Architecture, Identity and Power : Architecture Dissertation

ARCHITECTURE, IDENTITY AND POWER

Studying parliamentary complexes in South Asia

Dissertation 2018

FINAL REPORT

Written By

Aniruddh Sharan

(A/2793/2015)

Guide : Dr. Leon Morenas Co-ordinator : Mekhla Parihar

November 2018 Fourth Year | 7th Sem

Architecture, Identity & Power

01 ABSTRACT Keywords: National Identity, Power, Parliament complex, South Asia, Politics and Architecture This dissertation is an attempt to understand the relationship between national identity, power and architecture. It aims to understand their influence on each other and focuses primarily on the translation of ideas and aspirations into build forms. This is done through a careful analysis of the architecture of parliamentary complexes – a space which is often an attempt to consolidate power, promote unity and cultivate an identity. It is a building with a prominent political undertone which is consciously designed to reflect as well as shape beliefs and aspirations.

The study primarily focuses on South Asian states- namely Chandigarh in India, Dhaka in Bangladesh & Jayawardenepura Kotte in Sri Lanka. Even though they gained independence from a common colonial power, around the same time, their path towards nation building and its resulting impact on the architecture of their parliamentary complexes were distinct from each other and were viewed as iconic endeavors.

This dissertation is an attempt to study the various factors involved in creation of the parliamentary complex with a focus on the unique socio-political backdrop that gave rise to them. It focuses on the translation of power and identity and uses tools such as space syntax analysis, as interpreted by Kim Dovey, in an attempt to understand the power structure of the spaces and the social logic that they reflect upon the user of the space.

The study reveals that architectural design of the parliamentary complexes, is an outcome of several factors, ranging from (a) spatial correlation between the complex and the capital city, (b) preferences and aspirations of the dominant factions of the sponsoring regime, (c) government’s aspiration of creating an international identity in pursuit of economic development and (d) the objectives, desires and interpretations of the architect. Thus, more often than not, the architectural translation of the parliamentary complex is an outcome of negotiations between the various governing factors which are shaped by the people in power. The architect and the ruling class primarily dictate this power and thus, instead the ‘national identity’, it is the identity and aspiration of the few that gets reflected through the architecture of the parliamentary complex.

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DECLARATION The research work embodied in this dissertation titled Architecture, Identity and Power has been carried out by the undersigned as part of the undergraduate Dissertation programme in the Department of Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi, under the supervision of Dr. Leon Morenas.

The undersigned hereby declares that this is his original work and has not been plagiarised in part or full form from any source.

Name of student: Aniruddh Sharan Roll No.: BA/2793/2015 Date: 15 November 2018

(Signature of student)

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(Signature of guide)

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my guide, Dr. Leon Morenas, for his constant help and guidance in structuring the framework of my research and in forming a coherent argument through this paper.

I am grateful to my coordinator, Ms. Mekhla Parihar, for her constant support and inputs and Ms. Arpita Dayal and Dr. Jaya Kumar for guiding me throughout the course of this study.

I would like to acknowledge the help and support of Dr. Awadhendra Bhushan Sharan. His constant support, vital structuring of the arguments and the valuable readings helped shaped this dissertation in its present form.

I would also like to thank my friends for acting as invaluable sound boards and showing constant encouragement.

Last, but not the least, I would like to thank my family for their constant love and support.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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INTRODUCTION Reseach Question, Aims, Objectives Scope, Limitations Research Methodology

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POWER & BUILT ENVIRONMENT Types of power Translation of power into built form Means of representation: Space syntax analysis

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IDENTITY & PARLIAMENTARY COMPLEX Types of National Identity Translation of Identity into architecture Approach to designing parliamentary complex

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CASE STUDIES Selection and Justifications

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PARAMATERS OF STUDY

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PRIMARY CASE STUDY Capitol complex Chandigarh, India

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SECONDARY CASE STUDY Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban Dhaka, Bangladesh SECONDARY CASE STUDY New parliamentary complex Sri Jayawardenepura Kotte, Sri Lanka

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COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS Comparisons & Learnings

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CONCLUSION

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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TABLE OF FIGURES

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Figure 1 Types of arrangements of genotypes

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Figure 2 Example of Space syntax diagram

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Figure 3 Proposals for the legislative assembly by Nowicki

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Figure 4 Comparison between the master plans of Chandigarh

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Figure 5 Final plan of the capitol complex

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Figure 6 Development of the Assembly roof

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Figure 7 Arrangement at the roof of the Assembly

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Figure 8 Difference in architectural form of Assembly & Secretariat Figure 9.1 Original floor plans of Legislative Assembly Figure 9.2 Division of Assembly between Punjab and Haryana State governments Figure 10 Space syntax diagram of Legislative Assembly, Chandigarh Figure 11 Plan of the Assembly building, Dhaka Figure 12 Section of the Assembly building, Dhaka

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FIgure 13 Public engagement of the complex

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Figure 14 View of the Parliamentary complex, Kotte

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Figure 15 Plans of monastery at Anuradhapura & Legislative Assembly, Kotte

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02 INTRODUCTION The relationship between architecture and politics and its role as a tool of representation of power and identity has been well established over the years by several authors. It is a practice which has been prevalent ever since the time of empire building and in the backdrop of the ongoing creation of Amravati – the new capital city of Andhra Pradesh, in southern India – it still remains a fascinating and relevant subject of study.

This dissertation is an attempt at understanding the process of how identity and power get articulated, influences and shapes architecture. It also looks at how this physical translation is impacted by the socio-political changes observed in the society where it is built.

Throughout the 20th century, the world saw many political uprisings around the world and witnessed the slow demise of imperial colonies (Gordon, 2006). At the time of independence from these colonial powers, different regions or former colonies addressed the idea of new found power and nation in many different ways. Many regions gained control in their hands for the first time and moved towards self-reliance, whereas in other instances power simply traded hands from foreign rulers to domestic authoritarian regimes. Apart from their political structure, they also pondered on issues such as the defining characters of the newly formed nation state – from their common identity to the values and ideals that was to be commonly envisioned for the future of the new state.

The parliamentary building became the stage for representing these ideas. It was a symbol of what the state stood for and a manifestation of the political and social aspirations of its society. Thus, overtime it has emerged as a building with a prominent political undertone which is believed to be consciously designed, in order to reflect as well as shape identities, beliefs and aspirations. Each decision is seen as a reflection of the state and has meaning and symbolism inherent in it. Thus, this study looks at the architecture of the parliamentary complex, as well as the process of its manifestation, as important reflections of translating political ideas into built form aswell as means of studying balance of power in society. (Gaertz, cited in Vale 2008) The study focuses on the process of designing parliamentary complexes in south Asia, as it witnessed different regions reacting differently to their independence from a common colonial power. Even though at the time of independence, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka – the cases chosen as part of this study – opted for similar political arrangements of being independent sovereign states, each country reacted differently 1

Architecture, Identity & Power in their outlook for their future and the course it was to take soon after independence.

From different approaches to addressing their history and culture to different agendas in order to address modernity and their future, the newly formed nations were vital players in defining the new era of global politics of developing countries.

This dissertation looks at the impact of these various decisions upon the design of their parliamentary complex. It aims at understanding the process involved behind the making of the complex and identify the various factors which influenced its manifestation.

The primary focus of the study remains on understanding the articulation of power and identity in the resulting design of the parliamentary complex.

RESEARCH QUESTION

How does architecture delineate power?

How does social and political context influence the architecture of a parliementary complex?

How does the personal identity and professional vision of an architect impact the architecture of the parliamentary complex?

AIMS To understand the role of architecture in representing political ideas To understand the role of architecture and urban design in representing and shaping power and identity

OBJECTIVE To understand the political context of the place and its relationship to architecture To understand the different approaches to nation building and their resulting impact upon their architecture, that were taken by newly independent South Asian nations To understand the process and the various tools through which power get translated into architecture

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SCOPE The study focuses on post-colonial developments in South Asia, namely- India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka Architecture, in this study, would primarily refer to the architecture of parliamentary complexes In the case of Sri Lanka, the study will focus on the new Parliamentary complex at Sri Jayawardenapura Kotte. In the case of Bangladesh, the Sher-e-Bangla complex, Dhaka would be taken in consideration. In the case of India, the study will focus on the capitol complex located in Chandigarh. Unlike Delhi, which was built by the imperial British, Chandigarh capitol complex was the first major capitol to be constructed in Independent India and thus is interpreted as the defining architecture of modern India

LIMITATIONS The political actors in power at the time of conceptualization, construction and usage of the building might differ. Governments with different ideologies and interpretations keep inhabiting the same structure. Thus it is difficult to read the structure in respect to direct visions of the political power Abstraction of architectural design-fuelled by trends and practices in the architectural profession, renders multiple meanings upon the same space Meaning of a space is hinged on the viewers interpretation. Thus, it cannot be fully predicted or controlled Due to time constraints, the study will mainly rely upon personal observations and analysis of available literature in the case of primary case study and secondary accounts and analysis of available literature, in the case of secondary case study, in order to conclude interpretations and reactions

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY LITERATURE REVIEW In order to understand the existing theory on the subject and comprehend the global patterns. The study focuses on understanding and defining the scope of the terms- identity and power, their different types, their application and translation into build fabric and means of reading and analysing them. The literature then asses the various approaches present towards designing of the parliamentary complexes and understand the various factors influencing its design.

CASE STUDIES Comprehensive study of : a. Social Background b. Political context c. Architect’s objectives and visions d. Capital complex at the scale of urban design

Process of site selection

Citing and Relationship between various components e. Architectural analysis of the Legislative Assembly

Evolution of design

Design Features

ANALYSIS

Articulation of Power Articulation of Identity

Visual Analysis Space Syntax Analysis Comparitive Analysis

CONCLUSIONS

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03 POWER & BUILT ENVIRONMENT Types of Power

Power, literally translated, refers to the ability to do something. Yet power, when exercised, results in the formation of a relationship between the enforcer of power over the entity which is subjected to it. This distinction between different kinds of power can be classified as ‘Power to’ and ‘Power over’. (Dovey, 1999) Power to, refers to the capacity inherent to the actor- be it an individual or an institution. It is the ability to define, control and create circumstances which help influence other favorable outcome or results (Rorty, as cited in Dovey, 1999). ‘Power over’, on the other hand refers to the ability to control, manipulate and use other’s abilities in order to gain personal objectives. (Dovey, 1999) Thus, ‘power to’ becomes both the source as well as the result of power as a relation. (Dovey, 1999) In this light, ‘power’ – as an ability or capacity to do anything: imagine, create or change, becomes both positive as well as negative. It takes the form of liberation as well as oppression (Dovey, 1999).

Power also has the ability to take different forms. In our day to day life, we take ‘power to’ as granted and encounter power as a relation in different forms (Dovey, 1999). Force, manipulation, coercion, seduction and authority are some, amongst various, forms of power. (Dovey, 1999). It is vital to understand these forms of power in order to successfully read and identify their application. ‘Force’ is a form of exercising power which leaves the user with no option, but to comply (Dovey, 1999). It is a kind of relation in which there is always a repercussion attached to noncompliance and there is no room to exercise that option. Some applications of ‘force’ in the built environment are the creation of boundaries and walls which prevent access to the space. This helps create spaces for ‘spatial confinement’ (for examples prisons) and spaces designed for ‘spatial exclusion’ (for example fortresses) (Dovey, 1999).

Even though ‘force’ is the most common applied form of power, it isn’t the most effective, as it successfully allows for prevention but doesn’t effectively lead to creation (Dovey, 1999) Other forms of power such as ‘coercion’ are more effective in that sense. Coercion can be defined as a threat- a threat of application force, in order to seek compliance (Dovey, 1999). Since it is able to operate as a threat and gives the scope for non-compliance, it is able to veil behind volunteerism and thus, becomes a more effective form of power. (Dovey, 1999) Coercion operates in the built form through spatial design signifying a threat of force. (Dovey, 1999) One way of doing so, is domination and intimidation. Their application in architecture

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Architecture, Identity & Power ranges from creation of monuments- reiterating the memory of a past use of force, to exaggeration of scale or choosing a prominent location- in order to belittle individual capacity and signify the power required to build (Dovey, 1999).

At the scale of urban design and planning, power operates in more subtle forms. By framing the built environment and enabling programmed action, one is able to control everyday life within it (Dovey, 1999). It is an example of manipulation – a form of coercion where the subject is oblivious of the application of power and yet complies favorably (Dovey, 1999). “The exercise of power is made invisible to its subject and the possibility of resistance is thereby removed” (Wrong, cited in Dovey, 1999). This often allows for creation of situations where the subjects are aware of the relation between their actions and resulting outcomes but are unaware of the “indirect connection between their compliant behavior that helps to constitute and sustain the feedback of coercion and sanctioning that helps control them” (Barnes, as cited in Dovey, 1999).

Power is most effectively applied in a manner which makes it appear natural and thereby, unchangeable. (Dovey, 1999). Seduction and authority are forms such forms of power. ‘Seduction’ refers to the act of luring the subject through manipulation of their interests and desires, in order to gain power over them (Dovey, 1997). ‘Authority’ refers to the condition of “unquestioned recognition and compliance” and is often interlinked with the power structure of the larger society (Dovey, 1999). Power of an authority rests upon the idea of legitimation of power (Arendt, cited in Dovey, 1999). Since legitimacy is based on perceptions, it is very fragile and thus is often the goal of institutions exercising authority (Dovey, 1999).

For example, when exercising power is seen as necessary to serve majority in a society, it is believed to be of righteous intent and viewed as legitimate power (Dovey, 1999) Rituals, ceremonies and build form serve as important occasions for showcasing power for a state and gaining the legitimacy from members of the society (Kertzer, as cited in Dovey, 1999).

Although these forms of power are distinct from each other, they rarely seem to operate in isolation (Dovey, 1999). They are often clubbed together, and tend to naturalize themselves, making it harder to identify their application and resist (Dovey, 1999). Success of exercised power thus relies upon its ability to hide and yet effectively operate (Foucault, as cited in Dovey, 1999). Imagination and belief also plays a crucial role in defining the effectiveness of power, as it often shapes desires, which help produce legitimation (Rorty, as cited in Dovey, 1999). Architecture and the built form thus appears as both an attempt to gain legitimacy as well as to portray power.

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Architecture, Identity & Power Translation of power in build form

There are several tools and means of conveying power through architecture.

Through manipulation of elements such as location, scale and access, amongst others, power can be represented in the built form (Dovey, 1999). For example through controlling the orientation of the built, architecture is able to engage in everyday life and “structure the cognitive maps through which we imagine our world” (Dovey, 1999). Buildings also become important symbols showcasing power of its producers. For example, the large scale of a built form symbolizes immense power, which would have been required for its creation (Dovey, 1999).

Manipulation of the built fabric has been one of the most effective methods of translating power and influencing change. ‘Colonial spatial imagination’, exercised by the British in India, is a powerful example of this (Glover, 2008). The colonizers believed that there was an intrinsic relationship between the physical built fabric and the social practices that it influenced (Glover, 2008). Viewing their works as interventions in the present setting, they believed that by bringing changes in the constructed environment, they could bring about changes in the social order and behavior. (Glover, 2008) The use of hierarchy in planning and lay outing streets to define social order are powerful examples of this. They also looked to use straight geometry in order to bring about social order and discipline. (Glover, 2008) Through such use of spatial organization, the colonizers looked to instill an appreciation for rational order. (Glover, 2008) Much of the interventions undertaken by the British was done on the basis of their political imagination of spaces, which in turn were based upon recording and observations they had collected of the present state of social order and material setting (Glover, 2008). Though often veiled as scientific objectivity, these inquiries were a mix of subjective assessment of Indian society and its customs clubbed with an objective observation of the material setting enabling those customs. (Glover, 2008).

Means of representation: Space syntax analysis In order to understand the role and translation of power into built spaces and architecture, it is vital for us to understand and identify their application. One such way is through the use of ‘Space syntax analysis’- a variant of which was developed

by Hillier and Hanson in 1984 and aimed at studying the ‘social logic of space’ (Hillier and Hanson, cited in Dovey, 1999). The analysis also helps comprehend the “programmatic issues of power in architecture” (Dovey, 1999). It draws upon the idea of ‘genotypes of architecture’ (Dovey, 1999). Genotypes are “clusters of spatial segments structured in certain formations with syntactic rules of sequence 7

Architecture, Identity & Power and adjacency” (Dovey, 1999). These genotypes have sociological impacts and implications (Hillier and Hanson, cited in Dovey, 1999).

One of the variants of space syntax analysis is ‘Gamma analysis’. This is a technique in which the building is mapped out as an arrangement of cellular structures, using entry points of the occupant as the base (Dovey, 1999). In this, the focus of the study is both the relationship of the visitors with the inhabitants of the building as well as the relationship amongst the inhabitants themselves (Dovey, 1999). The elements of the building plan, as a result, get distorted as cellular structures and are arranged on the basis of their approach and access from various spaces (Dovey, 1999). There are three main types that emerge as a result of this approach a. Enfilade – a linear structure arranged as a string of spaces which follow a predefined sequence (Dovey 1999). Thus, it only allows for a predetermined circulation which gives access to spaces only upon passing other space. Examples of this arrangement are palatial corridors. (Dovey, 1999) b. Fan – a connected arrangement of various spatial segments, it allows for creation of multiple choices of circulation (Dovey, 1999). It allows access to different spaces through a single point of entry and doesn’t allow for interaction amongst different spaces. This enables greater surveillance as all the users are forced to cross the common point in order to move into other spaces (Dovey, 1999). c. Network/RIng – a network of spaces which not only allow for simultaneous access amongst spaces through a single point, but also enables for interaction amongst the various spaces> This allows the visitors to have multiple patterns of circulation and exercise ‘choice’ (Dovey, 1999) (fig 1).

Fig 1 Types of arrangements of genotypes Source: (Dovey, 1999)

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Architecture, Identity & Power “Building genotypes are powerful ideological constructs which frame our everyday lives” (Dovey, 1999). Each of these spatial arrangements have a social significance and serve as a marker of embedded power in architecture (Hillier and Hanson, cited in Dovey, 1999). Power is affirmed by spatial relationship between different segments which either allow or deny bonding and interaction (Dovey, 1999) (fig 2). This has a great impact on the social relations between the occupants of the building (Dovey, 1999). Building genotypes serve as ‘classifying devices’ which reproduce the social hierarchy of caste and class by framing social interaction and relation (Markus, cited in Dovey, 1999). For example, inhabitants enjoying a similar status in society, are often placed in similar depths within a building (Markus, cited in Dovey, 1999) “The spatial ‘division’ of our world becomes a ‘vision’ of our world” and thus, is of vital importance. (Dovey, 1999).

Fig 2 Example of Space syntax diagram of Palace of Versailles by Kim Dovey (1999).

The figure shows the difference between an architectural plan (above) with circulation pattern and a space syntax analysis diagram (left) Source: (Dovey, 1999)

The space syntax analysis reveals that there are various kinds of spatial arrangements embedded with power (Dovey, 1999). Important parameters involved in the analysis of the study are: (a) Networked vs Controlled spaces Talk about the circulation and freedom of movement and choice of the occupant in a particular space. The more controlled the spatial arrangement in a reflection of ‘power over’ the occupant (Dovey, 1999).

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Architecture, Identity & Power (b) Deep vs Shallow arrangements Traditionally an indicator of power and clout of the visitor (Hillier and Hanson, cited in Dovey, 1999). Their study reveals that location of different programs help identify the centers of power (Hillier and Hanson, cited in Dovey, 1999). In the 18th and 19th century, the deeper segments were occupied by the inhabitant and the shallower by the visitors. But with the subsequent replacement of the formal enfilade by a branched system, generate by an open plan, informal layout, the idea of power has shifted. (Hillier and Hanson, cited in Dovey, 1999) The least powerful are located in the center and are constantly under the surveillance (Dovey, 1999).

Spatial analysis can reveal ways in which built form marks territory, enables and constrains proxemics relations, frames behavioral settings and constructs cognitive maps of spaces” (Dovey, 1999) Thus, given its various implication, certain parameters need to be establish in order to facilitate its application in this study. (a) The plans of the building are not accurate arrangement of the interior spaces (b) The space between spaces is drawn to indicate the depth and relationship between segments and aren’t measured accurately and thereby aren’t a reflection of their physical proximity. (c) The size of the individual units doesn’t necessarily reveal the spatial sizing as in reality (d) The maps are only drawn to highlight and focus on mode of access for visitors in the space and the relationship between inhabitants. The study only conducts the analysis through the experience of a visitor of the building as it is believed that the visitor is representative of the general public. Since public participation forms for the basis of democratic success, the experience and power experienced by the visitor is used to analyze the representation of power in the architecture of the parliamentary complex.

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04 IDENTITY & PARLIAMENTARY COMPLEX Types of national identity Through a careful manipulation of the built environment, many states and governments have attempted to define a sense of national identity (Vale, 2008). But in order to proceed with the analysis of how exactly has it been done, it is important to define the meaning, origins and various forms of national identity. Different types of national identity stem from the distinction between types of nationalism: nationalism of aspiration- embraced during the fight against the established nation in the aspiration for controlling power, and nationalism of consolidation- used to generate unity in the times of regrouping, controlling and containing power (Vale, 2008).

In order to grasp the idea of national identity, it is important to understand that there are two distinct schools of thought regarding collective identity – primordialism (or essentialism) and constructivism (Glusac, 2015). Primordialism – often interpreted as ‘natural identity’, views identity as stable and unchanging (Glusac, 2015). Constructivist approach, on the other hand, views identity as ‘constructed, multi-dimensional and fluid’ (Glusac, 2015). It believes that identities can be influenced and shaped through external factors and changed overtime (Glusac, 2015). National identity refers to the generation of a collective identity which is capable of being “fostered internally” (Vale, 2008). It is not a natural attribute of a given state and is ‘cultivated’ through various means (Vale, 2008). Public statements such as parades, flags and architecture of capital complex help reinstate the collective identity and symbolize the value and importance of the state (Vale, 2008).

They contribute towards the “production and consolidation of the we” (Vale, 2008).

The identity reflected in the architecture produced by the state is a combination of subnational, supranational and personal identity (Vale, 2008).

Subnational identity refers to the multiple identities which exist within a state (Vale, 2008) Identity is often “variable, overlapping and situational” and is often strongly associated with an immediate region or environment than the larger constituent (Young, cited in Vale, 2008). As nations are rarely culturally homogenous, there is always a contention between different identities and the corresponding factions (Vale, 2008). In terms of their representation in the form of architecture of capital buildings, they are rarely evenly represented (Vale, 2008). National identities, in comparison to subnational identities, often appear artificial and become subjected

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Architecture, Identity & Power to the manipulation of those in power (Vale, 2008). Supranational identity on the other hand, refers to identity in an international frame of reference (Vale, 2008). It is coupled with the idea of ‘imagined political communities’ which transcend the borders of nation states (Anderson, cited in Vale, 2008). Modernization and global image are major components of supranational identity (Vale, 2008). This means that national identity at times is subjected to becoming a subservient goal in front of recognition and views of international audiences (Vale, 2008). Personal identity refers to the personal preferences and views of the individual. In the case of the parliament building, it refers to the “personal predilection – of both the designer as well as the sponsoring politicians” and plays a crucial role in influencing the design (Vale, 2008).

Translating national identity into architecture of Parliament complex Capitals and their parliamentary complexes are often designed with multiple and simultaneous frames of references (Vale, 2008) These various forms of identity are often contested against each other and serve as these ‘frames of reference’ thereby becoming influencing factors in the design of a parliament complex (Vale, 2008).

The symbolism embodied in the architecture and urban design of the complex is “a product of (a) subnational allegiances and preferences of the sponsoring regime, (b) government’s interests in creating an international identity and (c) priorities of the architect’s design agenda” (Vale, 2008).

Apart from carefully balancing between these various influencing factors, there are certain paradoxes faced by the creators while designing a parliament as reflection of national identity. One of them is “how to revive old dormant civilization and take part in universal civilization?” (Ricoeur, cited in Vale, 2008). This problem gets heightened when “national leaders retain a political and symbolic need to refuge in some form of deep historic legitimacy” and yet aim at creating revered and internationally popular architecture which is symbolic for progress and advancement (Vale, 2008). Other important issues related to representation in a capital complex are “how to represent the diversity of cultural groups that may co-exist within a state while advocating a collective identity?” and “how to spatially represent the political system of a country?” (Vale, 2008).

Question like these often aren’t easy to answer as no one answer to them is correct. The tussle to accurately represent the present, hold on to the past and at the same time express the capabilities for moving forward can be constantly observed through the study of various capital complexes.

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Architecture, Identity & Power Approaches to addressing parliamentary complex Solutions regarding the creation of the capital and specially the architecture of the capital complex are thus often negotiations between various influencing parameters such as the “spatial relationship between the complex and the city” and the expression of identities with ties to local and global aspirations. (Vale, 2008) Given the various challenges involved, the architect can approach the design of the capital complex through three broad ways (Vale, 2008). One of them is treating architecture as separated from its implications and by showing disinterest in the socio political association of the building. (Vale, 2008) Another response can be treating the complex as a microcosm of the state and focusing on representation of all its constituting factors (Vale, 2008). Yet another approach to designing can be placing the focus on the power of the building to establish the ideal setting (Vale, 2008). An example of this can be the attempt to reflect the “cosmic role of government that bore little relation to the constitution” by Kahn in the design of the Dhaka capital complex (Vale, 2008).

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05 CASE STUDY Selections & Justifications South Asia A newly independent region faced with the issue of nation building and capital construction, these nations have come to have a great impact on global politics India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka Key players of South Asian and third world politics, they all became independent from the common coloniser- the British Empire, roughly around the same time. At the time of their creation, all the three states shared the common objective of growing beyond their colonial past and fostering a “new independent cultural and national identity� (Malik, 1997) Chandigarh (India): Primary case study The first amongst them to be built, Chandigarh was the pilot project of newly independent India. The first modernist designed capital, it went on to have a significant impact on India’s vision of nation building and the future (Vale, 2008).

Designed following the approach of architecture being capable of fostering change, the study of Chandigarh also accounts for an interesting evaluation of the impact of the architect and his visions on the design on the parliamentary complex.

Dhaka (Bangladesh): Secondary study Designed as the capital for East Pakistan initially, it went on to serve as the symbol of independent Bangladesh following the civil war in 1971. The complex is thus a fascinating study of changing political setup and its influences upon the meaning of the same building.

Jayawardenepura Kotte (Sri Lanka): Secondary study Resultant of internal politics rather than national liberation, the parliamentary complex is an interesting study of relationship between architecture and nationalism.

The last amongst the three to be built, it was the first complex which was designed by a local architect and represents an alternative outlook and approach to designing of parliamentary complex.

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06 PARAMETERS OF STUDY Informed from the pre-existing literature on the topic of representation of power and identity in the architecture of the parliamentary complex, certain parameters are drawn out as the defining guides for this study. (a) Political context and prevailing social background Since “national identity communicated through the production of a parliament building often highlights the identity of a dominant group� sponsoring its production, the architecture of the complex shows a close association to the political structure of the state (Vale, 2008) Thus, it becomes a major influencing factor impacting the design of the complex.

(b) Architect’s professional vision and objective Where on one hand the hiring of the architect becomes crucial to the approach of designing the parliamentary complex, the scale and the accompanying importance of the project often become a stage for representing personal expressions (Vale, 2008). Global architectural trends, fueled by comparisons and competition, make the creation of a purely local design solution unlikely (Vale, 2008). Thus, studying the process of appointment and understanding the objectives of the architect become vital to the study.

(c) Representation of Identity and Power Influenced by factors such as location, access and scale, power and identity are often embedded in the design of the parliamentary complex. The study tries to identify the various elements which enable this translation and focuses on their implication in terms of reflections and experience for the user. It is done by analyzing the urban design of the complex and the architecture of the parliament building.

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07 CAPITOL COMPLEX, CHANDIGARH

The Modernist experiment of Independent India

Social Background In the aftermath of India’s brutal partition along religious lines, the state of Punjab was left in turmoil. Not only did people, in the range of millions, crossed borders – leaving behind their land, lifestyle and identity, the state also faced the division of its administrative machinery. The famed capital located at Lahore, fell in the Pakistani territory and went on to serve as the capital for West Punjab. As for the Eastern half – a new capital was to be built keeping in mind its strategic location to the old center of power and addressing the rising tension between Hindus and Sikhs of the Punjab region.

Political Background Thus, the new capital was seen as a chance to establish a new identity and a symbol of progress and potential of new, independent India. National aspiration, the ideas of modernity and India’s future role in it, as envisioned by Prime Minister Nehru and Punjabi bureaucratic officials such as A L Fletcher, T N Thapar and P L Varma, went on to have profound impact on the planning of the city (Perrera, as cited in Gordon, 2006). The very first signs of this change in mindset was evident in the discussions regarding modernity and development. Unlike Bhubaneswar, which was constructed roughly around the same time and yet followed a conscious decision to readapt the glorious past (Kalia, 2004), Chandigarh was seen as an experiment to address the idea of moving forward. It was seen as a dialogue between Western European modernity and Indian interpretation of modernity (Perrera, as cited in Gordon, 2006).

As a result, efficiency and rationality of designs and plans emerged as the most vital attributes of the project (Perrera, as cited in Gordon, 2006). For Nehru, Chandigarh was also envisioned to serve as a model, representative of independent India’s economic potential and development and thus needed to have a strong international appeal (Perrera, as cited in Gordon, 2006)

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Site Selection Thus, a site- that was rather barren, was selected in the foothills of the Himalaya’s Shivalik ranges, for the formation of the new capital. It was a location which was at a strategic distance to the Pakistani border and was near well-established transportation routes which enhanced its connectivity to other parts of the state (Vale, 2008). For Prime Minister Nehru, the barren site was the ideal setting as he believed that it was a site which was “free of all encumbrances of old towns and old traditions” and served as a blank canvas, to showcase and express the creativity and skills of independent India (Prakash, cited in Vale 2008). Nehru was convinced that this, along with a strong focus on principles of modernity, would help erase all stigmas and identities of the past and help people re-invent and identify themselves as equal, powerful citizens of the new state (Prakash, cited in Vale 2008). He believed that this will help reduce the identification and discrimination on the basis of caste and religion, and in effect help reduce the fights along communal lines – especially in a region as volatile as Punjab (Prakash, cited in Vale 2008). The idea of re-imagining identities was very similar in pattern to the strategy adopted by the British colonizers but since it was professed by a stalwart of the national movement and made in the name of nation building, the idea went on to gain legitimacy and a very different connotation in public memory. (Prakash, cited in Vale 2008) At first, the city was envisioned only as an administrative town, with a population of 40,000, and thereby located on the outskirts of other existing well established cities. But as aspirations for the project grew, the town was envisioned as a thriving city for 150,000 occupants with the grandeur that could counter and overrule the loss of the famed capital, Lahore (Perrera, as cited in Gordon 2006).

Ironically, the establishment of the new city led to forced migration and displacement of nearly 6000 people from the local villages which were located on the selected site and led to opposition from them, which was conveniently overlooked (Perrera, as cited in Gordon 2006).

Due to division of the state, the local administrative machinery was in a mess and largely focused on facilitating the huge transfer of people across the border.

Also, it was the first major construction project to take place in the independent era and was thus aptly projected as the symbol of national future (Evenson, 1966).

Thus, the central government stepped in to organize the construction of the new capital. Not only did it assist in passing and framing the necessary legislations, it also provided substantial financial support at a subsidized rate and granted the ‘federal’ status upon the new city. (Vale, 2008)

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Architecture, Identity & Power

Appointment of the Architect A major bone of contention was the appointment of the architect for the famed project. The Punjabi officials believed that the scale and importance of the project required the appointment of a well-trained and experienced, European or American architect, since there were none present in India at that time. (Perrera, as cited in Gordon, 2006). They also believed that having a famous architect on board would help attract global attention upon the project and serve as a catalyst for global economic interest in newly independent India. Although Nehru agreed in principle that having more experienced professionals on board was vital for the delivery of the project, he was apprehensive of the appointment of foreign architects as he feared that they would be unable to grasp the background and realities of India. (Prakash, 2002) The chief minister of Punjab, Gopi Chand Bhargava, expressed similar fears and suggested the appointment of Alber Mayer- a highly trained American town planner who through his works in Uttar Pradesh and Bombay in the past, was seen to be well acquainted to Indian values and traditions. (Prakash, 2002) The Punjabi officials were skeptical of his appointment as they believed that having worked on many indian projects, the planner didn’t share the same vision and strive for modernity and progress. But due to Nehru’s power and convincing abilities, they finally agreed and awarded the contract to his firm, Mayer and Whittlesey, in January 1950. (Perrera, as cited in Gordon, 2006) First Plan : Mayer master plan Albert Mayer chalked out the initial proposals of the city’s master plan and brought on board another American, Matthew Nowicki, to serve as the architect in charge of visualizing the built fabric (Evenson, 1966). Mayer believed that designing Chandigarh as a modern city “will be a source of great stimulation to city building and re-planning in India itself.” (Mayer, cited in Vale 2008).

The master plan represented an application of his famed concept of garden city. The capital was divided into various sectors which were in dispersed with various pockets of green spaces. The plan, which was shaped like a fan, was bounded by the two rivers on its sides and had curved roads adhering to the natural terrain. (Prakash, 2002) The capitol, located on the northern end upon the Shivalik foothills, was the focal point of the city plan. Its importance was further highlighted by placing the seasonal Sukhna lake act as a necklace barrier around the complex (Evenson, 1966).

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Another key feature of the proposal was the ‘biological form’ of the city – with the commanding capital resembling the head, the commercial hub representing the heart and the industrial area its hands (Drew, cited in Vale 2008). Some critics argued that the hierarchical structure of spaces was in a way re-affirmation of the Indian caste structure which was based on the division of caste and occupation as parts of the cosmic man – Purusha. (Kalia, cited in Vale 2008) The residential sectors and their hierarchical allocation were also representative of the British civil service and reinstated socioeconomic inequalities (Vale, 2008). Lastly, the location of the capitol complex at the top of the city was only symbolic of the power and stature of authority of the new state and had little to do with the convenience of the local population (Sarin, cited in Vale 2008).

Taking into these various points, many changes were brought about in the plans prepared by Mayer but the character of the capitol complex remained unaltered. Mayer was a strong believer of the idea that the government machinery needed to be ‘spiritually detached’ from the rest of the city and thus sited the capitol complex on the ridge at the northeast end of the city (Vale, 2008).

Nowicki’s capitol complex proposal Nowicki believed that symbolism instead of utilitarianism needed to reflect in the architectural vocabulary of the capital buildings (Evenson, 1966). Although the designs proposed by Nowicki were very conceptual, they were focused on addressing the common problem of Capitol architecture – how does one provide visual dominance to the symbol of democracy- the parliamentary assembly, when it is bound to be smaller than the secretariat building due to its sheer spatial requirements? Nowicki looked to address this dilemma by proposing a long, horizontal block to serve as the secretariat and resemble the plains of Chandigarh.

The roof on the block was imagined to serve as secondary plinth, atop of which the Legislative Assembly could be placed, following the form of a parabolic arch and seeking resemblance to the distant hill (Evenson, 1966). Thus, by placing the assembly atop the secretariat, Nowicki aimed at providing visual preeminence to the assembly in order to represent its centrality and significance. Over the subsequent iterations, the assembly’s form evolved into an abstracted iteration of the Buddhist stupa with parabolic dome accompanied by horizontally, cantilevered rings (fig 3) (Evenson, 1966).

Even though the proposals were conceptual and far from complete, it

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Architecture, Identity & Power also showed signs of major flaws. The distant between the blocks were viewed as immense which were often criticized for breaking the visual continuity of the complex as a whole. The cross axial plazas also seemed over scaled and too widely scattered, which as a result were insufficient in relating to the surrounding buildings (Evenson, 1966).

Fig 3 Proposals for the legislative assembly by Nowicki 1. Perspective sketch towards the assembly 2. Section and form of the Assembly 3. Plan of the complex with the Riverin between. A-High Court, B-Governor’s Palace and CAsembly Source: (Evenson, 1966)

Reappointment of the Architects The sudden demise of Nowicki due to a plane crash in 1950, brought a halt to the project. The ideas were too raw to be executed, and thus the plan was soon abandoned. On account of loss of an integral member of the team and the increasing rise of the USD, Mayer was removed from the project soon after. (Perera, in Gordon, 2006) Towards the end of 1950, PL Varma and PN Thapar – representatives of

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Architecture, Identity & Power the Indian administration, took the opportunity and restarted the hunt to acquire renowned architects for the project. Through their tour in Europe, they assembled a team of four premier modern architects. This included the appointment of Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew from England and Le Corbusier and his former associate Pierre Jeanerrete from France (Boesiger, 1995).

Second Plan Corbusier and the master plan Corbusier took over the reworking of the master plan and brought about many significant changes upon his arrival. The most significant change of all was the straightening of the curved roads into a rigid grid iron network pattern in order to increase the efficiency of vehicular movement (fig 4). Other major changes included the relocation of the Railway station beyond the river beds, altered and increased location of recreational spaces and the removal of the water necklace in the capitol complex. (Perera, as cited in Gordon, 2006) Upon studying the projecting sections along major roads, Corbusier believed that the location of the capitol complex was rather problematic and suggested a relocation of all the build mass in order to ensure maximum visibility of the complex (Vale, 2008). The complex was still however separated by a canal and a boulevard and approached via a grand road allowing for the visual dominance of the capitol complex – deep into the city (Vale, 2008).

The capitol so designed not only served as the home of the powerful government institution but also as a “vintage point from where the rural parts of the territory to be governed could be surveyed� (Vale, 2008).

Fig 4 Comparison between the master plan of Chandigarh prepared by Albert Mayer (left) and Le Corbusier (right) Source: (Prakash, 2002)

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Architecture, Identity & Power Capitol Complex and its components A strong desire to design through a visual consciousness was adopted by Corbusier.

(Evenson, 1966). With the help of mast, sticks and obelisks, locations of the various blocks, in comparison to each other, was determined. Following a cross axial plan, the design incorporated for a prominent public plaza – created between the Legislative assembly and the High court- which were asymmetry placed to each other (Evenson, 1966) (fig 5). The scale of the giant esplanade ensured that neither of the two blocks were too far off to function in isolation and neither were they too close to intrude upon each other (Prakash, 2002). The plaza was intended to be sited with a series of monuments which would tie the space together and represent Corbusier’s principles of planning (Evenson, 1966).

Fig 5 1. Palace of Assembly 2. Secretariat block Final plan of the capitol complex 3. Governor’s Palace source: (Evenson, 1966) 4. High Court 5. Tower of Shadow 6. Martyr’s Memorial 7. Open Hand monument

A crucial element devised to create this visual experience was the alteration of the terrain and the creation of an artificial hill. It not only formed the edge of the complex plaza, but it also helped block the view of the complex from the rest of the city (Evenson, 1966). They are able to break the monotony of the plains and restrict

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Architecture, Identity & Power the unveiling of the entire complex at one go. The hill also increased the division between the city and the capitol complex and allowed it to exist in its own utopian isolation (Vale, 2008).

A major component of Corbusier’s capitol scheme was the location of the Governor’s palace. Inspired by the idea that ‘executive reigned supreme’, the governor’s palace was located opposite the main assembly and became the focal point in the initial stages of design (Vale, 2008). However, according to Nehru, it represented a flawed, undemocratic vision of the capitol and thus, was never translated into a built form (Evenson, 1966).

Architecture of the Palace of Assembly

The final arrangement of the capitol complex comprised of four major building blocks -the secretariat, the high court, the legislative assembly and the governor’s palace. Even though the planning and the conceptual layout of the city was regularly criticized, little was said and discussed about the architecture of these individual blocks (Prakash, 2002). Following a visual language developed by Corbusier’s earlier works in Europe, the building blocks were cast out of concrete and were to be left exposed (Evenson, 1966). Corresponding to the harsh sun of the Indian climate and governed by the principles of modern architecture, these blocks were explorations of simple cuboids whose dimensions were derived by the ‘Modular’ man created by Corbusier (Evenson, 1966).

The Palace of Assembly or the legislative assembly was located in the center of the complex and meant to house the administrative offices. Since it was located right across the High Court, in the initial designs prepared by Corbusier in 1951, much of the design of the Assembly was dictated by the form and façade of the High Court building (Prakash, 2002). It was a simple cuboid structure which two large chambers in the form of trapezoidal auditoriums immersed within it. The cuboid was flanked by ann entrance portal on one end and a three storied office block on the other side (Prakash, 2002). Like the high court block, it had the brise-soleil or sun shading structures made out of concrete as the main façade which was surmounted by an arched parasol roof (Prakash, 2002). Over later iterations, the entrance portal was designed as a series of arched bays with a projecting overhang (Prakash, 2002).

But in 1953, upon a visit to Ahmedabad, many new influences were incorporated in the design of the assembly block (Prakash, 2002). Inspired by the hyperbolic, parabolic cooling towers of newly constructed thermal power stations in Ahmedabad, Corbusier was inspired to add a defining vertical component in the 23

Architecture, Identity & Power building (Evenson, 1966). Impressed by the form, acoustic qualities and specially the treatment of light of the elegant parabolic tower, he soon incorporated it as a shaft for skylight in the larger of the two chambers (fig 6). The parabolic tower was designed to be accessible via ramps and went over many iterations in its design and function.

In the beginning, Corbusier proposed an idea to have a removal mechanism located at the top in order to allow raw, natural sunlight to enter the building at certain times, making the occasion of great symbolic significance. (Prakash, 2002) In the later stages, it was modified yet again to act as a sun dial – inspired by the 18th century observatory- Jantar Mantar at Delhi. (Prakash, 2002) The roof of the parabolic tower was cut to form a plane which was parallel to the earth’s axis and the north south orientation flanked by the vertical service tower acted similar to the hypotenuse.

(Prakash, 2002) The final chamfer of the roof forms the curving blades from where the movement of the sun can be traced throughout the day (fig 7) (Prakash, 2002).

Due to these various additions, the Palace of Assembly became the only building in the complex to be recognized as a vertical building instead of a horizontal block (fig 8).

Fig 7 Final arrangement at the roof of the Assembly Source: (Evenson, 1966)

Fig 6 Development of the roof inspired by the cooling towers at Ahmedabad Source: (Evenson, 1966)

Fig 8 Difference in architectural form of Assembly & Secretariat Source: (Evenson, 1966)

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Architecture, Identity & Power Not only did the tower make the form of the building seem like a violent eruption from the blocky container, it started dictating a strong silhouette- which over the years was to become the iconic symbol of the capitol complex itself. With the dismissal of the sculptural governor’s palace, the palace of assembly became the focal point of the complex and was designed to be more iconic and gain a sculptural identity (Evenson, 1966). The smaller chamber was capped by a pyramidal structure, further enhancing the vertical character of the assembly block. In the final iteration of the design, the roof of the entrance portal was redesigned as a variant of the parasol roof. (Prakash, 2002) The final U shaped portico resembled the horns of a bull and supplemented the curve of the block (Prakash, 2002).

In the interiors of the building, large undesignated spaces were created as forums. Acting like circulation area, they were envisioned to serve as places for informal meetings with the public (Evenson, 1966). Once inside the assembly chamber, the visitor was drawn to the monumental volume generated by the hyperbolic form. Due to its materiality and form, part of the structure was designed to reflect the sound and other surfaces were treated to absorb the sound (Evenson, 1966). The complexity of the building was increased with Corbusier’s attempt to design a separate circulation path for all its users (Evenson, 1966). “Symbolically, the assembly represents the coming together of citizens but in practicality, the buildings seem as an elaborately contrived means of keeping them separated.” (Evenson, 1966) Current functionality

After the partition of Punjab and Haryana in 1966, Chandigarh was declared as the common capital of the two states and the institutions of the capitol complex was divided following a 60 (Punjab) – 40 (Haryana) ratio. In the case of the legislative assembly, the council chamber, located on the upper tier, was re-adapted to serve as the Haryana assembly and the legislative assembly, located on the ground floor, was occupied by the Punjab state assembly. Each of the chambers though were still accessed through the same ramp. The vast forum around the assembly however was remodeled and divided as lobbies for the officials of the two state assemblies (fig 9).

User experience The assembly, on a day to day basis, is entered through the parking lot, located adjacent to the secretariat block, at the basement level. A dark reception

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Architecture, Identity & Power

Ground Floor

First Floor

Fig 9 (a) Original floor plans of Legislative Assembly ; Source: (Boesiger 1995) (b) Division of area between Punjab and Haryana State governments ;Source: (Author, 2018)

floor, is accompanied by an elaborate ramp which leads the visitors to the main forecourt of the assembly, which is at the plaza level. The spaces expand both horizontally and vertically as the forum is full of several slender columns, tapering down from a dark ceiling (Evenson, 1966). The offices of the administrative staff are located along the periphery, and block any direct views of the outside. The space is rather dramatically lit using clerestory windows set between the wall and roof line.

(Evenson, 1966) The girth of the curved tower of the assembly chamber dictates the flow of movement and resembles the circumambulation observed in a stupa.

(Evenson, 1966) The varying height of the ceiling, alters the volumetric experience of the forum. The assembly itself is entered through a narrow, curved entrance which when opens up to the large volume of the chamber and heightens the impact upon the user through the sudden change in scale. The tapering form and the immense scale of the chamber, makes the individual user feel overwhelmed and resonates the power of the institution.

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Architecture, Identity & Power ANALYSIS Power Designed with the intension of serving as the focal point of the city, power was embedded in both the urban design as well as the architectural treatment of the capital complex (Evenson, 1966). The complex was envisioned as a “center where state functions weren’t merely housed but celebrated” (Evenson, 1966). Upon careful reflection, there are many elements highlighting this dominant power of the institution over individual subjects. The very location of the complex on the northern edge of the city and the grand approach road needed to navigate in order to access the complex were crucial in establishing this authority.

Another crucial element delineating power was the ‘inhumane scale’ of the complex (Evenson, 1966). The vast expansive plaza in particular was never able evolve to a stage for public engagement due to its vast openness and lack of planning for user’s comfort. It is not equipped with any shaded or resting spaces and simply serves as a grave reminder of the dominant nature of the complex architecture.

The architectural form of the legislative assembly showcases a dominating vertical and horizontal massing, which following its unique style, seems odd. It lacks the cultural response which was present in the earlier proposals of Nowicki. The blocky parabolic roof of the assembly, when experienced specially from the interior, seems monumental and over powering. The chamber “becomes a theater in which the actors are overwhelmed by their setting” (Evenson, 1966).

Even after being built with a vision of breaking away from social stigmas and identity of the past, the architecture of the assembly allows for the practice of ‘purdah’- or segregation of women (Evenson, 1966). Although it is not practiced now, the design of the galleries of the two chamber reflect this. “In the council chamber, men and women were seated in separate galleries” and in the assembly chamber, two purdah galleries are provided in the upper tier with the “provision of viewing the proceedings from behind glass windows” (Evenson, 1966).

The complex also reflects power amongst its different occupants through its orientation towards vehicular access and experience. By allowing virtually every space to be navigated by vehicles, the design of the complex follows a scale which is not suited for the average pedestrian experience, showing a lack of concern. It reinforces a class bias amongst the various occupants of the complex.

Another crucial element forming the user experience and expression of power are the design of the forums of the respective assemblies. Following the division of 27

Architecture, Identity & Power the Legislative assembly between Punjab and Haryana, the forum at the ground level of the building was heavily modified. The Haryana exhibition and forum is accessed first upon entering through the ceremonial gate from the plaza whereas the Punjab forum dominates upon entering through the ramped basement and lobby. Relying on tools such as re-narration of the glorious past, these forums depict imagery of their past rulers and showcase their might. The architecture with its towering presence in the form of expansive volumes and heavy massing appears to be unaffected and acts as an independent entity reflecting its own ideals and power.

The space syntax analysis of the legislative assembly (fig 10) reflects a similar experience. It depicts the spatial dominance of the assembly chamber – both functionally and visually. The branched structure of the genotype reveals that multiple options for the circulation are available yet they do not depict freedom. They operate in an extremely controlled and restricted environment. The further division of the open spaces outside the assembly into forums of Punjab and Haryana, curbs on the possibility of social engagement between the various users of the building.

Due to the difference in point of access, the experience of the user in the building is very different than the designed intention. The internal division also restricts the public movement of the public in reality but fails to get reflected in the spatial analysis.

Fig 10 Space syntax diagram Legislative Assembly, Chandigarh Source: (Author, 2018)

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Architecture, Identity & Power Thus, by reinstating divides amongst its users and representation of power of the institution over the individual through the means of dominating scale and secluded location, architecture of the capital complex appears to be overwhelming and far from achieving the goal of reflection of an ideal modern society.

Identity Location of Corbusier’s portrait at the very entrance lobby of the legislative assembly serves as a reminder of how the role of personal identity was central to the design and creation of the capital complex. Given immense individual freedom, the professional vision of Corbusier went on to have profound impact on the design of the complex. These can be illustrate through two main examples. At the scale of individual architectural treatment, the use of exposed concrete in a visually heavy and plasticity form, makes the capital buildings appear as evolutions of Corbusier’s design approach developed during the 1940s in Europe (Evenson, 1966). The repetition of strong primary colours in the facade of both Unite d’habitation in Marseilles and High court at Chandigarh serves as crucial examples of this strong association between the architectural style of the architect’s past works and the architectural vocabulary of the complex located in a very different environment (Evenson, 1966). At the scale of the urban design of the complex, it is expressed through the monuments which represent the design philosophies of Corbusier instead of the symbols of national identity of the state (Evenson, 1966). Their primary location, along the plaza, is crucial in highlighting their centrality to the design of the complex and render a strong notion of personal identity upon the entire complex.

Lastly, the treatment of the national flag on the side façade of the legislative assembly, hidden from the main plaza and barely visible upon approaching through the basement level serves as a strong reminder of treatment of national identity, in the design of the complex.

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08 JATIYA SANGSAD BHABAN, DHAKA The ‘citadel’ of East Pakistan/Bangladesh

Political Background After partition of India in the year 1947, Pakistan was comprised of two halves- East and West Pakistan. Led by the Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Muslim League gained power and formed the government. After a sequence of events, the military’s power saw a steady rise and it finally took over control of the democratic government.

General Ayub Khan became the President of Pakistan in 1958 and dictated immense control over the government machinery. Apart from that, another problem plaguing the country was the social rifts amongst its people. Formed on the basis of religious identity of the majority of the population of the region, the Bengali muslims of East Pakistan barely shared any other common characteristics with their Western Pakistan counterparts. The Bengali population and leaders were unhappy and complained on a number of grounds: (a) The concentration of power in the hands of the President; (b) The reduction of Parliamentary machinery into simply a debating forum, in the light of shifting all decision making powers with the President (c) Unbalanced and unequal representation of leaders from East Pakistan in the assembly. (Vale, 2008) During this period, a significant step towards the development of Pakistan, was the announcement of a new capital for West Pakistan. Situated in Islamabad it was to be designed by a prestigious foreign architect and be symbolic of Pakistan’s progress and vision for the future. With rising unrest and growing rifts amongst the East Pakistani’s, President Ayub Khan called for the construction of another capital for the state in Dhaka. In the backdrop of growing social unrest against the clout and power of the western Pakistani leaders, the capital complex- meant to serve as a Legislative capital, was seen more as an attempt to please the Eastern population than represent their ideals and unify the divided nation. (Wiseman, 2007) The scale of the project was meant to bestow the feeling that the “big brothers of the West cared and had great plans for the East.” (Wiseman, 2007)

Appointment of the architect At the time of designing the supplementary capital at Dhaka, Gen Ayub Khan awarded the project to the only formally trained, local architect Muzharul Islam.

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Architecture, Identity & Power (Wiseman, 2007) Aware of the impact of Chandigarh in projection of India as a modern nation, Islam argued that Pakistan too needed to employ an architect of international stature, in order to render the importance and gain worldwide recognition. After approaching Le Corbusier and Alvar Aalto, Islam reached out to his teacher from Yale, Louis Kahn and awarded the contract as the principal architect.

(Wiseman, 2007) Islam’s role in appointment of Kahn and subsequent rise in local political affairs was vital in times to come as he repeatedly protected Kahn from criticism and enabled him to operate in total freedom. (Wiseman, 2007) Over the years of construction and design, the appointment of Kahn was popularly criticized.

(Wiseman, 2007)

Site selection and Background The site selected for the project was primarily farmland which was located near the military airport in Dhaka. At first, only 200 acres of land was reserved for construction, but following Kahn’s request, the site was nearly five times bigger than the initial allotment. (Wiseman, 2007) Upon his arrival in Dhaka in 1963, Kahn was exposed to various facets of Bengali traditions by Islam. One of them that influenced the following design immensely was the local practice of creating houses on raised earthen plinths in order to seek protection in times of the recurring floods. (Wiseman, 2007)

Design approach : Kahn’s understanding With the brief of representing and unifying the East and West factions of Pakistan and providing temporary accommodation for the beauracracy, largely based in West Pakistan, Kahn’s design of the Parliamentary complex turned towards modern abstraction. (Vale, 2008) Inspired by the belief that the “architect knows the client’s needs better than himself”, Kahn viewed the commission as extension of his works on institution design and a chance to execute his ideas of monumentality. (Vale, 2008). Thus, Kahn redefined the objective of the project as achieving a transcendent nature of building blocks and architecture which enhances and supplements it.

(Vale, 2008). With the belief that a space which could serve something more than just a physical space could be capable overcoming the ruining over time, Kahn addressed that “Monumentality was the spiritual quality inherent of a structure which conveys the feeling of its eternity- a structure that cannot be changed or added upon”. (Vale, 2008) With this intension in mind, Kahn commenced an extremely personal approach towards the complex design by designing the form of the building

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Architecture, Identity & Power as a starting point and driver for the rest of the design and program. (Vale, 2008) Influenced by the belief that ‘language of form had the power of transcending cultural differences’, Kahn was able to bring his patrons on board and proceed with a design which appeared more as an outcome of his visions and learnings rather than being informed from the political context or the site of the building. (Vale, 2008)

Kahn’s belief in humanism and focus of the power of the individual resulted in the designing of participatory public spaces. Aimed at linking East and West Pakistani, Kahn aimed at addressing the East and West global divide and sought inspiration from various sources. (Vale, 2008) His beaux art training influenced in the admiration and creation of centralized, symmetrical building and a cluster following clear, linear, hierarchy of spaces. Greatly influenced by simple geometry, like many of his previous works, the design of the complex saw bold exterior geometries, reminiscent of the Western classical antiquity buildings. Apart from western principles, Kahn was also influenced by the works he observed in the East. Working on the IIM institute in Ahmedabad at the time of designing the complex, his visions for the parliamentary design were inspired from his visits to the Mughal forts and garden tombs. He was fascinated by the treatment of levels, material expression and the integration of landscaped arrangements within the complex. (Vale, 2008) Architecture of the Legislative Assembly The design of the ‘Legislative’ capital initially was only limited to designing the National assembly and the accompanying hostels for the visiting bureaucrats and politicians from West Pakistan. The building was planned to symmetrical along its central axis, generated as a diamond shaped cluster of cubic and cylindrical forms (fig 11) (Wiseman, 2007) One of the first design moves by Kahn was the spatial construct of two rings. The outer rings, designed like outer protective wall, was designed as means of protection from the harsh climate and meant to define the monumental facade of the building. (Vale, 2008) The bold geometric patterns were installed to create a dominant as easily identifiable silhouette of the building. The inner chamber however was supposed to function as the focal point of the building (fig 12). This arrangement resembled his designs for the library at Philips Exeter academy very closely. (Valle, 2008) Rising to ten storeys, the monumental scale of the building allowed for creation of a play of volumetric spaces in the interiors of the building. (Wiseman, 2007) An enormous artificial lake was created on the periphery. Designed as a reflective pool, it was symbolic of the local Bengali tradition of building above floods. (Wiseman, 2007)

A vital component of the plan was the chamber (Fig 11) . Initially meant to serve 300 delegates, Islam persuaded Kahn to design for the future and increase the

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Architecture, Identity & Power capacity to 500. (Wiseman, 2007) Inspired by the treatment of top light in the Roman pantheon, Kahn designed supplemented the circular arrangement of seating with an elegant arrangement for top lighting in the assembly chamber to resonate the same experience. (Curtis, cited in Vale 2008). The chamber was approached from the main plaza, which opened itself to the city and according to Kahn, was inspired by the Indian tradition of providing large public congregational spaces. (Wiseman, 2007)

The material pallet of the various building blocks was also chosen on the basis of Kahn’s familiarity of the material and desire to work and experiment, rather than on the basis of local availability or appropriateness of the material.

Fig 11 Plan depicting the spatial arrangement of the interior spaces Source: www.wikiarquitectura.com

Fig 12 Section showing the volumetric arrangement of the interiors Source: www.greatbuildings.com

(Vale, 2008) Much of the material thus were brought from West Pakistan and the construction of the complex became an opportunity to develop the nascent construction industry in East Pakistan. In order to highlight the importance of the Legislative Assembly, exposed concrete was employed for the creation of the block whereas the surrounding structures were finished in brick. (Wiseman, 2007) The choice of concrete proved to be rather problematic as neither did the masons have

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Architecture, Identity & Power any experience of working with the material, nor was the material available locally.

Sourced from Korea, China, Poland and Philippines, the concrete was poured manually and resulted in visible discrepancy. (Wiseman, 2007) Thus, thin strips of marble were added in the façade to break the monotony of the massive built mass and hide the uneven coloring. (Wiseman, 2007)

Civil war and the birth of Bangladesh : Impacts and effects The changes brought forth by the 1962 constitution, coupled with the growing dominance of the military and bureaucrats of the west, resulted in a civil war and the creation of an independent state of Bangladesh in the year 1971. This brought about monumental changes for the parliamentary complex project as the patron of the project had become the enemy and the complex- a reminder of the tyranny of the old regime. During the war and after the independence, the work of the complex was hauled as the project came to be seem as ‘redundant’ and ‘unrequired’. (Vale, 2008) But in 1975, regimental changes were observed in Bangladesh aswell and military was established once again. The project was taken up by the regime in 1975 as a way of showing their ability to deliver work and mark the efficiency and accomplishments of the young, independent nation. (Vale, 2008) In order to establish the Bangladeshi character, the name of the area was changed from Ayub Nagar to Sher-e-bangla Nagar in honor of Bangladeshi leader, Fazlul Huq. (Vale, 2008)

But the restarting of the project seemed much harder than planned. The delay in the project had resulted in significant overshooting of the stated budget – a blow that a young developing nation could barely afford. Apart from that, all the materials and finishes stated by Kahn was on the presumption of continuous supply from West Pakistan. Upon independence, they needed to be bought through foreign exchange and thus many materials were replaced. In terms of implications on the design of the project, Kahn was required to redraw the master plan and include several new components. As the complex was no longer to just serve as a ‘legislative’ capital, it needed to have dedicated spaces designed for the executive and the judiciary. (Vale, 2008) Designing the Capitol complex

Kahn included these requirements in his new outlook of creating two distinct ‘citadels’ – the citadel of assembly and the citadel of the institutions of man.

The buildings so designed were inseparable from its accompanying structures.

(Wiseman, 2007) Built on a plinth, the citadel of Assembly formed the main axis and along the axis where the mosque and the judiciary initially placed. Although 34

Architecture, Identity & Power the judiciary block was of little importance for the patrons, Kahn’s belief of the judiciary capable of shaping changes made it a priority of the initial design. But by looking at the various iterations and changes brought about in the positioning of the judiciary, we can observe how the spatial design of the complex was the primary concern for Kahn, instead of political requirements and hierarchy. (Vale, 2008) At first the spatial and social insulation provided by the location of the mosque in between the assembly and the judiciary were removed. Then, the Supreme Court itself was moved from the main axis, and its spot on the main axis was replaced by the placement of a museum. Finally, in the subsequent iterations, the court was placed behind the secretariat building which neither connections to the main axis and neither fulfilled the functional requirements of being connected to the assembly.

Thus, the plan for the judiciary building was dropped and till date, the block was never constructed as part of the campus. (Vale, 2008)

Another bone of contention in the site planning of the complex had been the treatment of the presidential estate. At the time of General Ayub Khan, the power of actual decision making rested in the hands of the president and it became vital for the complex to reflect upon his role as the controller of power. Thus, the presidential estate was designed but interesting it kept getting unrepresented in the drawings.

The political instability made the programming sensitive to changes being brought about in the power dynamics. (Vale, 2008) In the master plan presented in 1943, the location was marked but in the several iterations presented, it was left unlabeled.

The ‘palace’ was located on a separate island and connected via a bridge to the assembly plinth. In the plans presented during 1964, the bridge is no longer indicated and the island is surrounded by a moat, similar to the assembly building. In the later plans, the building again remains unlabeled and in 1973 plans, the estate disappears altogether. The Presidential plaza, north of the assembly building, remains though and acts as a reminder of the presidential control – long after the independence from Pakistan and Ayub Khan aswell.

Post occupancy response In the year 1982, President General Hussain Ershad took over control in Bangladesh and much like General Ayub Khan, brought about changes in the spatial requirements of the complex. Between 1982-90, they sealed off the area south of the crescent lake from public access and used the parliamentary hostels as offices. As a result the entire north approach culminating in the presidential plaza was privatized.

(Vale, 2008) President Ershad also brought about changes within the assembly building. Much of the interior design of the presidential gallery which overlooked the

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Architecture, Identity & Power assembly, was changed from exposed concrete to marble finish and has become a lasting impression of Bangladeshi presidential controlled era.

In 1991, Bangladesh opted for a system of parliamentary democracy and shifted to a prime minister led system of government. The National assembly gained more importance than ever and came in the limelight once again. But over time, the building had ceased to keep up with the changing spatial requirements. (Vale, 2008) Designed for only 500 representatives, the number at the beginning of the project, when the assembly still catered to Legislative Assembly for Pakistan, the building was unable to adapt and proved to be problematic. Despite so much emphasis and importance given to the block at the time of designing, the functional insufficiency of the building hampered its public image. (Vale, 2008) The bare concrete finish in the interiors of the assembly chamber led to the repeated from of acoustical reverb.

The citadel of institutions remained unbuilt and as a result, the citadel of assembly remained to be a totally distinct entity with respect to the rest of the city. (Vale, 2008)

ANALYSIS Power “The need for legitimation increases when power becomes totalizing� (Wrong, cited in Dovey, 1999). The creation of the capital complex at Dhaka, in an attempt to generate a collective identity and foster unity at times of social unrest, is a great example of this. The creation of the capital itself is symbolic of the power commanded by the state in Pakistan during the 1960s.

The immense scale of the building and its strong visual presence in low lying context of agrarian hinterland, serve as important means of portraying the power of the capital complex. The blocky massing with large, inhumane geometric patterns as cut outs makes the block appear like a bulky fortress and generate the image of spatial exclusion. Unlike Chandigarh’s plaza of the capitol complex- which uses vast negative space to portray power over the user, the complex at Dhaka appears dominating and overwhelming through its visual weight and is able to dictate power upon its occupants. The double ringed envelope of the legislative assembly further reinstates the idea of a heavily guarded and monitored space. Absence of any transparency of the structure by its observation externally further widens the divide between the life inside the building and its engagement with the outer life. By shielding, it increases the power divide amongst the occupant and the observer of the building.

Identity

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Architecture, Identity & Power Kahn’s approach to the design of the complex is a great reflection of the role of his personal identity and its centrality to the project. His interpretations of vital components such as the project brief and design intent went on to have immense impact upon the final design of the complex. The project was viewed by him as an extension of his experiments with institutional buildings and thus, incorporated the representation of his many professional ambitions and visions. The scale of the project as well as its importance allowed for Kahn to use the design of the complex as a stage for translating and testing his long term theories and ideas regarding monumentality and the ideal urban design. Through incorporation of smaller residential structures and other public institutions and consciously designing their relationship with the ‘citadel of assembly’, Kahn’s designs for Dhaka reflected his desire for fulfilling his ambitions of creating an ideal urban setting- an opportunity he had missed out on during reworking of the city plan of Philadelphia, earlier in his career (Wiseman, 2007). The architectural treatment of individual buildings also emerged as supplement illustrating his writings and views on monumentality and ruin and their relation to architecture. They were far from reflecting the built fabric of the present context and neither resonated with the approach to nation building- both in the context of Pakistan and Bangladesh. This oblivious response to the site and representation of the personal biases instead of association with national identity of the state, allowed the building to survive the political transition without much change.

The views of the architect still remained unchanged and the building reflected ideals which weren’t hinged on political visions of the partitioned state.

A study of location and relationship between different building blocks of the complex reveal that spatial organization, more than the political implications, was of prime importance to Kahn. Another example highlighting the disconnection between his theoretical understanding and design implementation is the treatment and role of the parliament with its occupants in a democratic society. Influenced by an understanding that the act of assembly was central to the functioning of an ideal government, Kahn made the parliament block as the highlight and the focal point of his complex. Yet, having said that, he used an architectural treatment which was reminiscent of the heavily guarded fortresses and made the building appear unwelcoming for its occupants. Even the use of the dominating material – exposed concrete, was an outcome of his personal desire of working with the new material and was completely alien to the surrounding of its application. Even though Kahn recognized the practical demerits of using concrete in the tropical setting of Dhaka, his desire for visual aesthetics over ruled and gained importance.

These examples reflect how much of the design was influenced and shaped by the understanding and priorities of the architect and thereby is a reflection of his personal identity.

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Having said that, in light of the recent political developments, and the pivotal role of the construction of the building in addressing ideas of modernity and nation building, a different meaning has come to be rendered in certain sections of the society. Over the years, the building itself has become a reminder of Bangladesh’s attempts of democracy and has become a crucial part of its nascent collective memory. One of the few projects by the state, it has come to be represented on the currency and has become a part of the material culture of Bangladeshi society (fig 13) (Wiseman, 2007).

The island parliament at Sri Lanka

Fig 13 View of the Assembly building showing the increased public engagement of the complex in the recent years source: (www.wikiarquitectura.com)

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09 NEW PARLIAMENT COMPLEX, KOTTE Political and Social Background Known as Ceylon, till as late as 1972, Sri Lanka gained its independence from the British in 1948. At the time of independence, the country opted for an elected democratic system and the Sri Lanka Freedom party formed the government. For nearly the next 30 years, the party – as part of the United Front, remained in power and exercised great control as the government. It operated from the old parliament house which was built by the British at the coast of Colombo. Designed for 50 delegates, by the 1960s the building was catering to 168 members and was in dire need of change (Vale, 2008). Initially, it was planned to be rebuild as an extension in Colombo itself. But due to the financial constraints of a young nation alongside plans to redevelop the Galle Face area of Colombo – which included the old parliament – as a central business district, the project was hauled for a long time. (Vale, 2008)

After 30 years of independence, the country shifted to a new capital city which was located in the suburban area north of Colombo. A result of post-independence, internal party politics instead of an outcome of national liberation, the new parliament was the culmination of several political changes than were brought about during the 1970s. (Vale, 2008) The three prominent triggers of these changes were: (a) New Regime In the election of 1977, the United National Party, led by Julius Jayawardene, came to power and formed the central government. It ended the one partisan control of united front government and promised to bring about significant changes. As part of the electoral manifesto, the issue of a new parliament and capital was brought up and was to be keenly implemented by the new regime. (b) New Constitution In 1978, Sri Lanka got adopted a new constitution which resulted in a presidential model of power structure. It gave immense power to the president and significantly reduced the power of the parliamentarians. Under the tenure of Prime Minister Jayawardene, the constitutional change saw him take the title of President aswell.

In 1982, after winning another term in the office, he went on to freeze the electoral cycle and delayed the national elections till 1989. (Vale, 2008)

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Architecture, Identity & Power (c) Social rifts on ethnic lines Tensions between various communities within the Sri Lankan society saw an incremental rise during this period. According to the 1981 census – the last official census conducted through all parts of the county, the Sri Lankan population was nearly 15 million people. The Sinhalese, who were predominantly Buddhist, constituted nearly 74% of the population whereas the Tamils, who were largely Hindu, made up for 18%. However, the Tamils were further constituted of two distinct groups – the native Sri Lankan tamils who were called Jaffna and the Indian tamils who traced their lineage to parts of south India. The Jaffna tamils belonged predominantly to the higher castes and took immense pride in their ancient, ‘rightful’ native lineage. (Vale, 2008) The Indian tamils on the other hand were historically traced as descendants of lower caste farmers who were brought to Sri Lanka as bonded labourers by the Britishers.

In the light of adopting Sinhalese as the national language replacing English in 1956, the state granted an official status and support to the Sinhalese majority.

Indian tamils were denied citizenship and Buddhism was granted state recognition under the new constitution of 1972. All these developments led resulted in ethnic polarization amongst the population and boiled up to the movement of independent tamil state, Tamil Eelam, advocated mainly by the Jaffna Tamils. (Vale, 2008)

New Parliament and its site selection In an attempt to further extend their dominance and control and bring about irreversible institutional changes, the Jayawardene government proceeded with building the new capital city (Vale, 2008). The site of the complex was tactfully chosen to be outside Colombo in an attempt to de-congest the city and re-orient growth. In the name of ‘inexpensive, suburban area close to the existing capital’, the ancient site of Sri Jayawardene Kotte was selected. Not only did it share the same name as the President, which indeed helped reinstate the dominance and clout of the patron of the project, the site held historical relevance as well. In the 15th century it had served as the capital of powerful Sinhalese Kings. It was an era of total Sinhalese dominance over the island and reviving the capital helped built an image of revival of such power amongst the majority of the population (Vale, 2008).

The attempt to use historically charged sites as reminders of power and legitimate authority can be best exemplified by Jayawardene’s address at Kandy. Standing in the historic octagonal pavilion of Dalada Maligawa- the spot closely associated with the last Kandyan king- Jayawardene manifested an image of the returning king amogst his followers. The champion reviving Sinhalese power, he even attempted

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Architecture, Identity & Power moving the ancient tooth relic from Kandy to the new Capital site – in the attempt to legitimize his power and “inform the crowd that the government were in the safe hands of the Bodhisattva”. (Vale, 2008) Appointment of the architect When it came to the actual parliament complex, the decisions and intensions were far less political. The commission of the complex was awarded to Sri Lankan architect, Geoffrey Bawa. Following a successful completion of a number of high end residences and hotels in the region, Bawa was at the zenith of his career during the 1970s and 80s. This was critical for establishing his stature within the country and forming his early links to the political elite of the nation. Apart from a local patronage, Bawa had over the years established global recognition. Due to his association with the AA in London, he received regular coverage in international journals and in 1986 even got personal monographs documented in the highly reputed MIMAR journal.

For the first time, a local south Asian architect was becoming an international force and commanded a global presence. Thus, the government of the young nation did not need to rely upon the hired foreign architect in order to render importance and prestige upon the project (Vale, 2008).

Design approach This change in approach went on to have monumental impacts on the design of the parliamentary complex as for the first time in 20th century south asia, the architect was a local and served as a citizen first (Pieris, 2013). Bawa, more aware than other parliamentary builders such as Corbusier and Kahn, was able to draw upon from various aspects of Sri Lankan culture and bestow a style which was in between ‘abstract universalism of high modernism’ and ‘literal localism’ (Vale, 2008).

Designed much after the completion of iconic modernist projects such as Chandigarh and *Dhaka, Bawa was able to improve upon many shortcomings of other capital complexes and move away from the model of using Modernism as a marker of future development. Instead, in the context of global move towards post-modernist movements, he was able to articulate his own architectural language which was inspired from different aspects of Sri Lankan tradition.

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Architecture, Identity & Power Architecture of the Complex One of the crucial factors behind the final design was the team of designers who worked on the project who were a mixed group of Sinhalese Buddhist, Jaffna Tamils and Agnostic Christians. The resulting design was thus appropriately approached as a micro image of Sri Lankan landscape – island surrounded by water. Inspired by architectural history of Sri Lanka, Bawa looked to incorporate the tradition of building sacred water front fortresses rising from manmade tanks which were used for landscape and agriculture (Vale, 2008). Thus, the design following the temple precinct typology and allowed for a clear hierarchy of spaces- the largest in the center and smaller built forms located around the periphery. This large center was to be occupied by the Parliamentary chamber is order to define visual supremacy of the block above all other branches (fig 14).

Many elements in the detail design were used by Bawa as markers of the indigenous crafts and culture. The open colonnaded verandas, connecting the various blocks, was used to serve as reminder of colonial streets of Colombo and even resemble the hall of the Temple of Sacred tooth relic in Kandy. Another prominent feature was the roof which Bawa believed was the most important functional element of the scheme which defined the visual aesthetic of the entire complex. (Vale, 2008) Thus, inspired by the monastic and royal buildings of precolonial Kandy, Bawa opted for the double pitched roof form. It was seen to have association to neither Sinhalese nor Tamil culture. Originally, it was intended to be made out of copper as upon oxidization over the years, the building could blend in with the surrounding mangosteen trees. (Vale, 2008) Thus, the design of the complex was seen to be rather impartial and more of a reflection of Bawa’s architectural vocabulary instead of a commentary of the contemporary Sri Lankan society or contested rulers.

Assembly chamber

Fig 14 View of the complex showing the visual suoremacy of the Assembly Source: Juergen Schreiber

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However the appreciation for building design on paper was starkly different than the reception it received after actual construction. A major factor resulting in this was the speedy construction of the complex by Japanese construction firm, Mitsui. Finished in the span of just 3 years, the project did not allow Bawa to work as a master builder and bring about changes in design mid construction based on site observation and appropriateness. (Vale, 2008) In order to stick to the tight time schedule, the main block of the parliamentary assembly was built out of reinforced concrete mixed with crush stone. The gigantic scale of the foreign material made the building seem ‘alien’ to its context. Intricate details handcrafted in timber and brass, which were to serve as reminders of indigenous crafts, was also overlooked many a times on account of being time consuming. (Vale, 2008) Thus, even after careful approach to designing the complex, the actual arrival at the finished complex turned out to be rather disappointing according to many observers. (Vale, 2008) Reality Check Upon the completion of the building in 1982, it was observed that the actual process of designing as well as citing of the complex was rather undemocratic. It didn’t not encompass all sections of the society and carefully advocated Sinhalese culture above others. In order to establish this soft power amongst the people, the Colombo based national paper, Sunday Observer, ran multiple article series highlighting the connection between historic past and relevance of the site. It glorified the past era and showcased the new parliamentary complex as the natural and just continuation of the Sinhalese rule. By printing stories such as the rise of Sinhalese and the defeat of tamilians through the building of the sacred fort, they looked to advocate the idea the building the new capital, like the fort before, could help beat tamil power. (Vale, 2008)

The public reception of the building was also critical due to the lack of public inclusivity in the design of the overall complex. Approachable only through a single causeway, the parliamentary complex was heavily guarded. The island location allowed all branches of the state force to be located all around the parliament and made it unconducive for general public gatherings. The design allowed the Sinhalese dominated government to work at a safe distance from public agitation as “no one could surround the building and hold demonstrations.” (Vale, 2008)

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ANALYSIS Power The creation of a parliament in the light of internal social conflicts and political developments in itself was a means of representing power and authority of the new state. The strong intension of glorifying the dominance of a subnational or identity of a specific faction instead of the attempt to define and create a collective national identity was central to the design of the complex.

Power was translated through two distinct methods – manipulation of the access and through selective citing of the parliamentary complex. Using means such as revival of selective history, the implication and significance of the chosen site was heightened and became symbolic of Sinhalese dominance. Even though no physical form present on the site indicated this relation, the careful association of the site with the revived history of an era glorifying the control of Sinhalese, enabled power to be represented. Another crucial tool used by the patrons was the close association with the historically charged site in an attempt to seek legitimation of their power.

By locating the complex on a separate island on the outskirts of a metropolitan, the complex is able to dictate a sense of immense control and power. The access to the site is heavily guarded and this physical isolation and lack of engagement with the rest of the society becomes a crucial factor in dictating power of the complex architecture even in the absence of any dominant form. Unrealized plans of urban development around the site makes the complex appear in isolation and heightens its power.

Identity Like other examples cited earlier, the architecture of the parliamentary complex at Kotte was heavily influenced by the visions and style of the architect involved in its designing. This is illustrated through the similarity observed between Bawa’s other works in Sri Lanka in the past and the architecture of the parliamentary complex.

Through careful study of these works, one is able to appreciate that the parliament’s architecture treatment and style was a result of constant evolution of his own personal works at ‘Seema Malaka- a lake temple in Colombo’ and the monastic historical architecture of Sri Lanka (fig 15).

Apart from the style, the approach towards creation of the design of the complex is a crucial reflection of personal identity embedded in the architecture of the complex. Viewing architecture as a catalyst of change for the ideal society, the

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Fig 15 Plans showing similiarity betwwen the arcitectural language of monastery at Anuradhapura (left) and Legislative Assembly, Kotte (right)

plans for the urban renewal of the surrounding region alongside the capital complex reveal Bawa’s idealistic approach. The approach was also shaped by Bawa’s understanding of the learning and representation of vernacular. However, through careful analysis of other interpretations of Sri Lankan vernacular, one realizes that the scale, material and detailing exercised in the parliamentary complex, makes it a variant of traditional (Pieris, 2013).

Unlike other examples, the study in architecture of the complex in Kotte reveals a crucial role and pivotal focus rested upon the generation of the collective identity of the Sinhalese. The study of the architectural treatment reveals that despite being holistic in its individual approach, meaning of a building can be rendered through many sources and change over time. “Architectural context has spatial as well as temporal dimensions” (Vale, cited in Pieris, 2013).

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10 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS The critical study of these examples of capitol complexes reveal certain trends as well as highlight crucial distinctions and differences amongst them. (a) Approach to design By focusing on the design intend of the various complexes, one is able to comprehend that in all the three cases, the architect employed the ‘idealized capital complex’ approach (Vale, 2008). They believed that the design of their complex had the potential of serving as the ideal setting and could serve as the catalyst for fostering change. In the case of Corbusier and Kahn, this belief was stemmed by their own interpretation of an ideal democratic government and the relationship between its various components. They attempted to depict their own understanding of the relationship between institutions through their spatial design and arrangement (Vale, 2008). Bawa’s approach on the other hand was much subdued and looked to focus on the level of architectural representation. Aimed at creating an ideal environment, Bawa’s design attempted to interweave between various precedents and built upon them. The defining characteristic of this approach was highlighted in the incorporation of Kandyan roof as an element distinctly Sri Lankan and yet without ties and relations to any particular factional identity. (b) Interaction with the city Each of the designs of the capitol complex revealed a distinct disconnect between the complex and the rest of the city. Their location played a key role in defying their access and thereby their engagement with the public. In the case of Chandigarh and Dhaka, the complex were located within the limits of the city but due to their urban design and architectural vocabulary, they appeared to be more distant and distinct.

In Kotte, the architecture didn’t show signs of distinction but the very location of the complex on a stranded island, approached by a single causeway, on the outskirts of the city contributed towards it disconnect with the public. The complexes thus failed to gain social activation and due to lack of public engagement, remained limited in their ability to define collective meanings and identities. Where the capitals at Kotte and Dhaka appeared as unapproachable citadels, the complex at Chandigarh through its hidden location behind artificial hills broke connection with their larger city fabric. Their study “demonstrate that ideas of design and construction do not by themselves create better environment. Divorced from history and citizen participation, new towns can easily become mere physical developments” (Kalia, cited in Malik, 1997 ) 47

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11 CONCLUSIONS Capital cities and their accompanying capitol complex are important tools of representing power in a society. Although built with an intension of serving as a symbol and representative of the society at large, crucial factors of their creation is often determined by the few in charge of power. Thus, the aspirations and vision of the few, often gets construed as desires of the greater population and seldom does it resonate with the national identity (Vale, 2008). One of the most crucial learnings of the study is the fact that architecture of parliamentary complex, is a result of negotiation between various influencing factors. These factors range from: i. The site of the capitol complex, its historical and cultural significance and its corresponding spatial relationship with the rest of the city, ii. Biases, allegiances and preferences of the sponsoring patrons in charge of production of these projects. These visions are often tied to local and global stance of the regime regarding its approach of addressing the past and undertaking the future developments iii. The professional ambitions, priorities and personal interpretation of the architect involved in creation of the complex.

Studying the extensive process behind the building of parliamentary complex, in various socio-political settings, reveal that there is little direct relationship shared between the socio-political context and the immediate response in architecture of the complex. Since the design of the complex is determined by various factorslargely hinged on their control of power, the socio political setting shares an indirect relationship with the resulting architecture of the parliamentary complex. The socio- political context reveal the balance of power in the society and help identify whether the represented vision corresponds to the larger society or only a segment of it. Since the decision regarding what gets represented is shaped by the visions and desires of those in power, understanding the power structure of the society becomes crucial in order to evaluate what shapes and influences the architecture of parliamentary complexes.

The studies also revealed that the architect’s personal identity and professional visions for the project, play a major role in determining the approach towards designing and serves as a major influencing factor behind the resulting design of the parliamentary complex. Charged with the power of interpreting and translating power and identity in built form, the personal identity and experiences of the architect often influence and shape the priorities that get reflected in design.

Through the example of Corbusier’s work in Chandigarh and Kahn’s work in Dhaka,

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Architecture, Identity & Power one can supplement the argument that foreign architects and planners designing in unfamiliar environments, rarely understand the cultural and social implications of the conditions – an activity which requires observation and engagement over a long period of time. The scale and importance of the project often result in articulation of the project as a stage for representing personal architectural visions and a resulting architectural vocabulary which is easier associated with the architect responsible for its creation rather than the state where it is located. Corbusier’s expression of Modernism, Kahn’s experiments with monumentality and Bawa’s interpretation of vernacular serve as importance reminders of the role played by architects in the design and architectural translation of the parliamentary complex. Having said this, the architecture of the complex is far from a reflection of personal styles alone. Global architectural knowledge, state of the art technology of the time and ‘celebrated precedents’ of the past often shape and impact the resulting design of the complex (Vale, 2008). Constant comparisons with their contemporaries, such as the case of Chandigarh and Brasilia, often make these complexes serves as grounds of experiments of architectural thought and philosophy, rather than a reflection of local identity.

The architecture and urban design of parliamentary complex are thereby an outcome of personal interpretations and visions of its creators. Power gets articulated through it by the means of certain tools such as location, access, scale and symbolism. Manipulation and control of these parameters help dictate the control of power in the resulting design. For example, the expansive scale of the plaza at the capitol complex in Chandigarh plays a pivotal role in establishing power over the visitor, whereas the isolated location and the heavily guarded access to the parliamentary complex at Kotte makes it appear as a dominant fortress, despite no architectural reference to it. Thus, architecture and urban design together play a crucial role in determining the translation of power in the structure and thereby the building should not be read in isolation for evaluation.

Another crucial finding of the study has been that despite the best efforts of various factors at controlling and fabricating meaning upon the parliamentary complex, there are many factors that remain beyond the control of architecture and design. “Every citizen’s view of the building is filtered through his or her view of the legitimacy of the institution housed within it,” (Vale, 2008). Certain parameters such as political developments within the building, public’s engagement with the building and the association of the site of the building with social or politically significant events, amongst others guide the image and interpretation of the parliamentary complex is public memory and renders various meanings – meanings which are often overlapping and constantly changing.

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12 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Cover Graphic Image credits : My Architect: A Son’s Journey, Nathaniel Kahn, 2003

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