An Phoblacht July 2014

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INSIDE THE DUP

After the elections

MARY LOU McDONALD

POLITICS IS NOT A SPECTATOR SPORT

EOIN Ó BROIN

EOIN Ó MURCHÚ

RISING TO THE DOES LABOUR CHALLENGE HAVE A FUTURE?

Peter, the Pastor and the Orange Order

anphoblacht

Sraith Nua Iml 37 Uimhir 7

July / Iúil 2014

We must deliver

NATIONAL

HUNGER STRIKE

COMMEMORATION

PRICE €2/£2

“

GERRY ADAMS

Sinn Féin needs to be ready for government on our terms, agree our policy priorities and political platform, and our commitments need to be deliverable.

We are ambitious for change and believe we can deliver on jobs, housing and health.

DERRYLIN FERMANAGH 2:30pm Sunday 3rd August

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IN PICTURES

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WHAT’S INSIDE 5 Go hIfreann nó go Connacht!

6&7 Crossroads in History: Annual Hunger Strike Commemoration 8 Does the Labour Party have a future?

9 Wolfe Tone Commemoration at Bodenstown in pictures 10 & 11 Inside the DUP: Peter, the Pastor and the Orange Order 12 Tuam babies: Probe launched into mother and baby homes 13 Sinn Féin want to be in government – but not at any price, says Eoin Ó Broin 15 Westminster biggest obstacle to addressing North’s economic problems 16 & 17 Comedian PJ Gallagher talks to us ahead of his Sinn Féin Summer School gig 18 & 19 Turf wars – Cutters tell EU and Government to sod off 20 & 21 Remembering the Past: 100th anniversary of Howth and Kilcoole gun-running 22 ‘Blame Game’ politics are stopping progress in North, says Declan Kearney 23 Choosing our words carefully – Mitchel McLaughlin 26 & 27 Cheese, please – Cheese makers, artisan foods and food markets 28 Sinn Féin election success sparks interest in in Britain

5 The South Derry Martyrs Republican Flute Band is presented with the Volunteer Fergal Caraher Memorial Trophy for the best band at Bodenstown – see Page 9

5 Sinn Féin’s Councillor Charlene O'Hara and Paul Maskey MP at the unveiling of the new anti-racism mural in west Belfast – see Page 25

5 Members of the Irish Farmers' Association protest at the Department of Agriculture over Agriculture Minister Simon Coveney’s lack of action on problems, including the Quality Payment system; removing the roadblocks impeding live trade to the Six Counties and tackling meat factories on the beef crisis

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We must ferociously challenge the status quo and build progressive alliances

MARY LOU McDONALD

TD

The first in a series of opinion pieces by progressive figures on ‘WHAT NOW?’ AFTER THE SENSATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS

Politics is not a spectator sport THE local and EU elections represented a very significant political shift in Ireland, North and South. The very fact that Sinn Féin managed to secure almost 500,000 votes is a signpost of the progress we made. It also presents us with very significant challenges.

In councils the length and breadth of Ireland, Sinn Féin is in a position to represent our constituents and our communities, but we also have an opportunity to reshape the political dynamic in those institutions.

I was at the first meeting of Dublin City Council where our comrade Larry O’Toole was appointed Deputy Mayor. It’s very clear there is now a workingclass majority in that council – it’s a completely different council. We need to be very proactive and positive in terms of how we use that transformed political landscape.

One of the things we are keen to advance is the mutual recognition of democratic mandates and not have a situation where the largest group or party hogs all the positions for themselves but to do things in a way that is truly democratic. That wasn’t received as it might have been, particularly by Fine Gael and

5 Deputy Mayor Larry O’Toole with some of the new Sinn Féin Dublin City Council team

There is an appetite for doing politics differently Fianna Fáil, who chose to relapse into the politics of exclusion, which doesn’t work. There is an appetite for doing politics differently.

In the North, there has been a process of political transformation underpinned by agreements that has not happened in the South. The economy collapsed, people’s lives were thrown into disarray but politics didn’t really change. Now we find ourselves in a very challenging but exciting moment where we can be a central driver in delivering that change.

At an EU level we have a truly all-Ireland team of four MEPs. We have an opportunity and political responsibility to shape the political momentum.

For me, this period in politics is about two things.

The first is that we must continue to challenge the status quo – ferociously, fearlessley and fairly.

The other is about building progressive alliances.

We can’t imagine that those with whom we wish to build an alliance are going to share every single position of Sinn Féin (if they did, they’d be in Sinn Féin). But rather than magnifying differences we should work on areas where we share common ground.

People who voted for Sinn Féin at any level expect us to challenge and to build. This is not about institutions. It’s still about activism on the ground and on the street. It’s important we do not turn this into some kind of spectator sport where we sit back and just watch the Dáil, Assembly or local councils. Activism remains the key and bringing as many people as we possibly can onto shared ground.

Let me just say plainly to the critics: It’s not good

5 Mary Lou McDonald and Gerry Adams with Sinn Féin’s MEP team of Matt Carthy (Midlands North West), Martina Anderson (Six Counties) Liadh Ní Riada (South), and Lynn Boylan (Dublin)

5Lynn Boylan MEP and Mayor of South Dublin Fintan Warfield enough now, given everything we’ve been through, to tolerate another five years of politics-as-usual.

Whatever criticism some parties or groups might have with alliances with others at council level, it doesn’t answer the essential need to recast things when we now have sufficent numbers to do so.

As republicans we should not be distracted by negativity for the sake of negativity. One of the lessons from political life, and something republicans know well, is that you should never exclude yourself. You don’t voluntarily sit on the bench and complain.

We have now been given a chance. We will be watched carefuly to see how we use that opportunity.

I don’t think there is an expectation from anybody that Sinn Féin can resolve all these issues and problems at the stroke of a pen or the wave of a magic wand. But people do expect to see a step-change in how politics is done and a change in priorities. They expect the top priority to be the welfare and rights of low-income and middle-income earners who have really taken the brunt of the austerity agenda. We will move heaven and earth to deliver on those commitments we made because we know that others have disappointed in that regard.

It’s a very exciting time for Sinn Féin and I could not let this opportunity go without saying it’s extremely positive that we got so many younger candidates and so many women elected. Our comrade Edmond Lukusa is the first elected black politician in Dublin.

You can see the diversity in our representation and membership from all sections of Irish society but the real heroes of these elections have been the teams of activists who worked so hard, day and night on the ground, to get us to where we are today. By God did they deliver, so now it’s up to us as elected representatives to do the same.

JOIN SINN FÉIN 5 Edmond Lukusa, Paul Donnelly and Natalie Treacy all took seats on Fingal County Council

www.sinnfein.ie

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anphoblacht Eagarfhocal

anphoblacht Editorial

The tide of change THE sensational election results of May are still sending tremors through the Establishment political parties and the mainstream media, hence the increasingly hysterical attacks on Sinn Féin.

Elections are but a mechanism for achieving power. It’s what we do with that power that will count for citizens. We need to deliver.

We need to be radical and innovative in delivering for communities against the backdrop of the current economic crisis.

For Sinn Féin, electoral politics are about transforming society on this island, North and South.

They are about putting the interests of citizens, as opposed to elites, at the top of the political agenda.

Sinn Fein stands for equality, for fairness, for economic justice – for the right of citizens to a home, to an education, to a job, to healthcare, to the pursuit of happiness.

We are for freedom, equality and solidarity. We are against austerity.

Sinn Féin is for a united Ireland and we have the strategy to bring it about.

We are for the unity of Orange and Green, for civil and religious rights with tolerance and respect for all citizens.

And we are for the promotion of the Irish language as the common heritage of all on this island.

We are for an independent Ireland in a Europe that respects the rights of nation states and is based on principles of social solidarity.

Tá polasaithe Sinn Féin bunaithe ar na bunluachanna poblachtach seo.

How we achieve a government in the South without Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil dictating the agenda is the challenge facing not just Sinn Féin but everyone opposed to the politics of austerity, of all parties and none.

It is time for a realignment of politics.

The dramatic European and local election results have opened up the political landscape in Ireland – but where do we go from here?

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In his 2014 Ard Fheis Presidential Address in Wexford, Gerry Adams TD said: “If we are serious about changing this country, the Left needs to come together around viable alternative policies and take on the conservative establishment who brought the economy to its knees and created the toxic culture that we are trying to break free from.

“The conservatives, the right-wingers, consistently unite around their issues.

“Those of us who have a different vision – a progressive, rights-based vision – must do the same.”

An Phoblacht in this issue has started a series of articles from prominent activists inside and outside Sinn Féin. They will explore the potential that could be realised by the local and European elections and the challenges we continue to face in the belief that we can win more people to the broader cause of real change in society, North and South.

The tide of politics in Ireland has changed and progressive forces in Ireland must seize this historic opportunity before it passes.

AN PHOBLACHT is published monthly by Sinn Féin. The views in An Phoblacht are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sinn Féin. We welcome articles, opinions and photographs from new contributors but please contact the Editor first.

AN PHOBLACHT Kevin Barry House 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland Telephone: (+353 1) 872 6 100 Email: editor@anphoblacht.com

Sinn Féin gets back to work THE DUST had barely settled on the ballot boxes being put back into storage after the elections than Sinn Féin activists met for an all-Ireland strategy conference at a west Dublin venue on Saturday 21 June.

Under the banner of ‘Challenges and Opportunities, 2014-2016’, the west Dublin event was the starting point for a summer of stocktaking and strategic renewal to re-energise the party after gruelling election campaigns that had seen Sinn Féin win almost half a million votes with the election of four MEPs and more than 260 councillors to join the existing team of TDs, senators, MPs and MLAs. The day-long event was addressed by national leadership figures including Gerry Adams, Mary Lou McDonald and Martin McGuinness.

Immediate priorities outlined were: Negotiations and dealing with difficulties in the political process and peace process; By-elections and Westminster elections; Preparations for a Dáil general

All-Ireland strategy conference: ‘Challenges and Opportunities, 2014-2016’

election and Assembly elections; Preparations for the centenary of 1916 with a strong focus on Irish unity; Engaging with unionism, in all its forms, on issues of common ground.

Gerry Adams said: “Sinn Féin needs to be ready for government in this state on our terms, agree our policy priorities and political platform and our commitments need to be deliverable.

“We are ambitious for change and believe we can deliver on jobs, housing and health.

“But we will not do what the Labour Party has done – we will not enter government merely to give cover to the agenda of conservative parties. That’s the old, failed political system.

“Citizens want fundamental change. Sinn Féin seeks to offer a viable, do-able, political alternative.

“It is time for a realignment of politics. Let those on the Irish Left who really believe that a government without Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil is possible begin working together towards that end.”

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IN PICTURES

Le Trevor

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Ó Clochartaigh

Dul chun cinn maith déanta ag Sinn Féin ach obair le déanamh fós taobh thiar den Sionainn

Go hIfreann nó go Connacht!

5 Meath Sinn Féin activists Councillor Darren O'Rourke, Bríd Ní Chathain and Councillor Maria O'Kane take part in a vigil for those who died in mother and baby homes

THUIG CROMAILL féin go raibh an dream a bhí taobh thiar d’abhann na Sionna difriúil. Is léir ó thorthaí na dtoghcháin áitiúla go bhfuil difríocht suntasach sna pátrúin vótála i gConnacht seachas an chuid eile den tír agus cé go bhfuil dul chun cinn maith déanta ar fud na tíre, is léir go bhfuil neartú le déanamh fós i gcontaetha an Iarthar ag Sinn Féin agus go gcaithfidh muid díriú ar na hábhair is mó atá ag dó na geirbe do na pobail sin sna blianta atá romhainn leis an dul chun cinn atá déanta againn a chuimsiú.

Tá cuid mhaith anailíse déanta ag an Dr. Adrian Kavanagh ó Ollscoil na hÉireann Magh Nuad, ar thorthaí na dtoghcháin Eorpacha agus áitiúla ar a shuíomh idirlíon Irish Elections, a léiríonn go neamhbhalbh an dul chun cinn atá déanta ag Sinn Féin le blianta beaga anuas. Tá fíricí nach feidir a shéanadh ann – an ardú faoi thrí a tháinig ar líon na suíocháin sna comhairlí áitiúla, mar shampla. D’ardaigh líon iomlán na vótai don pháirtí ó 138,405 i 2009 go dtí 259,309 i mbliana freisin.

Is ionann sin agus 15.3% den vóta iomlán i gcomparáid le 7.4% i 2009.

Ach, ta sé soiléir freisin óna chuid anailíse go bhfuil an fás is mó in oirthear na tire againn agus go bhfuil dul

5 Trá Lí: Pad Daly, Liadh Ní Riada, Martin Ferris agus Toiréasa Ferris san Iarthar más fúinn an dul chun cinn a dhéanamh atá i ndán dúinn. Caithfidh muid aird faoi leith a tharraingt ar an obair iontach atá ar siúl againn ar fud na 32 contae maidir le cur chun cinn na tuaithe. Caithfidh ár gcomhairleoirí agus ionadaithe tofa eile obair a dhéanamh leis na h-eagrais pobail, deonacha, talmhaíochta, iascaireachta agus eile, chun tacú leis na riachtanais atá acu agus chun tacaíocht dá réir a fháil do pholasaithe s’againne sna réimsí seo.

Caithfidh muid déanamh cinnte go mbeidh muid feiceáileach sna pobail seo agus glórmhar ar na ceisteanna tuaithe. Is buntáiste an-mhór dúinn cheithre fheisire Eorpach a bheith againn agus is cinnte gur gá do Mhatt Carthy agus Liadh Ní Riada ach go h-áirithe díriú ar cheisteanna tuaithe sa gclár oibre atá acu féin.

Ní mhór dúinn léiriú don phobal gur fiúntaí i bhfad dóibh vóta a chaitheamh do Shinn Féin ná d’iarrthóir neamhspleácha. Is cosúil go n-úsáideann cuid mhaith de na h-iarrthóirí seo an ‘branda’ áirithe seo le vótaí a charnadh trasna an speictream pholaitiúil agus caithfidh muidne a bheith gníomhach ag léiriú céard dó a sheasann siad i ndáíríre agus céard dó a mbíonn siad ag vótáil ar na comhairlí áitiúla.

An láidreacht mór eile atá againne thar na neamhspleáigh gan dabht, ná go bhfuil fíor cur chuige comhtháite againne. Oibríonn muid mar fhoireann 32 chontae chun sin a bhaint amach ag an leibhéal áitiúil, go náisiúnta agus san Eoraip. Níl neamhspleáigh chun aon athrú a chur ar treo geilleagrach na tíre mar shampla, agus is iad Sinn Féin an t-aon dream a bhainfidh sin amach ach an deis a fháil.

Neart ábhar ceiliúradh agus machnamh i dtorthaí na dtoghcháin againn mar sin. Tá buíon neartaithe d’ionadaithe chumasacha, poblachtacha anois againn le tógáil ar an obair iontach atá déanta roimhe seo. Ach, ní anois an t-am le luí siar ar na maidí. Caithfidh muid aghaidh a thabhairt thar Sionainn siar chun freastal ar an gcosmhuintir sin mar is cóir, lena muinin i Sinn Féin a láidriú agus as sin deis a fháil na polasaithe a thiocfaidh chun tairbhe dóibh a chuir i gcrích

Caithfidh muid déanamh cinnte go mbeidh muid feiceáileach sna pobail seo agus glórmhar ar na ceisteanna tuaithe

chun cinn mhaith déanta thiar agus ó dheas, ach ní ag an ráta céanna fáis. Ní nach ionadh is imeasc an lucht oibre is mó a rinneadh dul chun cinn san ardchathair ach léiríonn na staitisticí freisin go bhfuil cuid mhaith den dream a dtugann seisean daoine ‘meánaicmeacha’ orthu ag teacht inár dtreo anois freisin.

De réir réigiúin, léiríonn Kavanagh gur tháinig méadú 10% ar vóta Shinn Féin i mBaile Átha Cliath, ach ní raibh an t-ardú chomh dramatúil sna réigiuin eile – Laighean (8.9%), Mumhan (7.8%) agus Connacht-Uladh (4.5%).

Tá scagadh déanta freisin aige ar vóta na neamhspleáigh sna toghcháin céanna. Tá sé soiléir uaidh sin go bhfuil siadsan ag déanamh go maith i gcontaetha an Iarthar ach go h-áirithe.

Cén teachtaireacht atá ansin dúinne mar sin? Bhuel, tá fhios againn gur iomaí cineál iarrthóir neamhspleách atá ann - ó chomh fada ar dheis leis na hIar- PDanna atá faoi cheannas Noel Grealish i gcathair agus contae na Gaillimhe, chomh fada ar chlé le h-iarrthóirí ‘aon chúis’ a bhí ag feachtasaíocht air árdán faoi leith agus idir eatarthu sin tá meascán mearaí d’iarrthóirí agus cuid mhaith acu ag taobhú le Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, nó an Lucht Oibre, ach iad in éide bréige.

Tá gá againne mar sin fócas difriúil a bheith againn

5 Martin McGuinness said he was delighted to meet Paralympian Sochi Gold Medal winner Kelly Gallagher at Stormont

5 Muralists Danny Devenny and Marty Lyons at their new anti-racist mural on Belfast’s International Wall on the Falls Road

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ANNUAL HUNGER STRIKE COMMEMORATION DERRYLIN MAIN STREET – 2:30PM SUNDAY 3 AUGUST

BY DALE MOORE

CROSSROADS IN HISTORY

“SANDS, BOBBY . . . Anti H-Block Armagh Political Prisoner . . . Thirty thousand, four hundred and ninety-two,” said the returning officer as he announced the result of the Fermanagh & South Tyrone by-election held on 9 April 1981.

A single cheer interrupted him after he said “thirty thousand” and before he could add the “four hundred and ninety-two”, more in a sense of relief as opposed to a victory cry as many hoped that, by getting Bobby Sands elected, Margaret Thatcher’s British Government would come to the negotiating table and would not allow a MP to die on hunger strike.

Our hopes and prayers were to be dashed.

On 5 May 1981, Volunteer Bobby Sands MP became the first of ten H-Block martyrs who would die on hunger strike.

For those republicans who witnessed those events, it is a day that they will never forget as Bobby Sands had been elected against all the odds. This was the first foray into electoral politics by the Republican Movement in the modern era but one that had been forced upon it by the continuing Hunger Strike campaign in the H-Blocks and Armagh Jail for the restoration of political status.

Organising an electoral campaign was new to republicans in 1981 and not only were people inexperienced in canvassing, working electoral registers, applying for postal votes and proxies and all the other administration surrounding elections but there was also the campaign of relentless harassment from the

British Army, the Ulster Defence Regiment and RUC to contend with.

But republicans in the heartlands of Fermanagh & South Tyrone were not to be deterred.

Supported by comrades from the length and breadth of Ireland, they took to the streets of every town and village and walked every country lane in the constituency, determined to get Bobby elected as MP. This year, the annual Hunger Strike Commemoration is to be held in Fermanagh as we commemorate the 33rd anniversary of the deaths of these ten brave young men and the other Irish Hunger Strikers who gave their lives to deny the British Government’s age-old

attempts to criminalise the struggle for Irish freedom.

On 3 August, thousands will rally in Derrylin to commemorate the patriot dead who took such courageous decisions to defend the honour of the Irish struggle by going on hunger strike to the death.

For many people, the campaign to get Bobby Sands elected was probably the first time they took part in an election campaign but for the people of Fermanagh & South Tyrone it was not the first (nor would it be the last) time that the battle between unionism and republicanism has come down to a faceoff.

The contest between Irish republican Bobby

The contest between Bobby Sands and Ulster Unionist Harry West may be the most renowned but it was not the only one

5 In 1955, Sinn Féin took the seat for the first time when political prisoner Philip Clarke defeated Ulster Unionist Party candidate Lord Grosvenor by 261 votes

Sands and Ulster Unionist Harry West which saw Bobby Sands triumph by over 1,400 votes may well be the most renowned but it was not the only one.

Since the inception of the constituency in 1950, there has been head-to-head battles six times between nationalist/republican and unionist candidates. Nationalist/republican candidates won on five occasions although the courts installed a unionist candidate as MP in 1955 even though he had lost the election!

In 1950, Cahir Healy, a former member of Sinn Féin and a political prisoner, was elected to the seat in a close contest against the Ulster Unionist Party and he was re-elected in 1951 with an increased majority in an election that scored a record 93.4% turn-out.

In 1955, Sinn Féin took the seat for the first time when political prisoner Philip Clarke defeated Ulster Unionist Party candidate Lord Grosvenor by just 261 votes.

Captured during a daring IRA raid on Omagh Barracks, Philip was serving ten years in jail at the time of his election and at 22 years of age he was (at the time) the youngest MP ever elected.

Given the fact that Philip Clarke was imprisoned, Lord Grosvenor took a case to the High Court in Belfast and lodged a petition to have Clarke’s election deemed unlawful. The High Court overturned the democratic result, disregarding the republican majority, and installed unionist Lord Grosvenor as the MP. Margaret Thatcher’s Westminster Government in 1981 would implement a similar policy by changing the law to stop other political prisoners from standing for the British Parliament to prevent a repeat of the embarrassment caused to them by the election of Bobby Sands.

The election of 1959 was to be a disaster for the Republican Movement and one from which the nationalist community would not recover from until 1970.

On the back of the ongoing IRA Border campaign, Operation Harvest, the Sinn Féin candidate, James Martin, saw the vote decrease by 38% and the re-election of the unionist candidate Lord Grosvenor.

While this would be the only time that a unionist would outpoll a republican candidate in a two-way contest, they continued to hold the seat until ‘Unity’ candidate Frank McManus took the seat back for nationalism in 1970.

In February 1974, the newly-formed SDLP

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5 The Gildernew family epitomised the Civil Rights struggle with their stand in Caledon for the right to a home

5In 1974, Frank Maguire was elected as a stand-alone ‘Independent Republican’ candidate

5 Síle Darragh and Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin with Owen Carron MP, who retained the seat won by Bobby Sands

stood a candidate, splitting the nationalist vote and allowing unionism to take the seat back for eight months before Frank Maguire would be elected in November of that year as a stand-alone ‘Independent Republican’ candidate.

The vacant seat caused by the sudden and unexpected death of Frank Maguire on 5 March 1981 presented the Republican Movement with an opportunity but also a quandary. By standing Bobby Sands as a candidate, winning the seat would thrust the plight of the Hunger Strikers and the campaign for political status onto a global stage; however, there was also the risk of defeat, which would allow the British Government to imply that the prisoners had no support and effectively end their campaign.

The decision was taken to participate.

Bobby Sands was elected and sent shockwaves through the British establishment. The world could see that there was huge support for the prisoners and the British myth of a criminal conspiracy rather than a political struggle for Irish freedom was exposed and defeated.

In the August 1981 by-election caused by Bobby’s death, Owen Carron, Bobby’s election agent, was selected to defend the seat and he won by over 2,200 votes against Ulster Unionist Party’s Ken Maginnis, a former major in the Ulster Defence Regiment.

The Republican Movement at the time was quick to understand that a whole new arena of struggle had been opened up and that the possibilities were endless in moving towards the goal of reunification.

Sinn Féin would be totally reorganised from the bottom up over the next few years to

Gildernew, as its candidate. The Gildernew family epitomised Civil Rights struggle when they took a stand for the right to have a home in Caledon in 1968.

In June 2001, Sinn Féin took back the seat with Michelle winning the seat by 53 votes because although the SDLP split the nationalist vote, the unionist vote was also split.

Michelle retained the seat in 2005 and was selected to stand again in 2010.

The SDLP had split the nationalist vote again even though they had no chance of taking the seat and Michelle won by just four votes after several tense recounts against an agreed unionist ‘Unity’ candidate.

make it fit for purpose and to take on the much-needed political role that would serve the needs of our communities and get activists elected as public representatives, people whose voices could articulate the aims and desires of republicans.

In 1983, however, the SDLP rode to the rescue of unionism once again by splitting the nationalist vote, allowing former UDR Major Ken Maginnis to take and hold the seat until 2001.

Following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement on 10 April 1998, Sinn Féin selected a young woman, Michelle

Michelle Gildernew won in 2010 by just four votes, proving that ‘every vote counts’

This election proved beyond doubt that every vote counts.

Unionism attempted to have the count overturned by going to court as they had done in 1955 but they failed and Sinn Féin continues to hold the seat.

Sinn Féin victories in both the European and local government elections in May 2014 makes Sinn Féin the biggest party on the island of Ireland for the first time since 1918 with representatives covering every inch of the country from Derry to Kerry and Galway to Dublin.

Next May, republicans face another election to Westminster.

The Sinn Féin party has now one of the most efficient and experienced electoral machines in Ireland, an achievement that can be traced back to five weeks of campaigning in Fermanagh & South Tyrone in 1981 and the prison protests and Hunger Strikes of 1980 and 1981.

On Sunday 3 August the people of Fermanagh & South Tyrone will again turn out and stand strong to give due respect and honour to the Hunger Strikers. And, just like 1981 when, against all the odds, including the British and Irish Establishments and the intimidation by the British war machine, they elected Volunteer Bobby Sands as ‘The People’s MP’.

It is important that as we continue building political strength we remember our comrades who had the foresight and bravery to pioneer electoral politics, so let’s turn up in Derrylin on 3 August and celebrate the lives of the Hunger Strikers who gave everything so we can be where we are at today and one day we can be free.

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Does the

Labour

Party

have a future?

BY EOIN Ó MURCHÚ DESPITE the massive electoral drubbing experienced by the Labour Party in May’s local and European elections, it would appear from the leadership election contests that no lessons whatsoever have been learned.

Each and every contender has refused to recognise that Labour had been wrong to reject the alternatives to the austerity agenda.

And ambiguous suggestions that Labour will be more assertive henceforth are all couched in the policy of Labour remaining an adjunct to right-wing parties and policies.

Given Labour’s seeming inability to change and the electorate’s deep anger at Labour, the question must be put whether Labour has a future at all, and what the implications for Irish politics are of Labour’s potential disappearance.

In last month’s An Phoblacht I argued that it was time for the trade union movement to reconsider fundamentally its relationship with

Every Labour leadership contender has refused to recognise Labour was wrong to reject alternatives to the austerity agenda a party that consistently betrays the interests of working people. The leadership campaigns have confirmed that Labour has no arguments but pure abuse to put up against alternative visions for working-class politics.

Thus Labour contenders turned down the opportunity to debate Sinn Féin’s economic alternative, contenting themselves with cries of ‘economic fantasyland’ and so on, forgetting that Labour itself had very similar policies when it was in opposition eight years ago.

It was progressive then, when Labour was trying to win votes, but fantasy now when voters want Labour to live up to their promises.

Equally, Labour is unable to confront the reality of Sinn Féin’s electoral appeal today, going back time and again to tired old arguments about the armed struggle, even though these dishonest arguments manifestly failed to stem Sinn Féin’s electoral rise or justify Labour’s betrayal.

With opinion polls showing that Labour is falling even further behind as it ignores the lessons of the election, it is hard to see how (or for what purpose) Labour can be revived.

Yet labour (with a small ‘l’ in a general rather

5The leadership contest between Alex White and Joan Burton confirms Labour has no arguments but pure abuse to put up against alternative visions for working-class politics than a specific sense) is potentially an important part of the Left alliance necessary to defeat the right-wing coalitions that have inflicted such misery upon us.

Genuine social democratic elements and people who currently can only see politics in terms of options within the system can nevertheless play a progressive role if they can break with Labour’s adherence to Eurofanaticism and to the right-wing agenda.

It’s not that I have a high opinion of social democracy. Throughout history and throughout Europe, social democratic parties, believ-

ing that the exploitive system can be reformed rather than overthrown, have repeatedly failed the working class.

In Spain today, for example, the Spanish social democrats argue that the people must forget the issues of class and uphold what, in a different context, David Cameron might call “British values”.

But the reality of Irish society is that we are not on the fringe of revolution. And those who set forth an ‘all or nothing’ agenda usually end up with nothing.

The Labour Party is probably too far gone

for it to have a future role but the elements that once looked to it can still play a progressive role if they decisively break with looking for coalitions with right-wing parties.

Politicised trade unions – which can only come about when the unions step back from affiliation and create their own political committees to advance their own politics – can be the backbone of a new social democracy, together with community associations and genuine committed individuals.

Sinn Féin will remain the most coherent force on the Left, as it is now, but a broad

It is hard to see how (or for what purpose) Labour can be revived

5Labour had progressive policies when trying to win votes, but they now dismiss similar policies as ‘fantasy’

alliance that combines a clear stance for national sovereignty with a determined championing of the interests of working people, with the active empowerment of communities (as Gerry Adams expressed it) and with a virulent fightback against austerity and the policy of ‘bankers take all’, that is the way that a majority can be created, electorally and politically, for real change, for a real alternative.

It is a sad fact that no elements seem to be coming forward in the Labour Party itself to espouse a united Left politics but the rest of us should move on without them.

Those who left Labour in disgust at its sellout to austerity should especially look to reorganise and play their part in the fight for freedom.

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BODENSTOWN 2014

PHOTOS BY MARK MOLONEY

5 Members of the Wolfe Tone Sinn Féin Cumann, Kildare, on the march at Bodenstown

5The contributions of Cumann na mBan and the United Irishmen were remembered

5Sonny Kavanagh performs 'Bodenstown Churchyard' at the grave of Wolfe Tone

5 Louth Sinn Féin – A proud history of republican struggle

5 Members of the Volunteer Noel McCann Sinn Féin Cumann, Ballinasloe, Galway

5Representation across Kildare: Councillor Réada Cronin, Councillor Sorcha O'Neill, Liadh Ní Riada MEP, Gerry Adams TD, Councillor Mark Lynch and Councillor Íde Cussin

5 A section of the crowd sings the national anthem in the churchyard

5 The O'Neill/Allsop Memorial Flute Band from Belfast won the Joe Cahill Memorial Trophy for best-presented band

5 Flags are lowered in respect at the grave of revolutionary leader Theobald Wolfe Tone

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Inside the DUP: Peter, the Pastor and the Orange Order

God is on our side

BY PEADAR WHELAN WITH JOHN HEDGES A SURVEY of the membership of Peter Robinson’s Democratic Unionist Party that forms the backbone of a new study

by Professor Jon Tonge, Máire Braniff, Thomas Hennessey, James W McAuley and Sophie A Whiting shows that: • Three out of four Democratic Unionist Party MPs are in the Orange Order; • Over a third of the DUP’s 38 MLAs are Free Presbyterians (the largest denomination in the DUP) and exactly half are Orangemen; • Of the estimated 1,100 DUP members, more than a third (34.6%) are members of the Orange Order; • Almost 40% of the 175 DUP councillors elected in 2011 were Free Presbyterians and more than half (54.2%) were members of the Orange Order; • Almost one in three DUP members (30.5%) are Free Presbyterians; • Not a single DUP member out of the 75% who responded to the survey is a Muslim or a member of any other nonChristian religion.

The Democratic Unionist Party: From Protest to Power has been hailed by the Belfast Telegraph as “masterly” and “the most definitive study of Northern Ireland’s most powerful political party ever undertaken”.

With the 2011 census recording 10,068 Free Presbyterians in the Six Counties, and with the DUP numbering around 1,100 people, Free Presbyterians are more than 50 times more common in the DUP than they are in the

North’s population. “Orangemen are 21 times more common in the party.”

Writing in the Belfast Telegraph himself, Tonge noted: “The influx of Orange Order brethren – more active than all other membership categories – places pressure on the leadership to deliver on Orange parade routes.

“Some 60% of DUP members want unfettered Orange marching rights – and it will surprise few that the data shows that the bulk of that 60% are in the Orange.

“Members want (Christian) faith to underpin their party. What other party membership in the UK, if asked the extent to which faith and church should influence, would give a score of 7/10?

“So the DUP will continue to ‘do God’ (Peter Robinson gave a 10/10 regarding faith), but God will not be a Free Presbyterian.”

Even if that is the case, the Free Presbyterian Church (the breakaway church founded by Ian Paisley Snr in 1951) and the Orange Order still dominate the thinking of the DUP, and it seems the Orange increasingly so.

‘SPAWNED IN HELL’ This work shines a light on the DUP at a crucial point in the party’s history.

Robinson’s handling (or rather his mishandling) of the fall-out from Pastor James McConnell anti-Muslim sermon on 18 May when the preacher depicted Islam as a faith “spawned in Hell” and wouldn’t trust Muslims exposed an incredible lack of political nous. It is also perhaps an indication of the influence of fundamentalist Christianity on Robinson, whose political career as Paisley’s long-time Number 2 was characterised by his seeming secularism (Robinson is one of just 1.1% of DUP members who belong to the Elim Pentecostal Church).

Robinson not only endorsed McConnell’s bigotry on the grounds of freedom of speech but he fuelled anger with his own comments that he wouldn’t “trust Muslims in matters of faith” but would be willing to “send them to the shop”.

Coming from the North’s First Minister, his remarks sent shockwaves not only throughout the North but across the globe as his views were picked up by the international media, especially, of course, in the Middle East.

It later emerged that Robinson and his wife Iris worshipped at McConnell’s Whitewell Metropolitan Tabernacle for years, that their daughter married there, and McConnell supported the Robinsons when it became public that Iris had had an affair with a 19-year-old family friend in 2008.

A reluctant DUP leader was forced by public and political pressure into an apology for any offence caused to Muslims by his defence of the controversial preacher. (Pastor McConnell later made a pseudo-apology,

5 Robinson replaced Ian Paisley in a palace coup

5 DUP’s William McCrea with LVF leader Billy Wright

5 Pastor James McConnell’s anti-Muslim diatribe caused outrage

5 A reluctant Robinson was forced into an apology

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5 Robinson’s mishandling of the fall-out from McConnell’s comments exposed an incredible lack of political nous

5 Orange Order leader Mervyn Gibson is not a DUP member but he was part of their delegation at the Haass talks

5 Exactly half of the DUP’s MLAs are Orangemen

regretting any offence he may have caused rather than apologising for what he said.)

Robinson’s difficulties are those of unionism in general. Unionists are struggling to come to terms with the speed of political change in Ireland.

Recent election results confirming the growing political and popular influence of Sinn Féin across the country have unsettled the unionist parties.

For the dominant DUP, however, the growing attraction to unionist voters of Jim Allister’s hardline Traditional Unionist Voice and the revival in the electoral performance of the Ulster Unionist Party in the local elections will have additionally dented their confidence.

Ian Paisley, dubbed “Dr No” for his refusal down the decades to reach political agreement with nationalists, eventually said ‘Yes’ in May 2007 and went into the North’s Executive as First Minister with Martin McGuinness as joint First Minister.

Paisley’s public friendliness towards McGuinness (leading to the media nicknaming them “The Chuckle Brothers” upset entrenched unionists. Within a year, Paisley was removed in a palace coup that saw Robinson take over as DUP leader and First Minister. Since then, Robinson has stumbled from one crisis to another.

The notion that the new leader, from the ‘more secular’ wing of the party and unencumbered by membership of the Free Presbyterian Church, would see the DUP become more ‘liberal’ has been undermined time and again.

The DUP’s Sammy Wilson, Gregory Campbell and Health Minister Edwin Poots were out of the blocks ahead of Robinson when it came to defending McConnell’s antiIslam diatribe.

Health Minister Poots’s decision-making has clearly been influenced by his Christian fun-

militant anti-abortion campaigner that one Scottish daily described as a “rent-a-cause” religious extremist.

If this cross-over of hardline, right-wing, Christian fundamentalist unionism coalesced quite easily with the DUP over the decision by Belfast councillors to restrict the flying of the Union flag created the conditions for the serious violence we saw on the streets, then we shouldn’t be surprised to see the DUP reaching out to unionist paramilitaries for support.

damentalist ideology rather than the health needs of the public. His continuing court process to legally prevent gay men donating blood is a case in point.

‘BIGOTED LIBERALS’ In his defence of Pastor McConnell’s outburst, Sammy Wilson (ironically, another DUP politician said to be on the secular wing of the party) castigated what he called “bigoted liberals who want to monopolise public debate” at the expense of Christians.

When Ruth Patterson, a DUP councillor from south Belfast, was charged in August 2013 with sending a grossly offensive message on Facebook, the DUP stood beside her.

The post described a fictitious attack on a real-life republican commemoration in the west Tyrone town of Castlederg due to take place on 11 August in which it was imagined that Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams, Gerry Kelly and West Tyrone MLA Barry McElduff were killed in the attack.

DUP Councillor Patterson, a former soldier in the British Army’s Ulster Defence Regiment, endorsed the comments, saying: “We would have done a great service to Northern Ireland and the world . . . by getting rid of these evil, devious scum.”

When the DUP councillor appeared at Belfast Magistrate’s Court later that month, Edwin Poots, Junior Minister Jonathan Bell, Sammy Wilson, former Mayor of Belfast Gavin Robinson, Christopher Stalford and other DUP councillors (including former UDA apologist Frank McCoubrey) supported her from the public gallery. Other Patterson supporters included leading Union flag protesters Willie Frazer and leading north Belfast loyalist Bill Hill. They were accompanied by Glasgowborn Jim Dowson, the anti-immigrant British National Party’s former top fund-raiser and a

REVEREND MERVYN GIBSON The ongoing farce of the self-styled ‘Civil Rights Camp’ at the Ardoyne interface sees a weekly parade and rally addressed by loyalists affiliated to the UVF and UDA, members of the Orange Order and senior members of the DUP – evidence of how all these strands of unionism come together.

A regular at these parades is Reverend Mervyn Gibson, the Grand Chaplain of the Orange Order.

An RUC Special Branch officer who left the force just days after the IRA’s 1994 cessation of operations, Gibson went on to train as a Presbyterian Church minister. Gibson is not even a member of the DUP so his inclusion in the DUP delegation at last year’s multi-party talks hosted by US diplomats Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan alongside DUP Executive ministers Jeffrey Donaldson and Jonathan Bell raised many eyebrows. Gibson’s inclusion, though, covered many bases for the DUP: one of the most senior men in the Orange Order, a right-wing Christian and a former RUC officer to boot.

A measure of the Free Presbyterian and Orange Order Chaplain’s Christianity was exposed when he addressed the weekly rally at the Twaddell Avenue ‘civil rights camp’ on 3 May. Commenting on a west Belfast mural call-

ing for the release of Gerry Adams, Reverend Gibson expressed his sadness that it was not a “memorial”.

Unionism cannot deal with the unfolding political vista that sees a united Ireland becoming a more realistic proposition.

It is worth reminding ourselves of a speech Robinson made at a DUP dinner in south Antrim on 3 December 2012, the night of the Belfast City Hall Union flag vote. He claimed that nationalism was in crisis and that more and more Catholics would vote unionist.

“Some in unionism wonder will our pursuit of Catholic votes lead to an abandonment of sections of unionism. The simple answer is ‘no’.

Unionism is not a religion,” he said.

In reality, DUP politics and fundamentalist religion are two sides of the one coin but the real significance of the Robinson speech is that his attempt to convince his audience that nationalism was in crisis was an attempt to disguise the crisis is in unionism.

That DUP members see politics as an extension of their religious beliefs is summed up by MLA Paul Girvan who told researchers for the book: “I believe politics came about through religion. If you use the Ten Commandments you can formulate almost every law that you need.”

The DUP largely sees the world through a narrow religious ideology that has them on the path of righteousness and republicans on the road to damnation.

So Martin McGuinness might be waiting a long while before Peter Robinson shakes his hand – unless the DUP leader starts to show some leadership.

• The Democratic Unionist Party: From Protest to Power was released in Belfast on June 17.

Researched by Professor Jon Tonge, Máire Braniff, Thomas Hennessey, James W McAuley and Sophie A Whiting, it is published by Oxford University Press.

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SINN FÉIN DÁIL MOTION CALLING FOR PROBE GETS RESPONSE FROM TAOISEACH

Government pledges inquiry into ‘hellish’ mother and baby homes

BY MARK MOLONEY AN TAOISEACH pledged a full Commission of Investigation into mother and baby homes across the state on the morning the Dáil was set to debate a Sinn Féin emergency motion calling for just such a probe after the horrific discovery of a mass grave at the former site of one such institution in Galway.

Historian Catherine Corless says her research shows that 796 babies who died in the Bon Secours Sisters ‘Mother and Baby Home’ in Tuam between 1925 and 1961 were buried in an unmarked grave on the grounds.

In the Dáil, Sinn Féin moved quickly to put forward a motion to immediately establish a statutory Commission of Investigation.

Moving the motion, Health and Children spokesperson Caoimhghín Ó Cáoláin TD cautioned against a particular narrative becoming prevalent in some mainstream media reporting of the revelations: “There have been attempts to place the blame on wider Irish society dating back some time and again in recent days because of the deeply conservative social attitudes that dominated in those decades.”

Noting that huge numbers of people across Ireland opposed such attitudes, the Cavan/Monaghan TD added: “This can too easily be twisted into a view that, since everyone was to blame, no one was to blame. In turn, this allows the powerful in Irish society to evade accountability and responsibility once again.

“The reality was that there were powerful social and economic forces, powerful men of church and state, who ruled this society and ensured women, children, the poor and the marginalised were kept in their place or what those same powerful men decided was their place.”

Sinn Féin Cork East TD Sandra McLellan spoke of conversations she had with two women who spent time in mother and baby homes.

The first woman was sent to a home in 1967 when she became pregnant aged 17.

“She told me that, even while she was heavily pregnant, she had to go down on her hands and knees to scrub floors. One day, when she was not feeling well, she sat back on her haunches only to be kicked in the stomach. Shortly after having her

‘There have been attempts to place the blame on wider Irish society. This can too easily be twisted into a view that, since everyone was to blame, no one was to blame’

mother and baby homes right up to the 1980s. Westbank in Greystones only closed in 2002,” Deputy Crowe pointed out.

While the Dáil passed an amended version of Sinn Féin’s motion, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin expressed concern over the amendment because it does not state in explicit terms that the Commission of Investigation will have the power to compel witnesses to give evidence and to compel the production of documents.

Describing the amended motion as “flawed”, Caoimhghín Ó Caóláin said he was concerned as it “does not deliver the certainty the victims of these institutions deserve”.

Explaining that Sinn Féin did not want to divide the Dáil by opposing the motion, Caoimhghín Ó Cáoláin said “instead, we will work on the basis of trust,” adding: “That said, let it be noted clearly and carefully that we and all who truly want truth and justice for the victims and survivors of these hellish institutions will be watching and waiting and holding the [Children’s] Minister and the Government to their commitment to act as they have stated here repeatedly.”

5 Cousins Amy Rose Hyland Holden and Abbie Conran take part in a protest demanding justice for those who suffered in mother and baby homes to coincide with a debate on the Sinn Féin Dáil motion

5 A candlelight vigil takes place outside Leinster House

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin TD baby, he was taken from her and adopted. She left the mother and baby home, was driven to the airport and was put on an aeroplane and told never to come back.

“After years of searching for her son, they have recently met and all is going well. She told me that she wants the state to acknowledge her abuse.”

The second woman was born in a mother and baby home in 1960.

“She was there for a number of months before being adopted into a good home. She was subjected to vaccine trials. She would like to know with what she was injected and why.”

Dublin South-West TD Seán Crowe described the story of the Tuam home as “appalling and horrific” and its scale as “mind-numbing” but noted that these events did not happen in the dark, distant past.

“Pregnant women were still being sent to the Magdalene laundries and

5 Protesters leave baby clothes and soft toys on the gates and railings of Leinster House during the debate

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EOIN Ó BROIN WAS ELECTED IN MAY’S ELECTIONS AS A COUNCILLOR FOR CLONDALKIN ON SOUTH DUBLIN COUNTY COUNCIL

5 It was a good election for Sinn Féin, North and South – but we have to convince people that Sinn Féin is different and that we mean what we say

ANOTHER

VIEW EOIN Ó BROIN

SINN FÉIN had a good election. We consolidated our position in the North and significantly increased our strength in the South.

We are now well-placed to make significant gains in the next Dáil election.

As we face into that electoral contest, two questions will loom large.

Voters and the media will want to know who we would enter government with and what economic policies will form the core of our campaign.

In the 2007 election we fudged the first question and back-pedalled on the second.

The electorate punished us for both mistakes.

In 2011, we set out a real alternative to the austerity consensus and pledged not to enter coalition with Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. The electorate rewarded us with an extra 10 seats.

Of course there was a lot more to these elections than just that – but a central part of the outcome of both contests was our answer to those two key questions.

The reason is simple. In Dáil elections most voters are thinking about who they want and who they don’t want in government. They make strategic calculations based on what they think is actually possible.

Until recently, a government led by any party other than Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael was unthinkable, no matter how much some of us may have wished for it.

This is changing. The combined support for the two centre-Right parties is falling. A growing number of people (as indicated in

RISING TO THE CHALLENGE the Left of centre vote in 2011 and 2014) want something different.

The electorate are realising that a better, fairer state in the South of Ireland requires an end to the dominance of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

Whether there will be enough of us to end that dominance by the next general election is not yet clear.

In large part that will be determined by how we fight the campaign and whether we can convince enough of those people yearning for real change that Sinn Féin is the party that can deliver.

We want to be in government – but not at any price

We need to come our early and set out our stall clearly.

Sinn Féin should loudly declare that we will not participate in a Fianna Fail or Fine Gaelled government after the next general election.

We want to be in government – but not at any price. We want to be in power to deliver deep and long-lasting social, economic and political change.

That cannot be achieved in a government where the majority voice is either of the centre-Right parties.

So we should tell the electorate that if they want real change they need a government led by Sinn Féin.

If the post-elections numbers don’t allow this, people need to know that we won’t go back on our word but will continue to build

popular support for a real alternative from the Opposition benches.

We also need to set out our key political commitments – the red line issues that must form the basis of Sinn Féin participation in any government.

We should produce a short pre-election manifesto outlining our key priorities on job creation, tax reform, public spending and political reform. It should be radical, credible and costed.

5 A better, fairer state in the South of Ireland needs an end to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael dominance

We should tell the electorate that if they want real change they need a government led by Sinn Féin

We should print a million copies in pocket book format and go door to door from October.

Our aim should be to convince as many people as possible of the merits of our Left republican alternative before the election is even called.

The next Dáil election has the potential to be a game changer. But that requires us to play a different type of game to 2007 and 2011.

If we are serious about the kind of Ireland we want to help create then we need to rise to the challenge.

People are hungry for change but they are distrustful of politicians. We have to convince them that Sinn Féin is different, that we mean what we say and will only take office if it means wielding real power to create a better and more equal Ireland.

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Sinn Féin takes top position on Six-County ‘super councils’

BY MICHAEL McMONAGLE SUCCESSES for Sinn Féin in May’s local government elections in the Six Counties have brought breakthroughs with councillors taking top positions on several authorities.

The 11 new ‘super councils’ created as part of the Review of Public Administration have met for the first time in preparation for when they take over from the existing councils next April.

At those meetings, chairpersons of the new councils were selected. Given Sinn Féin’s strong position with 105

Sinn Féin has overtaken the SDLP in Derry, previously the SDLP’s stronghold councillors across the North, the party now holds leadership in many of the new structures.

Sinn Féin now holds the top spots on the new councils in Belfast, Derry & Strabane, and Fermanagh & Omagh, joining comrades who have already been elected to positions of leadership in councils in the 26 Counties.

The new bodies will sit alongside the current local authorities as ‘shadow councils’ until next April with council leaders known as ‘Presiding Officers’ until then.

In Belfast City Council, Sinn Féin’s Deirdre Hargey was chosen to lead the new council at a meeting in City Hall. The 30-year-old councillor will head up the new, expanded 60-member council.

From the Markets area of Belfast, Councillor Hargey was first co-opted

5 Sinn Féin made a major breakthrough in Derry, overtaking the SDLP

5 Pól Ó Gribín, Banbridge Vice-Chair

5 Belfast City Council: Ciarán Beattie, Tom Hartley, Gerard O'Neill and new council leader Deirdre Hargey 5 Maoilssa McHugh – Derry & Strabane on to Belfast City Council in 2010 to replace Alex Maskey.

In her first act as Presiding Officer, Councillor Hargey demonstrated her leadership by pledging to represent all the people of the city equally.

She also said the immediate priorities for the new council would be to set a rate and decide on a name for the new authority.

Tyrone’s Maoilssa McHugh was named as Presiding Officer for the Derry & Strabane ‘super council’,

reflecting Sinn Féin’s strength as the largest party on the new body.

It is the first time Sinn Féin has overtaken the SDLP in a city that was previously the SDLP’s stronghold.

The Strabane Sinn Féin councillor had previously served as Chair of Strabane District Council and will now lead an area stretching from Castlederg to Culmore.

Speaking in Derry’s Guildhall following his election, the new Presiding Officer said he would work with all parties and Independents to promote the entire north-west region.

He also called for increased co-

operation with colleagues from Donegal to help grow the economy on an all-island basis.

One of the main breakthroughs came on the new Armagh, Banbridge & Craigavon Council with Sinn Féin councillors taking a number of key positions.

Darren McNally was chosen as Vice-Chair of the new council, which will replace the Newry & Armagh Council as well as bringing together the existing Banbridge and Craigavon local councils.

History was made in Craigavon when Catherine Seeley was elected as

Vice-Chair (or Deputy Mayor) of the council – the first time Sinn Féin has held the position what was once regarded as a unionist bastion.

“I think we have to focus on the positive message that was turned out for the first time for Craigavon Borough Council,” Catherine said.

In Banbridge, Pól Ó Gribín, from the Drumgooland area of south Down, was elected Vice-Chair of the council.

Reflecting on the appointments, Sinn Féin leader on the new ‘super council’, Brendan Curran, said: “Exclusion and elitism were for long a mainstay of how Mayor, Deputy Mayor and Chairperson positions were allocated in places like Craigavon and elsewhere. The election of Sinn Féin representatives to these positions alongside the DUP, SDLP and UUP is recognition that power-sharing can work in local government.”

In the republican heartland of Mid Ulster, Sinn Féin Councillor Cathal Mallaghan was elected Vice-Chair of Cookstown District Council. The Pomeroy councillor topped the poll in the recent elections.

On the new Fermanagh & Omagh ‘super council’, Sinn Féin took both the top positions, with Erne East Councillor Thomas O’Reilly named as Chair and Enniskillen Councillor Debbie Coyle as Deputy Chair.

5 Sinn Féin took both the top positions on the Fermanagh & Omagh ‘super 5 In Mid-Ulster, Sinn Féin Councillor Cathál Mallaghan was elected Vice-Chair 5 History was made in Craigavon when Sinn Féin’s Catherine Seeley was council’ with Erne East Councillor Thomas O’Reilly named as Chair and of Cookstown District Council elected Vice-Chair of the council Enniskillen Councillor Debbie Coyle as Deputy Chair

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MICHAEL BURKE

Michael Burke is an economist and economic consultant. He was formerly senior international economist with Citibank in London. He is currently an independent economic consultant to private and public sector bodies including trade unions and campaign organisations providing advice commentary and detailed research on international and domestic economic trends, financial markets, and government finances at national and devolved level. He is founder of the Socialist Economic Bulletin.

Socialist Economic Bulletin founder Westminster Government biggest obstacle to identifying and addressing source of long-term decline of Northern economy

NO NEWS IS BAD NEWS ON ECONOMIC DATA IN GENERAL, people love to convey good news and tend to hold back or even cover up anything bad. Perhaps that explains why the economic data for the economy in the North of Ireland is so poor and so sketchy. No one in London (or, specifically, Westminster) can be proud of their economic achievements in Ireland.

At various times, government departments, officials or the media claim that there is GDP data for the Northern economy. This is not true. The closest is the Gross Value Added (GVA) data shown below. But this can only show what is produced in the economy.

There are attempts to add measures of income (which would be a step forward) but there is no data on expenditure at all.

Data on the level of investment in the Northern economy is completely non-existent. No one can tell whether what is being produced is being consumed or invested and, if so, who is doing either. Everyone is operating in the dark.

The same applies to a string of key economic data.

It also applies to the data on government finances.

The political controversy on the ‘subvention’ from Westminster is exceptionally ill-informed. Official data shows spending in the North which does not take place there and fails to record tax revenues that are collected. As a result, the entire debate is a false one.

The chart below shows a measure of all the goods and services produced in an economy known as Gross Value Added (GVA) for a number of economies. It is the same as GDP except it removes the effects of taxes and subsidies on production. It is especially useful in studying a regional economy or can be used for national economies.

The strongest of these economies is Sweden but that is not saying much as its growth has been less than 1% a year. The worst is Greece where, between 2008 and 2012, the economy contracted by nearly 20%. It has got worse since.

Both Britain and the 26 Counties are in that group which has seen real output fall by 3%. There has been some further improvement since but still no proper recovery. But the performance of the economy in the

North of Ireland has been far worse, having contracted by roughly 12% since the crisis began.

Slump

5 All economic data is by its nature historical – the economic events and transactions that it records have already happened

In terms of international comparisons, the Northern economy has experienced a deep crisis.

Only Greece has suffered a greater slump in activity.

Change in Real GVA, %, 2008 to 2012 Sourses: OECD, CSO, ONS

5 0 -5 -10

To address any problem, it is first necessary to identify it. But it is in analysing economic data in the North and identifying the immediate causes of the crisis that there are the biggest difficulties. The economic data currently provided is so patchy, so incomplete and so riddled with gaps and unsubstantiated statistics that it is really not fit for purpose.

One of the reasons we study history is to understand our past and how it shapes the present and future. All economic data is by its nature historical — the economic events and transactions that it records have already happened. As a result, there is no hope for accurate economic policy-making if the main official data is glaringly incomplete or unreliable.

This absence of economic data is important to every household, every worker, every pensioner and every business operating in the North, and beyond.

We all rely to some extent on the accuracy of that data in making our own economic decisions: about buying costly items, saving or investing.

Responsibility

-15 -20 SWE

US

GER

FRA

EURO AREA

POR

BRI

ESP

RoI

ITA

6 Co

GRE

At the level of the economy as a whole, the chart above shows that the Northern economy is one of the crisis economies. It should be note that this is outside the Eurozone and has nothing to do with EUimposed austerity policies. The economy is faring even worse than Portugal or Italy, or the 26 Counties, all of them part of the ‘crisis countries’.

The main setter of economic policy in the North remains the Westminster Government. Not only does it determine the regulatory, legal and currency jurisdictions that the economy operates in, it also sets the biggest single item of expenditure within it, which is government spending.

Yet it is the Westminster Government, under successive administrations, which has been the biggest obstacle to identifying and addressing the source of the long-term decline of the Northern economy as well as the current crisis.

The responsibility for all this ultimately lies with the Westminster Government. The people of North deserve better.

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5 PJ Gallagher as 'Jake Stevens'

www.anphoblacht.com

5 PJ and Sarah Morrissey presenting the Meteor Ireland Music Awards 2007 for Best Irish Male Musician to Damien Dempsey

5 Former Ireland soccer manager Jack Charlton with PJ and fellow comedian and close friend Jason Byrne

Comedian PJ Gallagher talks to An Phoblacht on his way to the Sinn Féin Summer School

The funniest man on two wheels

BY JOHN HEDGES THE MASTER of improvisation on the hit hidden camera TV show Naked Camera is bricking it. He’s got first-time nerves. PJ Gallagher has never spoken at a Sinn Féin Summer School before.

Never mind that he’s now an accomplished performer whose Jake Stevens character with his annoying whistle, shiny suit and flailing newspaper is a comedy legend.

Never mind that he’s performed at all of Ireland’s top venues and festivals, in mainland Europe, the USA, Canada and even China. Never mind that comedy superstar Kevin Bridges from Glasgow once played support to PJ IN SCOTLAND. He’s showing traits of his clueless taxi driver who drove celebrities like George Hook, Bill O’Herlihy and Don Baker to distraction.

“I’m still wondering what I’m going to say,” he tells An Phoblacht with a little bewilderment as he meets us at the National Library in Dublin’s Kildare Street just over a week before his first gig at a political event.

His “huge passion” (apart from wife Elaine, cycling and Dublin GAA) is motorbikes. This is the first year that he hasn’t been racing since 2007 because he’s focusing on writing material.

“When the season comes racewise and the weather’s good, you end up going out on the track but this year I wanted to get really stuck into the writing. I did 1000cc racing in Mondello Park, then I moved to 650s because they were cheaper and easier to run and they don’t bite so much when you go wrong,” he laughs.

“I went to race in Spain once but a guy drove straight into me, I didn’t even get to the race. Then I passed out in the duty free section and when I sat on the perfume counter instead of a bench I destroyed the perfume counter so when I was sitting on the plane (which was delayed!), I was still really dizzy and I remember thinking this is a load of nonsense, I’m going to go home and start cycling. So I didn’t go again.” He collapses in a bout of laughing.

An unassuming guy (he bought the coffees), he’s the very proud patron of as well as a volunteer courier with Blood Bike East (bloodbikeeast.ie). It’s part of an allIreland network of motorbike riders with advanced training transporting blood products, breast milk, X-rays and tests between hospitals and clinics for free, saving the health service a fortune on taxis ferrying nurses all over the country.

PJ was adopted after being born in April 1975 in Bessborough in Cork, “which has been in the news a lot lately”, he says of the country’s largest ‘mother and baby home’ now notorious for infant mortality rates between

50% and 60% for decades. PJ was there 20 years “after anything bad happened” but he told the Irish Independent: “For the first time I feel guilty. I’ve never felt that before. I grew up ignorant of the whole thing. I think about those who died, the vaccines and then think about the abuses to women, illegal adoptions – people who can never find out who their parents are.”

He was sent to foster care in Finglas. “I’d actually love to find out who my foster parents were there,” he says, adding then he was known as Dermot . “I was then sent to Marino; my folks moved to Clontarf and I’m back in Marino now but other than that it was a fairly normal life.”

That said, he got a surprise when he found out that being adopted wasn’t the norm. “I thought all kids were adopted. I thought everyone got made by someone and they gave you to your parents. I remember saying this to other kids and them saying to me ‘No, you maniac! Are you serious?’”

School of comedy

School and PJ didn’t agree.

“I hated school, to be honest with you. Anything I was good at was considered disruptive in school and not constructive. I realised very early on that I couldn’t sit still and think; I have to move to think things through.

Talking and telling stories meant I just didn’t fit in to a school environment.

“I was much better at Spanish than Irish, unfortunately, and I was terrible at Maths. The only pie chart I really got into was a pizza.

“But I always loved history and language, words and wordplay, essays, stories.

“If you told teachers in the 1980s that you just wanted to tell jokes and stories and act the maggot for a living they’d go: ‘Are you out of your mind?!! It’s a waste of everybody’s time. There’s no future in that.”

He left school early, not something he encourages, he stresses.

“School’s better now than back then and it just didn’t fit for me. If I’d done my Leaving Cert I’d just be really bad at something else now,” he chuckles.

He went for work experience for a lighting company.

“I knew I wanted to do something with the stage – I didn’t have any ideas about wanting to be on the stage.”

He then did some sound engineering training in Crow Street but stuck with the lights. “Everyone wanted to work in sound so I thought there was more work in lights because nobody wants to do it.”

It was while working in the Lighting Dimensions warehouse for free for a few months for the work experience that he met Jason Byrne, another comic genius talent waiting to be unleashed on an unsuspecting public.

“Jason was working on the lighting desk there and it was him that introduced me to comedy in that warehouse,” PJ recalls.

He was taken on full-time and the lads built lighting systems by day and set up the lighting for gigs by night.

“Then Jason started about wanting to be a comedian and he was too nervous to book gigs on his own so he talked me into doing them with him but, to be honest, I didn’t know what stand-up was. Stand-ups to me were Brendan Grace or Billy Connolly; I didn’t think there were any around Dublin. I’d never been to a stand-up show.

“Jason kept saying to me you can do it, you can do it.

The very first time I stood on a stage on me own, he’d just booked me without even asking me! I was on the bus from Marino going into town and I saw my name on a poster for Vicar Street and I thought ‘You bastard! You absolute bastard! I can’t do this. This is ridiculous.’

“When I met him he said ‘You’ll be grand; you’ve got six weeks to write five minutes’ material. It was the longest six weeks of my life.

“It was six weeks of terror, just writing down notes, the same way I work even today. I can’t work from a script because when I read it back I’ll just convince myself it’ll never work.”

He’s in stitches as he recounts how he read his notes from the back of his hand, as if he was looking at his watch. “I wasn’t even looking at the audience. And I panicked and I started cursing to fill time – every amateur mistake under the sun; wrecked the whole thing and walked off five minutes later. Jason thought it was hilarious, went on after me and they’d forgotten about me within 30 seconds.”

He stuck with it.

Makin’ Jake

Jake Stevens, the character that made PJ Gallagher a comedy celebrity, almost didn’t happen.

“Jason was flying at the time, gigs at the Edinburgh Festival and all over England, he wasn’t around that

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5 Comedians Andrew Maxwell, Des Bishop and PJ Gallagher

Photo: Mark Moloney

much anymore,” but PJ had almost given up on comedy after ten years, thinking about going to college.

“The week I’d made the decision not to gig anymore and to instead go on a motorbike trip abroad I got a call from Liam McGrath, director of Naked Camera, but I said no, thanks.”

PJ spent the next two months on his motorbike gone around mainland Europe on his own. “I came back stone broke and rang Liam on the off-chance that he might still be looking for someone – two months later!”

Luck was in for PJ. Two people had left the show for jobs in the West End and PJ auditioned. Jake Stevens was based on a few people but the whistle came from a workmate on a building site who used to give ut about everyone but replace swear words or anything suspect with an annoying whistle. “He used to drive me mad, fecking insane.” With an old two-tone suit fished out of a props bin and some quick thinking by PJ when a planned sketch fell apart, a star (and Jake Stevens) was born.

“Those three or four years with Naked Camera weren’t just fun, manic and brilliant, they were paying the bills as well.”

And he says that while people remember Jake Stevens

July / Iúil 2014 17

5 PJ with the award for Best Entertainment Programme which Naked Camera won at the Irish Film and Television Awards in 2007

5 PJ as the ‘Dirty Auld Wan’

4 PJ volunteers with the Blood Bike East group

and ‘The Dirty Auld Wan’, the real stars of Naked Camera were the public.

“We were never the biggest part of the show. We just wound up the characters (most of whom developed by accident) and let them go.

“We always thought of Naked Camera as a sketch show with a straight man who didn’t know they were in it and the straight man was the whole of Dublin City.”

His comedy idols are Richard Pryor (“my favourite comedian of all time – his attention to detail is unreal”), Chris Rock and Dave Chapelle.

So what about the Sinn Féin Summer School and politics and satire? PJ hopes that’s not what people are expecting because that’s what other comedians do, people like Mark Steel, Mark Thomas and Rory Bremner in Britain.

“I read a review in a paper a while ago, attacking comedians for not doing satire but I don’t think many people here over the past ten years wanted that. There was some recession stuff at the start but it just dissolved.

The audiences just didn’t want to hear it.

“The last thing people wanted on their night out at a comedy gig was you reminding them of their negative equity mortgage, that they can’t afford the car anymore or no one in the house was working.

“There are funny elements that come out of a recession but austerity isn’t funny.”

PJ Gallagher is performing in the Vodafone Comedy Festival in the Iveagh Gardens in Dublin in late July.

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Since 2010 it has been illegal for turf to be cut on certain designated raised bogs in Ireland. An Phoblacht’s MARK MOLONEY went out with turf cutters in Westmeath to hear their side of the story as they embarked on a night-time foray

THE BOYS FROM THE GOOD STUFF THE SIMMERING turf cutters row may have dropped out of the mainstream media headlines in recent months but it is still very much a live issue on the ground in the Midlands and the West. Here, families have cut turf to heat their homes for generations and the move to ban cutting on certain bogs has caused deep outrage.

In the summer months, many still defy the EU directive.

I arrive in Westmeath to meet up with some local turf-cutters who are preparing to head out and cut on their bog, one which has been deemed a Special Area of Conservation (SAC), making cutting illegal.

There’s been a series of summer storms over the past few days so conditions for cutting are less than ideal but they say they have no other choice than to get the work done tonight or they will have no fuel for winter. The machinery they are using has been brought up from Munster and the contractor is only in the area for a brief time.

Over the past four years, the Garda and state agencies have dramatically increased their attempts to prevent what they deem illegal cutting. The Defence Forces Air Corps has been deployed to conduct fly-overs of bogs. The issue came to a head in 2012 when the Garda Armed Response Unit con-

5 This small section of bog has provided enough fuel to heat a family home for a year

fronted turf-cutters in Portumna and seized machinery. A number of turf-cutters have been arrested in the confrontations while others have faced fines of thousands of euro.

For these reasons the cutting of turf by local residents is a closely-guarded secret.

I meet with local man, ‘Mick’, who will direct the truck carrying the digger to the bog. Originally cut by hand, a lengthy and exhausting process, the use of a digger and a turf-hopper now allows homes to

The cutting of turf by local residents is a closely-guarded secret cut a year’s supply of turf in just a few minutes, reducing the chances of being caught.

We turn into a narrow road near the bog entrance, the digger following closely behind.

Those waiting for us to arrive and cut the turf begin to move their cars to block off the various entrances to the area and keep a watchful eye out for the Garda. “It’s a bit of a military operation,” laughs Mick.

“We haven’t had many problems with the gardaí in the past but we mainly cut at night just to make sure.”

5A man chats with a turf contractor in Westmeath as locals defy a ban on domestic turf cutting

5 Mick says domestic cutters have caused minimal damage to raised bogs and they will recover THE RIGHT of individuals in Ireland to cut turf for domestic use, known as ‘turbary rights’, extends back to the 15th century. Under the European Commission’s 1992 Habitats Directive, 139 raised bogs – from the Midlands to the West, from Meath to Galway – make up the 53 Special Areas of Conservation (SACs) designated between 1997 and 2002.

The National Parks and Wildlife Service says raised bogs are the most threatened type in the state and their loss would result in “an irreplaceable loss to global biodiversity. Intact bogs, which are actively forming peat, play an important role in combating climate change by removing excess carbon dioxide from the air and placing it into

The digger is unloaded and Mick jokingly introduces me to ‘David’, the digger operator, as “a reporter for the Garda Review”.

I ask the digger operator how much turf will be cut from this particular bog.

“Well, the lady I’m working for now cuts five bucketsful a year. That’s enough to keep her fire going through winter. Some of the others may want a bit more though. If you’re using the turf for your stove you’d maybe need 20 or 25 buckets.”

It’s a speedy operation. The digger cuts down into the turf bank for a bucket of peat and drops it into the tractor-drawn turf hopper, which then spreads it out into lines near the edge of the bog. They will later be piled up in heaps, allowing the summer sun to dry them.

Cutting the year’s supply of turf for the local woman takes less than 20 minutes and David moves

The Defence Forces Air Corps has been deployed by the Government to conduct fly-overs of bogs on to another area of the bog to cut for another family.

I ask Mick about the environmental damage that cutting turf poses, which is the reason for the ban in the first place. Behind him the digger reaches down about ten feet into the bog, emerging with a bucket full of near-black-coloured peat which David describes as “the best stuff”.

“Sure, look at Bord na Móna, they cut thousands of tonnes of turf each year. They have peat power plants in Offaly,” he says. “Yet people like ourselves who have cut turf all our lives to heat our homes are now told it’s not allowed.”

He points to a row of trees several hundreds metres in the distance.

“That’s how far this bog stretches. It’d take hundreds of years to cut all of that. This bog has been in constant use for over 100 years.”

Mick argues that the small-scale cutting by communities like this has little environmental impact, and

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5 Two local men watch on as a turf contractor begins his work in Westmeath says what small amounts of turf are cut will replace itself in the coming years.

It’s a view echoed by the Turf Cutters and Contractors’ Association (TCCA), who say that smallscale domestic turf-cutters have been to the forefront in ensuring the conservation of our bogs.

“Were it not for domestic turf-cutters and private ownership, these bogs would have suffered the same

The Garda Armed Response Unit has confronted turfcutters and seized machinery destructive fate as many state-owned bogs,” alluding to Bord na Móna.

Since 2009, the Government has been attempting to reduce the amount of cutting on bogs by asking turf-cutters to sign up to the Cessation of Turf Cutting Compensation scheme. So far, more than 4,000 people have signed up receiving a once-off

5 Arts, Heritage and Gaeltacht Minister Jimmy Deenihan

long-term storage for thousands of years.”

Of the designated bogs, a small number are contentious because turf cutters cannot relocate to cut on undesignated bogs. The Irish state is facing fines from the EU over breaches of the Habitats Directive while turf cutters are furious that their turbary rights to cut and carry away turf are being ignored.

The original ban on cutting was suspended for 10 years but came into force in 2009 and has been vigorously enforced.

The Turf Cutters and Contractors’ Association has also produced its own 193-page plan on conservation of bogs, consolidation of turf cutting into smaller areas, relocation and the use of compensatory habitats. This plan was rejected by Arts, Heritage and Gaeltacht Minister Jimmy Deenihan, who warned that those who continue cut turf on protected bogs will “have to face up to the fact they are breaking the law”.

5 Turf cutting takes place in the evening and at night in order to reduce chances of being spotted payment of €500 and annual compensation payments for the next 15 years. Other cutters may also be relocated to unprotected bogs. Mick notes that some local cutters have signed up to the sceme.

“We got all those offers but we’re not interested,” he tells me.

Compensation packages of €3,000 per acre of bog were offered to families who stopped cutting.

The TCCA says the offer is “derisory”, explaining “€3,000 would heat the family home for little more than two years; the same acre of bog would heat the family home for 150 to 200 years.”

The attempted eviction of turf-cutters from bogs is an emotive issue.

Those I speak to are particularly unhappy that such orders are coming from EU officials. They feel that such people have little knowledge of the situation on the ground.

The TCCA goes as far as to describe EU directives as “anti-democratic and dictatorial”.

Athlone Sinn Féin councillor and former Mayor Paul Hogan, a long-time supporter of the turf cutters, points out that the EU orders are akin to those which decimated Ireland’s fishing industry: “People across the state are under severe pressure with the Government and the EU’s austerity programme. They’re facing Property Taxes and Water Charges. Many have seen a reduction in their income. On top of this we have big increases in the cost of oil and electricity, so turf cutting provides a

cost effective way for families to heat their home.”

Mullingar Councillor Úna D’Arcy (Sinn Féin) also hit out at the Government’s. Speaking of turf-cutters at Ross bog, she says: “These families have asked the Government to come down and walk their bogs, see that their activity has minimal impact. They are not a huge commercial activity, grinding down into the bedrock to export our turf to beautify the ornamental gardens of Europe. They are ordinary Irish peo-

‘Look at Bord na Móna, they cut thousands of tonnes of turf each year’ ple who can’t afford to heat their homes any other way.”

In January, the Government de-designated some protected bogs to allow limited turf cutting and announced plans to consider allowing continued turf cutting where relocation solutions were elusive.

It said it would also consider plans to use Bord na Móna-owned bogs as compensatory habitats. Some dismissed the move as a pre-election stunt by Fine Gael.

Whatever the truth, it seems that many in rural Ireland plan to continue to cut turf to heat their homes, with or without EU approval.

5 Turf is layed out near the edge of a bog in Westmeath in preparation for drying

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It was an eventful voyage, with contrary winds, rough seas, encounters with British warships and one of the worst storms in the Irish Sea for decades Figgis and Childers travelled to Hamburg to purchase 1,500 rifles and 45,000 rounds of ammunition for the Irish Volunteers

Centenary of the Howth and Kilcoole gun-running SUMMER 1914: Ireland was like an armed camp but the largest military body in the country, the Irish Volunteers, were mostly unarmed.

The country was occupied by the British Army and the Royal Irish Constabulary, both heavily armed with modern weaponry. The unionist Ulster Volunteer Force was equipped with 35,000 new rifles and three million rounds of ammunition brought into Larne, County Antrim, on the night of 24 April.

The ranks of the Irish Volunteers had grown by thousands every week across the 32 Counties since they were established the previous November. But without arms they would, in the words of one of their

The country was occupied by the British Army and the Royal Irish Constabulary, both heavily armed with modern weaponry. The unionist Ulster Volunteer Force was equipped with 35,000 new rifles and three million rounds of ammunition leaders, Pádraig Pearse, remain a “stage army” rather than a real army.

The determination of the Irish Volunteers to acquire arms has to be seen against the political background.

In 1912, after decades of agitation at Westminster, the Irish Party had finally secured the backing of a British Liberal government for Home Rule for Ireland — a very limited form of autonomy within the British Empire. But the prospect of even that measure of independence was now in doubt as the British Tory Party allied with the unionists in the north-east of Ireland and helped to arm them, threatening civil war in Britain and Ireland if Home Rule was enacted.

Spring 1914 saw the Curragh

"Bachelor's Walk – In Memory"

By Jack Butler Yeats

On the 26th day of July, the truth I’ll tell to you, The Irish Volunteers all swore their enemies to subdue, They marched straight out to Howth and soon the people were alarmed When they heard the glorious news ‘Our Irish Volunteers are armed.’

God rest the souls of those who sleep apart from earthly sin, Including Mrs Duffy, James Brennan and Patrick Quinn, But we will yet avenge them and the time will surely come That we’ll make the Scottish Borderers pay for the cowardly deeds they done.

From ‘Bachelor’s Walk’, a Dublin street ballad, 1914

Mutiny, when British Army officers made clear that they would refuse to obey orders if instructed to go to Ulster. They got away with it. This was followed by the Larne gun-running, which was allowed to proceed unheeded by the RIC and the British Army.

In this situation the Irish Volunteers could only continue to grow stronger and the demand for arms grow louder. Roger Casement was a founder member of the Irish Volunteers and he played a pivotal role in the plans that led to the Howth and Kilcoole gunrunning. The key meeting that initiated the whole venture was held, ironically, not in Ireland but at the heart of the Empire, in the house of the historian Alice Stopford Green on Grosvenor Road, Westminster, overlooking the River Thames.

Present on 8 May 1914 were Casement, Eoin MacNeill, head of the Irish Volunteers, Alice Stopford Green, Darrell Figgis and Erskine Childers, a former British Army officer who was also an official of the House of Commons and a skilled yachtsman.

He was also an Irishman and an ardent supporter of Home Rule. At the London meeting it was agreed that a large-scale importation of arms was needed and finances and logistics were put in place.

Another key figure was Mary Spring Rice. Like Erskine Childers, she was at this time a Home Ruler who would go on to support Sinn Féin and republicanism. She came from a background of landed gentry in County Limerick.

In Dublin, the project was co-ordinated by MacNeill and The O’Rahilly, Director of Arms for the Volunteers.

Bulmer Hobson was put in charge of the actual landing of the weapons.

Casement was the link with the London committee. Figgis was given the task of purchasing the arms and it was the mission of Childers to get the cargo to Ireland.

At the end of May, Figgis and Childers travelled to Hamburg to purchase the arms. They went to the weapons firm of Moritz Magnus, where they bought 1,500 rifles and 45,000 rounds of ammunition. The rifle was the Mauser model 71. It had

BY

BY MÍCHEÁL MÍCHEÁL Mac Mac DONNCHA DONNCHA

56 Volunteer Cycle and Signalling Corps in Fairview Park, ready for the journey to Howth

emembering R

5 Volunteer officers receive orders before the march

the

been adopted by the Prussian Army in 1872, following the Franco-Prussian War. It was a single-shot rifle, having no magazine and was thus inferior to the British Lee Enfield service rifle. It was, however, noted for the accuracy of its firing and it was to prove a very

The Dublin Brigade mobilised about 700 men in Fairview with over 100 members of Fianna Éireann and set off for Howth to receive the weapons effective sniper weapon during the Easter Rising.

The consignment of weapons was taken by tug from Hamburg to the Ruytigen lightship off the Belgian coast where, on 12 July 1914, it began the second stage of its voyage. There to meet it were two yachts: the Asgard skippered by Erskine Childers and the Kelpie skippered by Conor O’Brien.

Past

The Kelpie met the tug first and took 600 rifles and 20,000 rounds of ammunition. This left the greater part of the cargo for the Asgard.

Nine hundred rifles and most of the remaining ammunition were stowed on the Asgard, taking up every available space and forcing the crew to sleep on top of the rifles.

The dangerously overloaded yacht sailed for Ireland with its cargo and crew: Erskine and Molly Childers; Mary Spring Rice; Gordon Shephard (a yachtsman friend of the Childers); and two Donegal fishermen, Patrick McGinley and Charles Duggan.

It was an eventful voyage, with contrary winds, rough seas, encounters with British warships and one of the worst storms in the Irish Sea for decades. The Asgard sailed along the south coast of England, stopped at Milford Haven in Wales on 19 and 20 July, and then sailed for Howth via Holyhead.

The date fixed for the landing at Howth was the afternoon of Sunday 26 July. The Irish Volunteers had carried out route marches to the fishing village on the previous two Sundays

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Roger Casement

5 A woman points out a bullet hole following the Bachelor’s Walk killings by British troops

Darrell Figgis 5 Molly Childers and Mary Spring Rice aboard the Asgard

Alice Stopford Green

Erskine Childers

to allay the suspicions of the British authorities and on the day itself there was no military or police presence. A false report of an arms landing at Waterford had been planted by Bulmer Hobson and as a result a British gunboat that usually patrolled Dublin Bay had gone south.

The Dublin Brigade of the Volunteers mobilised about 700 men at the Fr Mathew Hall in Fairview on the Sunday morning, together with over 100 members of Fianna Éireann.

The columns of men set off for Howth, with the Fianna in the centre.

Meanwhile, the Asgard was off Lambay Island and awaiting the signal that was to be given by a boat from Howth Harbour. That signal was not given and Childers faced a dilemma.

Should he risk sailing into Howth any-

way and perhaps lose the arms? He took the risk.

Remarkably, the Volunteer column was reaching the end of the East Pier

At Bachelor’s Walk, the King’s Own Scottish Borderers knelt and fired into a crowd of civilians – three people were killed and over 30 were injured as the Asgard was sailing into the harbour.

The Fianna had brought trek carts full of wooden batons which were dis-

5 The Irish Volunteer, 1 August 1914, condemns the Bachelor’s Walk killings

You can now read

THE IRISH VOLUNTEER weekly at:

www.anphoblacht.com Fascinating insights into Irish revolutionary history get an online subscription to for just €10 per year

ASGARD CENTENARY COMMEMORATION 1914-2014 3pm Saturday 26th July East Pier, Howth

The O’Rahilly

• Historical re-enactment • Family day out • Prominent speakers • Live music • Irish Volunteers exhibition Irish Volunteers Commemorative Society exhibition, Angling Centre, West Pier

Social later in the Angling Centre, West Pier

ALL WELCOME Bulmer Hobson

tributed to the Volunteers guarding the head of the pier to cover the landing. Among the Volunteer leaders present were MacNeill, Cathal Brugha, Thomas Mac Donagh, The O’Rahilly and Eámonn Ceannt .

The guns and ammunition were quickly unloaded and distributed. Too late, the British authorities were alerted. The Volunteers were already marching back to the city.

When the Volunteers reached Fairview there was a cordon of armed police and British soldiers under Assistant Commissioner Harrel of the Dublin Metropolitan Police across the Howth Road. They ordered the Volunteers to halt and give up their rifles. When the Volunteers tried to evade them the cordon was extended to the Malahide Road. There was a tense stand-off which almost developed into a battle after the British wounded Volunteers with bayonets and some Volunteer officers fired pistols.

But the Volunteers deceived the British by having their front ranks hold their ground while the bulk of the Volunteers behind slipped away with their Howth Mausers which were soon distributed in taxis, on bicycles and by men on foot to arms dumps across the city.

The British Army detachment at Fairview was from the King’s Own Scottish Borderers and they marched back to the city. On the way they were jeered by crowds at several places and they attacked people with bayonets in Talbot Street. At Bachelor’s Walk, near Liffey Street and the Halfpenny Bridge, their commander ordered them to halt and take aim. Their rear ranks knelt and fired into a crowd of civilians. Three people were killed and over 30 were injured.

The Howth gun-running and the Bachelor’s Walk murders aroused nationalist Ireland and exposed the hypocrisy and double-standards of the British regime. A week later, the 600 guns of the Kelpie were landed at Kilcoole, County Wicklow. The murdered civilians (Mary Duffy, James Brennan and Patrick Quinn) were given military funerals by the Volunteers. James Connolly wrote of these events: “Magnificent Dublin! As you emerged with spirit unbroken and heart undaunted from your industrial tribulation so you will arise mightier and more united from the midst of the military holocaust with which this government of all the treacheries meets your plans for political freedom.” (‘Forward’, 1 August 1914).

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DECLAN

KEARNEY

SINN FÉIN NATIONAL CHAIRPERSON

‘Blame game’ politics are stopping progress – it’s time to move forward SEVENTIETH anniversary ceremonies to mark events that changed the direction of the Second World War have just concluded.

Massive human carnage was caused in that conflict. After two wars within 30 years, Europe then had to compromise so as to find a relationship with its history and avoid recycling past pain for later generations.

In July of last year, Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan from the United States began preparing for the inter-party talks here.

They facilitated an inclusive process on how to resolve some of the Peace Process’s unfinished business.

A package of compromise proposals was produced aimed at a way forward. Political unionism opposed its implementation and continues to be emboldened in its stance by British Government prevarication.

As a result, a two-year long political impasse has deepened and the potential for a worse vacuum is very real.

The two governments have a joint responsibility to stop that happening. The significant influence of the US is now more important than ever.

The political process is in trouble. Politics has become paralysed by a toxic mix of heightened sectarianism and increased racism.

This status quo challenges us all.

In the absence of serious political engagement, wider society needs to explore what more can be done to break down division and create trust.

A positive, critical mass supporting reconciliation is needed within our society.

Over two years ago I wrote in An Phoblacht that republicans should “recognise the healing influence of being able to say sorry for the human effects of all actions during the armed struggle”.

Some responded positively; others didn’t respond at all.

Ten years earlier, the IRA had said publicly: “The future will not be found in denying collective failures and mistakes or closing minds to the plight of those who have been hurt. That includes all of the victims of the conflict, combatants and non-combatants.”

Words are important. So too are actions.

In June 2012, Martin McGuinness met Queen Elizabeth in an unprecedented act of

reconciliation. That followed her own seminal words in Dublin on the past that things could have been done differently or not at all.

Last April, Martin and other Sinn Féin representatives participated in the Irish President’s state visit to Windsor Castle. He again demonstrated Sinn Féin’s commitment to authentic reconciliation during Queen Elizabeth’s visit to Belfast.

We all have much to forgive and have forgiven.

We may never agree on the multiple narratives of our past. They are a reality. But they must not be allowed to destabilise our present or future.

We can, however, surely agree that we have all been hurt — orange and green, republican and unionist, all religions and none. Political gridlock should not stop us addressing this fact.

There is no hierarchy of humanity. Acknowledgement of the suffering of each other would be a very important gesture. The challenge is to do so without recrimination.

In the absence of political agreement on dealing with the past, this would require huge grace and generosity from all sides. But it is possible.

Regardless to the context, no war or conflict should be romanticised. We should try to agree that all hurt is the same and therefore warrants acknowledgement with sincere remorse.

The expression of remorse and regret for death or injury during the conflict could help deepen understanding and respect. And whilst perhaps an “uncomfortable conversation”, this does not need to imply self-reproach or accusation.

Its importance would be as a step towards reconciliation and healing.

Sinn Féin believes that, with good faith, sincere remorse should be embraced. It should not be confused with attempts to achieve repudiation of political responsibility or allegiance.

Seeking unionist repudiation of British state forces or the RUC is as unhelpful as demanding republican repudiation of the IRA. Political differences must not be contested on the hurt or suffering inflicted by and upon all sides.

The Good Friday Agreement is the Rubicon over which we passed, away from political conflict.

The political process is in trouble. Politics has become paralysed by a toxic mix of heightened sectarianism and increased racism.

This status quo challenges us all

5 Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan arrive for talks

5 Anti-racism trade union rally in Belfast

5 Britain’s Queen Elizabeth lays a wreath at the Garden of Remembrance in Dublin The Haass proposals are a new potential watershed framework.

Moving forward will inevitably require risks to be taken.

In the midst of current difficulties, civic society has spoken out powerfully against racism. That momentum should now be harnessed to bring our society over a new Rubicon, one which finds expression through the sharing of remorse and regret for the hurt of all victims, and their families who continue to suffer.

Political extremists and ‘blame game’ politics are stopping engagement and progress on reconciliation.

This broken society will not be healed with continued recrimination. The present status quo is untenable. Sustained positive leadership from within civic society on the need for grace, generosity, remorse and acknowledgement would introduce an entirely new dynamic.

Civic society must challenge politics, make demands of political leaders and set tests for all political parties to do better.

Sinn Féin will respond to that in good faith.

It is time for our community to move forward.

Developing reconciliation and healing must no longer be undermined by negative politics.

Seeking unionist repudiation of British state forces or the RUC is as unhelpful as demanding republican repudiation of the IRA

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UNCOMFORTABLE CONVERSATIONS

July / Iúil 2014 23

CHOOSING OUR WORDS CAREFULLY REV STEVE STOCKMAN, Minister of Fitzroy Presbyterian Church, Belfast, and Fr Martin J Magill, Parish Priest of Sacred Heart Parish, Belfast, penned a very interesting and challenging article in the June edition of An Phoblacht.

Both contributors expressed concerns about Sinn Féin spokespersons who trotted out “well-thought-through” party lines such as “there was no other way in 1969”. (Hope they weren’t talking about me!)

Now I fully accept that Martin Luther King Jnr was an inspirational leader and advocate of non-violent protest. But was the Civil Rights struggle he championed violence free? Forty years later, has it produced a society that is peaceful, equal and united?

The statistics of poverty, social exclusion and disadvantage, policing and judicial sentencing policies speak loudly of an institutionalised resistance to equality and parity that continues to this day.

Nevertheless, the Civil Rights struggle in the North in the late 1960s did draw inspiration from the ethos of Martin Luther King.

Republicans were active in the formation of the Civil Rights Movement and indeed pro-

To argue that violence was unavoidable in 1969 is not to imply that it was the preferred option or that it reflected a predisposition to violence vided leadership and discipline in the face of ferocious attacks by the RUC, the BSpecials and loyalists.

So could violence and counter-violence have been avoided at that time? Did the conditions that existed provide any real prospect for peaceful reform? A monolithic unionist government in Stormont was opposed to the demand for reform and both London and Dublin observed a longstanding convention of ‘hands off’ in respect of the North. A non-violent campaign was clearly the intention but in hindsight how could it have been sustained against the background of state violence and loyalist pogroms?

To argue that violence was unavoidable in 1969 is not to imply that it was the preferred option or that it reflected a predisposition to violence. Put simply, after decades of suppression, sectarian government and bad policing, the genie was out of the bottle in 1969 and no one in Government or on the streets knew how to put it back.

The debate about violent conflict will always be a matter of strongly-held opposing opinion. My own view is informed by

To see more articles in our series on ‘Uncomfortable Conversations’ go to:

MITCHEL McLAUGHLIN the changes and reforms that emerged from negotiations made possible by the cessation of armed actions, governmental participation in all-party dialogue and acceptance of all democratic mandates.

The issues that had underpinned almost 25 years of armed conflict had been or were pledged to be addressed in an international agreement (the Good Friday Agreement), and most armed groups had agreed to put their arsenals beyond use and to support peaceful and persuasive means to resolve the remaining issues.

Rev Steve Stockman and Father Martin

Magill wrote of hearing from Sinn Féin spokespersons a strong party line or effective soundbite but are left wondering about the substance. “We want to be talked to and not talked at. We want to be listened to and not given well-rehearsed and thoughtthrough answers.” Fair comment.

Words can illuminate and explain, can encourage understanding and awareness.

But words can confuse and obscure, can be inflammatory and dangerous.

And, yes, words can hurt too, even when we don’t intend that outcome.

I recently took part in a discussion about the challenge of dialogue and the art of effective communication in which the famous words of Bobby Sands “Our revenge will be the laughter of our children” were used to explain how a message which is clear to some can be heard in an entirely different fashion by others.

Republicans regard these words as a description of a post-conflict society in which ALL children live free from violence, injustice and fear. But could those words be interpreted differently, especially by unionists? Could they be heard to suggest defeat

After decades of suppression, sectarian government and bad policing, the genie was out of the bottle in 1969 and no one in Government or on the streets knew how to put it back and humiliation for those opposed to republicanism? Instead of intended reassurance could those words, spoken without due care and explanation, have a consequence that would contradict the generosity of spirit that is typical of much of the writings of Bobby Sands?

I found myself in recent days reflecting on the observations of Steve Stockman and Martin Magill and indeed on the fall-out from Pastor James McConnell’s ill-considered remarks on Islam and pondered how many people, perhaps already deeply traumatised by personal tragedy or injury, had been unintentionally hurt again by glib or well-rehearsed responses by spokespersons from across the political spectrum over the past 40 years. How many people have shouted at the TV or radio in angry protest at explanations or answers that offered no hope of truth or acknowledgement?

5 Rev Stockman’s and Fr Magill’s piece in June

Many people (and politicians in particular) should always be conscious of the potential to cause additional hurt through careless words.

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EOIN Ó MURCHÚ

Ar ndóigh, ní raibh aon airm ollscriosta ann, is ní raibh aon Al Qaeda ann ach an oiread.

Ach tá anois

Filleann Feall Mheiriceá ar na Meiriceánaigh san Iaráic TH’ÉIS DONA Meiriceánaigh na milliún a thabhairt do reibiliúnaithe san tSír, nach bhfuil se íorónta go bhfuil an t-airgead agus an t-armas sin dha n-úsáid ina aghaidh na Stát Aontaithe san Iaráic.

Sea, nuair a thug na Stáit Aontaithe agus Sasana faoin ionradh sin isteach san Iaráic, thug siad mar leithscéal an bréag gur nead don Al Qaeda ab ea an Iaráic faoi Saddam Hussein is go raibh airm ollscriosta acu a bhí le cur i bhféidhm in aghaidh an Iarthair.

Ar ndóigh, ní raibh aon airm ollscriosta

ann, is ní raibh aon Al Qaeda ann ach an oiread. Ach tá anois.

Bréag eile a scaip an t-iarthar ná gur rialtas frith-Shí’ach ab ea rialtas Hussein. Mar a léirigh Michael Jansen san Irish Times an mhí seo caite, ba Shí’igh moramh an rialtais sin.

Bhain feall go leór le Saddam, ach ní raibh an seicteicheas ar na fealla sin.

Mar a gcéanna sa tSír. Is Sunni’igh moramh an rialtais ansin cé gur Alauach an tuachtarán Bashar Assad is a mhuintir.

Sé an pointe a bhí ag Jansen ná gur bhain

na rialtaisí seo le náisiúnach saolta na nArabach: sé sin nach raibh siad bunaithe ar chreideamh nó ar sheict.

Sé an t-iarthar a spreag na bunchreidmhigh mar uirlis in aghaidh an náisiúnachais sin a thóig maoin ar ais ó na tíortha impiriúlacha. Sin a tharla san Iarán nuair a cuireadh Mossadeq faoi chois is gur fágadh an talamh ag na hAyatollaí; agus anois san Afganastáin, san Iaráic agus, da n-eireódh leó, san tSír.

Ní hé go bhfuil rialtas Assad na Síre gan

smál, ach is gnó e sin do mhuintir na Síre.

Siad na Stáit Aontaithe a thug na milliún dona dreamanna Jihad seo a mhair na mílte go brúidiúil san tSír agus atá anois ag déanamh an rud céanna san Iaráic.

Ach fós bíonn lucht cosanta an Iarthair ag rá gur chóir ionradh eile a dhéanamh!

Cinnte is ábhar grinn é go gcaithfidh na Meiriceánaigh dul chun cainte anois leis an Iaráin agus b’fhéidir leis an tSír. Ach cé mhéad atá básaithe mar gheall ar a gcuid sainte, a gcuid sotail is a gcuid húbrais.

Israel to force-feed Palestinian hunger strikers

BY MARK MOLONEY THE Israeli Parliament may still authorise the force-feeding of Palestinian political prisoners even though an agreement was being reported – on the day An Phoblacht went to print – to end a mass hunger strike against the use of internment without trial and brutality against prisoners.

More than 125 Palestinian prisoners were taking part in a mass hunger strike in protest against Israel’s use of so-called “administrative detention” to imprison Palestinians living under their illegal military occupation. More than 80 of the protesting prisoners had been hospitalised.

Some prisoners have been held for more than five years without charge or trial. Eleven Members of Parliament are among the 5,265 being held, 200 of them children.

Speaking to An Phoblacht during a protest at the Dáil by the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC), Sinn Féin Foreign Affairs Spokesperson Seán Crowe TD said: “We know from our own republican past that Irish republican prisoners who were force-fed in Irish and British jails, a number of them died..”

Seán Crowe said he wants to see the prisoners released: “I’m calling on the Israeli Government to end its systematic use of administrative detention and to put in place negotiations which

could facilitate the ending of this hunger strike and save the lives of these prisoners.”

Under the proposed legislation, a judge could sanction force-feeding if an inmate’s life is perceived to be

in danger. The Israeli Medical Association (IMA) has slammed the move as “unethical”.

IMA President Dr Leonald Eidelman said: “It’s very important to behave

according to ethical principles even if it contradicts the law. And forcefeeding is a kind of torture.”

The World Medical Association has also called on Israeli politicians to reconsider backing the move.

5 Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD takes part in a protest outside Leinster House demanding the release of Palestinian internees from Israeli prisons

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An Ireland of equals, in a Europe of equals

This is funded by the European United Left/ Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL)

Aontas Clé na hEorpa/Na Glasaigh Chlé Nordacha

SINN FÉIN’S four MEPs arrived at the European Parliament in Brussels in June for the first time since their election to officially reconstitute the strengthened European United Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) parliamentary group and agree their political priorities for the upcoming term.

The open and inclusive GUE/NGL group sees equality and mutual respect between all delegations, regardless of their size, based on the principles of co-operation, social progress, peace, solidarity, equality, environment and sustainable development.

The new parliamentary group saw its numbers increase by almost 50% to a total of 52 MEPs. It also became the only gender-balanced group in the European Parliament with 26 women and 26 men MEPs. The group has pledged to continue to fight for gender equality and women’s rights across Europe as well as working with other Left forces to give a strong voice within the European Parliament to the poor, the excluded, the unemployed, the young, and to social movements and workers.

Sinn Féin MEPs say they are determined to use their strong mandate to deliver for the people of Ireland in terms of democratic reform, accountability, transparency, equality and opposition to austerity. Maximising support for the Peace Process and for Irish unity – and promoting the idea of an Ireland of equals in a Europe of equals – is also a top priotity.

In this regard, GUE/NGL also cemented its position as the European Parliament group most committed to conflict resolution with the

Crúpa Paliminta – Parlaimimt na h Eorpa

Another Europe is possible

LIADH NÍ RIADA

5 MEPs Lynn Boylan, Martina Anderson, Josu Juaristi, Liadh Ní Riada and Matt Carthy at the EU Parliament in Brussels addition of the Basque Country’s pro-independence EH Bildu MEP, Josu Juaristi.

Germany’s Die Linke MEP, Gabi Zimmer, was re-elected President of the EU parliamentary group. She said: “Strengthened and including new parties, the

GUE/NGL will continue to fight for an immediate end to anti-social austerity policies in Europe and for the reduction and elimination of poverty and unemployment. Millions of voters have given us a clear mandate and we will not disappoint them.”

LYNN BOYLAN

MATT MARTINA CARTHY ANDERSON are MEPs and members of the GUE/NGL Group in the European Parliament

Challenging racism – Showing leadership

BY MICHAEL McMONAGLE SINN FÉIN has been to the fore in opposing recent racist attacks and intimidation in Belfast and across the North.

As the numbers of racially-motivated attacks have risen, Sinn Féin has consistently demonstrated leadership and stood in solidarity with ethnic minority communities.

Joint First Minister Martin McGuinness in particular has led from the front in challenging racist attitudes and intolerance.

His proactive stance stands in stark contract to the actions of DUP leader and Joint First Minister Peter Robinson, who sparked international controversy when he gave his support to evangelical preacher Pastor James McConnell, who branded Islam as “Satanic”.

While Peter Robinson was claim-

ing that he would trust a Muslim to “go to the shops” for him before being forced to issue a public apology, Martin McGuinness was standing shoulder to shoulder with representatives of the Islamic community.

Junior Minister Jennifer McCann, as well as meeting with victims of racist attacks and intimidation in north Belfast, faced down intransigence from the DUP and took action to support ethnic minority communities by progressing the Racial Equality Strategy.

Despite foot-dragging by the DUP, Jennifer McCann announced that the strategy, which has equality at its core, would go out to public consultation.

Fermanagh & South Tyrone MLA Bronwyn McGahan tabled a motion in the Assembly condemning the recent spate of racist attacks and which received support from all parties.

“It’s important that we send out a strong message that these attacks

will not be tolerated in any form or fashion. People who come to make a home in Ireland should be treated with respect and given the same equality as every other citizen,” she said.

Belfast Sinn Féin Councillor Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, in one of his last acts as Mayor of the city, launched the ‘Compassionate City’ charter which promotes equality, dignity and respect for all communities and hosted representatives of ethnic minority communities at the event.

In west Belfast, Sinn Féin unveiled an anti-racism mural at the site of the former Andersonstown barracks. (see page2) Speaking at the launch, which was also attended by West Belfast MP Paul Maskey, Councillor Charlene O’Hara said racism must be challenged in all its forms.

“There can be no ifs, buts or howevers when it comes to racism. It is wrong and must be clearly and unequivocally condemned.”

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Where’s the Food Harvest?

Going, going . . . ting up her own stall in the new Temple Bar Market in Dublin when she was 15. They sold cow’s, goat’s and sheep’s mature cheeses made with raw milk and vegetarian rennet. At the Food Co-op their cheese appealed to vegetarians who shunned animal rennet made cheese.

“I felt that I needed direct customers if I wanted to make any money at all and that hasn’t changed. We sell to restaurants and shops and still attend the markets. My son Tom goes to Bray and I go to Dublin.”

Ireland’s food artisans are like wandering minstrels, all members of a like-minded troupe with-

ROBERT ALLEN

ON THE ROAD WITH THE WANDERING MINSTRELS WHO ARE IRELAND’S FOOD ARTISANS THE STONE COTTAGE shrouded in greenery at the end of the lonely boreen is picture postcard perfect. Raindrops fall reluctantly from the trees, caught by the rays of sunlight that suddenly appear in the aftermath of another thunder shower.

Emerging out of a grassy wall, a woman weeding the verge indicates the modern building behind a white van. “Silke is in there,” she says in a guttral accent.

There is nothing incongruous about this setting in rural Cavan, a few kilometres from the border with Fermanagh. Artisan Ireland requires the EU stamp of approval and, just to prove this point, cheese-maker Silke Cropp explains that an inspector from “the department” is arriving to take away some cheeses for testing.

During the blistering hot summer of 1995, the Sheridan brothers, Kevin and Seamus, sold Irish cheeses in Galway’s St Nicholas Market on Churchyard Street, not expecting their little venture to last. Two years later, they moved off the street into an adjacent shop.

“There were all these fantastic cheese-makers who had invented their own cheeses,” says

‘We are an endangered species,’ says Silke Cropp

5 Artisan Food Harvest: Raw milk vegetarian cheeses from Cavan; buffalo mozzarella, farmhouse cheese, orange jelly and red onion relish from Cork; whiskey cheese from Limerick; spelt flour from Louth; spelt bread from Mayo; mushrooms from Monaghan; smoked cheddar and tomatoes from Waterford; brie from Wicklow

Irish people in general are not being educated to appreciate food of quality Kevin Sheridan, “and we were thinking, are we at a peak, as these people retire are we going to be left with none?”

Now, almost 20 years later, Sheridans Cheesemongers operate in Dublin, Galway, Meath and Waterford, and distribute abroad. Far from the nascent industry dying, it came alive.

Quality was the key; and the fact that it was hand-made.

In the 1950s, artisan production in Europe was back in the ascendancy, and cheese, followed by sausages and salamis, breads and pastries, jams and sauces, led the way.

When the Sheridans were selling cheese in the late 1990s, a third wave of Irish cheese-makers were beginning to make reputations for themselves. The second wave, cheese-lovers like Silke Cropp, were established and getting rave reviews. The first wave, in the 1970s, were already cheese legends but times were changing.

“The road to market was the biggest problem,” Silke Cropp says of the days when transport was painstakingly slow and couriers were city-based.

“I thought about exporting to Germany but that was too expensive. It only started to work when I joined the Food Co-op in Dublin in 1989 and travelled in our old Morris Minor, getting up at four in the morning. It was a long day.”

Her children got involved, daughter Tina set-

5 Cheese sellers Chelsea and Darryl in Sheridan’s shop, Pottlereagh, Kells

5 Corleggy cheeses: Raw milk cow’s and sheep’s vegetarian cheeses from Silke Cropp in Belturbet

out protection to keep the wolves from the door.

The wolves in this instance being high-running costs, time-consuming bureaucracy, inadequate or costly markets, and no funds for marketing strategies and promotional devices.

Yet the Department of Agriculture, Bord Bia and Teagasc love the idea of artisan producers so much they have included them in Food Harvest 2020, a ‘smart, green’ programme designed to take Irish food out into the big world and secure jobs.

Bord Bia has been given the task to secure more shelf space for artisan and small producers while the good bureaucrats in Dublin insist that “small producers are benefiting from local sourcing policies from the major supermarkets and convenience groups”.

The key to this “valuable transition from market and independent sales into multiple retail” is the capability of small companies to grow and expand into larger companies.

For Silke Cropp the idea of running a small factory defeats the object of artisan production

‘The road to market was the biggest problem,’ Silke says.

‘It only started to work when I joined the Food Co-op in Dublin in 1989’ (that and the cost of expansion, not easy when cash flow is paramount).

“We tried to sell to SuperValu in Cavan, Clones and Ballinamore; their paying policy of 90 days doesn’t work for us.”

Neither does the Artisan Food Market at Bloom run by Bord Bia. It might provide a platform for marketing, promotion and sales and reach over 110,000 consumers but it requires a cash outlay the Cropps cannot afford.

The authors of Food Harvest 2020 appear to have missed the point about artisan food production.

“We are an endangered species,” says Silke Cropp. “The artisan is always going to be quite a small producer. Artisan to me means handmade using raw and first-class, quality ingredients, putting expensive stuff together to make something as best as you can, that people will talk about as something fabulous you can only get in Cavan or Kerry or Waterford.”

“Quality is such an obvious thing,” says Kevin Sheridan in his role as Chair of the Taste Council,

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5 The Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine’s Food Harvest 2020 initiative a Bord Bia initiative. “It brings the producer and the customer together in a unique way, especially when people are able to taste the product.

“One of the first things I organised with the Taste Council was an organoleptic seminar for Irish cheese-makers. We got them together to talk about taste, nobody else was talking about the quality of taste.”

This, he says, is because we do not value our food.

“We are told we must buy food cheaper. We go for the cheapest food and this is not replicated in other sectors.

“Our food culture is of utmost importance economically, socially, culturally, so let’s get a co-ordinated approach to look at it, to grow it.

That’s how seriously it needs to be taken because it benefits every area: employment, rural development, tourism, health, the landscape, our environment. It is so important on every level.

“Somebody needs to say: ‘Hold on. If you take Food Harvest 2020 to its conclusion, with its one vision mindset of Irish agriculture and an eco-

educated to appreciate food of quality and do not recognise it when they see it. Saying it is Irish and home-made is not enough.

Despite their perceived loyalty to Irish produce, supermarkets are not interested in artisan and small-scale produce. “There is no benefit to them selling branded products,” he says. “The only reason they do is to control the supply chain.”

Critics of Food Harvest 2020 and the direction big business is taking Irish food production are few and far between, and Kevin Sheridan wonders what can be done to raise the profile of genuine small-scale production.

“We need diversity but instead of trying to make one cheese company ten times bigger, we need ten cheese companies. By its nature, small food production is labour-intensive and therefore creates more jobs.

“To shape our food culture without the supermarkets is not impossible but it can’t be done without them. The biggest problem is not innovation, it is route to market and you need to create demand.”

5 Cheesemaker Silke Cropp of Cavan

‘Quality is such an obvious thing,’ says Kevin Sheridan in his role as Chair of the Taste Council, a Bord Bia initiative

Tina Cropp set up her own stall in the new Temple Bar Market in Dublin when she was 15 nomic model focused on commodity export, you’ll have 20 landowners owning the whole of Ireland with mass food production’.”

Aldi, Lidl and Tesco have been actively promoting Irish produce but seem unable to know how to sell artisanal foods. It is not unusual to see them languishing on the reduced shelf.

Despite being reduced from €2.49 to €1.84 then to €1.34, 250g of Sunstream tomatoes grown in County Waterford sat on the shelf in Letterkenny Tesco. The Bord Bia Quality Assurance Scheme with its Origin Ireland logo made little difference, not surprising when imported tomatoes cost less. Yet these delicious tomatoes have the flavour and taste of any similar tomato grown in Provence or the Tuscan hills, a truly remarkable feat by the Waterford grower.

The Tesco Cheeses of Ireland brand is a great marketing innovation. When 150g of old Irish creamy blueberry costs €3.19 (€20.20 a kilo) only a cheese connoisseur will appreciate the effort.

Aldi has made a better job than Lidl with its range of artisan cheeses, simply by putting better information on its packaging and identifying the product as Irish and home-made.

According to Kevin Sherdian, this is a crucial problem. Irish people in general are not being

5 Cheese car: Silke Cropp drove to Dublin every Saturday in the 1980s to sell cheese at the Food Co-op on Pearse Street

5 Kevin Sheridan, co-owner of Sheridan’s Cheesemongers

FOOD MARKETS MARKETS provide producers with loyal customers who give valuable feedback and suggestions for new products.

They are essential in guaranteeing regular cash flow.

Markets that sign up to the ‘Good Practice Standard’ administered by Bord Bia and the department undertake to stock artisanal produce and accommodate seasonal produce.

FARMER’S MARKETS LIST: www.bordbia.ie/consumer/aboutfood/farmersmarkets/pages/default.aspx COUNTRY MARKETS LIST: www.bordbia.ie/consumer/aboutfood/farmersmarkets/pages/countrymarkets.aspx CHEESE PRODUCERS: www.bordbia.ie/consumer/aboutfood/farmhousecheese/pages/guidetoirishfarmhousecheeses.aspx

When distributors want to impose high markups and supermarkets prefer to pay after 90 days, direct selling online and via market stalls relies on reputation, which in turn is influenced by image.

Food Harvest 2020 sees a small role for artisan food but it is obvious to Sheridan that nothing will happen unless the small producers take the initiative themselves.

“Probably the hardest people to get to work together unfortunately are the food artisans because they are so individualistic but it is also hard to see how they could do it on their own.

“Certainly, small co-ops have to be part of the potential for the growth of this industry. There is plenty of room for development. The food community need to come together because we are looking at only one model for food production.”

Advocates of artisan production agree that a visual infrastructure needs to be built (with advertising, road and street signs, and maps indicating where the food producers, food fairs and markets, food tours and food demonstrations are to be found) allied to promotional campaigns that put artisan food firmly in the public eye.

You can’t mistake Silke Cropp’s unique cheese as anything but artisanal, it’s as pretty as her idyllic setting in rural Cavan.

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Westminster briefings for Irish community, embassies and international press corps

Elections excite interest in Britain real positive contribution to addressing this continues to frustrate progress.

Last month’s Commons Questions on the North saw British Secretary of State Theresa Villiers make repeated statements about urging “all the parties” to take part in discussions and asserting that the British Government was continuing to “encourage, support and facilitate”.

Yet, contrary to these words, unionism is being actively allowed to exercise a veto on progress. Villiers fails to point out that it is the DUP and the unionist parties (not “all the parties”) who are failing to do what she and Prime Minister David Cameron state they are in favour of.

Theresa Villiers is well aware that the only blockage to talks taking place is coming from

BY CONOR MURPHY MP

At a political level in Westminster the backdrop remains negative

THE IMPACT of the election results, Sinn Fein’s stunning vote and the subsequent changing political landscape gave Sinn Féin’s series of Westminster briefings and a public meeting in mid-June a real dynamic under the title ‘Putting Irish Unity on the Agenda’.

The packed Westminster public meeting clearly reflected a renewed interest by London’s Irish community and many others in what has happened in Ireland.

Given the rise of the fascist and right-wing populist parties in parts of Europe (incuding the anti-immigrant UKIP in Britain) and the capitulation to this right-wing agenda by many mainstream parties, Sinn Féin’s strong support demonstrated that another way is possible – and that people will vote for it if given the choice.

Further busy meetings with London-based embassies and a briefing with the international press corps reflected a reawakened interest in Ireland, North and South, including the Peace Process, the economy and political shifts.

At a political level in Westminster the backdrop remains negative.

The refusal of unionism to engage and the failure of the British Government to make any

5 Seán Oliver, Conor Murphy MP, Jayne Fisher and Rose Conway Walsh at a public meeting in Portcullis House

5 The large attendance at the public meeting reflected the renewed interest of London’s Irish community

5 Councillor Rose Conway Walsh at the Argentinian Embassy

political unionism and it is wholly disingenuous to attempt to distance the British Government from responsibility for unionist intransigence.

Villiers commented that the British government “will work with the kind of institutions set out in Haass 7 if they are formally agreed by the parties”. Yet she fails to say which parties are refusing to do so – the unionist parties.

And the British Government itself failed to endorse the Haass proposals, thereby providing cover for unionist refuseniks. Where is the actual pressure or action to implement this?

Instead, the British Prime Minister and the Tories hosted a drinks reception for the DUP in 10 Downing Street with an eye on next year’s Westminster election.

On current opinion polls, the British Labour Party looks most likely to form the next government or at least emerge as the largest party.

But the possibility of a hung parliament spells all sorts of dangerous short-termism by the current government to get into power. At this critical moment in the Peace Process, action to support it, not just empty words, is what is needed.

5 Conor Murphy MP and Councillor Rose Conway Walsh at a Foreign Press Association briefing

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I nDíl Chuimhne 1 July 1980: Volunteer Terence O’NEILL, 2nd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 2 July 1974: Volunteer Patrick TEER, Long Kesh 3 July 1972: Volunteer Denis QUINN, Tyrone Brigade 6 July 1976: Volunteer Thomas KANE, 1st Battalion, Belfast Brigade 7 July 1990: Volunteer Seán BATESON, Long Kesh 7 July 1988: Volunteer Séamus WOODS, Tyrone Brigade 8 July 1970: Volunteer Tommy CARLIN, Derry Brigade 8 July 1972: Volunteer Julie DOUGAN, Cumann na mBan, Portadown 8 July 1981: Fian John DEMPSEY, Fianna Éireann 8 July 1981: Volunteer Joe McDONNELL, Long Kesh 9 July 1972: Fian John DOUGAL, Fianna Éireann 13 July 1981: Volunteer Martin HURSON, Long Kesh

All notices and obituaries should be sent to notices@anphoblacht.com by Friday 18 July 2014 13 July 1984: Volunteer William PRICE, Tyrone Brigade 14 July 1972: Volunteer Louis SCULLION, 3rd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 15 July 1972: Volunteer James REID, 3rd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 16 July 1972: Fian Tobias MOLLOY, Fianna Éireann 17 July 1976: Volunteer Patrick CANNON, Dublin Brigade 17 July 1976: Volunteer Peter McELCAR, Donegal Brigade 21 July 1972: Volunteer Joseph DOWNEY, 3rd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 21 July 1973: Volunteer Alphonsus CUNNINGHAM, South Down Command 21 July 1973: Volunteer Pauline KANE, Cumann na mBan, Newcastle 25 July 1988: Volunteer Brendan DAVISON, 3rd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 27 July 1977: Volunteer Tommy TOLAN, 2nd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 28 July 1972: Volunteer Seamus

Comhbhrón O’SHEA. Deepest sympathy is extended to Seán O’Shea and all the O’Shea family on the recent death of Seán’s mother Mary. From all the staff at An Phoblacht.

“LIFE SPRINGS FROM DEATH AND FROM THE GRAVES OF PATRIOT MEN AND WOMEN SPRING LIVING NATIONS.” PÁDRAIG Mac PIARAIS

CASSIDY, 3rd Battalion, Belfast Brigade 31 July 1972: Volunteer Seamus BRADLEY, Derry Brigade.

Always remembered by the Republican Movement.

BROWN, Marky. In proud memory of Marky Brown, who died on 23 May 2011.

A partner, father, grandad, a brother and comrade. Sadly missed by Brenda, Megan, Roisin, Mark and baby Lucy.

Jimmy, Tricia, Nickita, Jean, Margaret, Monica and families.

BROWN, Marky. In proud memory of Marky Brown, who died on 23 May

2011. Sadly missed by Stevie and the Volunteer Kevin Barry RFB, Seán McIlvenna RFB, Calton republicans and friends and comrades in Bar 67, Glasgow.

BROWN, Marky. In proud memory of Marky Brown, who died on 23 May 2011.

Sadly missed by Tam, Fitzy, Betty and Mary and friends in Parkhead, Glasgow.

BROWN, Marky. In proud memory of Marky Brown, who died on 23 May 2011.

Always missed by all his friends in Belfast, Tom-Boy, Gerard, Eddie, Micky, and Cabbage. “Ahh’s a shakin, Boss.”

CLARKE, Terry. In memory of Volunteer Terry Clarke, who died on 13 June 2000.

From the Terry Clarke Sinn Féin Cumann, Clondalkin, Dublin.

CLARKE, Terry. In proud and loving memory of Volunteer Terry Clarke, who died 13 June 2000. You’re gone, you’re gone but you live on, in my memory.

Sadly missed by Mary, Marie, Seamus, Aoibhe and Turlough.

» Notices All notices should be sent to: notices@anphoblacht.com at least 14 days in advance of publication date. There is no charge for I nDíl Chuimhne, Comhbhrón etc.

KELLY, Patsy. In proud memory of Councillor Patsy Kelly, who was murdered on 24 July 1974 just outside Trillick by a pro-British death squad. Always remembered by the Patsy Kelly Sinn Féin Cumann, Trillick & Dromore, County Tyrone.

O’NEILL, Christopher. In proud and loving memory of a precious son and brother, Christopher. Always remembered with love and pride by his mother Maria and sister Ciara. xxx O’NEILL, Christopher. In proud and loving memory of Christopher, member of Kilrea Sinn Féin. Gone but never forgotten. From Kieran and Paula Duffy and family, Antrim Town.

O’NEILL, Christopher. In proud and loving memory of a wonderful boyfriend, Christopher O’Neill, Kilrea Sinn Féin.

Death leaves a heartache no one can heal, love leaves a memory no one can steal. From your beloved girlfriend, Mairéad Duffy, Antrim Town.

» Imeachtaí There is a charge of €10 for inserts printed in our Imeachtaí/Events column.

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Contact: sales@anphoblacht.com for details.

Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty 20th anniversary commemoration

5 Many of Dublin’s new councillors attend the commemoration

5 Volunteer Martin ‘Doco’ Doherty was killed stopping a UVF attack on the Widow Scallan’s pub in Dublin on 21 May 1994

5 Hundreds of people attend the commemoration at Glasnevin Cemetery

5 Wreaths are laid by members of Doco’s family

5 Gerry Kelly MLA, the main speaker

5 Doco’s comrade and friend, Dessie Ellis TD, chairs the event

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BETWEEN THE POSTS THE BATTLE FOR HEARTS AND MINDS

30 July / Iúil 2014

www.anphoblacht.com

THE

IRELAND is missing from this year’s World Cup but Roy Keane still added his own little twist to proceedings. In the aftermath of England’s first round defeat to Italy, the media ‘blame game’ began. Keane was invited to comment on the inclusion of psychiatrist Dr Steve Peters in the England’s backroom team.

“The sports psychologist should be the manager,” insisted the former Ireland international. “Brian Clough was the best sports psychologist for me, and Alex Ferguson was good.”

Keane went onto concede that Dr Steve may be able to help younger players or others with frustrations or injuries but the callous English media had got their first scapegoat.

Even the irony of Keane talking about psychology in sport went unremarked. Had former Ireland manager Mick McCarthy read Keane’s comments, he’d likely have had flashbacks to Saipan. If ever Ireland needed a sports psychologist at the World Cup it was then.

But even Keane’s curt comments about Steve Peters raise interesting questions about the value of sports psychology.

While the England soccer team were struggling to find their football feet, their rugby union team were putting it up to the mighty New Zealand in an international. As expected, the Kiwis won that test but it was not the outcome but the character of the match that was interesting.

The All-Blacks came from behind to win by the slimmest of margins. It’s a pattern Ireland would recognise.

In November 2013, on the cusp of

BY CIARÁN KEARNEY

5 Mind Games: Roy Keane was invited to comment on the inclusion of psychiatrist Dr Steve Peters in England’s backroom team an historic victory in the Aviva Stadium in Dublin, Ireland lost in the final moments to an All-Blacks comeback. The last kick of the game by Kiwi Aaron Cruden stole victory from an Irish team that fumbled its way through the final moments of the match they had led throughout.

New Zealand’s victories against Ireland and England were no accident.

The All-Blacks train for times like this and a vital part of their training and performance is informed by sports psychology.

As place-kicker Cruden says: “Dark moments do creep into your mind where you think it might go against you. If we stay in the present, we know things will turn our way.”

When asked by the media after the thrilling comeback against Ireland

how they did it, All-Blacks captain Richie McCaw explained his frame of mind: “It doesn’t matter what the scoreboard says, it’s about mental fortitude and composure – there’s still a chance. You won’t always get there but there’s still a chance.”

The irony of Roy Keane talking about psychology in sport went unremarked

The All-Blacks have their own sport psychologist who has been working with them for 12 years. Gilbert Enoka works as the Kiwi’s ‘mental skills coach’ and heads up a small part of the backroom team responsible for player well-being. He also helps inform strategies for team coaching.

It is true that the psychology of a team manager matters. Good managers have good psychological skills in every walk of life. There are managers in Gaelic games who exhibit such qualities. There are also those who don’t.

Does this have any bearing on their team? Definitely.

There are more working parts in the human mind than even the most sophisticated, multi-speed racing bike.

There are 100billion bytes in a person-

IN PICTURES

5 Gerry Kelly, Carál Ní Chuilín, Martin McGuinness, Bronwyn McGahan and Mitchel McLaughlin with All-Ireland Junior Club Hurling Champions Creggan Kickhams at the Assembly

al computer. There are 32trillion bytes in the Library of Congress in Washington. But the human mind has up to 1,000trillion synapses, the small links between the memory units in our brain. Cyclists have specialists fine-tune their bicycles. Why not have someone help with getting their heads in gear?

One afternoon on The Sunday Game, former Dublin footballer Ciarán Whelan referred to ‘The Battle of Omagh’. It’s a reference to a match between Dublin and Tyrone back in Whelan’s day.

The reference to ‘The Battle of Omagh’ came from ‘The Blue Book’, a project devised by a sports psychologist working within the Dublin county team of that era. The document was later leaked to the media. That hasn’t deterred the Dubs from using sports psychology in several other ways to help improve performance. And they’re not on their own. It may be a fairly new addition to improving performance in Gaelic games but sports psychology is here to stay.

Examples of sports psychology in action are all around: the penalty shoot-out; the free kick in the closing moments of a championship match; the Centre Court duel at Wimbledon; on the golf greens all over the world.

Match reports frequently refer to ‘hunger’, ‘mindset’, ‘passion’ and ‘mental strength’. None of this is a training drill or a tactical switch. It’s the character and qualities that we bring to any endeavour as people.

In sport, the final whistle never blows in the battle for hearts and minds.

photos@anphoblacht.com

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IN PICTURES

photos@anphoblacht.com

5 Just imagine what would have happened had every free been met by a scene from Braveheart

Leading the charge STEPHEN O’KEEFFE’S heroic charging down of Anthony Nash in the Cork v Waterford replay forced the GAA’s hand in relation to the controversy surrounding the taking of penalties and close-in frees in hurling.

From now on they must be struck on or before the line. As a former corner back I fully concur with the ruling. It is bad enough having to face a penalty without the ball being hit 15 feet away!

O’Keeffe’s derring-do might well have earned him a Victoria Cross had he shown similar valour in the trenches in Flanders. Perhaps an ‘Order of the O’Keeffe’ can be established to reward similar feats of bravery in the future.

While it was undoubtedly courageous, it was going to happen at some stage. The rule states that players facing a free or penalty cannot move until the ball has been struck but ‘striking’ was interpreted in this instant by referee Johnny Ryan as when the stick makes contact with the ball.

Not only is that a bit absurd but it also had massive implications for all frees, as the player taking a free could now be charged down. Just imagine what would have happened had every free been met by a scene from Braveheart. The

Limerick were ridiculously priced as 3/1 outsiders against a Tipp team that has more neuroses than a Woody Allen cast danger is that that would have led to hand-tohand combat (as it did in the Cork v Waterford game) or even serious injury meant that that could not be allowed happen.

Some referees straightaway said that the rule should not be taken to mean that lifting the ball constituted striking, and the Referees’ Committee quickly moved to avert a summer of mayhem. So no longer will we witness what was the admittedly impressive spectacle of Nash or anyone else launching all but unstoppable pile-drivers from well within the 20-metre line.

The first real test of the new ruling came in Cork’s Munster semi-final against Clare. Cork were awarded a penalty in the first half but Nash did not come up to take it. It was left instead to Pa Horgan who, with the aid of somewhat naēve defending from Clare, hit the back of net. Hubris perhaps given that certain Clare chaps were among the most vociferous in demanding a ‘Nash Rule’.

Clare will have more than that to ponder as they await the draws for the qualifiers. Mind you, they did win the All-Ireland via the scenic route last year and Davy did not seem overly distraught

5 4,000 people angry at First Minister Peter Robinson’s support for fundamentalist Christian preacher James McConnell’s anti-Muslim diatribe gathered at Belfast City Hall to ‘Say No to Racism’. Here, Collette McAllister of Sinn Féin Republican Youth, North Antrim, sends a message to unionist ‘Fleggers’ who staged their own protest

Matt Treacy at the prospect of trying to do so again. It should also be borne in mind that only once in the last ten years have the Munster champions won the All-Ireland, and that was way back when Cork beat the Cats in 2005.

Much of that had to do with the Cats’ dominance but there may also be a certain element of the team who wins Munster, or Leinster for that matter, getting a bit stale over the long lay-off between the provincial finals and the All-Ireland semi-finals. That will be five weeks this year, which is really too long and did neither Limerick or Dublin any favours last year.

Both Limerick and Dublin have again made the finals, contrary to those who were predicting that they would be taken out by Tipp and Wexford respectively. Limerick were ridiculously priced as 3/1 outsiders against a Tipp team that has more neuroses than a Woody Allen cast. They are 7/4 to beat Cork. Wexford almost had themselves and the rest of the hurling world convinced that they would beat Dublin, who were without a number of key players. They threw the kitchen sink at it but in truth there was never any real doubt about the outcome once Dublin had weathered the early storm to lead at half time.

The last time Dublin successfully defended a Leinster title was in 1942, and the consensus in the world of punditry is that they will fail to do so this year. My view is that, despite the potential downsides to winning Leinster and then cooling their heels for over a month, that Dublin will peak for that game and will be difficult to stop. In hindsight, last year may have been Dublin’s best chance of winning the ultimate prize but they will also be motivated by the realisation that that chance does not come around too often. Time to seize the day.

There is lots of hurling left to do. While there have been some good games so far, there has been nothing to match the excitement and shocks that marked the 2013 championship, even from an early stage. That will change, however, and we may expect to see some surprises, especially in the qualifying phase.

5 Jay Esterson, Ken Breannan and Carmen Villanueve at the International Justice Day for Cleaners to remind people about the value of the work they do and the need for all cleaners to be treated with respect and dignity

5 Tour guide Pádraig Finlay displays the TripAdvisor 'Certificate of Excellence' awarded to the Sinn Féin Bookshop's ‘Rebel Walking Tour of Dublin’ for exceptional performance and consistent top ratings from tourists and visitors

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‘While unionist parties support Orange Order’s refusal to engage with residents then issues won’t be addressed’

TENSIONS RISE FOR MARCHING SEASON

BY PEADAR WHELAN AFTER MEETING Britain’s Queen Elizabeth at Hillsborough Castle outside Belfast on Monday 23 June, joint First Minister Martin McGuinness said he will “continue to offer positive political leadership”. He reaffirmed his commitment and that of Sinn Féin to reconciliation between the people of Ireland and Britain.

“Tonight’s meeting with Queen Elizabeth was also about reaching out the hand of friendship to the unionist community,” McGuinness said.

McGuinness’s third meeting with the British monarch comes as tensions across the North in the run-up to this year’s Orange marching season rise.

The news that the Parades Commission is permitting an Orange march along a small sec-

5 ‘Tour of the North’ Orange Order members film and goad protesters at St Patrick’s Church, scene of unionist triumpalism in previous years (See below for more photos from the parade)

tion of the Garvaghy Road in Portadown on June 29 underpins nationalist suspicions that the Orange Order, supported by all shades of unionism, is intent on confrontation.

The unionist leadership remains focused on its own narrow objectives.

In the short-term, unionists are lobbying hard to see an Orange Order parade pass through Ardoyne during the Twelfth.

And in a highly unusual move, the leaders of political unionism (Peter Robinson of the DUP, Mike Nesbitt of the UUP, and Jim Allister of the TUV), along with the political representatives of the UVF and UDA, have met both the Parades Commission and the PSNI Chief Constable designate George Hamilton in a joint delegation to lobby on behalf of the Orange Order and their demand to parade along the Crumlin Road.

Speaking to An Phoblacht, Sinn Féin Haass Talks negotiator Seán Murray described the unionist position as being “politically bankrupt”.

Commenting on last Friday’s ‘Tour of the North’ Orange Order parade through north

Unionist parties join UVF and UDA political representatives in lobbying Parades Commission and PSNI for Orange parades

Belfast, which passed off peacefully, Murray said: “The unionists, loyalists and the Orange Order were on their best behaviour in an attempt to impress the Parades Commission and influence its determination on Ardoyne.

“But we shouldn’t forget that, since the Twelfth of July last year and the widespread violence that followed, there have been parades and intimidation carried out nightly which have been focused on the self-styled ‘civil rights camp’ at Twaddell, deliberately located on one of the North’s most volatile interfaces.

“This is the real Orange Order that nationalists see. So until that particular leopard changes its spot and while the unionist parties continue to support the Orange Order’s refusal to engage with residents on a sustained and meaningful basis, then the issues won’t be addressed.

“We signed up to Haass because we want to move things on. Unionists need to show the same level of leadership by delivering mechanisms to resolve the toxic issues around parading.”