or rule by the few) B. timarchy (rule by the military) C. tyranny (rule by the strongest) D. guardianship (or aristocracy) E. wackocracy (rule by the wacky) Answer: D 18. Republican political theories favor which of the following forms of government?

A. monarchy B. democracy C. populist oligarchy D. aristocracy E. mixed or balanced government Answer: E 19. Which of the following ideologies support the democratic ideal?

A. liberalism and socialism B. liberalism and conservatism C. radical Islamism and fascism D. fascism and Nazism E. both A and B are correct Answer: E

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20. Which conception of democracy stresses the rights and liberties of the individual?

A. liberal democracy B. social democracy C. people‘s democracy D. wack democracy E. both B and C are correct Answer: A 21. Which conception of democracy calls for rule in the interest of the working people, or proletariat?

A. liberal democracy B. social democracy C. people‘s democracy D. wack democracy E. both A and C are correct Answer: C 22. Which of the following Supreme Court decisions rendered campaign contributions essentially unlimited?

A. Lochner v. New York B. Brown v. Board of Education C. Roe v. Wade D. Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission E. None of the above Answer: D 23. According to Aristotle and some modern political scientists, democracy A. is not possible everywhere.

B. requires certain cultural prerequisites.

C. can flourish almost anywhere.

D. Both A and B are correct.

E. Both B and C are correct.

Answer: D 24. According to illiberal democracy A. Left-leaning politicians should be in power.

B. individual rights are inviolable.

C. the majority must rule absolutely.

D. the ‗have-nots‘ should rule over the ‗haves.‘ E. Both B and C are correct.

Answer: C

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Aristotle looked more favorably upon ―rule by the many‖ than Plato did.

T

2.

Tocqueville claimed that Americans value liberty above equality.

F

3.

Democracy was originally a form of class rule.

T

4.

The word democracy comes from the Latin demon krazie, meaning ―demon-crazed.‖ F

5.

From ancient Athens to the present, democracies have always protected the rights of individuals.

F

6.

Democracy is one of the most important and influential ideologies in the modern world.

F

7.

All modern democracies attempt to imitate American democracy.

F

8.

Aristotle believed that democracy can be established almost anywhere F

9.

Liberal democracy is under assault today.

T

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E.

Aristotle Polybius people‘s democracy James Harrington Niccolò Machiavelli

F. G. H. I. J.

Plato Karl Marx social democracy Alexis de Tocqueville liberal democracy

1.

Believed in a ―rota,‖ or rotation of representatives in and out of office, to protect liberty: D

2.

Author of nineteenth-century study of democracy, Democracy in America: I

3.

The version of democracy that has prevailed in communist countries: C

4.

Philosopher who said that democracy gives power to the ignorant and envious: F

5.

Notorious author of The Prince who displayed his preference for a republic in another book: E

6.

Justified popular rule in his Politics because many heads are better than one: A

7.

Greek writer who argued that political stability can be achieved through mixed government: B

8.

The version of democracy that would spread wealth to give every citizen roughly equal power: H

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names, terms, or concepts.

Socrates Plato Aristotle Polybius Niccolò Machiavelli James Harrington Roger Williams the Levellers Alexis de Tocqueville John Stuart Mill liberal democracy social democracy people‘s democracy mixed government (or constitution) ESSAYS 1.

Why were the ancient philosophers Plato and Aristotle convinced that democracy was a bad form of government? Do you find their arguments persuasive? Explain why you do or do not.

2.

What have Machiavelli and other political theorists meant by the term republic? How, if at all, is a republic different from a democracy?

3.

Is the United States best described as a democracy, a republic, or a democratic republic? Explain and defend your position.

4.

What were the three principal conceptions of democracy in the twentieth century? How do they differ from one another, and which, in your view, is the best way of thinking about democracy?

5.

Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, and Kirkpatrick maintain that democracy is not an ideology but an ideal. Why do they say this? Are they right or wrong about this? That is, does it make sense to say that democracy is an ideology?

Why or why not?

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3. Liberalism MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Liberals have historically favored which of the following?

A. a planned economy B. the minimal state C. religious toleration D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: C 2.

That government should not forbid ―capitalist acts between consenting adults‖ (R. Nozick) is the view taken by

A. welfare-state liberals.

B. libertarians.

C. classical conservatives.

D. neoconservatives.

E. none of the above Answer: B John Stuart Mill‘s ―one very simple principle‖ is the A. greatest happiness of the greatest number principle.

B. principle of: from each according to his ability, to each according to his need.

C. principle of fair play.

D. Principle that what touches all should be decided by all.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: E 3.

4.

Which thinker employs the expression and the image of the ―invisible hand ‖?

A. John Locke B. Adam Smith C. Karl Marx D. Thomas Hobbes E. none of the above Answer: B Who among the following favored tax-supported ―public works,‖ or what we would now call ―infrastructure‖?

A. Karl Marx B. John Locke C. Adam Smith D. Thomas Hobbes E. none of the above Answer: C 5.

Which of the following falls under the heading of ―public works ‖?

A. bridges B. roads C. canals D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: D 6.

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According to Adam Smith, which of the following falls under the heading of ―moral sentiments‖?

A. compassion B. pity C. benevolence D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: D 7.

8.

Adam Smith was an early critic of A. self-interest.

B. mercantilism.

C. rationalism.

D. hedonism.

E. utilitarianism.

Answer: B 9.

Who among the following uses the phrase ―the greatest happiness of the greatest number‖?

A. Jeremy Bentham B. John Locke C. Thomas Hobbes D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: A 10. The political theory or philosophy that advocates promoting ―the greatest happiness of the greatest number‖ is: A. Libertarianism.

B. Utilitarianism.

C. Marxism.

D. Conservatism.

E. none of the above.

Answer: B 11. Who among the following advocate the protectionist theory of democracy?

A. Jeremy Bentham B. John Stuart Mill C. James Mill D. both A & B E. both A & C Answer: E 12. Who formulated the Harm Principle?

A. James Mill B. John Stuart Mill C. Jeremy Bentham D. C.D. Harm E. none of the above Answer: B 13. Who created the first welfare state?

A. John Stuart Mill B. Karl Marx C. Otto von Bismarck 61

D. G.W.F. Hegel E. none of the above Answer: C 14. What was the ideological affiliation of the creator of the first welfare state?

A. liberal B. socialist C. communist D. conservative E. none of the above Answer: D 15. Jeremy Bentham called his philosophy A. egalitarianism.

B. libertarianism.

C. utilitarianism.

D. unitarianism.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C 16. In Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Robert Nozick argues that A. ―victimless crimes‖ should be illegal because they are ―capitalist acts between consenting adults.‖ B. no one truly deserves his or her talents, abilities, or status in society.

C. the only legitimate state or government is ―the minimal state.‖ D. religion is simply superstition that prevents people from seeing things as they really are.

E. society can be democratic only when wealth is shared equally by everyone.

Answer: C 17. Welfare liberals usually support which of the following policies in order to promote equal opportunity?

A. affirmative action B. differential worth C. comparable compensation D. desert-based discrimination E. compensatory retribution Answer: A 18. Social Darwinists believe that A. no government can effectively rule people of two different races.

B. government should be nothing more than a ―night watchman state.‖ C. society has a responsibility to care for the weak and disabled.

D. government promotes social progress when it helps the weak.

E. both B and D are correct.

Answer: B 19. The Declaration of Independence can be considered a liberal document becau se it A. requires government to follow the principle of utility.

B. requires government to follow the harm principle.

C. openly attacks the principle of religious conformity.

D. openly rejects the principle of aristocratic privilege.

E. insists that government must protect the rights of individuals.

Answer: E 20. The Protestant Reformation prepared the way for liberalism by 62

A. convincing Protestants that they needed to reform.

B. encouraging people to value individual conscience rather than conformity.

C. attacking the Roman Church‘s emphasis on ascribed status.

D. teaching that salvation comes from doing good deeds and helping others.

E. openly calling for toleration of religious differences.

Answer: B 21. When the French revolutionaries attacked aristocratic privilege, they were attacking a form of A. ascribed status.

B. religious conformity.

C. political absolutism.

D. mercantilism.

E. welfare liberalism.

Answer: A 22. Liberalism began as a reaction against A. religious conformity and ascribed status.

B. ascribed status and laissez-faire economics.

C. laissez-faire economics and mercantilism.

D. mercantilism and religious tolerance.

E. both A and C are correct.

Answer: A 23. John Stuart Mill believed that people should be A. free to do whatever they want.

B. free to do what they want as long as they do not harm or threaten harm to o thers.

C. free to do what they want as long as they do not harm others or themselves.

D. protected against the tyranny of the majority.

E. both B and D are correct.

Answer: E 24. According to John Locke‘s idea of the social contract, A. all governments deserve the consent of the people they govern.

B. the pursuit of happiness is a natural right.

C. Catholics and atheists should not be tolerated.

D. people consent to establish government to protect their natural rights.

E. government must act to promote the prosperity of the people.

Answer: D 25. According to Thomas Hobbes, ―a general inclination of all mankind‖ is A. to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

B. to compete for profits in the economic marketplace.

C. a belief in the importance of worshiping as each person sees fit.

D. a restless desire for power after power that ceases only with death.

E. to buy copies of Hobbes‘s books.

Answer: D 26. According to Jeremy Bentham‘s utilitarian philosophy, we should A. do what we want as long as we don‘t harm or threaten harm to others.

B. allow the government only to protect us from force and fraud.

C. establish a common religion to bind together the members of society.

D. try to promote the greatest happiness of the greatest number.

E. major in political science because it has so much utility.

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Answer: D 27. Thomas Paine did NOT A. write Common Sense.

B. believe that people have natural rights.

C. argue that government is at best a ―necessary evil.‖ D. draft the Constitution of the United States.

E. argue that monarchy is incompatible with individual liberty.

Answer: D 28. John Rawls argues in A Theory of Justice that A. inequalities in wealth and resources are just only when they benefit the least -advantaged people in society.

B. ―victimless crimes‖ should be legal because they are ―capitalist acts between consenting adults.‖ C. the profit incentive will not be necessary if people are paid what they truly deserve.

D. what goes around comes around.

E. both B and C are correct.

Answer: A 29. John Stuart Mill‘s uneasy acceptance of democracy is seen in his A. proposal for plural voting.

B. warning about the tyranny of the majority.

C. attack on public education.

D. defense of mercantilist restrictions on commerce.

E. both A and B are correct.

Answer: E 30. Adam Smith and other early liberals adopted the idea of laissez faire because they A. had no ideas of their own.

B. thought that economic competition is the best way to achieve prosperity.

C. wanted the government to promote economic growth by managing the economy.

D. saw colonies as a danger to the economy of the ―mother country.‖ E. thought that this was the best way to promote mercantilism.

Answer: B 31. Which of the following events took place in the nineteenth century?

A. Protestant Reformation B. English Civil War C. American Revolution D. French Revolution E. division of liberalism into two competing branches Answer: E 32. Feudalism is important to the origins of liberalism because A. early liberals accepted the feudal idea of achieved status.

B. most of the early liberals, such as Hobbes and Locke, were serfs.

C. early liberals shared the feudal concern for individual welfare.

D. most of the early liberals, such as Locke, controlled many serfs.

E. early liberals rejected the feudal restraints on individual liberty.

Answer: E 33. In The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith maintains that A. mercantilism is the most efficient economic system.

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B. a welfare state ought to be established.

C. granting monopolies to successful businesses is the best way to promote the wealth of a nation.

D. the best way to promote the public interest is to let people pursue their private interests.

E. economic competition usually leads to civil war as people fight for profits.

Answer: D 34. According to John Locke‘s Letter Concerning Toleration, A. religion is not a public but a private matter.

B. everyone has a natural right to worship in any way whatsoever.

C. government receives its authority directly from God. D. the government must tolerate Catholics but not atheists.

E. both B and C are correct.

Answer: A 35. According to T. H. Green, freedom A. is merely the absence of restraint.

B. includes the power or the ability to develop one‘s potential.

C. is something that government can and should promote.

D. is something all individuals can fully enjoy, no matter how poor or ill or ignorant they may be.

E. both B and C are correct.

Answer: E 36. Social Darwinists are also A. neoclassical liberals.

B. welfare liberals.

C. mercantilist liberals.

D. communitarians.

E. a heavy-metal rock group from England.

Answer: A 37. Which/Who of the following do/does NOT argue that people have natural rights?

A. Thomas Hobbes B. John Locke C. The Declaration of Independence D. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens E. Jeremy Bentham Answer: E 38. When the French National Assembly attacked ―civil distinctions‖ in the Declaration of Rights, it was A. complaining about economic monopolies granted to the king‘s friends.

B. trying to abolish aristocratic privilege and ascribed status.

C. trying to abolish political absolutism.

D. arguing for an active government to attack poverty and ignorance.

E. complaining that laissez-faire economics did not do enough to protect French industries.

Answer: B 39. When the French revolutionaries attacked aristocratic privilege, they were A. complaining about economic monopolies granted to the king‘s friends.

B. trying to replace a society based on ascribed status with one based on achieved status.

C. trying to abolish religious conformity and political absolutism.

D. arguing in favor of active government to attack the problems of poverty and ignorance.

E. simply repeating Abraham Lincoln‘s point in the Gettysburg Address about human equality.

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Answer: B 40. Which of the following is NOT a view held by the early or classical liberals?

A. Government should follow the will of the majority in all matters.

B. Government should protect the natural rights and liberties of the people.

C. Government receives its authority from the consent of the governed.

D. Government must be limited in its powers and responsible to the peo ple.

E. Government should not enforce conformity to any particular religion.

Answer: A 41. Thomas Hobbes‘s Leviathan differs significantly from John Locke‘s political writings in that A. both favored revolution against absolute rulers, but only Locke favored democracy.

B. Hobbes thought that any government is better than the state of nature, but Locke disagreed.

C. Locke favored religious toleration, but Hobbes would only tolerate Catholics and atheists.

D. Hobbes denied that all men are naturally free and equal.

E. Locke denied that all men are naturally free and equal.

Answer: B 42. According to John Stuart Mill‘s On Liberty, people should be A. free to speak and think for themselves as long as they don‘t harm or threaten harm to others.

B. free to do whatever they want to do.

C. required to graduate from high school before they are allowed to vote.

D. required to follow the will of the majority as long as the political process is truly democratic.

E. free to do whatever they want as long as they let Mill have more votes than anyone else.

Answer: A 43. Social Darwinists, such as Herbert Spencer and W. G. Sumner, believe that government should A. be abolished.

B. help people who are unable to help themselves.

C. leave people alone to compete for survival as long as they don‘t use force or fraud against others.

D. redistribute wealth from the rich to the poor so that everyone can compete on an equal basis.

E. pay all college expenses for biology majors.

Answer: C 44. In general, liberals have believed that most people are A. rational and self-interested.

B. at the mercy of uncontrollable passions and desires.

C. inclined to cooperate with others rather than compete against them.

D. too ignorant to be able to lead a self-governed life.

E. devoted to their families and communities.

Answer: A 45. Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and other early liberals agreed that A. some people are naturally superior to the rest of us and ought to have authority over us.

B. people always have a right to overthrow a government that violates their natural rights.

C. the state of nature is the only thing worse than a tyrannical government.

D. all individuals are naturally free, equal, and independent.

E. if something feels good to you, it must be good for you.

Answer: D 46. The liberal view of human nature holds that people in general A. will do what they can to bring an end to poverty and suffering in the world.

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B. are born savages who must be civilized and restrained by families, schools, and governments.

C. use their reason to control and direct their desires.

D. are more likely to act out of self-interest than out of concern for others.

E. both C and D are correct.

Answer: E 47. On which of the following points do Thomas Hobbes, the author of Leviathan, and John Locke, the author of the Second Treatise on Government, disagree?

A. In the state of nature, all men are free and equal.

B. The consent of the governed is what gives some people political authority over others.

C. People have natural rights.

D. The only kind of government to which people can consent is a limited government.

E. The only law in the state of nature is the law of nature.

Answer: D 48. On which of the following points would Thomas Paine, Robert Nozick, Herbert Spencer, and William Graham Sumner all agree?

A. Freedom is a positive power or capacity of doing something that is worth doing.

B. We should always do what will promote the greatest happiness of th e greatest number of people.

C. What touches all should be decided by all.

D. Government is, at best, a necessary evil.

E. If it feels good to you, it must be good for you.

Answer: D 49. Poverty, illness, ignorance, and prejudice are obstacles that prevent people from being free, say the A. neoclassical liberals.

B. physiocrats.

C. welfare liberals.

D. libertarians.

E. mercantilists.

Answer: C 50. Government is an altogether unnecessary evil, according to A. Philip Selznick and other communitarians.

B. Murray Rothbard and other libertarian anarchists.

C. John Rawls and other welfare liberals.

D. William Graham Sumner and other Social Darwinists.

E. Thomas Paine and other early or classical liberals.

Answer: B 51. According to Robert Nozick, the only state or government that can be justified is one that A. adjusts taxation levels to promote prosperity by ―fine tuning‖ the economy.

B. ensures that the least advantaged people in society are as well off as they possibly can be.

C. protects its citizens against force and fraud.

D. protects the honor of men and the property of women.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: C 52. Which of the following is most likely to support affirmative-action programs?

A. neoclassical liberal B. welfare liberal C. cultural conservative D. individualist conservative 67

E. religious right conservative Answer: B 53. Who among the following is/are likely to support the decriminalization of drugs such as marijuana?

A. traditional conservatives B. libertarians C. religious right conservatives D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: B 54. One of the dilemmas facing modern liberalism in the wake of 9/11 and the ―war on terror‖ is whether, or to what extent, A. markets should be regulated.

B. individuals should be free to pursue their own interests.

C. liberal societies should tolerate individuals who hold (and possibly act upon) intolerant beliefs.

D. all of the above are correct.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: C 55. Libertarians are likely to advocate A. privatization of public services.

B. selling public roads, beaches, and lands to private buyers.

C. minimal or no government regulation of markets.

D. all of the above are correct.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: D 56. Since the Great Recession in 2007, liberals have been divided on the A. privatizing of public goods and bonds.

B. selling public information on the dark web.

C. issue of economic inequality.

D. all of the above are correct.

E. none of the above is cor.

Answer: C

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Adam Smith was opposed to all governmental intervention in or regulation of the economy.

F

2.

Libertarians tend to favor almost unrestricted liberty and all-out competition within the free market.

T

3.

The Social Darwinists favored unrestricted competition in order to ensure the survival of the fittest.

T

4.

According to the Harm Principle, government may legitimately prevent or punish actions that some people find upsetting or offensive.

F

5.

The first welfare state was created by a conservative.

T

6.

John Stuart Mill believed that individual freedom should be limited to satisfy the will of the majority.

F

7.

The U. S. Constitution guarantees the rights to ―life, liberty, and the p ursuit of happiness.‖ F

8.

Bernard Mandeville believed that ―private vices‖ lead to ―publick benefits.‖ T

9.

Libertarians believe that taxing some people for the benefit of others is a form of forced labor.

T

10. Welfare liberals want to sell or ―privatize‖ most public services, including schools and roads.

F 11. Adam Smith was strongly opposed to tax-supported public works, such as schools and roads.

F 12. T. H. Green thought that ―negative‖ liberty is more important than ―positive‖ liberty.

F 13. The Social Darwinists were among the first socialists.

F 14. The welfare state was a socialist invention.

F 15. Reform or welfare liberalism favors private property and presupposes a capitalist economy.

T 16. Welfare liberalism is a form of socialism.

F 17. Mill argued that the state could legitimately restrict or prohibit only actions that harm or threaten others.

T 18. Bernard Mandeville and Adam Smith believed that human beings are motivated largely, though not exclusively, by self-interest.

T 69

19. Libertarians hold that taxation for welfare programs is legalized theft.

T 20. Libertarians favor privatizing most public services.

T 21. Mill defines ―harm‖ as any action that offends anyone.

F 22. Libertarians are strong supporters of paternalism.

F 23. Libertarians favor the deregulation of government-regulated industries and other enterprises.

T

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.

Aristotle William Graham Sumner Jeremy Bentham Niccolò Machiavelli Thomas Hobbes John Locke authoritarian libertarian

I. J. K. L. M. N. O. P.

John Stuart Mill T. H. Green Bernard Mandeville John Dewey Murray Rothbard communitarian Adam Smith Alexis de Tocqueville

1.

Compared the operation of the free market to the workings of an ―invisible hand‖: O

2.

Formulated the harm principle: I

3.

English utilitarian who thought that ―the tyranny of the majority‖ was a threat to individuality: I

4.

Said that life in the state of nature is ―solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short‖: E

5.

Seventeenth-century liberal who argued for religious toleration and limited government: F

6.

Libertarian anarchist who says government is an unnecessary evil: M

7.

Nineteenth-century liberal who advocated reform or welfare liberalism: J

8.

Argued that freedom is a positive power, not merely a matter of being left alone: J

9.

Original leader of the Philosophic Radicals, or Utilitarians: C

10. Wrote The Wealth of Nations (1776): O 11. Author of On Liberty (1859): I 12. Someone who thinks that more attention should be given to social responsibilities, and less to individual rights, is a: N

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. natural or unalienable rights the tyranny of the majority negative and positive liberty neoclassical liberalism welfare liberalism communitarianism religious conformity liberal democracy feudalism Utilitarianism Social Darwinism affirmative action the harm principle ESSAYS 1.

Who created the first welfare state and where, what was his ideological affiliation, and what were his reasons for creating it?

2.

Some commentators claim that there is a sharp ―break‖ between earlier or classical liberalism and modern welfare state liberalism. What are the arguments and evidence for and against this claim? Where do you stand, and why?

3.

Why do many / most modern liberals believe that ―big government‖ is both necessary and justifiable?

4.

If all liberals want to promote individual liberty, how can we then explain the division of liberalism into two competing groups? When did this division begin, and why does it persist today?

5.

What is the ―Adam Smith problem,‖ how does it arise, and how might it be solved?

6.

What is the protectionist theory of democracy, who propounds it, and for what purpose(s)?

7.

What is the harm principle, who formulated it, and for what purpose(s)?

8.

Describe how Ball, Dagger, O‘Neill, and Kirkpatrick apply the harm principle to government -mandated mask wearing during the COVID-19 pandemic. Analyze whether you agree or not.

9.

Who were the Social Darwinists and what did they advocate? Answer by recounting the views of at least one (1) prominent thinker among them.

10. Describe how welfare liberals differ from neo-classical liberals or libertarians about economic inequality.

Analyze which side has the better argument.

11. Some say that the core of liberalism is its commitment to equality of opportunity in a competitive society. Do you agree? Explain your position and also indicate why equal o pportunity is so troublesome for liberals today.

12. What is the point of the ―one very simple principle‖ John Stuart Mill proposes in On Liberty? How does Mill defend this principle, and do you find his defense satisfactory? Why or why not?

13. What particular tensions have arisen within liberalism in the wake of 9/11 and the subsequent ―war on terror‖?

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4. Conservatism MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Who uses the imagery of the social fabric?

A. Edmund Burke B. John Locke C. John Stuart Mill D. Jeremy Bentham E. None of the above Answer: A 2.

A good society, according to most conservatives, is one that values A. innovation, progress, and change.

B. order, stability, and continuity.

C. individual freedom, equality, and democracy.

D. liberty, equality, and fraternity.

E. sex, drugs, and rock ‗n‘ roll.

Answer: B 3.

Conservatives reject attempts to promote equality by transferring wealth to the poor as misguided A. communizing.

B. fraternizing.

C. dieting.

D. equalizing.

E. levelling.

Answer: E 4.

Members of the Religious Right believe that the United States should return to a society in which

A. the government interferes less in the economy, the citizens are virtuous, and traditional values are upheld.

B. the government requires that Christianity be taught in schools as the one true religion.

C. the true natural aristocracy resumes its rightful place as the leader of the masses.

D. people are free to do as they please as long as they do not harm or threaten harm to others.

E. Christianity should be the only religion allowed.

Answer: A 5.

Prejudice is usually a good thing, according to Edmund Bu rke, because it is A. a form of latent wisdom that allows people to deal with new situations in time-tested ways.

B. always changing, which gives it the advantage of flexibility in meeting challenges.

C. always looking for new ways of doing things that lead to social progress.

D. a disposition to follow one‘s gut instincts and to act impulsively.

E. true that you can judge a book by looking at its cover.

Answer: A 6.

The belief that human beings are interconnected, like the parts of the body, is part of A. the social contract theory.

B. the organic view of society.

C. levelling.

D. individualist conservatism.

E. the atomistic view of society.

Answer: B

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7.

The great danger of mass society, according to José Ortega y Gasset, is that it A. leads to a powerful state that destroys all opposition.

B. destroys freedom of religion by forcing everyone to follow the religion of the masses.

C. leads to a weak state that is unable to bridle and subdue the passions of the people.

D. leads to a ―dumbing down‖ of books and movies to appeal to a mass audience.

E. leads to overcrowding in Roman Catholic churches.

Answer: A 8.

Conservatives have typically opposed communism because A. they have had nothing better to do with their time.

B. conservatives believe that human beings can become perfect if government gets out of the way.

C. conservatives oppose the communist belief that government must subdue the people‘s passions.

D. conservatives dislike the communist belief that people need to be taught discipline and control.

E. conservatives think that communists have too much faith in progress and social planning.

Answer: E 9.

Edmund Burke did NOT believe that

A. the dangers of revolution outweigh the benefits.

B. innovation is bad, but reform is good.

C. private property is necessary to a good society.

D. every society ought to follow its natural aristocracy.

E. abstract reason is the best guide people have in political matters.

Answer: E 10. Edmund Burke and other conservatives believe that people can be truly free only when A. they are free from the oppressive power of the natural aristocracy.

B. they are free from traditions and customs that don‘t allow them to think for themselves.

C. they are required to join the ―little platoons‖ of society to defend their country.

D. their passions and desires are controlled through either self-restraint or social restraint.

E. they are attending ―raves‖ and taking Ecstasy.

Answer: D 11. Neoconservatives and traditional conservatives are somewhat suspicious of capitalism because they A. think that capitalism encourages people to believe that they can be perfect.

B. think that capitalism dissolves traditional relationships and encourages reckless spending.

C. believe that capitalist firms devote too much time and energy to planning for progress.

D. think that capitalism has led to the levelling of society.

E. are just naturally suspicious people.

Answer: B 12. Edmund Burke favored a form of government that includes all the following features EXCEPT A. a representative body, such as Congress or Parliament.

B. a natural aristocracy to lead society.

C. reliance upon private property to provide stability.

D. power distributed among various groups or ―little platoons‖ of society.

E. concentration of power in a central government to enforce religious conformity.

Answer: E 13. The difference between reactionaries and other conservatives is that reactionaries A. favor levelling programs; other conservatives oppose them.

B. are more sympathetic to democracy than other conservatives are.

C. want to speed up the pace of change; other conservatives want to slow it down.

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D. want to reverse social changes and return to an earlier form of society and politics.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: D 14. Conservatives from Burke to the present have A. supported efforts to achieve greater democracy and equality of opportunity.

B. distrusted efforts to achieve greater democracy and equality of opportunity.

C. favored attempts to extinguish the fire of liberty.

D. argued that people can be trusted to do what is best for society.

E. attempted to strengthen the connection between church and state by restoring official religions.

Answer: B 15. Which group of conservatives is most likely to favor unrestricted, laissez-faire economic competition?

A. classical or traditional conservatives B. individualist conservatives C. neoconservatives D. the Religious Right E. reactionaries Answer: B 16. Conservatives like Edmund Burke believe that individual freedom is A. not only good but the most important of all good things.

B. so important that it must be protected against the prejudices that interfere with free inquiry.

C. merely an obstacle to political authority.

D. good, but not as good as a Porsche.

E. good as long as it is ordered liberty.

Answer: E 17. The Religious Right is considered conservative because it wants to A. promote what it regards as traditional morality and family values.

B. expand the role of government in economic matters.

C. promote individual liberty by encouraging freedom of expression.

D. prevent the immoral majority from exploiting the moral minority.

E. use social planning to bring about a perfect society.

Answer: A 18. Benjamin Disraeli‘s policy of Tory democracy is considered conservative because Disraeli A. wanted everyone to compete for wealth without government restrictions.

B. hoped to instill in the working class a respect for the traditional order of British life.

C. believed that the workers would blunt the upper class‘s enthusiasm for socialism.

D. thought that the working class provided the new natural aristocracy of Britain.

E. was just a conservative kind of guy.

Answer: B 19. José Ortega y Gasset worried that the rise of mass society would A. lead to the overthrow of capitalism, throne, and altar.

B. reverse the trend toward levelling in the modern world.

C. lead to anarchism and chaos as government lost its power to control the people.

D. lead to powerful states or governments that would smash all opposition to them.

E. both A and B are correct.

Answer: D

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20. Joseph de Maistre believed that A. the French Revolution was a necessary step on the path to a truly free society.

B. the aristocracy must compromise with the working class in order to outvote the liberals.

C. society needs monarchy, aristocracy, and religion to keep people‘s selfish desires in check.

D. the best way to promote the public interest is to let people pursue their private interests.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: C 21. Neoconservatives like Irving Kristol are usually people who A. favor capitalism but fear that it weakens the discipline necessary for a strong society.

B. object to all government interference in economic matters.

C. favor levelling programs in order to give the benefits of conservative planning to the poor.

D. believe that other conservatives have put too much stress on the need to fight commun ism.

E. prefer Eminem‘s singing to that of Renee Fleming.

Answer: A 22. Burke and most conservatives believe that society is best described as A. an organism in which individual people are the parts.

B. an atomistic collection of individuals who are largely independen t of one another.

C. the result of a social contract between the living members of society.

D. the combination of prejudice and prescription that leads to the levelling of achieved status.

E. a necessary evil.

Answer: A 23. As an ideology, conservatism began as a reaction against the liberal elements of the A. American Revolution.

B. Glorious Revolution.

C. French Revolution.

D. Russian Revolution.

E. Velvet Revolution.

Answer: C 24. One point on which all conservatives have agreed is their opposition to A. capitalism.

B. communism.

C. a true natural aristocracy.

D. democracy in any form.

E. multiple-choice examinations.

Answer: B 25. Conservatives are generally in favor of A. levelling.

B. allowing people to engage in original sin.

C. private ownership of property.

D. hereditary aristocracy.

E. prayer in schools.

Answer: C 26. According to Edmund Burke, a representative ought to act as the voters‘ A. trustee.

B. delegate.

C. conscience.

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D. deputy.

E. surrogate.

Answer: A 27. Which of the following most closely resembles Edmund Burke‘s political philosophy?

A. classical liberalism B. traditional conservatism C. social darwinism D. neoconservatism E. communitarianism Answer: B 28. The kind of conservatism that is usually associated with an aggressive foreign policy, such as the war in Iraq, is A. neoconservatism.

B. communitarianism.

C. paleoconservatism.

D. the Religious Right.

E. individualist conservatism.

Answer: A 29. Irving Kristol and James Q. Wilson have been considered A. classical conservatives.

B. neoconservatives.

C. Religious Right conservatives.

D. libertarians.

E. none of the above.

Answer: B 30. Modern conservatives such as Ronald Reagan and Barry Goldwater hold which of the following rights to be most important?

A. privacy rights B. civil rights C. communal rights D. property rights E. none of the above Answer: D 31. Burke drew a sharp distinction between A. reform and revolution.

B. innovation and revolution.

C. revolution and rebellion.

D. reform and innovation.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: D 32. Burke was sharply critical of which of the following revolutions?

A. American B. French C. Russian D. Chinese E. All of the above.

Answer: B 77

33. The American group whose members are gay, conservative, and Republican are the A. Gay Conservatives of America.

B. Pink Panther Republicans.

C. Conservative Republicans USA. D. Log Cabin Republicans.

E. No conservative Republicans are gay.

Answer: D 34. The phrase ―the politics of imperfection‖ best describes the skeptical view of which of the following?

A. Marxism B. modern conservatism C. libertarianism D. classical conservatism E. none of the above Answer: D 35. Which kind(s) of conservative is (are) most likely to advocate the extensive use of American military power abroad?

A. religious right conservatives B. Burkean or traditional conservatives C. neoconservatives D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: C 36. Many conservatives on the religious right were pleased with Dobbs v. Jackson Women‟s Health Organization because it A. outlawed same-sex marriage.

B. established the U.S. as a Christian nation.

C. preserved gun rights.

D. established prayer in public schools.

E. eliminated a constitutional right to abortion.

Answer: E

37. Within the ranks of American conservatives there are deep divisions and differences between A. neoconservatives and fiscal conservatives.

B. religious right conservatives and libertarians or lib-cons.

C. traditional or Burkean conservatives and neoconservatives.

D. all of the above are correct.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: D

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Classical conservatives favor unrestricted liberty and all-out competition within the free market.

F

2.

Edmund Burke believed that freedom, like fire, is good only when limited or contained.

T

3.

Burke believed that elected representatives should always vote as their constituents wanted them to.

F

4.

Burke praised the French Revolution for its egalitarian or levelling effects.

F

5.

Burke believed society should be led by a natural aristocracy.

T

6.

Burke believed that reason, not tradition, should be our guide.

F

7.

As a general rule, Burke was opposed to political reform and social change.

F

8.

Burke was a leading critic of the American Revolution.

F

9.

Burke was a leading critic of the French Revolution.

T

10. The late U. S. Senator Barry Goldwater represented religious right conservatism.

F 11. As a conservative, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck opposed state-sponsored social-welfare programs.

F 12. Joseph de Maistre opposed the French Revolution because of its assault on ―throne and altar.‖ T 13. All conservatives are enthusiastic supporters of laissez-faire economics.

F 14. Religious Right conservatives are opposed to abortion and to prayer in public schools.

F 15. For modern or individualist conservatives, private-property rights are secondary to civil rights.

F 16. Neoconservatives Daniel Bell and Irving Kristol defend an unregulated capitalist economy.

F 17. Members of the modern ―Tea Party‖ movement contend that the Republican Party has moved too far to the right and should become more moderate or centrist.

F 18. Conservatives are uniformly opposed to same-sex marriage.

F 79

19. Some Religious Right conservatives claim that disasters such as the 9/11 attacks and Hurricane Katrina are divine punishment for immoral behavior.

T 20. All conservatives agree Donald Trump is a conservative.

F

21. Conservatives generally believe that social conditions can be explained in part by innate human imperfection.

T

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.

Joseph de Maistre William Wordsworth José Ortega y Gasset William Graham Sumner Edmund Burke decentering individualist Tory democracy

I. J. K. L. M. N. O. P.

Michael Oakeshott Margaret Thatcher Benjamin Disraeli John Dewey levelling neoconservatism reactionary original sin

1.

Eighteenth-century classical conservative who saw society as an intergenerational E

partnership:

2.

Twentieth-century conservative who warned of the dangers of a revolt of the masses: C

3.

French reactionary and critic of the rights of man: A

4.

Said that society is made up of little platoons: E

5.

Eighteenth-century conservative who distinguished piecemeal reform from radical innovation: E

6.

British Prime Minister who developed the idea of Tory democracy: K

7.

Believed that the purpose of statesmanship was to preserve and conserve the social fabric: E

8.

English poet and classical conservative: B

9.

British Prime Minister who criticized wet hanky conservatives: J

10. The form of conservatism that is closest to neoclassical liberalism (or libertarianism): G 11. Conservatives say that these policies will bring down the rich without really raising the poor: M 12. Term for Joseph de Maistre and others who want to return to an earlier form of society: O 13. The belief that pride, greed, and other failings are permanent features of human nature: P

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms.

Tory democracy little platoons neoconservatives individualist conservatives the Religious Right cultural conservatives original sin reactionaries the true natural aristocracy prejudice ESSAYS 1.

Who uses the imagery of the social fabric, and for what purpose(s)?

2.

Conservatism is sometimes called a ―philosophy‖ or the ―politics of imperfection.‖ Is this an accurate or an inaccurate description of conservatism? Be sure to refer to specific conservative thinkers and themes to support your position.

3.

In the United States, conservatives are usually taken to be people who want less government. Is this an adequate understanding of conservatism in general? Why or why not?

4.

Some people say that conservatives are so divided amongst themselves nowadays that it makes no sense to think of conservatism as a single ideology. Are they right to say this? Why or why not?

5.

What are the major forms of conservatism in the United States today? Which of them do you find most and least satisfactory? Refer to specific policies and positions as you explain your choices.

6.

What are the key tensions and differences dividing the four kinds of conservatism from one another?

7.

Some contemporary conservatives call themselves ―conservatarians.‖ What do they mean by this? And why do they think it necessary and/or desirable to invent a new category or classification within conservatism?

8.

How might we explain the enthusiastic support of Donald Trump by the Religious Right?

9.

Is Donald Trump a conservative? Why or why not?

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5. Socialism and Communism: More to Marx MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

All socialists agree that one of the major obstacles to human freedom is

A. religious belief, which divides people into fiercely antagonistic groups.

B. the desire to cooperate and get along with others, which prevents people from thinking freely.

C. the division of society into social classes based on who does or does not own the means of production.

D. the drive to compete and outshine others that is part of human nature.

E. the difficulty of spelling Marxist terms, such as bourgeoisie.

Answer: C Which aspect of Hegel‘s philosophy had the most influence on Karl Marx?

A. Hegel‘s philosophy of religion, which stressed how alienation led to sin B. Hegel‘s physiocratic philosophy of economics C. Hegel‘s philosophy of history, in which history moves through the clash o f opposing forces D. Hegel‘s philosophy of property, in which mixing your labor with something makes it yours E. Hegel‘s philosophy of music, which emphasizes the dialectic between opera and rap Answer: C 2.

3.

According to Robert Owen, drunkenness, theft, and other social evils are caused by A. a deformed social system that rewards greed and selfishness.

B. a society in which no one is responsible because property is publicly owned and controlled.

C. original sin.

D. the failure of parents to take responsibility for the education of their children.

E. excessive exposure to television sitcoms.

Answer: A 4.

Marx says that workers under capitalism are alienated from

A. the product of their labor.

B. other workers.

C. their creative potential.

D. all of the above are correct.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: D 5.

In Utopia, Thomas More apparently recommends that private property should be abolished because

A. the Industrial Revolution was causing the poor to grow poorer while the rich grew richer.

B. he thought that private property was the root cause o f false consciousness.

C. envy and greed can be held in check only when people do not own private property.

D. the desire for private property leads people to conform, not to be real individuals.

E. he knew that he had to take an unworldly position in order to beco me a saint.

Answer: C 6.

According to Marx, the ―revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat‖ eventually will be followed by A. B. C. D. E.

the immiseration of the proletariat. the seizure of state power by the working class. the development of revolutionary class consciousness. the withering away of the state. an awesome concert and light show.

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Answer: D

7. Marx refers to the class of workers who sell their labor to capitalists as the A. Bolsheviks.

B. Soviets.

C. bourgeoisie.

D. proletariat.

E. recidivists.

Answer: D 8.

The basic belief that socialists typically share is that A. Karl Marx‘s program for society should be followed without question.

B. the major means of production (mines, mills, factories, etc.) should be owned and controlled publicly rather than privately.

C. human nature is selfish and individualistic.

D. capitalism and government are by nature evil and should be overthrown.

E. every member of society should have the same abilities and income.

Answer: B Marx‘s conception of history differs most notably from Hegel‘s in that Marx believes that history ________, while Hegel believes that history ________.

A. unfolds by the conflict between ideas; develops through the cooperation of ideas B. is marked by alienation; shows little record of alienation C. is the story of the control of material resources; is the story of the evolution of the human spirit D. is the story of the evolution of the human spirit; is the story of the control of material resources E. is an interesting subject; is boring Answer: C 9.

10. In Charles Fourier‘s ideal community, or phalanstery, people will happily work because they will be able to do the work that suits their talents and interests. Fourier based this claim on his principle of A. the labor theory of value.

B. market socialism.

C. attractive labor.

D. fraternity.

E. the Protestant work ethic.

Answer: C

11. After the revolution, Marx says, there will be a ―dictatorship of the proletariat‖ that A. takes control of the government in order to prevent a bourgeois counterrevolution.

B. establishes a totalitarian state that controls every aspect of people‘s lives.

C. enables the bourgeoisie to use the power of the state to crush all opposition from the working class.

D. makes everyone work and gives everyone an equal share of the profits.

E. denies basic rights and liberties to the proletarians.

Answer: A 12. In general, socialists believe that A. every member of society should receive an equal share of society‘s wealth.

B. at least the major forms of property should be publicly owned and controlled.

C. common ownership of property includes ―the community of women and children.‖ D. people should be free to do as they want as long as they do not harm or threaten harm to others.

E. the history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.

Answer: B 84

13. In The Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels argue that capitalism is a creative and progressive force because it creates A. equal rights and opportunities for everyone.

B. jobs in factories and mines for people who would otherwise be unemployed.

C. more goods and services at lower prices, thus raising the standard of living for everyo ne.

D. pollution of the air and water, destruction of the environment, and the extinction of species.

E. a worldwide market, destroys feudalism, and promotes industry and technology.

Answer: E 14. In the mature, fully developed communist society of the future, Marx says, A. people will live in communities of about 1600 people, and there will be no need for a government.

B. people will be free to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, and criticize poetry after dinner.

C. there will be no money, and toilets will be made of gold.

D. people who do dangerous work will be rewarded with leisure rather than money.

E. the Communist Party will be the dictator of the proletariat.

Answer: B 15. After the revolution, but before reaching full communism, Marx says, society must follow the principle: A. ―From each according to his ability, to each according to his labor.‖ B. ―From each according to his ability, to each according to his need.‖ C. ―Inequality is justified only if it works to the benefit of the worst-off people in society.‖ D. ―Equal pay for everyone, but more free time for those who produce the most.‖ E. ―Immiserate the proletariat.‖ Answer: A 16. The stage of Marx‘s revolutionary sequence in which the workers realize that capitalism is responsible for their poverty and oppression is the stage of A. shock and awe.

B. revolutionary class consciousness.

C. the dictatorship of the proletariat.

D. the immiseration of the proletariat.

E. mature or fully developed communism.

Answer: B 17. Marx‘s term for the class that controls the ―forces of production‖ in capit alist society is the A. proletariat.

B. Bolsheviks.

C. Soviets.

D. bourgeoisie.

E. revisionists.

Answer: D 18. Which of the following was the utopian socialist who thought that the economy should be planned and directed by an elite group of experts?

A. Thomas More B. Charles Fourier C. Saint-Simon D. Robert Owen E. J. Alfred Prufrock Answer: C 19. According to the materialist conception of history, every human society must have which of the following?

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A. a material-productive ―base‖ B. an ideological ―superstructure‖ C. a ruling class D. both A and C E. both A and B Answer: E 20. Who among the following was NOT a socialist?

A. Charles Fourier B. Adam Smith C. Saint-Simon D. Robert Owen E. Friedrich Engels Answer: B 21. Which of the following is NOT a step in the revolutionary sequence as envisioned by Karl Marx?

A. seizure of state power B. withering away of the state C. dictatorship of the proletariat D. higher wages for workers E. All of the above were steps in the revolutionary sequence.

Answer: D 22. The interim or transitional state that Marx predicts will ―wither away‖ is the A. dictatorship of the proletariat.

B. dictatorship of the bourgeois.

C. phalanstery.

D. welfare state.

E. state of nature.

Answer: A 23. In Marxian theory, the key, or most important, concept is A. gender.

B. race.

C. class.

D. nation.

E. religion.

Answer: C 24. Karl Marx believed that capitalis m will eventually be destroyed because A. it has failed to develop bourgeois class consciousness.

B. the lack of innovation in capitalist society will lead to boredom, then to anger and revolution.

C. the success of the bourgeoisie meant that eventually there will be more capitalists than workers.

D. capitalism has created and immiserated its own class enemy, the proletariat.

E. people will be so busy getting and spending that they will lay waste their powers.

Answer: D 25. Despite their differences, the early or ―utopian‖ s ocialists all believed in A. the importance of cooperation and the value of planning.

B. revolution as the only way to replace capitalism with socialism.

C. the need to establish small, self-sufficient communities as models of how socialism works.

D. the complete abolition of private property in all its forms.

E. the two-party system: one on Friday and one on Saturday.

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Answer: A 26. Hegel‘s philosophy falls under the heading of A. materialism.

B. realism.

C. pragmatism.

D. idealism.

E. none of the above.

Answer: D 27. Marx‘s philosophy falls under the heading of A. materialism.

B. realism.

C. pragmatism.

D. idealism.

E. none of the above.

Answer: A 28. Marx termed which of the following ―the opiate of the masses/people‖?

A. capitalism B. feudalism C. religion D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: C 29. Marx viewed human history as the story of struggles between A. nations.

B. individuals.

C. generations.

D. classes.

E. none of the above.

Answer: D 30. Ideologies are always bad things, according to Karl Marx, because they are A. ideas that mask, defend, and rationalize the interests of the dominant class in society.

B. ―useless clarifications‖ that do not help people understand what political action to take.

C. ―terrible simplifiers‖ that are nothing more than ―intellectual vending machines.‖ D. essentially contested concepts that defy clear definition.

E. complicated and confusing attempts to inspire people to think for themselves.

Answer: A

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Robert Owen was a capitalist.

T

2.

The Social Darwinists were early (or ―utopian‖) socialists.

F

3.

By ―the cunning of history,‖ Hegel meant that history has its own internal logic of which (most) humans are unaware.

T

4.

Socialists favor unrestricted economic competition as a way of ensuring the ―survival of the fittest.‖ F

5.

Marx‘s word for the working class is proletariat.

T

6.

According to the materialist conception of history, human beings always want more and more material possessions.

F

7.

Marx called religion ―the opium of the masses‖ because it is boring and puts people to sleep.

F

8.

All socialists favor centralized state planning and management of the economy.

F

9.

Marx believed that the bourgeois state would ―wither away.‖ F

10. Marx drew up detailed plans for the future communist society.

F 11. Marx predicted that the economic crises of capitalism would become ever more severe.

T 12. Marx predicted that the proletarian revolution would begin in economically underdeveloped countries.

F 13. The main monetary unit in Utopia is the utopo.

F 14. All socialists are atheists.

F 15. Socialism is opposed to freedom.

F 88

16. Marx believed that the world would have been a better place if capitalism had never existed.

F 17. Marx and Engels believed that most human beings are motivated by narrow self-interest.

F 18. All socialists are opposed to democracy.

F 19. Marx praised the Russian Revolution for its egalitarian or ―levelling ‖ effects.

F 20. Marx praised capitalism for having been a progressive stage of human history.

T 21. Marx believed that capitalism would evolve into socialism, and socialism into communism.

F 22. All socialists are communists .

F 23. All communists are socialists .

T 24. As a conservative, Otto von Bismarck opposed state-sponsored social-welfare programs.

F

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. G.

bourgeoisie Leo Tolstoy G. W. F. Hegel Robert Owen Fabians Plato Thomas More

H. I. J. K. L. M. N.

critical Western Marxists anarcho-communists Saint-Simon Charles Fourier Karl Marx proletariat democratic centralism

1.

In Marx‘s terms, the class that controls wealth and property in capitalist society: A

2.

Early socialist who stressed the value of science and of social planning by experts: J

3.

French socialist who favored small communities that promoted harmon ism: K

4.

Capitalist turned socialist who founded the New Harmony community in Indiana: D

5.

Philosopher who held that history progresses through the struggle of ―spirit‖: C

6.

Claimed that human history has been the story of ―class struggle‖: L

7.

Author of the Republic and precursor to modern socialism: F

8.

Analyzed the idea of freedom via the ―master-slave dialectic‖: C

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. the master-slave dialectic the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat utopian socialism the materialist conception of history alienation false consciousness Utopia the withering away of the state capitalism revolutionary class consciousness the opium of the masses ESSAYS

1. Who spoke of ―the cunning of history,‖ and what did this thinker mean by this phrase?

2. What is the materialist conception of history? Who formulated it, and for what purposes?

3. By what sequence of events did Marx believe that communism would come about? Be specific.

4. Who called religion ―the opium of the masses,‖ and why? Be specific.

5. What did Hegel and Marx mean by alienation? How and why is this concept important to Marx‘s theory?

6. What does Marx mean by consciousness (class consciousness, false consciousness, etc.), and how is this concept important to his theory?

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6. Socialism and Communism: After Marx MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Lenin argued that the proletariat, without assistance, could only attain the level of

A. ―trade-union consciousness.‖ B. ―democratic consciousness.‖ C. ―revolutionary class consciousness.‖ D. ―revisionist consciousness.‖ E. ―unconsciousness.‖ Answer: A 2.

Lenin attempted to explain World War I by means of his A. immiseration thesis.

B. iron law of militarism.

C. theory of imperialism.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C 3.

Socialism can and should be achieved gradually and peacefully, not by revolution, according to A. the Fabian socialists.

B. the Marxist-Leninists.

C. Maoists.

D. revisionist Marxists.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: E 4.

The revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is neither necessary nor desirable, according to

A. Vladimir I. Lenin.

B. Eduard Bernstein.

C. Mao Zedong.

D. Mikhail (Michael) Bakunin.

E. both B and D are correct.

Answer: E 5.

The leaders of the communist revolutions in Russia and China were A. Josef Stalin and Chiang Kai-shek.

B. Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaopeng.

C. Peter Kropotkin and Sun Yat-sen.

D. Ivan Bolshevik and Michael Chang.

E. Vladimir I. Lenin and Mao Zedong.

Answer: E 6.

Lenin did NOT believe that A. ―trade-union consciousness‖ would help to bring about revolution.

B. revolutionary class consciousness would have to be instilled in or taught to the working class.

C. the Communist Party must be the vanguard of the proletariat.

D. imperialism is the highest, and last, stage of capitalism.

E. the Communist Party must be the dictator in the name of the proletariat.

Answer: A

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7.

Contrary to Marx and Lenin, Josef Stalin insisted on the need A. to create and consolidate ―socialism in one country.‖ B. for a ―vanguard party‖ to lead the revolution.

C. to begin the revolution in the countryside, not in the in dustrial cities.

D. to go through capitalism before attempting a socialist revolution.

E. for open debate and criticism within dialectical materialism.

Answer: A Lenin extended Marx‘s theory by arguing that A. the Communist Party must be the vanguard of the revolu tion.

B. socialism or communism cannot begin until capitalism has run its course.

C. communist society will begin only when the state withers away.

D. the Communist Party must be the dictator in the name of the proletariat.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: E 8.

9.

Who added the ideas of ―the rural proletariat‖ and ―proletarian nations‖ to Marxist - Leninism?

A. José Ortega y Gasset B. Mao Zedong C. Edward Bellamy D. Leon Trotsky E. Emma Goldman Answer: B 10. Who argued that means, or moral considerations, should be as important as the victory of socialism?

A. Vladimir I. Lenin B. Josef Stalin C. Eduard Bernstein D. Mao Zedong E. Emma Woodhouse Answer: C 11. Eduard Bernstein and other revisionist Marxists usually argue that A. class struggle plays no part in the movement toward socialism.

B. Marx‘s predictions are correct, but his revolutionary strategy is wrong.

C. workers in capitalist society no longer suffer from alienation or exploitation.

D. Marx‘s theory is basically correct, but some of his key predictions were wrong.

E. Marx‘s theory needs to be revised to take account of imperialism.

Answer: D 12. Marx‘s theory is an unchallengeable scientific account of how things are and should be, according to A. Charles Fourier.

B. Edward Bellamy.

C. Friedrich Engels.

D. Mikhail Bakunin.

E. Eduard Bernstein.

Answer: C 13. According to Vladimir I. Lenin, World War I was A. the result of revolutionary class consciousness among the bourgeoisie.

B. a clear example of the alienation of surplus value among the masses.

C. the first blow struck against capitalism by the vanguard party.

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D. a struggle between imperialis t countries for cheap labor, raw materials, and foreign markets.

E. both B and C are correct.

Answer: D 14. Although he agreed with Marx on the need for a revolution, Mikhail Bakunin criticized Marx for A. misunderstanding the master-slave dialectic.

B. insisting that capitalism must precede socialism.

C. arguing that imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism.

D. laying the basis for a new oppressing class and a new form of oppression.

E. failing to see that the theory of surplus value contradicted the need for democratic centralism.

Answer: D 15. Evolutionary theory justifies anarcho-communism, according to Peter Kropotkin, because it shows that A. innovative schemes like anarchism increase the chances for survival.

B. only the strongest survive, and the anarchists are the stronges t.

C. nature rewards those species that learn to cooperate for the good of all their members.

D. competition is natural, and no society is more competitive than anarchy.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: C 16. Socialist movements have been LEAST influential in A. France.

B. Great Britain.

C. China.

D. Germany.

E. the United States.

Answer: E 17. According to Vladimir I. Lenin, the vanguard party should A. serve as a tutor and guide for the masses, who don‘t understand their true interests.

B. be led by one all-powerful, authoritative leader.

C. encourage discussion and debate to continue after a decision has been made.

D. maintain revolutionary unity by not allowing free discussion within the party.

E. be composed entirely of members of the working class.

Answer: A 18. Lenin used which of the following to explain how the revolution could begin in a country like Russia?

A. democratic centralism B. anarcho-communism C. peasant populism D. recidivism E. imperialism Answer: E 19. One of Mao Zedong‘s contributions to Marxist theory was the A. ideal of a gradual, peaceful evolution from capitalism to socialism.

B. idea of democratic centralism.

C. idea that whole countries, such as China, are proletarian nations.

D. idea that dialectical materialism explains scientific as well as political changes.

E. decision to make everyone wear comfortable, pajama-style clothes.

Answer: C

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20. To apply Marx‘s theory to Russia and China, Lenin and Mao had to deal with the problem that A. capitalism was succeeding in their countries, so people were not likely to want to overthrow it.

B. few people in their countries could read German, so few could read Marx‘s writings.

C. Marx had always called for gradual evolution to socialism rather than violent revolution.

D. Marx expected the revolution to begin in industrialized, capitalist societies.

E. Marx had devoted all his efforts to bringing about a revolution in his German homeland.

Answer: D 21. Eduard Bernstein is called a ―revisionist‖ Marxist because he A. attempted to revive interest in Marxism after Marx‘s death in 1883.

B. attempted to correct Marx‘s theory to account for predictions that had failed to come true.

C. rejected Marx‘s claim that class struggle is the most important force in history.

D. favored a violent and immediate overthrow of the bourgeoisie.

E. sided with the anarcho-communists in their attempt to abolish government altogeth er.

Answer: B 22. Emma Goldman wanted to A. liberate people from the shackles of capitalism, the state, and marriage.

B. use Jewish and Christian teachings to persuade people to become socialists.

C. establish a society in which each member uses a debit card instead o f money.

D. strengthen the government so that political power could replace capitalism with socialism.

E. both C and D are correct.

Answer: A 23. Friedrich Engels‘ reinterpretation of Marx‘s theories centers around A. materialism and scientific socialism.

B. the vanguard party and the cult of personality.

C. original sin and alienation.

D. democratic centralism and imperialism.

E. replacing the command economy with market socialism.

Answer: A 24. Proponents of decentralized forms of socialism usually support A. a command economy.

B. control of the economy by a vanguard party of intellectuals.

C. Stalinist forms of government.

D. control of the economy by various local groups of workers.

E. state control of the economy.

Answer: D 25. Friedrich Engels altered Marx‘s theory in the direction of philosophical A. idealism.

B. pragmatism.

C. Kantianism.

D. materialism.

E. none of the above.

Answer: D 26. Which of the following were revolutionary Marxists (or Marxist-Leninists)?

A. Thomas More and Saint-Simon B. Robert Owen and Charles Fourier C. Eduard Bernstein and Mikhail (or Michael) Bakunin 95

D. Edward Bellamy and Emma Goldman E. Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong Answer: E 27. Who was an American socialist?

A. Tony Blair B. Eugene V. Debs C. Leo Tolstoy D. William Godwin E. Joseph Stalin Answer: B

28. In order to motivate people to work hard and well, even at dirty or dangerous jobs, Edward Bellamy proposed to A. follow the principle, ―From each according to ability, to each according to labor.‖ B. follow the principle, ―From each according to ability, to each according to need.‖ C. force people to work under the watchful eye of ―socialist superintendents.‖ D. reward workers‘ efforts by giving them extra leisure and social recognition.

E. raise the wages or salaries of those who are especially effective workers.

Answer: D

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

World War I convinced Lenin that Marx‘s theory was false.

F

2.

Lenin believed that the working class would spontaneously organize and overthrow capitalism.

F

3.

Socialists favor unrestricted economic competition as a way of ensuring the ―survival of the fittest.‖ F

4.

Socialists are opposed to democracy.

F

5.

All socialists favor centralized state planning and management of the economy.

F

6.

Marx praised the Russian Revolution for its egalitarian or ―levelling‖ effects.

F

7.

Marx did not even try to draw detailed plans for future communist society.

T

8.

Marx predicted that proletarian revolution would begin in economically underdeveloped countries.

F

9.

Lenin tried to refute the revisionist claim that capitalism was peacefully evolving into socialism.

T

10. Mao held that the poor would ―encircle‖ and eventually strangle the wealthy capitalist countries.

T 11. Friedrich Engels was a wealthy capitalist and Marx‘s co-author.

T 12. Ferdinand Lassalle opposed Marx‘s internationalist version of socialism with his own nationalist version.

T 13. Eduard Bernstein favored revising Marxian theory to make it square with newly emerging economic facts.

T 14. Eduard Bernstein faulted Marxian theory and practice for focusing only or mainly on the distant future and not on present-day human suffering.

T 15. Eduard Bernstein attempted to marry Marxian theory with Kant‘s moral philosophy.

T 97

16. After being deported to Russia in 1919, the anarchist Emma Goldman became an ardent supporter of the new Bolshevik regime.

F 17. All socialists hate religion.

F

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. G.

Josef Stalin Edward Bellamy Eduard Bernstein Alfred Rosenberg Leo Tolstoy Thomas More Emma Goldman

H. I. J. K. L. M. N.

Mao Zedong Roberto Michels Chiang Kai-shek Friedrich Engels Elizabeth Bennet Vladimir I. Lenin Mikhail (Michael) Bakunin

1.

Bolshevik who advocated an elite ―vanguard party‖ M

2.

Late leader of the Chinese Communist Party: H

3.

Author of utopian novel Looking Backward: B

4.

Claimed that the Communist Party needed an all-wise, infallible, and all-powerful leader: A

5.

Leader of Bolsheviks and vehement critic of ―revisionism‖ M

6.

Anarcho-communist who campaigned for the right to use birth control: G

7.

Leading revisionist and author of Evolutionary Socialism: C

8.

Leader of Soviet Communist Party from 1929 to 1953: A

9.

Claimed that workers in advanced capitalist countries suffer from ―trade-union consciousness‖ M

10. Anarcho-communist critic of Marx: N 11. Novelist, pacifist, and anarcho-communist: E 12. Emphasized the importance of using moral means to bring about socialism: C

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. critical Western Marxism Dialectical Materialism (DiaMat) anarcho-communism Fabian socialism imperialism democratic centralism the vanguard party reds and experts market socialism revisionist Marxism revolutionary Marxism ESSAYS 1.

What have been the two leading conceptions of democracy among socialists? How have these conceptions related to the split between the revisionist and revolutionary Marxists?

2.

Who spoke of ―trade union consciousness‖ and what did this thinker mean by this phrase? According to this individual, is such consciousness a good thing? Why or why not? What, if anything, is the alternative to trade union consciousness?

3.

Why did Lenin nickname Stalin ―the priest‖? What, if anything, is the larger significance of that nickname?

4.

Who was Trofim Lysenko, what did he do, and with what result(s)?

5.

Why have some of Marx‘s followers thought it necessary to revise his theory? And why have other of Marx‘s followers objected to these revisions? Be sure to discuss specific thinkers and ideas.

6.

What have been the major forms of non-Marxist socialism? In what ways are they similar to and in what ways are they different from Marx‘s brand of socialism?

7.

What is Marxism-Len inism? Who have been its major proponents, and how does it differ from Marx‘s theory?

8.

What reason(s) did Lenin (and later Mao Zedong) have for believing that proletarian revolution would come first to economically backward countries such as Russia and China? Be specific.

9.

Why, and in what ways, did Eduard Bernstein ―revise‖ Marx‘s theory?

10. In what way(s) does Engels‘ version of Marxian theory differ from Marx‘s?

11. What were Eduard Bernstein‘s main criticisms of Marx and Marxian theory?

12. What is Lenin‘s theory of imperialism and why did he devise it?

13. Who drew a distinction between ―reds‖ and ―experts,‖ and for what purpose(s)?

14. What was the Great Leap Forward, who fomented it, and with what result(s)?

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15. To what use(s) did Mao Zedong put Lenin‘s theory of imperialism?

16. What is ―critical Western Marxism‖ and how does it differ from ―Eastern‖ Soviet or Chinese -style Marxism?

17. On what biblical passages and teachings do Christian socialists base their brand of socialism?

18. Why have anarchists, and Mikhail Bakunin in particular, objected to Marxian theory?

19. How and why does the modern welfare state ―short circuit‖ the revolutionary sequence as Marx e nvisioned it?

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7. Fascism MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

In any society or large organization, a small group will always end up with the real power, according to

A. Sigmund Freud‘s law of ego formation.

B. Joseph-Arthur de Gobineau‘s principle of miscegenation.

C. Roberto Michels‘s iron law of oligarchy.

D. Vladimir I. Lenin‘s principle of democratic centralism.

E. Mohandas Gandhi‘s principle of satyagraha.

Answer: C 2.

According to the Nazi conception of freedom, the agent in the triadic model is the A. state.

B. Aryan race.

C. true natural aristocracy.

D. Semites.

E. Lebensraum.

Answer: B Which word completes the Fascists‘ slogan, ―_____ is to the male what childbirth is to the female‖?

A. Obedience B. War C. Freedom D. Eating E. Playing video games Answer: B 3.

4.

Ludwig Woltmann used Malthus‘s law of population gro wth to support his claim that

A. the Aryans must prepare for a racial war over increasingly scarce resources.

B. the principle of corporativism is the best form of economic organization.

C. national identity is more important than class identity.

D. miscegenation is responsible for the fall of empires.

E. if you can‘t say something good about somebody, you shouldn‘t say anything at all.

Answer: A According to Joseph-Arthur de Gobineau‘s analysis of history, A. the Aryans must prepare for a racial war over increasingly scarce resources.

B. the principle of corporativism is the best form of economic organization.

C. national identity is more important than class identity.

D. miscegenation is responsible for the fall of empires.

E. forever isn‘t long enough to give all my love to you.

Answer: D 5.

6.

Which of the following is an essential element of the Nazi (and neo -Nazi) ideology?

A. the claim that racial differences are the fundamental fact of human life B. the desire to champion and help ―the common man‖ C. the belief that there are no fundamental differences between the sexes D. an atomistic conception of society E. the belief that progress is the result of individuals acting strictly on their own Answer: A

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7.

Which of the following slogans best captures the fascist ideology as it developed in Italy?

A. ―From each according to his ability; to each according to his need.‖ B. ―Nothing outside the State; nothing against the State; everything for the State.‖ C. ―Act on that maxim which you could will to be a universal law of nature.‖ D. ―Over himself, over his own mind and body, the individual is sovereign.‖ E. ―Question authority.‖ Answer: B 8.

Georges Sorel, a thinker who apparently influenced the Italian Fascists, claimed that A. people were moved to action by ―myths,‖ not by reason and logic.

B. the white race is superior in most ways to all other races.

C. every large political movement must be led by a ―vanguard party.‖ D. religion is the most powerful force in binding people together into a nation.

E. success is counted sweetest by those who never succeed.

Answer: A 9.

An example of recent neo-Nazi writing is a work of fiction called

A. Mein Kampf.

B. Bridget Jones‟s Diary.

C. Pride and Prejudice.

D. The Sound and the Fury.

E. The Turner Diaries.

Answer: E 10. The leader of the Fascist Party in Italy in the 1920s and 1930s was A. Giuseppe Mazzini.

B. Gaetano Mosca.

C. Alfredo Rocco.

D. Benito Mussolini.

E. Jesse ―Il Corpore‖ Ventura.

Answer: D 11. In general, the Counter-Enlightenment thinkers believed that A. human beings are defined by their differences, not by their common or universal features.

B. people are fundamentally rational and willing to cooperate with others.

C. women are every bit as rational and ambitious as men.

D. people are basically alike despite their superficial differences of race, language, and nationality.

E. most people are selfish and self-interested because society encourages those traits.

Answer: A 12. Simply put, fascism plus ____ equals Nazism.

A. racism B. humanism C. militarism D. totalitarianism E. elitism Answer: A 13. Which of the following did the Italian Fascists openly reject?

A. nationalism B. elitism C. militarism 103

D. irrationalism E. individualism Answer: E 14. In the fascist conception of freedom, the agent to be freed from obstacles is typically the A. Aryan race.

B. individual.

C. nation-state.

D. global fascist community.

E. rural proletariat.

Answer: C 15. Fascism developed after World War I as a reaction against A. liberalism and socialism.

B. capitalism and liberalism.

C. conservatism and religion.

D. nationalism and anarchism.

E. socialism and nationalism.

Answer: A 16. According to the Nazis, the ideas of the Enlightenment were ―Jewish ideas‖ that promote A. nationalism and socialism.

B. equality and universal brotherhood.

C. nationalism and racism.

D. equality and indoctrination.

E. the tendency to ―think with your blood.‖ Answer: B 17. The Italian Fascists and the Nazis were allies in A. World War I. B. World War II. C. the Korean War. D. the Franco-Prussian War. E. the War of the Roses.

Answer: B 18. Who among the following English and American authors influenced Hitler?

A. Houston Stewart Chamberlain B. Henry Ford C. Madison Grant D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: D 19. The number of Jews and other supposedly ―inferior‖ peoples murdered by Hitler‘s Nazi regime was about A. one million.

B. two million.

C. four million.

D. six million.

E. eight million.

Answer: D

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20. Malthus‘s law holds that A. population increases exponentially.

B. population increases arithmetically.

C. resources increase arithmetically.

D. A and C are both correct E. B and C are both correct Answer: D 21. Which of the following was NOT a feature of Italian fascism?

A. opposition to democracy B. corporativism C. militarism D. indoctrination E. internationalism Answer: E 22. Which of the following features does fascism share with reactionaries and traditional conservatism?

A. Neither fascists nor conservatives have much faith in human reason.

B. Neither fascists nor conservatives like change, especially radical change.

C. Fascists and conservatives are both highly respectful of religion.

D. Fascists and conservatives both favor separation of powers and mixed government.

E. Fascists and conservatives both favor concentration of power in the central government.

Answer: A 23. By volk (people) Hitler meant A. All Germans.

B. Jews.

C. Gentiles.

D. Aryans.

E. all of the above.

Answer: D 24. Which of the following is NOT a feature of the ideology of Nazism?

A. anti-Semitism B. racial Darwinism C. racial egalitarianism D. anti-communism E. the correct answer is not listed.

Answer: C 25. The growth of ―white power‖ is the aim of A. the Ku Klux Klan.

B. American neo-Nazis.

C. Anarcho-communists.

D. both A and B. E. both A and C. Answer: D 26. According to Hitler, it was necessary to exterminate non-Aryans because A. the danger of interracial breeding is great.

B. interracial struggle is a battle to the death.

C. population is increasing and resources diminishing.

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D. all of the above are correct.

E. none of the above is correct.

Answer: D 27.

―Political formulae,‖ as Gaetano Mosca used that phrase, included

A. flags.

B. political slogans.

C. national anthems.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: D 28. Fascists of all stripes repudiated A. nationalism.

B. communism.

C. liberalism.

D. both A and B. E. both B and C. Answer: E 29. Which American automobile magnate was viewed by Hitler as a hero to Germany and the Aryan Volk?

A. William Chrysler B. James Studebaker C. Harold Chevrolet D. Henry Ford E. Arthur Dodge Answer: D 30. Hitler and the above-mentioned American were A. B. C. D. E.

anti-Dentites anti-Semites philo-Semites anti-Aryan none of the above.

Answer: B 31. Both based their sociopolitical views on which of the following documents?

A. The Old Testament B. The New Testament C. Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion D. The Chronicles of Narnia E. none of the above Answer: C 32. The above-mentioned document was in fact A. a forgery.

B. authentic.

C. divinely inspired.

D. written by a committee.

E. none of the above.

Answer: A 33. Who first used the slogan ―America First‖?

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A. B. C. D. E. Answer: B

Donald J. Trump American Nazis in the 1930s.

President John F. Kennedy Astronaut Buzz Aldrin None of the above

34. The ―Great Replacement‖ theory argues that A. fascist leaders must replace liberal, non-white leaders.

B. men should replace women as authorities in the home.

C. Non-white, non-Christian immigrants are replacing white, Christian culture.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Nazism is a form or variant of socialism.

F

2.

Nazism is a racist version of fascism.

T

3.

Italian fascism was not originally a racist ideology.

T

4.

After World War II, Benito Mussolini was tried and sentenced to life imprisonment without parole.

F

5.

Adolf Hitler committed suicide when he had no hope of victory.

T

6.

Fascists attempt to win popular support by appealing to the rational interests of citizens.

F

7.

Benito Mussolini and the Italian Fascists coined the term ―totalitarian.‖ T

8.

Fascists consider their ideology to be democratic.

F

9.

As a young man, Mussolini was a journalist and a proponent of Marxian socialism.

T

10. Fascists advocate an atomistic or individualistic view of society.

F 11. During Mussolini‘s tenure as Il Duce the Italian government took control of a ll private property.

F 12. Mussolini believed the Italian people should openly express their dissatisfaction with his government so that he could improve matters.

F 13. In Nazi Germany abortion was illegal for racially pure Aryans but legal for Jews.

T 14. Toward the end of World War II railroad cars and other rolling stock were diverted from military use to transport Jews and others to death camps.

T 15. Italian and German variants of fascism died with Mussolini and Hitler, respectively.

F 108

16. In Greece and other European nations the recent ―Great Recession‖ has produced an anti-immigrant backlash and an upsurge in neo-fascist parties and movements.

T 17. Historically, fascism has occurred only in Europe.

F 18. Fascism has occurred in the United States .

T 19. Fascism has never taken hold in any country besides Italy and Germany.

F

109

MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. 1.

lebensraum apartheid racism Il Duce neoconservative reactionary

G. H. I. J. K. L.

elitism Mein Kampf Malthus‘s law Ba‘ath Party Der Führer corporativism

Hitler‘s strategy of expanding German territory through conquest of neighboring land: A

2.

Fascism + what = Nazism?

C

3.

Economic policy of Mussolini and the Italian fascists: L

4.

Hitler named his autobiography: H

5.

Mussolini‘s fascist followers called him: D

6.

Policy of racial separation and discrimination in South Africa until recently: B

7.

Belief that a small group of talented people will and should rule every society: G

8.

The ―resurrection‖ group that has campaigned for pan -Arabism: J

110

SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. nationalism irrationalism Aryan ―War is to the male, as childbirth is to the female.‖ corporativism the iron law of oligarchy Malthus‘s law the Counter-Enlightenment lebensraum Volksgemeinschaft Joseph-Arthur de Gobineau apartheid The Turner Diaries Julius Evola Alt-Right ESSAYS 1.

In what ways did Nazism resemble Mussolini‘s fascism? How did Nazism differ from fascism?

2.

Do fascists and Nazis have the same conception of freedom? Use the triadic model to illustrate how you think fascists and Nazis agree or disagree about freedom.

3.

Mussolini and the Italian fascists apparently coined the word ―totalitarian.‖ What did they mean by this term, and why did they think that it was good to be totalitarian?

4.

What reasons do Nazis give to explain their hatred of Jews, people of African descent, and other rac es and/or ethnic groups?

5.

What does the German word lebensraum mean? Why did the Nazis think this was an important term, and what were its practical political and military implications?

6.

Who was Ludwig Woltmann, and what was his contribution, or contributions, to Nazi ideology?

7.

It has often been noted that, strictly speaking, that the name ―National Socialism‖ is misleading, for it was neither nationalist nor socialist. Is this true? Why (not)?

8.

Some have argued that fascism was fully and finally defeated in World War II. Explain why you think that this view is or is not correct.

9.

Describe two arguments made by critics that Donald Trump is a fascist. Take a stand on whether you agree or disagree.

111

8. Liberation Ideologies and the Politics of Identity MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

The people who advocate liberation theology encourage Christians to

A. give more attention to the material needs of the poor.

B. concentrate their efforts on the salvation of souls for the afterlife.

C. promote economic development in poor countries so that wealth will ―trickle down‖ to the poor.

D. remember that poverty is simply a state of mind that can be overcome by prayer and spirituality.

E. engage in orthodontistry.

Answer: A 2.

According to those who argue for native people‘s liberation, which of the following is NOT a similarity that indigenous people share regardless of their geographic location?

A. The land of their ancestors was colonized by Europeans.

B. Their oppression has brought them closer together and given them a strong sense of identity.

C. They suffer from alcoholism and other social problems relatively unknown to their ancestors.

D. Their religions and traditions have been ridiculed as ―savage‖ and ―uncivilized.‖ E. They have become aliens and outsiders in their own lands.

Answer: B 3.

Liberation ideologies share all of the following features EXCEPT the A. desire to free an oppressed group from internal and external restrictions.

B. belief that violent resistance is the best way to overcome oppression.

C. desire to free oppressors from their false sense of superiority.

D. belief that the members of specific groups are oppressed by a dominant group.

E. desire to raise the consciousness of an oppressed group.

Answer: B 4.

Feminists contend that the main obstacle to the full emancipation of women is A. men.

B. women themselves.

C. sexism / patriarchalism.

D. Republicans.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C 5.

The difference between liberal feminists and radical feminists is that

A. liberal feminists tend to emphasize the essential sameness of the two sexes.

B. radical feminists seek equality of opportunity as their main goal.

C. radical feminists downplay the need for women to overcome their own internal sexism.

D. liberal feminists are in favor of banning pornography because they think it degrades women.

E. liberal feminists prefer Howard Stern to Rush Limbaugh.

Answer: A 6.

The primary goals of the Black nationalist conception of freedom are A. equality of opportunity and civil rights.

B. reparations and a separate nation for African Americans.

C. equal distribution of wealth and power for everyone regardless of his or her race.

D. equal representation in universities and in the workplace.

E. Black power, pride, and dignity through self-definition.

Answer: E 112

7.

The symbol of the Gay Liberation Movement is the

A. pink carnation.

B. pink pentangle.

C. pink triangle.

D. pink fist.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C 8.

The obstacle that gay liberationists seek to overcome is A. homogeneity.

B. hemophilia.

C. xenophobia.

D. homophobia.

E. heterodoxy.

Answer: D Which of the following asks people to exercise the ―option for the poor‖?

A. native-peoples‘ liberation B. liberation theology C. welfare feminism D. radical liberalism E. animal liberation Answer: B 9.

10. The obstacle that Black liberationists seek to overcome is A. speciesism.

B. autism.

C. altruism.

D. sexism.

E. none of the above.

Answer: E 11. Every liberation ideology tries to A. suppress the consciousness of the group it addresses.

B. enslave the oppressors in order to free the oppressed.

C. show people how there are no real differences between groups of people.

D. free the oppressed from both internal and external restraints.

E. promote equality of opportunity in a classless society.

Answer: D 12. According to liberation theology, Christians should pay more attention to A. action in the world—i.e., orthopraxis.

B. true faith and belief—i.e., orthodoxy.

C. complete and total happiness—i.e., eudaimonism.

D. total and permanent revolution—i.e., eustasis.

E. Malthus‘s law.

Answer: A 13. Which of the following is NOT a feature that liberation ideologies typically share?

A. belief in the need to ―raise the consciousness‖ of the oppressed group B. identification of a dominant group as the source of oppression 113

C. belief that people are oppressed as individuals and must liberate themselves as individuals D. belief that liberation will free the oppressor as well as the oppressed E. need to free the oppressed from both internal and external restraints Answer: C 14. Liberation theology has been most influential in which continent?

A. Africa B. Asia C. Europe D. North America E. South America Answer: E 15. The obstacle(s) that the animal liberation movement seeks to overcome is (or are) A. sexism.

B. speciesism.

C. racism.

D. cannibalism.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: B 16. Which of the following is an example of what animal liberationists call speciesism?

A. wearing fur coats or gloves B. performing medical experiments on animals C. eating chicken, pork, or beef D. testing cosmetics on animals E. all of the above Answer: E 17. Which of the following groups is /are part of the animal liberation movement?

A. Animal Liberation Front (ALF) B. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA in the United States) C. People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) D. Both B and C are correct E. Both A and C are correct Answer: E 18. In which country was a ―stolen generation‖ of aboriginal children taken away from their families ?

A. Canada B. Chile C. Australia D. Finland E. Indonesia Answer: C 19. The 1969 police raid on the Stonewall Inn in New York was an important event for A. Black liberation.

B. gay liberation.

C. feminism.

D. animal liberation.

E. deep ecology.

Answer: B 114

20. Which of the following statements best expresses the views of Black nationalists (or separatists)?

A. Black people must be fully integrated or assimilated into society.

B. All that Black people need is the elimination of the legal obstacles to equality of opportunity.

C. What Black people need most is to develop Black identity, pride, and self-sufficiency.

D. Black people need to become the master race, enslaving those who have long oppressed them.

E. Black people need to bring a halt to globalization.

Answer: C 21. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. advocated civil disobedience because A. he had no respect for laws that were written by whites.

B. he believed that we have a moral obligation to resist unjust laws.

C. it was a way to intimidate whites.

D. he thought it would facilitate a total separation between Black people and whites.

E. he was a Black nationalist.

Answer: B 22. ―Black rage‖ refers to A. the process of recovering from the psychological injury that whites have inflicted on Blacks.

B. the reclaiming of Black values, such as the affirmation that ―Black is beautiful.‖ C. the cries of injustice from integrationists because of discrimination.

D. the anger against whites that Blacks vent on themselves and each other.

E. the Black alternative to white supremacy.

Answer: D 23. Which political movement was prompted by police brutality against African -Americans?

A. All Lives Matter B. Black Lives Matter C. Police Brutality Sucks D. All of the above E. None of the above Answer: B 24. Which liberation ideology objected most strongly the United States Supreme Court‘s decision in

Dobbs v. Jackson Women‟s Health Organization (2022) A. Black nationalists B. feminists C. LGBTQ+ activists D. animal liberation adherents E. Indigenous scholars Answer: B

115

TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Liberation ideologies want to liberate not only the oppressed but also their oppressors.

T

2.

Animal liberationists believe that animals have the same moral, civil, and legal rights as humans have.

F

3.

Liberation theology enjoys the official blessing and support of the Pope and the Catholic Church.

F

4.

American feminists, unlike those in other lands, have secured permanent and irreversible political and legal victories for women in reproductive rights and other areas.

F

5.

All feminists are opposed to marriage and motherhood.

F

6.

Liberation ideologies always reject the use of violence to accomplish their goals.

F

7.

Some government officials have apologized for their countries‘ treatment of native peoples.

T

8.

A man cannot be a feminist.

F

9.

Identity and self-definition are important considerations for liberation ideologies.

T

10. A Vindication of the Rights of Women was written by John Stuart Mill, a main proponent of liberal feminism.

F 11. Those who advocate liberation theology encourage Christians to remember that poverty is simply a state of mind that can be overcome by prayer.

F 12. Radical feminism and socialist feminism are NOT the main variants of feminism in the 20th century.

T 13. Martin Luther King Jr. called for ―Black Pride‖ and ―Black Power‖ in his ―I have a dream‖ speech.

F 14. The women‘s liberation movement began in the 1960s in the United States.

F 15. Liberation theology goes beyond the traditional Christian concern for saving souls for an afterlife.

T 116

16. The main obstacle according to liberal feminists is the male system of oppression that infects not only the legal system, but the entire culture.

F 17. The conservative Log Cabin Republicans are fierce opponents of gay liberation.

F 18. All conservatives are opposed to same-sex marriage.

F 19. Most American states have now recognized the legality of same-sex marriage.

F 20. Psychiatrists continue to contend that same-sex attraction (homosexuality) is a mental illness.

F 21. Younger Americans are more likely than their elders to favor same-sex marriage.

T 22. Some nations in Africa and elsewhere have made being attracted to persons of the same sex a capital crime (i.e., one punishable by death).

T 23. Animal liberationists seek to overcome the assertion by Jeremy Bentham that animals are incapable of suffering.

F 24. Speciesism includes the belief that humans have rights and animals have none.

T 25. All animal liberationists are liberals.

F 26. An on-going issue among Indigenous activists is sovereignty over native lands .

T 27. Some animal liberationists believe that hunting is morally acceptable.

T

117

MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. 1.

Jeremy Bentham Nunavut Frantz Fanon Gustavo Gutierrez Mary Wollstonecraft animal liberation

G. H. I. J. K. L.

Yukonia Marilyn Frye Petra Kelly Dave Foreman gay liberation Peter Singer

English utilitarian philosopher whose views on sensation have inspired animal liberationists: A

2.

Members of this group complain about speciesism: F

3.

Members of this group work to overcome homophobia: K

4.

Eighteenth-century feminist who wrote Vindication of the Rights of Woman: E

5.

Algerian psychoanalyst and Black liberationist who wrote Black Skin, White Masks: C

6.

Catholic priest and advocate of liberation theology: D

7.

Newly created Canadian territory governed by aboriginal people: B

8.

Australian philosopher and author of Animal Liberation: L

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following terms. mind-forged manacles Black rage orthopraxis oppression speciesism consciousness raising indigenism Black separatism (or nationalism) #MeToo

ESSAYS

1. All of the liberation ideologies try to promote freedom for a p articular group of people or, in one case, of nonhuman animals. Choose one of these liberation ideologies, and use the triadic model of freedom to explain how it proposes to free its particular group.

2.

All of the liberation ideologies claim to be promoting, or at least to be consistent with, democracy. Why do they think this, and why might someone disagree with them? Use examples from at least two of the liberation ideologies to illustrate your answer.

3.

What bearing, if any, do the U.S. Constitution‘s ―full faith and credit‖ clause (Article IV, section 1) and the ―equal protection‖ clause (14th Amendment) have on the issue of gay or same -sex marriage?

4.

Why are liberation ideologies sometimes associated with ―the politics of identity‖ or ―the politics of difference‖? Is the emergence of this kind of politics something to be welcomed or feared? Use examples from at least two of the liberation ideologies to illustrate your answer.

5.

What is the ―E.T. argument,‖ who uses it, and for what purpose(s)?

6.

What is ―indigenism‖? In particular, what is the indigenist conception of freedom?

7.

Who are the Incels and what do they believe?

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9. “Green” Politics: Ecology as Ideology MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Driving spikes into trees to prevent logging companies from cutting them down is an example of

A. stewardship.

B. anthropocentrism.

C. orthopraxis.

D. light green politics.

E. ecotage.

Answer: E 2.

The wilderness view of environmentalism holds that A. it is part of human nature to cultivate the earth.

B. the preservation of forests and animal habitats is every bit as important as human welfare.

C. people should worship the earth as a goddess, which they call Xena.

D. government is the main source of environmental destruction, so its powers should be cut back.

E. everyone should go camping at least once a year.

Answer: B 3.

Which of the following is NOT an argument that Greens use to criticize other ideologies?

A. Other ideologies celebrate and encourage humankind‘s mastery over nature.

B. Other ideologies promote a bio-centric view of the environment.

C. Other ideologies promote an anthropocentric view of the environment.

D. Other ideologies value economic growth more than they value environmental protection.

E. Other ideologies fail to understand the interdependence of human, plant, and animal life.

Answer: B 4.

According to Malthus‘s Law,

A. the human population grows faster than the resources needed to sustain the population.

B. in every society or organization, a few people will lead while the masses follow like sheep.

C. miscegenation, or racial interbreeding, improves the gene pool and leads to cultural progress.

D. if something can go wrong, it will.

E. the greenhouse effect is causing global warming that will melt the polar icecaps.

Answer: A 5.

The claim that the world‘s human population tends to increase exponentially while resources increase arithmetically is known as

A. Malthus‘s Law. B. Kepler‘s Law. C. Dalton‘s Law. D. Michels‘ Law. E. Murphy‘s Law. Answer: A 6.

Which of the following Green groups has advocated ecotage or monkey wrenching?

A. The Sierra Club B. Greenpeace C. The Nature Conservancy D. Earth First!

E. All of the above Answer: D 120

7.

The ecological or Green perspective holds that all

A. things are equal.

B. things are connected.

C. things are unconnected.

D. species have equal rights.

E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: B 8.

The idea that humans are rightly the masters of nature has been called A. the cunning of reason.

B. the cunning of history.

C. the arrogance of humanism.

D. secular humanism.

E. biocentrism.

Answer: C According to Aldo Leopold‘s Sand County Almanac, the central precept of a land ethic is that A. something is right when it preserves the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community.

B. what touches all should be decided by all.

C. soil and plants must be understood macroscopically as well as microscopically.

D. the culture-creating races must make peace with the culture-bearing races.

E. gardens should be plowed under so that agricultural land can once again be wilderness.

Answer: A 9.

10. Which of the following groups follow the beliefs of deep ecology?

A. The Sierra Club B. The Nature Conservancy C. Earth First!

D. The World Wildlife Federation E. The American Petroleum Association Answer: C 11. Dave Foreman represents the dark green A. wilderness vision.

B. deep ecology perspective.

C. garden vision.

D. stewardship perspective.

E. both A and B are correct.

Answer: E 12. The scientific study of biological interdependencies is known as A. biofeedback.

B. ecology.

C. biorhythm.

D. sociobiology.

E. sylvaculture.

Answer: B 13. Deep ecologists subscribe to an ethic that they call A. humanist.

B. anthropocentric.

121

C. Bio-centric.

D. Eurocentric.

E. eccentric.

Answer: C 14. The dark green environmentalists who favor deep ecology believe that A. human beings are fundamentally irrational.

B. nature is the master and people should be the slaves.

C. a few people will always lead while the masses merely follow like sheep.

D. human beings deserve no more respect or concern than the rest of nature.

E. ecotage or monkey wrenching is never justified.

Answer: D 15. The ―green‖ ideology can be considered as a counter-ideology because the Greens A. oppose ideologies and have no ideas of their own.

B. take most of their inspiration from the irrationalist thinkers of the Counter-Enlightenment.

C. have no conception of freedom or democracy of their own.

D. fail to perform all of the four functions of political ideologies.

E. believe that ideologies have contributed to current environmental problems.

Answer: E 16. Public goods, such as clean air and national defense, are: A. indivisible and non-rival.

B. part of the iron law of oligarchy.

C. what Social Darwinists want to provide for everyone.

D. involved in Garrett Hardin‘s ―tragedy of the commons.‖ E. both A and D are correct.

Answer: E 17. Which of the following would be most likely to take the garden view of nature?

A. a social ecologist B. a deep ecologist C. a member of Earth First!

D. a free rider E. an eco-terrorist Answer: A 18. Some Greens look upon the earth as a benevolent and kindly deity they call A. Xena.

B. Gaia.

C. Madonna.

D. Diana.

E. Medea.

Answer: B 19. The garden or light green view of environmentalism holds that A. it is part of human nature to cultivate the earth.

B. the preservation of forests and animal habitats is every bit as important as human welfare.

C. people should worship the earth as a goddess, which they call Xena.

D. government is the main source of environmental destruction, so its powers should be cut back.

E. everyone should go camping at least once a year.

Answer: A 122

20. Dave Foreman is a ―dark green‖ thinker who stresses the importance of A. indigenism.

B. anthropocentrism.

C. orthopraxis.

D. biocentrism.

E. biodegradation.

Answer: D 21. According to Greens, environmentalism is a counter-ideology that can fit into A. liberalism.

B. conservatism.

C. socialism.

D. fascism.

E. no other ideology.

Answer: E 22. ―Creation care‖ is the kind of environmentalism advocated and practiced by some A. Buddhists.

B. Muslims.

C. evangelical Christians.

D. orthodox Jews.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C 23. Which ideology is most like green ideology?

A. fascism B. Indigenous liberation ideology C. socialism D. liberalism E. none of the above.

Answer: B 24. According to advocates of Creation care, God commanded humans to be A. consumers of his creation and its myriad resources.

B. stewards of his creation.

C. self-interested.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: B

123

TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Greens use the idea of stewardship to emphasize human responsibility for the environment.

T

2.

Gaia is the name of the leader of the eco-feminist movement.

F

3.

Greens have organized political parties and won seats in some European parliaments.

T

4.

Deep ecology is an anthropocentric perspective that places humans above other forms of life.

F

5.

Ecotage means right action or correct action.

F

6.

The Nature Conservancy and the Sierra Club are two groups that engage in ec otage.

F

7.

Greens say that we should think of humanity as a part of nature.

T

8.

The ―tragedy of the commons‖ shows how natural resources are easily destroyed by overuse.

T

9.

Greens tend to favor elite rule by ecological experts.

F

10. Garden advocates such as Wendell Berry believe that human beings should dominate nature.

F 11. Greens argue that liberal capitalist societies and communist societies are both guilty of an anthropocentric or humanist bias.

T 12. Greens refer to the ―time horizon‖ in order to compel people to make the most of their short life spans.

F 13. ―Social ecologists‖ view Earth First! as an antihuman organization that seeks to remove humans from the ecological equation.

T 14. According to the green version of the triadic model of freedom, the agent is na ture.

F 15. Many leaders in the green movement today are young people.

124

T

16. President Trump‘s anti-environmental policies have led Greens to become apathetic and discouraged.

F

125

MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E. F. 1.

John Locke Plato Sir Francis Bacon deep ecologists Wendell Berry Karl Marx

G. H. I. J. K. L.

Greenpeace social ecologists Petra Kelly Dave Foreman John Stuart Mill Aldo Leopold

Said that nature must be ―interrogated,‖ ―subdued,‖ and made to ―yield up her secrets‖: C

2.

Takes the garden view that people depend on nature but that they must also change it: E

3.

Co-founder of Earth First! and dark green defender of the wilderness view of nature: J

4.

Said that we need a land ethic that includes all of the biotic community: L

5.

Socialist who praised the way in which capitalism had boosted industry and production: F

6.

Liberal who said that nature is without value until labor transforms ―waste‖ into useful land: A

7.

Group whose ship, The Rainbow Warrior, was destroyed by French agents in New Zealand: G

8.

Greens who hold that human life has a special status or importance are known as: H

126

SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. time horizons the tragedy of the commons the greenhouse effect acid rain ecotage social ecology deep ecology the free-rider problem the land ethic the arrogance of humanism the Anthropocene

ESSAYS 1.

What are the major differences between the Light Greens and the Dark Greens within the environmental movement? Which of these two has the better position and why?

2.

How can Greens claim to be promoting freedom and democracy when they want to limit what people can do to the natural environment? Does it make sense to say that Greens are promoting either freedom or democracy?

Why or why not?

3.

Greens often see themselves as part of a counter-ideology that must try to correct the mistaken beliefs and assumptions of other ideologies. Are they right to think of themselves in this way? That is, are the Greens right to blame current environmental problems on liberalism, socialism, and other ideologies? Why or why not?

4.

What is the new field of Ecopsychology and what are its key tenets?

5.

Some are surprised by the alliance between hunters and fishermen, on the one hand, and environmentalists, on the other – and also between African-Americans and (mostly white) environmentalists. Should they b e surprised? Why or why not? What issue(s), if anything, makes them unlikely allies?

6.

How would ―green democracy‖ differ from democracy as we now know it?

7.

What is ―creation care,‖ who espouses it, and for what reason(s)?

8.

How might a ―green‖ democracy differ from democracy as we now know it?

127

10. Radical Islamism MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

The Arabic word islam means

A. threat.

B. submission.

C. holy terror.

D. godliness.

E. love.

Answer: B 2.

The Islamic holy book is the A. Sala‘am.

B. Imam.

C. Fatwa.

D. Qur‘an.

E. Jihad.

Answer: D 3.

Which of the following is/are an Islamic sect(s)?

A. Sunni B. Kurd C. Shi‘ite D. A and B are both Islamic sects.

E. A and C are both Islamic sects.

Answer: E 4.

People of the Islamic faith are called A. Islamites.

B. Allahists.

C. Muslims.

D. Mormons.

E. Israelites.

Answer: C Islamic law is derived from the Qur‘an and the teaching of the prophet Mohammed in the A. Shar‘ia.

B. Nomoi.

C. Fatwa.

D. Imam.

E. Koran.

Answer: A 5.

6.

The Arabic word jihad means

A. holy war B. submission C. struggle D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: C 128

7.

The punishment by death of Muslim ―apostates‖ (those who have allegedly broken with the faith) that is invoked by radical Islamists is

A. jihad.

B. takfir.

C. islam.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: B 8.

Radical Islamists are opposed to which of the following?

A. secularism B. religious toleration C. sexual equality D. all of the above E. none of the above Answer: D 9.

Radical Islamists favor a form of government and society known as A. social democracy.

B. theocracy.

C. republican liberalism.

D. secular humanism.

E. liberation theology.

Answer: B 10. Which of the following beliefs is held by Shi‘ite Muslims but not by Sunni Muslims?

A. The caliph is a divinely gifted leader who must be a descendant of Mohammed‘s son -in-law, Ali. B. Every Muslim has a duty to engage in jihad.

C. Only Arabs can be true Muslims.

D. Women are the equals of men in all respects, including their right to be mullahs (or religious leaders).

E. All property must be shared equally by those who are true Muslims.

Answer: A 11. The leading theorist of radical Islamism is/was A. Hosni Mubarak.

B. Osama bin Laden.

C. Sayyid Qutb.

D. Abu Musab al-Zarquawi.

E. Moqtada al-Sadr.

Answer: C 12. Sayyid Qutb was a (or an) A. Iraqi.

B. Egyptian.

C. Israeli.

D. Saudi.

E. Iranian.

Answer: B 13. Sayyid Qutb was a leading figure in A. Al Qaeda.

B. the Stern Gang.

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C. the Muslim Brotherhood.

D. Saddam Hussein‘s government.

E. the Ba‘ath Party.

Answer: C 14. The radical Islamist regime that formerly ruled Afghanistan is called the A. Saddamists.

B. Muslim Brotherhood.

C. Taliban.

D. Ba‘athists.

E. Al Qaeda.

Answer: C 15. The Taliban believe that women should A. be educated.

B. not be educated.

C. wear clothing covering them from head to toe.

D. B and C are both correct.

E. A and C are both correct.

Answer: D 16. Fifteen of the 19 hijackers on ―9/11‖ came from the country of A. Egypt.

B. Saudi Arabia.

C. Iraq.

D. Iran.

E. Kuwait.

Answer: B 17. The government of Saudi Arabia is a A. theocracy.

B. democracy.

C. monarchy.

D. fascist dictatorship.

E. none of the above.

Answer: C 18. The late political and religious leader of Iran‘s ―Islamic Republic‖ was A. King Faruq.

B. Ali Baba.

C. Anwar Sadat.

D. Ayatollah Khomeini.

E. Gamel Abdel Nasser.

Answer: D 19. Al Qaeda means the A. base.

B. superstructure.

C. terrorists.

D. gang.

E. holy warriors.

Answer: A 130

20. The holiest site(s) in Islam is (or are) A. Mecca.

B. Baghdad.

C. Medina.

D. A and B are both correct.

E. A and C are both correct.

Answer: E 21. Al Qaeda objects or has objected to American A. support of Israel.

B. military bases in Saudi Arabia.

C. foreign policy in the Middle East.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: D 22. ―Theocracy‖ means rule by A. Theo.

B. religious leaders.

C. a king.

D. a group of philosophers.

E. military officers.

Answer: B 23. The ―fourth wave of threat‖ to Islamic culture perceived by radical Islamists is the set of ideas that falls under the general heading of A. modernity—liberalism, secularism, materialism, religious toleration, and sexual equality.

B. globalization—the extension of free trade in goods and services througho ut the world.

C. homogenization—the attempt to eliminate diversity and make everyone think alike.

D. orthopraxis—the belief that religion is simply the opium of the masses.

E. nationalism—the desire to form separate states for every distinct group of people.

Answer: A 24. The Arabic word jahiliyya originally referred to A. the darkness or ignorance that preceded Islam.

B. holy war.

C. the struggle against non-Muslim infidels.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above.

Answer: A 25. According to radical Islamists the ―new jahiliyya‖ refers to A. a holy war against Israel, its American allies, and the West in general.

B. the self-imposed ignorance that derives from some Muslims‘ acceptance of Western and non -Muslim beliefs, attitudes, and values.

C. new terrorist tactics and weapons, such as using airplanes as guided missiles.

D. all of the above.

E. none of the above Answer: B 26. Radical Islam‘s leading theorist is/was A. Osama bin Laden.

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B. Gamel Abdul Nasser.

C. Sayyid Qutb.

D. Anwar Sadat.

E. None of the above.

Answer: C

27. ISIS originated as a reaction to A. The Arab Spring of 2011 B. The American invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003 C. The Syrian civil war D. All of the above E. None of the above Answer: B

28. ISIS claims to have established in parts of Iraq and Syria A. B. C. D. E.

An Islamofascist dictatorship A Shi‘ite theocracy A caliphate A no-fly zone None of the above

Answer: C 29. Radical Islamism‘s leading theorist is/was A. Osama bin Laden.

B. Gamel Abdul Nasser.

C. Sayyid Qutb.

D. Anwar Sadat.

E. None of the above.

Answer: C

30. Radical Islamism tells its adherents A. the Muslim world is under threat from Western enemies.

B. never to harm or kill other Muslims.

C. to protect all women.

D. To uphold liberalism and secularism.

E. None of the above.

Answer: A

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

Saddam Hussein was a radical Islamist.

F

2.

Moderate or mainstream Muslims believe that the ―greater jihad‖ is the individual‘s struggle against sin and temptation.

T

3.

Radical Islamism is in some respects a reactionary ideology.

T

4.

Muslims draw a sharp distinction between religion and politics.

F

5.

Radical Islamism is strongly opposed to liberalism.

T

6.

Radical Islamists favor Western-style political reform.

F

7.

Radical Islamists were highly critical of Saddam Hussein‘s regime.

T

8.

Radical Islamists favor the destruction of Israel.

T

9.

Jihad means ―terror‖ or ―holy terror.‖ F

10. In the Crusades of the Middle Ages, European Christians waged a ―holy war‖ against Muslims.

T 11. Radical Islamists refer to Americans as ―crusaders.‖ T 12. Sunni Muslims believe that the caliph, or leader of the Islamic community, must be a member of the house of Ali (Mohammed‘s son-in-law).

F 13. Sayyid Qutb was a key advisor to Colonel Nasser‘s Egyptian government.

F 14. Moderate variants of Islam seek to return the world to a theologically ―purer‖ time.

F 15. Radical Islamists reject the notion of ―individual rights.‖ T 133

16. Sayyid Qutb supported liberal democracy because it rests upon the sovereignty of the people.

F 17. Radical Islamists represent a modern variant of fascism.

F 18. Women in some Islamic societies, such as Jordan, Pakistan, and Egypt are eligible to vote and hold office.

T 19. Like fascists, Radical Islamists believe that an all-wise and all-powerful leader must command unquestioning loyalty.

F 20. America and its allies have defeated ISIS once and for all.

F 21. Hamas claims that God gave Palestine to Muslims for all time.

T

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. radical Islamism Al Qaeda Sayyid Qutb jihad Taliban Crusades jahiliyya Sunni Muslims Shi‘ite Muslims ESSAYS 1.

What is the meaning of the Arabic word jihad? How do radical Islamists differ from moderate or mainstream Muslims in their interpretation of this word, and what implications does the Islamists‘ interpretation of jihad have for their political program?

2.

Is radical Islamism a democratic ideology? If it is, in what ways is it democratic? If it is not, what features of radical Islamism make it undemocratic or even antidemocratic?

3.

How – i.e., by means of what claims and/or arguments -- do radical Islamists attempt to justify the killing of presumably innocent Israelis and Americans , among others?

4.

The 2012 Boston Marathon terrorist attack brought to the fore the new and heretofore unprecedented phenomenon of ―self-radicalization‖ by and among young Islamists. What does this mean, and how does it come about?

5.

What are the ―greater‖ and the ―lesser‖ kinds of jihad? Which one do radical Islamists emphasize, and why?

6.

Why does ISIS place so much emphasis on establishing a caliphate? And what is a caliphate, anyway?

7.

How, according to ISIS, will the world, as we know it, end?

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11. Postscript: The Future of Ideology MULTIPLE CHOICE 1.

Since World War II, anticolonial and separatist movements have been leading examples of A. theocracy.

B. fascism.

C. speciesism.

D. imperialism.

E. nationalism.

Answer: E 2.

According to Francis Fukuyama, the ―end of history‖ has arrived with the triumph of

A. liberal democracy.

B. social democracy.

C. people‘s democracy.

D. democratic centralism.

E. radical Islamism.

Answer: A 3.

One can argue that political ideologies are not about to end or disappear because A. no one can even imagine what life would be like without ideologies.

B. ideologies help people understand and deal with new problems and complicated conflicts.

C. people will cling to ideologies simply because they are familiar and comfortable.

D. all ideologies promote nationalism, which will continue to be important in the next century.

E. jihad is stronger than McWorld.

Answer: B 4.

The breakup of the Soviet Union into separate countries and the conflict in Yugoslavia are recent examples of the continuing A. revival of Islamic fundamentalism.

B. arrogance of humanism.

C. power of nationalism.

D. decadence of bourgeois materialism.

E. growth of imperialism.

Answer: C 5.

Which of the following is an example of the continuing power of religion in politics?

A. secular humanism B. Christian secularism C. Jewish libertarianism D. Islamic fundamentalism E. liberation agnosticism Answer: D 6.

Which of the major conceptions of democracy in the twentieth century seems to be disappearing?

A. liberal democracy B. social democracy C. people‘s democracy D. secular democracy E. republican democracy Answer: C 136

7.

Which of the following forces have Marxists been expecting to fade away into insignificance?

A. secularism B. nationalism C. religion D. industrialism E. both B and C Answer: E Advocates of globalization agree with Adam Smith‘s claim that free trade among countries A. leads to inequality and injustice.

B. promotes economic efficiency and prosperity.

C. spreads democracy around the world.

D. is a step on the path to socialism.

E. will lead to a renewal of mercantilism.

Answer: B 8.

9.

According to contemporary Marxists, globalization is A. the historical phase that will lead directly to ―the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.‖ B. another way of describing the victory of the international working class.

C. a form of imperialism—and thus of the capitalist exploitation of the working class throughout the world.

D. another form of democratic centralism.

E. a really good idea that they wish they had thought of first.

Answer: C 10. Some conservatives oppose globalization because they think A. it gives too much power to the United Nations.

B. laissez-faire economics is a communist plot.

C. globalization is a threat to national sovereignty and independence.

D. globalization is a threat to labor unions and the environmental movement.

E. globalization gives too much power to the ―little platoons‖ of societ y.

Answer: C 11. Which of the following is most likely to support or favor globalization?

A. environmentalists B. anarcho-communists C. neoclassical liberals D. animal liberationists E. traditional conservatives Answer: C 12. In addition to its cultural or general aspect, globalization is also a movement that A. tries to eliminate tariffs and other obstacles to free trade among countries.

B. promotes miscegenation as a way of increasing international cooperation.

C. aims to extend market socialism to nonindustrial as well as industrial countries.

D. encourages countries to enter into treaties that will protect the natural environment.

E. promotes fair trade agreements that will protect workers‘ rights and the natural environment.

Answer: A

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TRUE/ FALS E (T/F) 1.

All conservatives oppose gay or same-sex marriage.

F

2.

All conservatives oppose legalized abortion.

F

3.

All liberals favor legalized abortion.

F

4.

Globalization is a form or variant of conservatism.

F

5.

Environmentalists generally oppose NAFTA and other free-trade regimes.

T

6.

Environmentalists and labor unions favor ―fair trade‖ rather than ―free trade.‖ T

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MATCHING: Fill in the blanks with the letter corresponding to the names or terms listed below. Some names or terms may be used more than once and others not at all.

A. B. C. D. E.

ethnic cleansing nationalism Daniel Bell the end of history globalization

F. G. H. I. J.

World Trade Organization the opium of the people Theodore Olson secularism United Nations

1.

Scholar who has argued that a consensus has emerged th at marks ―the end of ideology‖: C

2.

Term for the systematic murder or removal of people of one nationality by people of another: A

3.

Some say that the triumph of liberal democracy over fascism and socialism in the twentieth century is: D

4.

The tendency to turn away from religion and to emphasize the value of life on earth is: I

5.

Karl Marx declared that religion is: G

6.

Reducing barriers to free trade among nations is a major part of: E

7.

Opponents of globalization complain that this agency favors corporations over workers and the environment: F

8.

Conservative who believes that conservatives should support same-sex marriage: H

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SHORT ANSWERS: Identify and explain the significance of the following names or terms. ethnic cleansing separatist movements anticolonial movements the end of history people‘s democracy globalization World Trade Organization ESSAYS 1.

Robert Heilbroner has argued that environmental crises may lead to a revival of fascism. What reasons does he have for saying this? That is, in what ways could environmental problems lead to a crisis of democracy? Do you think that democracies are more or less likely to deal effectively with environmental problems than highly authoritarian or fascist governments?

2.

Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, and Kirkpatrick maintain that political ideologies are not about to come to an end. What are the arguments for and against their position? Which point of view do you find more persuasive and why?

3.

What is globalization? Why are some people in favor of it and some people opposed to it? Which side do you think has the stronger arguments and why?

4.

How is it that some conservatives can support gay or same-sex marriage, even though most conservatives insist that marriage must be between a man and a woman?

5. How is it that some conservatives, vigorously oppose NAFTA and other examples of globalization while other conservatives are very much in favor of such policies?

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