Archiprint 17 - Defining Public Space

C Archi June 2021 \\ Issue 17

AnArchi is proud to present to you the seventeenth issue of Archiprint:

DEFINING PUBLIC SPACE Archiprint is the journal of AnArchi, study association for architecture at Eindhoven University of Technology. Archiprint explores the current architectural polemic and strives to contribute to this debate.

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EDITORIAL Stephanie Kirsten

The tagline ‘#stayathome’, the anthem of 2020 and 2021, has echoed through empty spaces for almost a year and a half now and we have been living in a mandatory state of self-isolated restraint. Society is parched, dehydrated by the absence of the thing we refer to as ‘publicness’.

Arguably, the public realm virtually floods the private domain on a daily basis as we now perform both public and private functions in the same room – even while sitting at the same table.

Yet there is something distinctly unpublic about the way in which we have been living. This issue is, in part, a dedication to ‘public space’ in its absence.

In trying to lay out the parameters for a discursive ode to public space, what we quicky realized was how expansive and difficult to navigate this topic truly is as a whole. These words are heavily loaded with infinite connotative interpretations. As architects, urban designers and critics, ‘public

space’ and ‘private space’ are staples in our lexicon. Thus the far more pressing concern for this issue was the clarification of how we define and talk about these elusive notions of ‘publicness’ and ‘privateness’ in conjunction with their use in daily practice. As a picture paints a thousand words, so one word could paint a thousand pictures. We are obliged to ask of ourselves whether we are all referring to the same ideas when we habitually and with great ease cast the words ‘public space’ into conversation. The inherent multidimensional nature of the term produces a plethora of meanings that vary by place, time, culture and individual and we have turned the answer to this question into a four-article issue.

The success of such an issue would be a strategic cross section through this multifaceted ocean of meaning that is capable of lucidly demonstrating the various currents that have steered

‘public space’ into its present state of ambiguity. Not only do there exist differentiable levels on which ‘public space’ could be construed, there are also several academic disciplines that would seek to interpret ‘public space’ and its implications differently. In order to do this task justice, it was essential that each of these articles, ‘Evolution of Public Space’, ‘The Social Dimension of Public Space’, ‘Public’ & ‘Private’ and ‘Translating Public Space’ not only outlined multiple dimensions of ambiguity, but concurrently dealt with different thematic undertones related to the theory of architecture and urban design, history, sociology, philosophy, metaphysics and linguistics.

The investigation into ‘public space’ began from a historically orientated perspective, the aim of which was to point out the ambiguity of ‘public space’ that exists across different time periods. The articulation of public

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space on various scales together with the layering of urban programmes over time has resulted in complex explanations of ‘pubic’ and ‘private space’. Similarly to the reference of palimpsest in the evolution of the city of Rome made in Sigmund Freud’s introduction to Civilisation and its Discontents, each layer carries significant meaning from its own era. The crossing of such meanings through time produces unalterable ambiguity. The current state of pandemic that has essentially triggered this issue has undoubtably already begun to coat the vocabulary with a fresh layer of meaning.

After considering the ambiguity of ‘public space’ across time, attention was turned to exploring public space within a single timeframe. The defining of ‘public space’ from one location and culture to another breeds a different kind of vagueness than that of its evolutionary phase changes through history. Our present cir-

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cumstances present a convenient example of this. It is relevant to acknowledge, through a sociological interaction with the vocabulary in question, the reality that the nuances of the loss of publicness in public space would be experienced differently from one locus to the next. These experiential variations are purely the result of the status quo of what was considered normal or appropriate public behaviour within the public arena prior to the outbreak of Covid-19. They explain to us why no general assumptions can be made about the nature of public space without first duly acknowledging the cultural and political context in which it exists.

To pull further on the threads of this narrative would be to ask: But what about the people as belonging to a particular culture, living in a certain place at a specific time? Are there barriers of ambiguity that exist between the individuals of communities? At

any location, at any point in time there are a set of constructed norms and values that dictate to us which behaviours are normal and appropriate for public display in a particular cultural climate.

As sapient beings we have the mental faculties to make logical deductions about the spatial relations that exist in the world around us. A kind of homeostatic relationship exists between private individuals and the public collective environment. Effort is required to keep some things out and contain other things within, taking into consideration the aforementioned norms and values. Ambiguity is thus created in the infinite number of possibilities in which these two states of ‘public persona’ and ‘private persona’ are balanced from person to person. While an intercultural model of ‘public space’ presents ‘publicness’ and ‘privateness’ as part of a co-dependent relationship, a model concerning the individuals of cultures presents

them as a set of deliberately constructed states of being. Privacy is something constructed from the default state of openness.

Potentially opposing or contradictory models of ‘public space’ only substantiate the claims of its variable nature.

In order to get as close to defining ‘public space’ as possible, it must be translated from a metaphysical concept in to a physical manifestation, affording careful consideration to the grammatical nuances of its vocabulary. Essentially it comes down to a matter of communication, the language that we as individuals use, especially in a professional context.

Linguistics and entomology are the focus of an elegantly constructed final article that rounds off this issue and provides an anchor that pulls into focus all four pieces in order to fully visualise a three-dimensional, multi-layered linguistic construction that has evolved through time and space.

The title Defining Public Space was chosen not to indicate that the conclusion of this issue would be a neat definition of ‘public space’, but rather to indicate, by the word ‘defining’, that the process is ongoing. Public space is caught in a gradual but constant state of metamorphosis. Its nature is thus multidimensional and abundant in meaning. As time marches on our cultural, economic and sociopolitical practices evolve and so do our ideas of what public space is and should be. Within our professions the term public space is not a given, but is something that requires careful and constant revision as we design, build , critique, write and speak.

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23 FEBRUARY - 8 MARCH - 9 MARCH 11 MARCH - 14 MARCH

2022

fb.com/Bouwkunde.bedrijvendagen @bouwkunde_bedrijvendagen bouwkundebedrijvendagen.nl 8

info@bouwkundebedrijvendagen.nl

CONTENTS 1.

EVOLUTION OF PUBLIC SPACE

2.

THE SOCIAL DIMENSION

3.

HOW WE MIGHT TALK ABOUT - AND DESIGN WITH - NOTIONS OF ‘PUBLIC’ & ‘PRIVATE’

4.

TRANSLATING PUBLIC SPACE

A Retrospective Review

Social-Cultural Meanings of Public Space

On the death of public space

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THE EVOLUTION OF PUBLIC SPACE A Retrospective Review Fenne Jansen & Linda del Rosso

In the earliest days of Christianity,

defined as a ‘public space’, how should

thousands of pilgrims used to travel

its ‘publicness’ be best declared?

from all over the world to the Roman

Vatican to worship the leader of Je-

original main function of being some-

sus’s disciples, Peter, as they believed

thing comparable to a theatre hall for

him to have been executed and buried

the religious, a place where people

on Vatican hill. On Wednesdays and

intentionally gather for one common

Sundays, the travellers would gather

purpose (catching a glimpse of the

on the Piazza San Pietro in front of the

pope)? Or should its public character

Saint Peter’s Basilica to listen to the

be contributed to its current use as

head of the Roman Catholic church,

a place for all sorts of activity for all

the believed direct successor to Pe-

sorts of people? Just like the Piazza

ter, speak in public. People still come

San Pietro, public places all over the

from everywhere to the public square

globe have been shaped and used dif-

in front of Rome’s main cathedral to

ferently throughout the years because

pay their tribute to the first Bishop of

of a variety of prevailing influences. As

Rome, albeit to a significantly lesser

a result, difficulties arise when trying

extent, now outnumbered by the many

to define such a place’s ‘real’ public

tourists and other casual passers-by. A

character.

shift in focus of the square’s function

is recognizable, from being primarily a

rian Spiro Kostof acknowledges the

stand from which the people hope to

problem of defining the public and

catch a glimpse of the pope, to becom-

private, especially the boundary be-

ing a public stage on which a variety of

tween them. In his attempt to get a

social activities take place, sometimes

hold on the rather ambiguous matter,

intended but far more often complete-

he defines the city as ‘a theatre for so-

ly by accident.

cial interaction’, referring to the public

Should one look at the place’s

Praised

architecture

histo-

Subsequently, when trying to

spaces within as the stages of this the-

explain why a place like the Piazza San

atre. In his works The City Shaped 1 and

Pietro in Rome is, and always has been,

The City Assembled,2 emphasis has been

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laid on the importance of the relation

constitute the urban fabric. To be able

between time and the shaping of the

to thoroughly analyse the city, or thea-

city, especially its public space. A rela-

tre and its public spaces, or stages, the

tion between history and urban form

article has been set up on these two

and process.

scale levels, from flying over to wan-

dering through.

The following article will pay

special attention to this relation, main-

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ly to its effect on the shape, use and

A Bird’s-Eye View on Public Space

location of public space. By means of

Although the functions of its (public)

a retrospective approach we have at-

spaces have changed throughout time,

tempted to set out the main influences

the common denominator the city of

on the city and its public space over

the past and the city of today share

time. These influences could be distin-

is the phenomenon of behaving like a

guished on multiple scale levels, rang-

‘theatre for social interaction’. 3 From

ing from the city as an urban system to

the ancient Greek agora to the Medi-

the elements that constitute its urban

eval square, to the Baroque boulevard

fabric. Roughly, a distinction could be

to the modern urban public park, pub-

made between analysing the city and

lic places have always been the ‘stag-

how its public space took shape from

es’ on which this theatrical play took

a bird’s-eye perspective, looking at the

place.

relation between history and the de-

In The City Shaped,

Kostof

Diagrams of four urban

velopment of urban patterns; and from

makes a distinction between the public

patterns (from left to

an eye-level perspective, with public

and private spaces of the city, starting

right: organic, grid, di-

space seen as one of the elements that

from a bird’s-eye perspective overlook-

agram, grand manner).

Figure 1 4

ing its urban fabric. The book aims to

Sometimes, public spaces could be

analyse how the history of city devel-

planned around more complex di-

opment and constituted city patterns

agrams,

has massively influenced the planning

ric shapes, circles and centralized

of the public and private space. It also

squares. While the intellectual Re-

points out how the architectural move-

naissance society was very attracted

ments coming along with different pe-

to perfect shapes, the urban pattern

riods in time have represented relevant

hardly took the needs of the popula-

turning points for the habits and the

tion into consideration. In fact, these

social activities of the citizens in public

‘perfectly shaped’ environments could

space. To reconcile the idea of ‘the city

sometimes look intimidating, and they

as a theatre’ and the influence of his-

would hinder the spontaneous creation

tory in public space development, four

of the theatrical play of public space,

subsequent urban patterns have been

making the experience of people more

analysed accordingly: the organic city,

restricted to a single specific function,

the grid city, the diagram city and the

rather than multiple ones. 5

such

as

perfect

geomet-

grand manner city. Additionally, the modern skyline has been discussed.

The Baroque Grand Manner Shifting to Baroque times, the role of

Organic vs Geometric Renaissance

public space and urban greenery as a

Cities

‘stage’ for urban interaction, culmi-

In the Renaissance, city systems con-

nates during the so-called Grand Man-

sisted of mainly organic or non-ge-

ner. This architectural style, derived

ometric configurations, often roman-

from classicism and the art of the High

ticized in modern times as natural

Renaissance, was defined as the urban

modes of building. ‘The relation of the

product of the rise of authoritarianism,

city to its parts is like that of the hu-

Counterreformation and new techno-

man body to its parts; the streets are

logical developments. In this period,

the veins,’ as Italian Franciscan friar

squares and other public places distrib-

Francesco Giorgi states in his ‘Trattato’

uted throughout the city became focal

(1482). In this analogy with the human

points of a spacious urban ensemble,

body, the public green spaces are the

and they were connected by wide

lungs of the city, the centre is the heart

streets, such as avenues and boule-

pumping blood through the streets,

vards. These major streets were often

the veins.

ornamented with trees and planned

to create vistas and a majestic fabric

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for daily, urban life. Tourists from all

proach developed in a time when plan-

over the world travel to cities such as

ners were starting to search for a solu-

Rome and Paris to admire the public

tion for overpopulation and the poor

space and its statues, triumphal arch-

hygienic conditions that people lived

es, commemorative columns and foun-

in. For the first time, rules about street

tains. These beautiful vistas, which are

width, access to daylight, hygiene and

visible from the main street, were used

traffic organization became important,

to symbolize the power of the ruler

and more attention was given to indi-

over the citizens and today still repre-

vidual citizens and their use of public

sent the most distinctive landmarks of

space. 7

those cities. 6 Locating Public Space Grid Cities for Regular Infrastructure

Independent of the historical period,

The grid can be considered one of the

the location of a public place in a city

most common patterns for planned

is, according to Kostof, as often a mat-

cities throughout history and especial-

ter of accident as it is of forethought.

ly characteristic of the modern world.

Inevitably, the fixed character of open

Planning a grid is not as simple as it may

space often means that the original

seem, since it is necessary to carefully

designated function of a place is quite

take the distribution of public spaces

sensitive to change, of any kind. For

and amenities into consideration, in

instance, a place originally developed

order to shape the experience of citi-

for disencumbering a monument in

zens in the public space. Moreover, the

Neoclassicism could become a public

effect of the grid in three dimensions

square in another period, regardless

needs to be considered, taking into ac-

of the interim changes in the city’s

count the differences between a big,

pattern. Just like the central Piaz-

dense city and a small town.

za Navona in Rome was formerly the

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has

stadium of Domitian, initially located

served two purposes: to facilitate or-

Historically,

the

grid

far from the city centre. In the West-

derly settlements, as was done in co-

ern Middle Ages, some town squares

lonial times, or act as an instrument

of originally Roman cities used to be

of the modernization of previous un-

the ancient Roman forum: a place for

planned city patterns. An example of

religion, a political centre, a court of

a positive model aiming for equality

law, a marketplace and a place for ed-

is the Plan Eixample of Barcelona, by

ucation all in one. Especially in Italian

Ildefons Cerda (1859). This rational ap-

cities like Lucca, Pisa and Umbria, this

Figure 2 the Teatro Marcello in Rome showing private apartments

on

top

of the public ancient ruin.9

phenomenon can clearly be observed.

historical landmark and a private res-

The deliberate locating of squares will

idential complex. 8

take place in all newly planned cities in which centrality is the norm for the

An Eye-Level View on Public Space

most important meeting grounds and

In The City Assembled,10 Kostof certainly

representational public places of the

acknowledges the difficulty of defining

city. However, fast city growth might

a place as either public or private. He

cause the initially deliberate distribu-

states: ‘In the ways urban form is con-

tion of public places in a city to become

figured and inhabited, the bounds be-

unclear. Often, when city development

tween public and private are far from

becomes too dense, public space be-

discrete.’ 11 Besides, a clear distinction

comes oppressed by the private res-

of purpose should be acknowledged

idential or retail buildings arising in

between the public and private space,

the area, creating a conflict between

as we act in public spaces in ways we

the private and the public sphere. For

do not or simply cannot in private ones.

example, the image of the Teatro Mar-

The purpose of the space of the public

cello in Rome shows how houses have

unavoidably has to do with practical-

been built on top of the ancient roman

ities like scale and fitness, most pub-

ruins due to the lack of land to build on

lic activities requiring deliberate large

in the area. In this case, unclarity might

open spaces. However, Kostof argues,

occur when it comes to the location

apart from these practical purposes it

and the boundary between a public

is important to approach public space

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as a destination, ‘a purpose-built stage

by form, is rather straightforward and

for ritual and interaction’. This stage

unambiguous. Classification by use,

provides citizens with the opportunity

which will vary from one classifier to

to express themselves, to watch others

the next, at first sight also seems rath-

or to be watched, being at the same

er unquestionable. However, the main

time an actor as well as a visitor of the

problem with this way of classifying

city, their theatre. With ritual being

actually consists of two things: the fact

defined as ‘a religious or solemn cer-

that most public places have multiple

emony consisting of a series of actions

uses and the fact that these different

performed according to a prescribed

uses change over time. 13

order’.12

Apart from being hard to

Both the characteristics of

classify, especially on the basis of its

ritual and interaction are important

use, another central issue with defin-

to consider when trying to define the

ing public space seems to be the in-

publicness of a space, which ritual

stability of its use. Compared with its

can be stated inevitably to be related

quite diverse improvised or occasional

to culture and time. This ritual char-

uses, in the end it has very few main or

acteristic of public space often trans-

steady uses. Probably the two primary

lates into the provision of communal

steady uses of public space throughout

or structured activities like festivities

history are that of civic centres and

and celebrations, but also riots and

marketplaces. Regularly, the two func-

demonstrations. However, far more of-

tions occupy the same public space, al-

ten, spontaneous interaction between

though a stronger desire for separation

people causes for rather unstructured

of the two seems to appear in more

and unplanned activity to dominate

developed stages of the city. 14 Again

space. One can imagine that the latter

showing the importance of taking into

contributes largely to the difficulties

account the aspect of time when trying

occurring when trying to define the

to define the publicness of a place.

publicness of a place.

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The

classification

of

pub-

The Power of the Privileged

lic space can rely on either form or

Historically, a distinction could be

use, but not on both, simply because

made between the central and the pri-

throughout history public places with

vatized public place. The definition of

the same or similar functions do not

the privatized could be derived from

need to have the same or similar shape.

the central as being ‘places used by

Classifying a public place, like a square,

small groups of citizens as a challenge

or substitute or subsidiary to the gen-

space. The coming about of the ‘real’

uinely central public place’. A clear ex-

public park still has a long way to go

ample of this typology of public space

from here and has been significantly

can be traced back to medieval times.

imposed by aristocratic tradition. 15

In the medieval town each clan neigh-

bourhood was clustered around a small

the public park as ‘an open space be-

family square, so that the larger the in-

longing to the public as of right and

fluence of clans on the medieval city,

provided with a variety of facilities for

the less likely for a common central pi-

the enjoyment of leisure’. Parks becom-

azza to be present. As a matter of fact

ing fully acknowledged public spaces

a similar pattern of privatized public

was a quite arduous process, starting

spaces can be found in later periods as

somewhere around the industrial era

well. In seventeenth-century England,

in the nineteenth century. From this

private developments of which the

time onwards the public was gradually

ground was laid out by landlords and

granted access to the gardens of gov-

the properties on it rented to the for-

ernmental institutions and to the pri-

tunate, were grouped around squares.

vate gardens of the very rich – but still

As a result, these English residential

periodically and conditionally.

squares were completely disconnected

from any sort of coherent overall city

parks, which were the result of open-

plan. This system of landlords leasing

ing the royal parks and public prome-

out their land to a genteel clientele not

nades, often had a genteel bias. This

only could be seen in the history of the

bias could be clearly seen from the

square, but in that of the public park

dominating focus of the early public

as well. The course of events often

park designs on carriage and eques-

resulted in a fierce struggle between

trian traffic, both a privilege for the

leaseholders and citizens to establish

wealthy. The very first genuine public

public access to some privatized gar-

park was probably Birkenhead Park in

den space. In the end, by an act of Par-

England, designed by Joseph Paxton

liament as early as 1592, the citizens

in 1843 in such a way that different

were backed up by the law, stating

means of transport could be separated,

it not to be lawful for anyone to en-

creating easy accessibility for all class-

close or take in any part of the ‘Com-

es of society. 16

In his writings, Kostof defines

The very first modern public

mons or Waste Groundes’. However, at this time, the public still struggles for

Privileged Religious Architecture

customary access to a lot of the open

There were times when religion around

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the globe seemed to play a significant,

often resulted in a concatenation of

often even dominating role in society

small maidans that can still be seen in

and subsequently in the field of archi-

the character of some cities that Islam

tecture and urbanism. During these

has lost to the West, like the pre-mod-

times, the enclosure of urban gather-

ern Seville.17

ing places or courtyards could be seen

as a privilege of religious architecture.

Western society is the influence of

This phenomenon can be traced back

Christian religion on the planning of

to the atrium of the early Christian

some European cathedrals such as in

basilica and the sahn of the Muslim

Rome, where Vatican City is located. In

mosque, but also to the even more

the Baroque era, religion and the au-

ancient courtyards of Near Eastern

thority of the monarch were the two

temples. Sometimes these originally

dominating influences on society and

religious temple courtyards also served

this is visible in the construction of

non-religious functions, like markets,

the main squares and boulevards con-

proclamation readings and teaching,

necting them. Pilgrims used to come

turning them into the true civic centre

from all over the world and pause their

of a town or city.

traveling on these squares to look up

Especially in Islamic cities,

and admire the majesty of the Roman

a very well-defined notion of public

Catholic church. They were in awe of

space is present that is even defined

the obelisks and the majestic façades

by law, and includes streets, mosques,

of the churches like that of Saint Pe-

cemeteries and maidans (squares). In

ter’s basilica.

An example more related to

fact, all members of society except

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women had an equal right and claim

The Public and Private of Today

to these public spaces, and the square

The often-laborious struggle of citi-

or maidan could even be defined as a

zens to gain access to places that were

non-politically charged public place,

first ‘private’ can be seen as an indi-

something that was, and still is, quite

cation of the unclarity of public and

exceptional. The somewhat smaller

the private space, and especially the

maidans took the function of noth-

boundary between them. Not only the

ing more than urban vestibules to the

traditional town square and public park

monumental buildings, as distributing

have been subjected to this public-pri-

nodes and accommodations for the

vate struggle, the public space of to-

vast monumental structures of the

day is also in contention. Whereas city

dense urban fabric. This phenomenon

patterns are more often a fixed given,

the use, meaning and accessibility of

counters of people with the traditional

a city’s elements like squares, streets

public space in the city centre have be-

and public parks have been subject-

come unnecessary. Kostof even claims

ed to a lot of change over the years,

that the main motivation for modern

while attempting to keep up with the

engagement in something akin to a

prevailing needs of society. New forms

public realm is the urge to consume,

of public space can also come from

doing so in the motorized, above all

reusing and reconceiving the concept

economically

of old buildings. For example, the pre-

mall.

interested,

shopping

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viously mentioned Roman cathedrals that used to be considered as places

A Relation to be Valued

of worship became museums, and the

From the above one could state that

squares in front of them accumulated

public space as part of a larger-scale

different stories and alternative uses

city pattern has become quite stuck in

through time. As mentioned previous-

time, shaped by its history, and public

ly, religion does not play a central role

space seen as a city-constituting ele-

in many modern societies anymore and

ment is particularly sensitive to chang-

the mystiques of these places have

es in time. The difficulties that arise

partially disappeared, leaving its space

when trying to define the publicness

to completely different social func-

of a space should therefore be rec-

tions. On the contrary, some commu-

ognized as mainly related to the pub-

nity spaces that used to be public have

lic space seen as one of the elements

been bought by private authorities,

composing the urban fabric, like stages

often commercial organizations. Ac-

composing the theatre.

cording to Kostof, public places used

to be ‘proud repositories of a common

such as architectural movements, priv-

history’, 18 a shared destiny that accord-

ileged groups, dominating reigns and

ing to him modern society has largely

religions in the past, as well as eco-

abandoned as our rituals of social in-

nomic interest and politics, including

teraction have been largely simplified

the democratic voice of the people,

into a variety of so-called ‘privatized

today, make it rather hard for one to

public spaces’, like theme parks and

understand and apply the universally

shopping malls. These privatized pub-

determined definitions for ‘public’ and

lic spaces have often been developed

‘private’. Historical intentions regard-

on the edge of the city, to ensure good

ing a public place’s function, use and

car accessibility. Subsequently, the en-

location in the urban fabric become

Various influences on the city

19

vague and unclear when new dominat-

15. Ibid.

ing influences appear and affect.

16. Ibid.

This ever-dominating influ-

17. Ibid.

ence of time on space makes it diffi-

18. Ibid.

cult, if not impossible, to intrinsically

19. Ibid.

define the ‘publicness’ of a place. However, highlighting the importance of the relation between urban history and urban form and process seems to be significant for one to properly understand public space’s time-bound and highly versatile character. Something that hopefully will be observed and applied the next time when referring to a place to be public as such.

REFERENCES 1. Spiro Kostof, The City Shaped (London: Thames & Hudson, 1999).

2. Spiro Kostof, The City Assembled (London: Thames & Hudson, 1999).

3. Kostof, The City Shaped, op. cit. (note 1).

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Ibid.

9. Roma Wonder, Teatro Marcello Info and Opening Hours, accessed 4 April, 2021.

10. Kostof, The City Assembled, op. cit. (note 2).

11. Ibid.

12. Oxford Languages, ‘Ritual’, accessed 6 April, 2021.

13. Kostof, The City Assembled, op. cit. (note 2).

14. Ibid.

20

21

22

THE SOCIAL DIMENSION Social-Cultural meanings of public space Jacqueline Crans & Bob van der Vleugel

Figure 1 Hiroshi Ota and Kaori Ito having a picnic on a highway median.

It’s spring season in Tokyo, Japan. The

These ‘lovebirds’ are Hiroshi Ota and

dense flow of pedestrians and the

Kaori Ito, an architect and professor

soothing buzz of cars make the city

of urbanism respectively, who found-

vibrant as always. Amid all the action,

ed the Tokyo Picnic Club. 1 Despite its

one can make out a picnic of two fig-

innocent name, this movement stands

ures perched on the median between

for critical protest, addressing the de-

the two carriageways. Despite a won-

prived social status that Japanese pub-

dering frown and an agitated honk

lic spaces have gained since 1969. Back

every now and then, the two seem to

then, the government shifted the focus

be enjoying themselves surprisingly

of public space from social gathering to

well. The odd scene couldn’t bother

traffic, economy and commerce. Ever

them less, or so it seems.

since, the informal occupation of pub-

What looks like a weirdly ro-

lic space by individuals has come to be

mantic and intimate event is actually

seen as culturally and legally inappro-

more of a peaceful protest movement.

priate. The discomfort of using public

23

space for any other use than the purely

vide structure in thinking: it is helpful

practical and convenient has even led

in distinguishing the individual from

to a cultural contempt for eating food

the collective, the secluded from the

or drinking in public space. No wonder

exposed. 2 Likewise, it offers a useful

Ota and Ito’s picnic movement – in fact

vocabulary to discuss and analyse top-

a political attempt to reclaim the social

ics related to ownership, accessibility,

function of public space – makes the

property, justice and safety. It is no

average Japanese citizen uneasy.

wonder that architects and urbanists

The various activities that the

put this distinction to use constantly

Japanese deem appropriate for their

to put a label on a space, or to give an

public space suggests that the defi-

impression about its intended charac-

nition of ‘public’ is not as universally

ter or use.

valid and self-explanatory as it is often

assumed to be. This article aims to un-

appropriated the use of the dichoto-

pack the deceptively simple public-pri-

my for spatial matters, the distinction

vate dichotomy from a sociological

between public and private in gener-

point of view. Taking the use of public

al speech pertains not to something

space as an indicator for underlying

physical or tangible. ‘Public’ and ‘pri-

sociocultural conventions, ‘public’ and

vate’ only make sense as a pair, and

‘private’ are shown not to be proper-

they have meaning only because of

ties of architectural or urban space per

our interaction with others in our daily

se. Rather, these categorizations need

lives. Humans have the desire for pub-

to be considered as part of a socio-

lic space in order to interact with oth-

logical debate, which sees public and

ers, to develop a sense of belonging on

private as categories of social actions.

a grander scale, to express themselves

Although unavoidably inexhaustive in

and to find personal value within the

terms of the almost infinite and nu-

value of society. 3 This sociopsycholog-

anced interpretation of the public in all

ical need for interaction with others is

available sources, its main intention is

at its core self-centred: human beings

to give an indication of the multiplici-

have the intrinsic social need to share

ty and sociological implications of the

and gather knowledge for all intents

public-private dichotomy.

and purposes, which requires a space

Although

architecture

has

that is open to the public.

24

Space for Action

The terms ‘public’ and ‘private’ relate

For architecture, the public-private

to the type of social actions we per-

distinction is commonplace to pro-

form. 4 Therefore, despite its wide-

spread use among different disciplines

tially what the role of public space is

– ranging from architecture to law and

held to be. Sociologists Jeff Weintraub

from psychology to economy – ‘pub-

and Krishan Kumar came to a similar

lic’ and ‘private’ are essentially deter-

conclusion in their book Public and Pri-

mined by the social context they exist

vate in Thought and Practice. By means

in.5 Continuing this line of reasoning,

of a meta-analysis of a fair amount

when architects and urbanists speak of

of sociological studies on the topic,

public space, what is actually signified

Weintraub observes that sociologists

is the space that accommodates a spe-

use definitions of the public conditions

cial category of social action, namely

that fall roughly into four distinct cat-

those actions associated with ‘public’

egories.6 Each of these categories is

in that context. As the example of the

characterized by a particular view on

Tokyo Picnic Club has shown, the ide-

society and what is considered appro-

as about which actions count as public

priate public action. Consequentially,

are highly influenced by culture and

each social structure comes with its

context. Judgement on the success of

own demands on and interpretations

a public space can therefore impossibly

of public space.

be made without making reference to the culture and society it has been de-

Classical Approach: Citizenship & Civili-

signed for. This focal shift from phys-

zation

ical matter to social action is impor-

One of the earliest conceptions of

tant in order to see the significance of

the public condition dates back to our

the public condition. Yet this does not

Greek and Roman ancestors. 7 Inquir-

readily resolve the vagueness of the

ing into what makes man unique in

term. If public space facilitates public

comparison with other species, phi-

action, then what are those actions

losopher Aristotle noted that humans

that we associate with the public? And

possess the unique gifts of speech

which actions are related more to the

and intentional action. 8 Beyond the

private?

biological needs for food, shelter and

It is at the sociocultural lev-

community, these gifts are what make

el that differences between contexts,

man into what Aristotle called a ‘zoon

such as the Japanese and the Dutch,

politikon’ (often translated as political

can be properly explained. The prevail-

animal). Our abilities for speech and

ing conception of society seems to de-

action make us seek meaning through

termine to a large extent what proper

goals that are bigger than mere surviv-

public action entails, and consequen-

al. Whereas living together peacefully

25

Figure 2 ‘While we are thus unconstrained in our private business, a spirit of reverence pervades our public acts.’ Pericles giving his funeral oration in Athens’ public space.10

suffices with simple communication,

aims at something more than the sup-

these more ambitious goals require co-

ply of daily needs, the first society to be

operation.

formed is the village. 9

Aristotle’s observation that

humans have both a ‘natural life’ and

His distinction between the

a ‘political life’ has strong implications

natural family on the one hand and

for the classical perspective on soci-

the politically organized society on

ety and its public spaces. As Aristotle

the other can be seen as a distinction

writes:

between the private and the public domain, between the ‘family’ and the The family is the association

‘village’. The link with action is clearly

established by nature for the supply of

expressed in this case: private spaces

men’s everyday wants . . . but when sever-

are those that serve the primary bio-

al families are united, and the association

logical needs of shelter and affection,

26

whereas public space forms the stage

governmental,

for the political acts of speech and jus-

everything

tice.

distinction starts from the assumption

whereas

private

non-governmental.

is

This

The Greek polis illustrates the

that society consists of individuals who

strong relation between what is con-

pursue their own individual (often eco-

sidered public action and the form of

nomic) goals, whereas the government

public space. The agora, a multipur-

is assigned the responsibility to guard

pose open space at the centre of the

the relation between these individuals.

Greek city-state, literally puts the zoon

Public and private are extremals that

politikon at the centre of civilization: it

need each other for balance. As such,

groups governmental institutions, tem-

this conception of public/private is

ples, trade facilities and cultural build-

most typical for policymaking and the

ings. The agora itself counts as a space

economy.

for people to meet and exchange, to

exercise their role as civilized beings.

ception of the public-private dichot-

Exemplary for this use of public space

omy is especially relevant if we talk

is the painting of Pericles’ funeral ora-

about ownership of public space, and

tion (Figure XXX), where statesman

the means of accessibility and enforce-

Pericles talks about the military and

ment that come with it. A proper illus-

political achievements of Athens. The

tration is provided by Hoog Catharijne,

symbolism of statues and buildings, as

a privately owned shopping mall in the

well as the central platform on which

Dutch city of Utrecht, whose corridors

Pericles holds his speech, illustrate

form the main thoroughfares for pe-

how a political conception of the pub-

destrians connecting the busiest train

lic results in a very specific image of

station of the Netherlands to Utrecht’s

public space.

inner city. Although this vital passage-

Spatially, the liberalist con-

way should ideally fall within the conLiberalist Approach: Government and

trol of a governmental institution with

Market

the public as its main interest, it is in

Politics appears to be a recurring

fact owned and controlled by a private

theme in the interpretation of the

investor.12 The resulting conflict be-

public domain in sociology. While the

tween ownership and use – the own-

classical view contrasts the political

er could close the mall at will, which

with the domestic, the liberal view

would severely affect the public life of

contrasts the political with the market

Utrecht – leads to complex situations,

economy.11 Public, then, is everything

whereby the interest for the general

27

Figure 3 The Central Hall of the Hoog Catharijne shopping mall in Utrecht.

public is put in the hands of a private

ganization or market economy. 13 Public

owner, with individual gain as main in-

space simply needs sociability, basical-

centive.

ly referring to an absence of planning and politics. In her book The Death and

Polymorphous Sociability

Life of Great American Cities, Jacobs de-

Both the classical and the liberal ap-

scribes how the continuously ongoing

proach underline the political or-

‘ballet’ on the sidewalks of the city is

chestration and collective orientation

of vital importance to create the tol-

inherent in the use of public space.

erance and peace binding the city to-

Surprisingly, the view of ‘polymor-

gether:

phous sociability’ occupies the com-

28

plete opposite side of the spectrum.

Represented by influential figures like

formed over time from many, many little

urban activist Jane Jacobs and histor-

public sidewalk contacts. . . . The sum

icist Philippe Ariès, this view of public

of such casual, public contact at a local

space holds that what truly constitutes

level – most of it fortuitous, most of it

a successful society is not political or-

associated with errands, all of it metered

The trust of a city street is

by the person concerned and not thrust

and thereby opens the possibility to

upon him by anyone – is a feeling for the

cultivate mutual understanding and re-

public identity of people, a web of public

spect among citizens that are quite dif-

respect and trust, and a resource in time

ferent in other respects. 15 Sidewalk so-

of personal or neighbourhood need. . . . Its

ciability extends to parks and squares,

cultivation cannot be institutionalized.

which could encourage civilization and

And above all, it implies no private com-

respect on a city-wide scale. 16 Public

mitments.

space should be designed such that it

14

integrates low-threshold possibilities

If spontaneous sociability is

for interaction – benches, shade trees,

the main activity of public life, then

playgrounds – that connect people

the sidewalk is its arena. Since side-

through the fulfilment of their natural

walks are part of every citizen’s daily

needs and desires. Whereas the classi-

activities almost by necessity, they are

cal view emphasizes the different roles

among the most democratic spaces of

one has in the private and the public

our cities – not in the sense of politics

domain, the view of polymorphous

as in the classical view, but in terms of

sociability sees people as consistent

equal accessibility and use. The side-

among the two domains: civilization in

walk population most accurately rep-

public does not mean adapting one’s

resents a neighbourhood’s diversity,

own behaviour, but adapting one’s at-

Figure 4 ‘The opportunity to see and hear other people in a city or residential area also implies an offer of valuable information, about the surrounding environment in general and about the people one lives or works with in particular.’ Jan Gehl17

29

titude towards differences among indi-

ity or familiarity, instead of with indi-

viduals.

viduality and economy.

Although such an interpreta-

Feminist View

tion of the private space is arguably

A notion to be kept in mind for under-

important – not least because of its

standing the feministic perspective is

strong call for increased social eman-

that feminists treat the term domestic

cipation – the lack of a uniform defi-

as an equivalent to private, or at the

nition of public space in this perspec-

very least use it interchangeably. While

tive makes it not practically possible to

the preceding three perspectives take

connect this sociological theory to any

public space as a starting point to in-

form of space.

vestigate the dichotomy, the feminist

30

perspective takes private space as its

Social Context

starting point.

The feminist view is

Thinking about public space as a mani-

not necessarily different from espe-

festation of a contextually determined

cially the first two perspectives men-

approach to the public condition helps

tioned earlier. Instead, it tends to unify

to explain the paradigmatic differenc-

these views by providing a more fun-

es between cultures. These categories

damental distinction: since commerce

and their exemplars then suggest that

and politics are historically male-dom-

one specific culture results in one spe-

inated activities, and perhaps still are,

cific type of public space. But reality

both these perspectives have resulted

often proves itself to be stubborn and

in a gendered definition of public life

reluctant when it comes to such sim-

and space. The reason for this is the

plified classifications. When zooming

notion that in conventional perspec-

in on the spaces that make up our dai-

tives the private realm is treated as a

ly environment, labelling each space

mere residue of all space. It has a clear

with one of four categories might be

historical background in which the dis-

easier said than done. As we will see,

tinction between domestic/private life

the definition of the context of a space

and public life largely coincides with a

is as important in labelling it as public

distinction between women and men

or private as are the spatial qualities

in society, and thus the gender ine-

themselves.

quality. In a sense, this view of public

and private refers to Aristotle’s earliest

elling the meaning of public in a spe-

definition of the distinction, where pri-

cific situation is to investigate how to

vate space corresponds with domestic-

properly define its social context. The

18

A crucial first step in unrav-

Figure 5 The Vondelpark in Amsterdam on a sunny day

Tokyo Picnic Club has illustrated how

have a public character in their facili-

culture can be an important contextu-

tation of polymorphous social activity,

al difference that determines the so-

the prevailing character of each differs

cial qualities of public spaces. When

significantly: although Dutch people

it comes to parks and streets, in Japan

are used to picnics in public space,

the ‘classical’ view of a civilized public

they will most definitely not be toler-

reigns, whereas the Dutch city gener-

ated within the corridors of Hoog Ca-

ally shows more of a polymorphous

tharijne.

sociability interpretation. 19, 20 But this

general distinction between cultures

delpark and Hoog Catharijne truly

is not enough to explain the charac-

apart is the actual goals they serve.

ter of every individual public space

In this sense, the distinction between

produced within a culture. As an illus-

the two spaces comes not from the

tration, compare the Hoog Catharijne

perspective of sociability, but has a

shopping mall in Utrecht mentioned

liberalist

earlier in this article to the Vondelpark,

property, the Vondelpark is public in

one of Amsterdam’s most well-known

its free accessibility and purposeful

parks. Although both of these spaces

fulfilment of citizens’ needs. This con-

What seems to set the Von-

orientation. As

municipal

31

32

trasts sharply with Hoog Catharijne’s

this puts the important question of

primarily economic and therefore pri-

correctly defining and interpreting the

vate character, where the interest of

appropriate dimensions of publicness

the entrepreneur prevails over the

for a space before even attempting to

interests of citizens. Likewise, the de-

draft a design proposal for it.

sign for a shopping mall is to facilitate

actions related to selling and buying,

perspective on public space for a soci-

where sociability only plays a support-

ety-oriented one gives us better means

ive role to attract people into the mall

to understand the socioculturally con-

and thereby boost sales figures. In this

ditioned use and design of public

case, labelling both Hoog Catharijne

space. The publicness of space is more

and the Vondelpark as public spaces

a social than a spatial quality, obtained

makes little sense – even though this

by a focus on facilitating public activi-

claim can be perfectly justified from

ties more than private ones. The selec-

a sociability point of view. National

tion of context is key to understanding

culture and sociology, then, seem to

this public condition. Whereas cultural

be insufficient to explain the different

differences between nations can act

definitions that ‘public’ could take. In

as paradigms explaining public life on

this case, the economic as well as the

a national scale, the use of the term is

geographical context of the two cities

bound by many more subtleties on the

and their routes and thoroughfares

smaller scale as well. It might be that

also have an influence on what is con-

polymorphous sociability is the norm

sidered to be public space. These fac-

for public action in the Netherlands,

tors could be contained within national

that does not mean that the classical

boundaries, but more likely they oper-

view is absent. The term ‘public’ then

ate on other scale levels, either higher

has little meaning on its own, and it is

or lower. Moreover, this multiplicity of

therefore hard to sustain as a general

contexts in which a public space has

classification. Does this mean that the

a role – whereby the public character

public-private dichotomy is useless?

of the space depends on which con-

That would be a bridge too far. Rather,

text one chooses – illustrates how we

the use of public in a spatial vocabu-

can hardly label any of these spaces as

lary should be considered a compelling

truly public or truly private. Not only

invitation for designers to fully explore

are there multiple definitions of public,

the boundaries, subtleties, specificities

these definitions rarely fit any case in

and multiplicity of the proper social

reality perfectly. More than anything,

context.

Trading our design-oriented

Let’s get back to Japan, where the To-

3. Michael Hviid Jacobsen and Nilesh Chatter-

kyo Picnic Club is still trying to gain

jee, The Fall of Public Place: Sociological Re-

momentum among planners, design-

flections and Observations on a Supermodern

ers and fellow citizens. Before even

American Ghost City (Aalborg: Aalborg Uni-

starting to design parks, plant trees

versitet, 2011), 19-20.

or dig ponds to get Hiroshi and Kaori

4. Ibid., 4-7

off their median strip, let’s just take a

5. Ibid., 7

step back to question what it actual-

6. Ibid., 7-34.

ly means to have a picnic in Japan, in

7. Ibid., 10-16.

the Vondelpark, or even in a shopping

8.

mall. How does such an activity fit in

Aristotle, Politics (Kitchener: Batoche Books, 1999), 5-6.

its social context? And what spatial

9. Ibid., 4.

form fits these sociocultural consider-

10. Thucydides, Pericles’ Funeral Oration (Min-

ations best? Hiroshi and Kaori’s prob-

nesota: University of Minnesota, n.d.), hrli-

lems with public space are not simply

brary.umn.edu/education/thucydides.html.

settled by clever spatial design, even though good spaces are a vital precon-

11. Weintraub, The Theory and Politics, op. cit. (note 2), 8-10.

dition for successful public life. There

12. RTV Utrect, Wie is de baas in de gangen van

is no picnic blanket big enough, no

Hoog Catharijne?, RTV Utrecht, 7 Decem-

pond wide enough and no cherry tree

ber 2017, rtvutrecht.nl/nieuws/1699418/

beautiful enough to cover up a disin-

wie-is-de-baas-in-de-gangen-van-hoog-ca-

terest in social context.

tharijne.html.

13. Weintraub, The Theory and Politics, op. cit.

REFERENCES

(note 2), 16-25.

14. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great

1. Chris Michael, Can “Guerrilla Picnics” End Tokyo’s 50-Year War on Public Space?, The

American Cities (New York: Vintage Books/ Random House, 1961), 56.

Guardian, 12 June 2019, theguardian.com/

15. Ibid., 55-73.

cities/2019/jun/12/can-guerrilla-picnics-

16. Ibid., 89-111.

end-tokyos-50-year-war-on-public-space.

17. Jan Gehl, Life Between Buildings: Using Public

2. Jeff Weintraub, The Theory and Politics of the

Space (Washington: Island Press, 2011), 21.

Public/Private Distinction, in: Jeff Weintraub

18. Weintraub, The Theory and Politics, op. cit.

and Krishan Kumar (eds.), Public and Pri-

(note 2), 27-34.

vate in Thought and Practice: Perspectives on

19. The term ‘classical’, as Weintraub uses it for

a Grand Dichotomy (Chicago: University of

his categorizations, is a Western notion and

Chicago Press, 1997), 2.

has no direct roots in Japanese culture. It is

33

used here as a mere classification to refer to the social content of the aforementioned type of public condition referred to by Weintraub as ‘classical’.

20. Assumptions about Japanese culture are based on Roger J. Davies, The Japanese Mind: Understanding Contemporary Japanese Culture (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 2002), 115-118, 143-152, 217-222.

1. Kaori Ito/Tokyo Picnic Club, no caption, photograph, 2019.

2. Philipp Foltz, Perikles hält die Leichenrede (‘Pericles’ Funeral Oration), painting, 1852.

3. Vastgoedmarkt.nl, no caption, photograph, date unknown.

4. Lars Gemzøe in Jan Gehl’s Life Between Buildings, ‘A winter day with frost, sun, and calm weather on a square in Copenhagen.

All sunlit benches are in demand’, date un5. known.

Amsterdammagazine.com, no caption, photograph, date unknown.

34

35

36

How We Might Talk about – and Design with – Notions of ‘Public’ and ‘Private’ Jacob Voorthuis

Space and Relationship

to architectural design and the idea of

The built environment is our extend-

designing inclusiveness, but I want to

ed phenotype, part of what we make

start at a very elementary level indeed,

of ourselves. It expresses us as we

with the notion that space is formed

express ourselves in it and through

in and by the relationships between

it. This story will eventually end by

things, and slowly build my story from

proposing that architecture and ur-

there. 4

ban design are acts that are capable

of expressing anything man is capable

ships, from those that result in one

of expressing in an act, but that this

of us saying ‘I love you’ to someone

fact presents us with some interest-

else saying ‘the moon is reflected on

ing choices. 3 The careful consideration

the water’, are basically spatial. Time is

of these choices and the limitations

just the change of those relationships

they impose will throw the designer

through movement and reaction. To

back upon the classic concerns of ar-

say that ‘relationships change’ is then

chitecture and city design: proportion,

simply to say that ‘space is shaped in

materiality, the configuration and se-

time’. Imagine yourself walking down a

quencing of spaces and openings, the

street; all the things in that street will

ideas of comfort, sturdiness and joy.

gradually change their relationship to

The lesson the essay carries is not a

you as you traverse it, both in terms of

revolutionary one, it is simply that we

their position, but also in your evalua-

must be careful what we wish for. That

tive awareness of them. Movement is

means that we should take good care

change as a function of relationship: M

in constructing any ideas we decide

= fR. Relationships exist even between

to act upon (in our case design with

non-knowing objects such as stones.

. . .) and think carefully about how to

Their relationships are expressed in

act upon them. I will work out one or

the prehensive effects of their behav-

two concrete examples with respect

iour as light falls on them and reflects,

2

So here we go: all relation-

37

as waterdrops spatter from them or

sible under what conditions, and what

as shoes kick them and they ricochet

matters to me. With the help of this

against other stones. 5 As a knowing or

causal, modal and emotive framework,

sapient creature I, too, am subject to

I can make sensible statements like: ‘It

the expression of such basic relation-

is raining, quick, let’s put up an umbrel-

ships: rain makes me wet; light makes

la!’, or: ‘Stop kicking me, it hurts!’ The

me appear visible to those with work-

conception of things perceived, allow-

ing eyes, and shoes kicking me hurt.

ing statements like S = p, in turn allow

So much for the basic physics of space

any person acting intentionally to then

and time.

make inferences of the sort If p then q.

7

Meaning and Space

dominate all acts of design.

But whereas stones and my body pre-

hend these things, ‘I’ as a knowing sub-

sequences about which we develop

ject (that is, as a self-conscious being

ideas as to their cause, their possible

aware of my relationship to my envi-

uses and their emotive charge, space

ronment) apprehend relations in space

becomes differentiated into a tableau

because I have the ability to conceptu-

of intentionally structured and layered

alize what I perceive, and so reason and

meanings determined by what things

feel things that I can make explicit by

are to us in terms of their use, that is,

talking about them. Apprehension al-

their value and the norms with which

lows the formation of ideas or concep-

these are made part of our daily ac-

tions about what we have perceived;

tivities. This differentiation of space

seeing what happens around me draws

is performed from our point of view

those ideas into a space of implications

according to the geometries imposed

where we play the game of giving and

by the construction of our bodies with

asking for reasons in order to use that

their sagittal, coronal and transverse

information. That game of reasoned

planes and the bifocal conic viewpoint

response determines all our intended

projecting from our eyes and ears.

actions, including those of design. The

The coronal plane divides the front

effects of behaviour around me thus

from the back. Our sagittal plane di-

become rich in meaning, as I deliberate

vides left from right and the transverse

their potential effect and my potential

plane divides the bottom from the top.

use for them. Meaning is what occurs

These planes, when so conceived, can

to me in thought as I develop a sense

be said to project beyond us in that we

of what causes what, and what is pos-

use them to organize the space around

6

38

These are the kind of inferences that Because actions have con-

us from the perspective of our bodies.

it works and even how we might value

As our five senses are concentrated

the relationships it forms by the insti-

on our face, we naturally turn towards

tution of norms regarding the way we

what requires our attention while we

should treat and use things. All words

turn our backs to what we want to

in the dictionary describe things in

avoid or just ignore. Such visceral and

terms of what they are to us and what

biologically determined norms of spa-

we can do with them. That fact inev-

tial organization are complemented

itably involves them all in space and

by social norms of spatial organization

time. It is then a sobering thought to

that, for example, determine that we

realize that our whole dictionary (in

keep to the right while moving along a

English we might take the Oxford Eng-

road, except in some countries, where

lish Dictionary as our standard, while in

we keep to the left. And so it is that

Dutch it would be the Woordenboek der

walls, occluding edges and the result-

Nederlandse Taal) is a dictionary of spa-

ant framed views hide and reveal infor-

tial relations and how we can describe

mation as to the relationships evolving

their change in time. Let’s now look at

around us while everything moves rela-

two of those words.

tive to everything else.

We have, together, devel-

Dividing the Private from the Public

oped an impressive set of concepts to

At what moment does it become useful

describe relationships in space and in

to divide the private from the public?

time. We speak of things being high

The notions of private and public each

and low, far and near, beside and in

define a set of very specific spatial re-

front of, under and over, through and

lationships. The notions of public and

in, before and after, and so forth.

8

private refer to how relationships in

These prepositions, as their name sug-

a space must be configured and or-

gests, indicate the spatiality and tem-

ganized according to the norms and

porality of relationships in a very direct

values that we attach to them in any

and familiar way. But in less obvious

one ecology of practice. To say that a

and indirect ways it is quite legitimate

space is ‘private’ or ‘public’ is to invoke

to say that in fact our whole diction-

a whole range of values expressed in

ary is a collection of concepts giving

behavioural norms that have to be

us norms for the description of spa-

carefully put in place in the right con-

tial and temporal relationships, simply

figuration and to the right level of re-

by defining what something is to us,

striction in order to make those spaces

how it is part of something else, how

count as either private or public. The

39

word private comes from the Latin pri-

constructed ourselves as knowing sub-

vare, which means to steal. And this is

jects with a conceptually clear set of

interesting as it rubs our noses in the

boundaries that separate us our envi-

fact that privacy is not a self-evident

ronment. Privacy allows us to acquire

thing, it has to be arrogated, taken. Pri-

a measure of control – or so we think

vacy is constructed. The baby is born

– over our identity, over who we are,

helplessly naked, knowing nothing of

even though in fact our persona, in

the boundaries separating it from its

first, second and third person singular

surroundings. It is completely at one

and plural, is made and shaped through

with its environment and only grad-

our interaction with others in various

ually learns to separate itself from a

degrees of public-ness. 9

universal space, in doing so it gradu-

40

ally learns to compartmentalize indis-

Developing the Conceptual Wealth of

criminate universal space into public

the Words Private and Public

and private zones and activities. Some

The full meanings of the words private

people fail to create these zones, and

and public form part of an ongoing and

as a result we call them mad. They feel

never-ending process of discursive ex-

themselves viscerally exposed to the

ploration between people challenging

world, believing that others can read

and testing those concepts in terms of

their thoughts, speak in their heads

their constitutive elements, the mod-

and that they have no refuge for them-

elling of the working relationships be-

selves. We make ourselves private

tween these elements, their value as

by taking away from public space the

expressed in various situations, and

space we require for our privacy, and

the norms that translate those values

not the other way around. The public is

into specific, intended actions backed

our default, privacy must be acquired

up by reasons. Each forms a container

by keeping thoughts to ourselves, by

that can be filled conceptually in var-

donning clothes, erecting walls, put-

ious ways, presenting a vessel for an

ting away information and possessions

indeterminate range of possible con-

in boxes that cannot be freely ac-

figurations. When we investigate this

cessed. These divisions become vehi-

in detail, we could start with the most

cles for a more controlled and filtered

extreme versions of both: the most pub-

public persona. The fact that privacy

lic is that all of a person is made visible,

feels so self-evident is simply a result

feelable, hearable and smellable for all

of the fact that we only become aware

at all times; whereas the most private

of the difference by the time we have

is where nothing of a person is made

visible, feelable, hearable or smellable

about the implications of being such a

for anyone else, ever. In the first case

person feel like a nightmare. 10 The pri-

there are no boundaries and there is

vate realm of our thoughts is a won-

only universal space and nakedness.

derful and priceless refuge. Our public

In the second we are speaking of the

spaces on the other hand are essential-

loneliest person in the world living

ly adaptable creations where the public

within the confines of an impenetrable

is filtered into the private and the pri-

set of boundaries that does not allow

vate is carefully distilled to be allowed

anything visible, feelable, hearable or

to appear in public.

smellable to pass. At both extremes human life is impossible. In between

The Uses of the Private and the Public

the two lie a host of subtle variations,

What then are the uses of the public

so numerous that a conscientious ty-

and the private? It is after all in those

pology would encompass a whole en-

uses that we shall find their meaning.

cyclopaedia, depending on what is

Let’s keep this part of the discussion

made visible, feelable, hearable and

generic for the moment. We can say

smellable to whom and under what

that the uses of the private are the

conditions and with what intention or

uses we have for hiding, segregating,

effect.

keeping quiet, not showing, discretely doing, and preparing, isolating, cam-

The Private in the Public

ouflaging

These intermediate possibilities have

thoughts and possessions. The uses

something strange about them, namely

of the public are the uses of showing,

that they concern us exactly in so far as

declaring,

the one is made present in the other. To

converting others to and discussing

give a plain example: when we choose

those same intentions, expressions,

to appear in public, the majority of us

thoughts, and possessions. The public

do so by first of all ensuring that some

begins with boundless open universal

aspects of our body and mind and pos-

space and nakedness, while privacy

sessions remain very private: we wear

begins with a thought or thing kept to

clothes, we wear public expressions on

ourselves. As more of our public world

our faces, we are careful about what

is privatized as we grow up, the instru-

we say and we carry a bag or wallet. A

ments of the public and the private

truly public persona such as Momus’s

comingle. Both make use of the instru-

man-whose-heart-we-can-all-read,

ments of privacy: clothes, walls, win-

would to anyone who has thought

dows, curtains, doors, expression, the

intentions,

confronting,

expressions,

discovering,

41

one to hide, the other to display. But

and evolution can make sense of the

there is a caveat: we never know what

appearance of values and norms. But

a public display keeps private. One of

even then, we are left speculating. The

the uses of the public is to mask the

moment when our parts turned private

private, to camouflage it. How much

is lost to us and can only be recaptured

of our public being is a carefully craft-

in ‘Just So’ stories like the one about

ed mask to hide what we wish to keep

Adam and Eve. Norms are the bridges

private? Only we ourselves know this.

we have forged between what is and

This is also the point at which cynicism

what ought to be, between what we

can gain a foothold when we realize

think is the case and what we ought to

that the public is often carefully craft-

do about it. The constructions made of

ed to preserve the private. Why do we

values are given normative direction by

invest so much of our time in develop-

the way we express those values in our

ing ways to protect what is private by

actions and behaviour. And we form

dressing for the public? And is this a

these habits because we do not want to

bad thing?

have to reinvent the wheel with every action. That would be exhausting. As is

The Construction of Norms Using Val-

clear from the metaphors ‘bridge’ and

ues and Other Things

‘construction’, those norms could have

Let’s make these questions more tan-

been differently constructed, using

gible. Why did human beings become

different values attached to different

discrete and private about sex? Why

conceptions of reality and different ac-

don’t we happily snuffle each other’s

tions and behaviour. What makes joy

private parts in public? What is it about

and justice and a full and happy life

the fruit of the tree of knowledge of

possible is the care we invest in forg-

good and bad that made Adam and

ing these bridges and constructions

Eve cover their private parts in a public

through public discussion.

space that contained only themselves,

42

a snake and God as sapient creatures?

The Open Society with Its Enclosures

What made those parts private? The

Now, I do not know of a communi-

reason we need to ask this question,

ty in which sex is a happily public af-

even though it gives us some pub-

fair. Gerard Reve famously said that

lic discomfort, is that the answer is

we should have sex in public but that

not at all self-evident. We have to

we should eat in private. He felt that

put the question into a historical and

stuffing one’s mouth with food is much

evolutionary context as only history

more obscene than sex. 11 What makes

him wrong? Is he wrong? I do not know

not be considered ‘natural’ to me, but

the answer here, but I do know that

form part of my second nature, which

the eating of food is, like sex, organ-

I have spent considerable effort shap-

ized into acceptable and less accept-

ing. My taste is an increasingly stable

able manners. It is the cherishing of a

construction of the person I have be-

particular set of manners (as synonym

come through consideration, delibera-

for norm) that defines us publicly, giv-

tion, aspiration, practice and upbring-

ing us our identity as people belonging

ing. Civilization – that is how we divide

to a group or category of people. And

our public persona from our private

just to state the obvious: to say that

persona – is a thin public veneer cov-

somebody ‘has no manners’ does not

ering all that we want to keep private

mean that this someone has no man-

and displaying what we deem appro-

ners in a literal sense; all behaviour has

priate to display. That is not meant

a manner in which that behaviour be-

to be a cynical remark, just the state-

comes expressive of some value. Peo-

ment of a simple truth. We learn how

ple said to have ‘no manners’ are in fact

to behave in public by learning how to

thought of as having ‘bad manners’ by

keep things private. And once we have

the people judging them. I pride my-

learnt this from others, we learn to test

self on being the kind of person who

and question the values that underpin

would rather die than spit in public;

that behaviour, to eventually come

who keeps his sexual identity and lusts

up with our own autonomous way of

discretely private; who eats with what

being in public, based on our own val-

he likes to call elegant manners even

ues and constructing our own norms.

though in the privacy of his own home

In an open society this carries the risk

he sometimes has to be reminded of

that some of us do not spend enough

them by his wife; who dislikes and mis-

time and care constructing that public

trusts overt public displays of grief, tri-

persona and its relation to the private

umph, anger or joy; who worries about

persona. So, we, as a society, have to

the increase in all kinds of public apo-

weigh up the balance: Do we want a

tropaic imagery worn as tattoos, ‘fun-

messy,

ny’ t-shirts, face-masks and so forth.

coarse open society or a smooth, obe-

(To show nastiness in public simply

dient homogeneous closed society, the

makes public space turn nasty. Hide

taste of which is defined by a small

nastiness and it disappears (if only)

elite? Most of us will want something

from the public realm.) My proclivities

like a happy in-between: as open as

with regard to manners in public need

possible, but not so open as to allow

disruptive,

heterogeneous,

43

the beast in some of us too much (pub-

a paradox: public space is determined

lic) space.

by the few who shout loudly, while the decent silent majority can only look on

Public and Private Politics: The Con-

in increasingly perturbed undemon-

testation of Value in Public Space

strativeness if they want to preserve

It is somehow a little ironic that this

their decency. If only he would be able

‘happy in-between’ can only be estab-

to tease that silent decent majority

lished in public through the interaction

out of their shell and give them a de-

of people. The public is our podium for

cently undemonstrative public podium

being demonstrative, for being a per-

accessible to all to demonstrate their

formative examples to others. 12 Our

decency. And not just through the pa-

Dutch prime minister at one time felt

pers in which decent people preach to

the need to contrast the visible unrest

the converted, but through the media

in Dutch society with the invisible ex-

that today determine the quality of our

istence of what he called the ‘decent

public space.

silent majority’. It was this majority,

44

he felt, that would keep us on track

Cultural Mitosis: Conservatism and

in times of doubt and instability.

Progressivism

13

However, having a decent majority

Before we arrive at the role of archi-

that is silent and therefore demon-

tecture in the performance of pub-

strative only in its silence and in the

lic life, we need to ask whether the

value it gives being undemonstrative,

supposedly ‘noisy few’ do not have a

is a problem because it means that it

point. Is their noisiness, their asser-

is the ‘noisy and supposedly indecent

tive demonstrativeness not a function

minority’ that come to determine the

of their holy quest to right wrongs?

quality of our public life and spaces.

Our values need regular re-evalua-

Public life is our corrective theatre, it

tion. Such re-evaluations of values can

is in the public realm we impose norms

become a messy and even aggressive

upon others by behaving in a demon-

affair because conservative and pro-

strative way. At the same time, the

gressive forces inevitably clash in such

undemonstrative nature of our silent

a process of cultural mitosis. Do not

majority is precisely what makes them

uncritically pledge your allegiance to

decent to our prime minister, they just

either camp. Be careful what you wish

get on with their work in the way that

for. The full meaning of a new value

Socrates so admired in Plato’s Repub-

only emerges in the course of time as

lic. The prime minister was caught in

the norms translating that value into

behaviour show their complicated ef-

in line when casting their votes. In so

fects. Moreover, like the notions pub-

far that democracies serve open soci-

lic and private, the notions conserva-

eties, where public space is constantly

tive and progressive tend to be used

and openly contested, democracies are

in coarse ways, grouping very diverse

healthily messy, often loud, sometimes

peoples together without any nuanced

assertive, but rarely persistently re-

justification. Each value contested,

pressive and aggressive, that is why I

creates a single axis along which con-

like them.

servatives

and

progressives

divide

(that is what I mean with cultural mi-

So What Does All This Have to Do

tosis). Each one of us decides upon

with Architecture and Urban Design?

the decency of each development for

Each value or set of values is contested

ourselves, autonomously. We are each

in the attempt to create new norms for

of us patchwork quilts of conservatism

our actions and behaviour. This makes

and progressivism, just as we wear our

the theatre of public life a contested

intricately folded garments of privacy

space of provocation. For those who

and publicity. In fact, I have encoun-

simply enjoy the observation of this

tered the most conservative forces in

process as if they are a fly on the wall,

those who most loudly proclaim them-

public space in any kind of society is

selves to be progressive.

rich with meaning and narrative. To

One can illustrate that each

those to whom the adoption of a par-

possible set of values creates differ-

ticular norm is relative to some value

ent axes dividing people differently by

matters, the emotions can quickly heat

showing how difficult it is for an always

up and come to the boil. As we are talk-

complicated political landscape of in-

ing of observation and engagement, it

terests and concerns competing for a

may be time to ask what all this has to

slice of the pie, to be satisfactorily gov-

do with architecture and urban design.

erned by any single government. In a

The short answer is: everything. Build-

coalition democracy the splintering of

ings and cities are the expressive prod-

parties according to the boundaries of

ucts of action. All action is expressive

special interests and concerns is an ex-

of value captured in normed or delib-

pression of this complexity, each party

erate behaviour. Architects design ac-

becoming a single or narrow interest

cording to norms and deliberations,

party; in non-coalition democracies

which may express the values they

the same is visible in the iron discipline

want to express either well, or badly.

that is required to keep party members

In this way our public and private spac-

45

es evolve as complex, facetted mirrors

equal to everyone else, whatever their

reflecting how we divide our world

religion, race or gender, we acknowl-

conceptually and talk about it; it is the

edge that this cannot mean that all of

performative mirror of our aspirations,

us have equal right to the use of cer-

the norms that help those aspirations

tain words and even gestures that in

to become realized and without our

one context can be humiliating and in

wanting to, the public and private do-

another affirming. So, in order to be-

mains are also an expression of our

come happily inclusive, a society has

limitations.

to become sophisticated about what is allowed in which context. The binary

46

The Limits of Architecture: Designing

opposition inclusive-exclusive can thus

Inclusivity

only operate if we include the one in

Let’s talk about limitations. What kind

the other. In order to include we have

of public space do we want? Appar-

to be explicit about what to exclude.

ently, we nowadays want inclusive

In order to be inclusive towards the

public spaces, where those who have

homophilic, a society has to become

traditionally occupied the margins and

exclusive of, or at least very guarded

floodplains of normality will find their

about, those with less inclusive ideas

course through public space less hard

about society, such as the homopho-

going, less humiliating and dangerous

bic. To include those who love to love,

and if at all possible, a little more joy-

we have to exclude those who love to

ous. And so, inclusivity has come to

hate. But to what extent? To be toler-

mean including other-sexual people

ant we must include the intolerant in

openly into public space. They do not

our tolerance. The best strategy in the

have sex in public of course, for that

design of and for open societies is to

is still normed as a taboo, but they

‘keep your friends close, but your ene-

can safely be public about their sex-

mies closer’. 14 We must similarly allow

uality and even celebrate their differ-

for noisy minorities to dominate pub-

ence. Similarly, to become inclusive a

lic space at times to get their minority

society must give people of all races a

message across. After all, a democracy

carefully constructed equality in public

is defined by the respect the majority

space. That this is not easy is demon-

has (or ought to have) for the values

strated by the evolving debate of what

and norms of minorities. The dictator-

this means in terms of the right behav-

ship of the majority is called populism,

iour that we want to become normal.

which is assertively exclusive. Even for

As we commit to treating everyone as

populist opinions any democracy must

show a qualified tolerance . . .

15

The temptation to exclude

ed and what is being excluded. That is what architecture is good at.

whatever is not wanted or thought to be beneficial to those explicitly includ-

The Design of Pleasant Spaces

ed in any one group and its spaces is

However, if you design your public

great and the hardware of architecture

spaces to exclude, those excluded will

can and has been used to great effect

eventually turn on those spaces in re-

throughout history. Architecture and

sentment and develop strategies and

urban design have at their disposal

tactics to get their message across. 17

all forms of hard and soft boundaries

Moreover, exclusion serves to homog-

such as walls, windows, grills and fenc-

enize the internalized space, which

es, natural features of the landscape;

speaks against the messiness neces-

they can open and close doors and im-

sary for and inherent in the expression

plement other affordances and dispos-

and performance of democracy. What

itives that have become legion since

to do? As with the private and the pub-

the development of the computer.

lic, so with the binary opposition of

However, the design of inclusion and

exclusion and inclusion. Inclusion is in

exclusion in public space is severely

fact the default setting of any space.

limited in its ability to specify what it

Anyone can go anywhere in universal

wants to include and to exclude. It is

space until you stop them. You must

only by the imposition of laws, rules,

work to keep things out, and you must

symbolism and signage, backed up by

work to hold things in. The natural or-

people with guns and swords, dogs and

der is for things to go where they can.

monsters prepared to enforce those

In a dynamic open society, you there-

rules and laws that we can properly

fore need to design inclusive spaces

make a public space expressive of a

only by making sure that all people, in-

certain inclusivity. A wall with a door

cluding those with a disability of what-

will not do that by itself. It will always

ever sort, can move about as freely as

require some accompanying sign say-

possible and after that you simply let

ing something like the sign hung over

them happen and you give them an

the entrance to Plato’s Academy in

appropriate atmosphere. Design plac-

Athens: ‘Let None But Geometers En-

es where the most delicate, the most

ter Here.’ 16 But having imposed that

challenged and the most undemon-

sign, architecture can be used to create

strative person would want to be so

the atmosphere that ought to accom-

that their (undemonstrative) goodness

pany and affirm what is being includ-

can be given room to be demonstrated

47

in all its quotidian joy of little things.

into sound.

Let’s call such spaces pleasant places.

6. Considering climate by directing the

These are designed by testing each

light and warmth of the day and its ac-

design decision against the criteria

companying shade and coolness.

of pleasantness as formulated from a

7. Controlling the wind and tempering

committed perspective as formed in

it into a breeze.

the mind of the designer. That per-

8. Allowing space for the other arts to

spective, if it were up to me, would

tell their stories.

encourage activities such as ambling,

9. Helping commerce do its thing in a

sitting, observing, chatting, drinking

healthy and fair way.

and eating composedly, enjoying what

10. Making sure that the façades of the

temperate sunshine there is or other-

various buildings get their chance to

wise offering easy shade and a quiet

celebrate the identity and aspirations

breeze, with rich façades and beautiful

of their users and owners.

trees to contemplate and active plinths

11. Taking the quality of the floor into

to allow people to bustle about their

consideration, as this is what most of

business and for others to quietly ob-

us focus on most of the time.

serve them. It would allow and encour-

12. Making sure the most vulnerable,

age public display and give it space to

the blind, the deaf, those confined to a

do its thing with joy and celebration.

wheelchair, the young and old feel wel-

Pleasant spaces must have people in

come and accommodated.

them and we create them using all the instruments already available to us for

Do all that I have mentioned just now

composing them:

(and anything I have here forgotten to mention), and you will know that you

1. Creating well-ordered surfaces by

have done well when people choose

considering the proportions of open-

your spaces to perform their compli-

ings, heights, and surfaces.

cated exercises in being human and

2. Creating lively scenographic spatial

perhaps do them decently. Although

sequences with surprising thresholds.

this cannot be guaranteed.

3. Offering well-materialized walls to

48

cover people’s backs and to display

A Perennial Warning

wealth of idea and message.

But do not think you will have solved

4. Framing views to enjoy and cutting

the problems of the world with your

passages to explore.

design. Success is always its own worst

5. Regulating acoustics to make noise

enemy, it contains its own failure. As

Martin Heidegger put it by quoting

will only incite people to wear masks in

the poet Hölderlin: ‘Where danger is,

the light and seek out darkness and en-

grows the saving power also.’ The op-

closure when it suits them. The point is

posite of this wisdom is also true: in any

that architecture cannot, thank good-

act to salvage humanity from itself, lies

ness, make people better people, what-

real danger . . . 18 A public space that is

ever that means (and it rarely means

pleasant and indiscriminately inclusive

anything remotely interesting. I prefer

will encourage all sorts to come to it.

my people all too human). Architecture

That will be the measure of its success,

can only make people more comforta-

for a while. But it will never be simply

ble, more secure and give them real joy

pleasant. It will be messy. We are not

when it is good. In this sense architec-

simple creatures; we are difficult, trou-

ture and urban design are acts that are

blesome, and contradictory creatures.

capable of expressing anything man

Pleasant, inclusive spaces create their

is capable of expressing in an act. But

own problems. Simply put, they even-

as I demonstrated, this fact presents

tually increase the value of the prop-

us with some interesting choices. The

erties surrounding them so that such

built environment is our extended phe-

spaces become exclusive through gen-

notype, it is as rich in meaning as we

trification. The decent have their ways

are. Our public and private spaces form

of keeping things pleasant by keeping

a clear, though complicated reflection

out the indecent and the unpleasant.

of the ideas upon which we act. That

That will make your pleasant space a

means that we should take good care

place of confrontation, of contestation

in constructing any ideas we decide to

and eventually of exclusion. It will be-

act upon (in our case design with . . .)

come troubled. Every design decision

and think carefully about how to act

presents us with a dialectic movement

upon them.

that presents the good it seeks with the bad fermenting slowly within it. For

REFERENCES

example, removing hard boundaries in architecture for the sake of inclusion

1.

The literature on public and private space

will eventually encourage people to

is enormous and the discussion ongoing,

form equally hard if virtual, psycholog-

which shows how important the debate is.

ical boundaries in their minds and their

In this article I choose not to respond spe-

behaviour. By allowing freedom with-

cifically to all the questions that have been

out structure, the beast in us is en-

raised and theories that have been prof-

couraged. Transparency and openness

fered on this subject by Aristotle, Castells,

49

Lefebvre, Mitchell and many, many others, although I would like to recommend any

6. The idea that all intentional action is con-

readers at the beginning of their journey in

nected with the idea of reason lies implicit

this material to read them. Especially Lefeb-

in much philosophy, but was first worked

vre and his La vie Quotidienne dans le monde

out explicitly by Elizabeth Anscombe in her

modern (1968), translated as Everyday Life in

Intention (1957).

the Modern World (2009) and J.B. Jackson’s

7. For the precise definition of concepts and

classic A Pair of Ideal Landscapes (1984).

their use in making inferences, I use Robert

2. Richard Dawkins, The Extended Phenotype,

Brandom in, for example, his book Articulat-

the Long Reach of a Gene (1982).

3. The word expression is taken to mean the

ing Reasons: An Introduction to Inferentialism (2001).

idea that any phenomenon, any form, shape

8. This notion is brought out in a lovely book

or thing, is just the expression of the forces

I had the honour of reviewing called Urban

that produced it. To express therefore is the

Flotsam, by Raoul Bunschoten (2001).

inevitable product of any process. See G.

9. I would like to use the word publicity here

Deleuze, Spinoza et le problème de léxpression

as the counterpart of privacy, but colloquial

(1968). Later, a similar theme is worked out

use of publicity does not allow me to reclaim

by Brandom in his treatment of Hegel in A Spirit of Trust (2019).

that word for this purpose.

10. Momus as featured in one of Aesop’s Fables

4. Such a notion is a development of Immanuel

criticized the invention of man by the gods

Kant’s idea on space as an a priori concept

because ‘his heart was not on view to judge

with which we organize all information we

his thoughts’, Perry index 100.

receive as discussed in his Critique of Pure

11. Gerard Reve, Op weg naar het einde (1963).

Reason (1781 and 1787). For the idea of

12. The idea of the performative is that by say-

space as information see, among others, J.J.

ing, you enact what you say. When I say ‘I

Gibson, The Ecological Approach to Visual Per-

name this boat The Vagabond’, I have done

ception (1979).

so by saying it. This is similar to being an ex-

5. The word prehension plays a central role in

ample. By behaving in the way you believe

A.N. Whitehead’s Process and Reality (1929),

it is right to behave, you are a performative

it is defined as a behavioural reaction, that

example to others of your behaviour in that

is, as a stadium of perception before it be-

you implicitly say: ‘Behave like me.’ The per-

comes involved with cognition; perception

formative was a concept introduced by J.L.

with cognition is called apprehension. We

Austen in his How to Do Things with Words

have to be careful here as perception that contains any form of reflective awareness and choice cannot in fact be called percep-

50

tion without cognition.

13. (1962).

Prime Minister Rutte in the news of 7 Oc14. tober 2017.

A famous quote by the Chines Machiavelli, 15. Sun Tzu used by Al Pacino in The Godfather 2.

The person who argues this most forcibly 16. is John Rawls in his classic Theory of Justice (1971 and 1999).

According to an unverifiable story by Elias in his Commentary on the Categories, XVIII, 118, 18-19, this was written over the entrance to 17. Plato’s academy, making it into a very exclusive space.

For the tactics and strategies of contesting 18. public space see Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (1984) Martin Heidegger, Die Frage nach der Technik (1954) translated as The Question Concerning Technology (1977).

51

52

PUBLIC SEMANTICS On the death of public space

Vincent van Spaendonk & Boris Koselka

In his unambiguously titled book ‘Var-

of traditional urbanity in favour of an

iations on a Theme Park: The New Amer-

a-geographical generalized urbanity,

ican City and the End of Public Space’ ,

one devoid of the formal and social mix

Michael Sorkin boldly proclaimed that

that once made our cities lively and po-

public space was at death’s door. He

litical. Yet, even if traditional urbanity

observed that a new kind of urban-

may have been lost, does that mean

ism – one hostile to traditional public

that public space disappeared with it?

space – was emerging in our cities, an

Can’t public space exist in Disneyland?

1

urbanism of megamalls, corporate enclaves and gentrification. Sorkin iden-

Questions such as these prompt a que-

tified a sinister development in which

ry that touches the very foundations

our cities are slowly turning into theme

of the concept of public space. There

parks: places covered by a veil of in-

needs to be a broader understanding

nocence masking their true structure

of what public space is before one

of stimulation, consumption and max-

can proclaim it to be dead. The mul-

imum control. In this heterotopian ur-

ti-layered nature of the concept, and

banity of Disneyland, truly nothing is

the meaning of public space varying

left to chance. Globalization of space

by place, time and culture, makes the

and time, obsession with security and

answer to said question anything but

an increasing influence of simulation

straightforward. We therefore need to

and historicism are themes that are

understand what public space means,

dramatically transforming our public

for us to understand what public space

space, or, as embodied in the words of

is. Forming a panoramic definition that

Mike Davis, ‘[an extinction of] real pub-

covers all possible shapes and forms of

lic spaces with all of their democratic

public space indeed proves to be diffi-

intoxications, risks and undeodorized

cult. In practice, the term is used quite

odours’ 2. This sentiment of the per-

effortlessly. With the mention of the

ceived ‘loss’ of public space was shared

term public space comes a plethora of

among many critics and architects in

associated spaces recognizable by all

the 1990s. They observed a decline

as public space. Indeed, the notion of

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54

public space is a container word de-

it looks like. It merely tells us who the

scribing many things. Yet at the same

owner of the space is. Not only is this

time, it does not say anything about

definition non-descriptive, it also does

what these ‘things’ actually are. We

not seem to fully encompass all pos-

know that in its most basic sense, the

sible forms and identities of public

term describes a relationship of space

space. More than ownership, whether

to public. What that relationship is, the

a space is public is often considered

term does not tell. The unclear defini-

in terms of accessibility. In day-to-day

tion and its changing semantics over

life we seem to subconsciously judge

space and time truly drive the term

the publicness of a place in terms of

public space into a state of ambiguity.

‘openness’. While it is true that most

spaces that we recognize as public are

In his 1978 essay ‘The American

Landscape’ 3, J.B. Jackson, too, identifies

usually

government-owned

spaces,

the ambiguity around the definition of

certainly not all space owned by the

public space. According to Jackson,

government can be regarded as public

public space should be considered in

from the criterion of openness. It goes

a duplicitous sense with ownership on

without saying that courthouses, par-

the one hand and use on the other. In

liament building or jails do not qualify

architecture, these two concepts have

as such. Similarly, this definition raises

their caveats and incompleteness in

questions about privately owned spac-

their ability to describe the intricate

es and natural spaces that are publicly

nature of the spaces we are confront-

accessible. Would a park stop being

ed with every day. Different fields and

public because it turns out to be pri-

professions diverge in their interpre-

vately owned? An owner of said space

tation of public space while they are,

could, of course, allow public accessi-

in fact, speaking about the very same

bility to his property. If its visitors can

subject. Its legal definition, for exam-

recognize the space to be accessible,

ple, describes a space owned, leased

they would certainly not worry about

or controlled by a governmental entity.

who the legal owner of that space

While this definition is probably per-

might be. It then seems as if accessi-

fectly suitable for its use in the context

bility is the defining factor of the pub-

of law, urban planners and architects

licness of a space. Yet, what happens

require other things from their jar-

if that park restricts public access by

gon. For instance, this definition tells

closing its doors at night? Or what hap-

us nothing about what the space is,

pens if the owner sweeps away its vis-

how it functions, who uses it or what

itors in the middle of the day because

he just wants to enjoy his park him-

teenth century onwards as ‘pertaining

self? This intricacy in the recognition

to public affairs’ and ‘open to all com-

of ownership is identified by Sorkin

munity, to be shared or participated

and Davis as being detrimental to the

in by people at large’. The Cambridge

true publicness of space. An urbanism

Dictionary 6 rounds off the survey with

of strip malls, airports and theme parks

its beautifully general definition of

betrays us with pretend publicness

public as; ‘relating to, or involving peo-

and a make-believe democratic realm,

ple in general’. Interestingly enough,

because after all, ‘there are no demon-

the connotative meaning of the word

strations in Disneyland’ 4. Yet, do these

public seems to have shifted from be-

difficulties of identification really mat-

ing of people to being with people. We

ter? Is the publicity of a space so in-

are now left with the term public in its

trinsically tied to ownership or spatial

most bottom-line definition: bearing

representation?

the simple meaning of us being with

other people, in whatever way imagi-

To arrive at a clearer under-

standing of the semantics of public

nable.

space we propose to go back to basics,

starting with an etymological inves-

derstanding of the term alone does

tigation of the term public. The word

not yet yield a satisfactory definition.

originates from a combination of the

If we return to Jackson, however, we

Old Latin poplicus, ‘pertaining to the

can note a grammatical consideration

people’ (derived from populus,

‘peo-

of the concept that starts to elucidate

ple’) and the word pubes, ‘adult, adult

a new dimension to the semantics of

population’ 5. The combination of the

public space. In the world of archi-

terms led to the later Latin word publi-

tecture and urban planning, the word

cus which means ‘of the people; of the

public is subject to a linguistic transfor-

state; done for the state’ but also ‘com-

mation. It is usually considered to be

mon, general, of or belonging to the

a noun, simply referring to the people

people at large’. A more recent term

that make up ‘the public’. Public in the

we can point at is the word publike –

vocabulary of the architect, however,

derived from the fourteenth-century

is usually considered as an adjective.

French term public – meaning ‘open

It then no longer describes the met-

to general observation’. The early fif-

aphysical concept of public itself, but

Clearly, an etymological un-

teenth-century English word public

rather its spatial representation in the

was attested as ‘of or pertaining to the

physical realm. Afterwards, instead of

people at large’ and from late the fif-

pertaining to the people that make up

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56

‘the public’, the word simply describes

space we identify as public. Yet it is

a space with an implied relation to

exactly this phenomenon that causes

people. The word ceases to be refer-

the troublesome ambiguity in the defi-

ential to the existential concept of

nition of public space. The grammatical

‘public’ and instead becomes muddled

nuance of the noun-adjective duality

by our mental image of its physical rep-

might consequently be of help in our

resentation.

dealing with the abstract concept of

The spatial manifestation of

public space, recognizing that it exists

the public condition is never ‘natu-

both as a metaphysical concept as well

ral’. The transformation from noun to

as a physical representation.

adjective – or the creation of public

space – will always require human in-

we do not require a carefully consid-

tervention. A space becomes public

ered vocabulary such as this in our dai-

only when it was previously owned

ly use of the word public space. Yet we

privately and is subsequently released

in our role as architects, urban design-

from the prevailing instance of author-

ers and critics are in fact in dire need

ity, control or exclusion. Public space

of a clear definition and connotative

is, essentially, the antithesis of private

understanding of the concept in our

space. The physical representation of

practice. In his entry to ‘Variations on

public space is consequently never

a Theme Park’ 7, Mike Davis for example

‘natural’ as it is intrinsically tied to the

fails to formulate his own definition

human construct of political bounda-

of public space. He presents his argu-

ries. Public space being a man-made

mentation on the assumption that the

manifestation implies a link to previous

reader understands what connotation

ownership or authority of its creator.

he ascribes to the notion of public

The idealized image of public space

space. The closest that we are able to

being ‘truly democratic’ does not hold

come to understanding Davis’ defini-

up in this thesis. Public space relying

tion is by reading the following: ‘The

on the agency of man illustrates that a

universal consequence of the crusade

true objectivity of public space – which

to secure the city is the destruction

Sorkin and Davis so long for – cannot

of any truly democratic urban space.’

be reached. Design is, after all, inher-

In his definition, Davis underlines the

ently subjective. There seems to be a

importance of democracy in public

struggle in the ability to discern the

space, something that he believes the

metaphysical concept of public space

new urbanity of megastructures and

from the familiar mental image of a

supermalls is unable to sustain. Sorkin,

It might be right to argue that

too, laments the decline of an urbanity

concept of public as an adjective al-

of ‘familiar spaces of traditional cities,

lows for the ever-changing norms and

the streets and squares, courtyard and

values involved with public space as

parks’, which he believes are ‘the great

well as the different types and forms it

scenes of the civic, our binding agents’.

has known throughout place and time.

It seems that his narrative of ‘loss’ is

If we, however, consider the concept

based on an idealized image of public

of public as a noun, a curious trans-

space, one of an ‘authentic urbanism’

formation occurs. Instead of referring

of Greek agoras, Roman forums and

to ownership or nature of a space, it

Parisian boulevards where collectiv-

starts referring to its occupants, that is

ity and political discourse allegedly

‘the public’. Such an understanding of

once thrived. The demise of such ‘truly

the concept, one unbound to spatiality,

democratic urban sites’ would entail

can be found in Nancy Fraser’s 1990

that our collective life, citizenship and

article ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere’ 9,

identity are in peril. The spatial man-

in which she critiques the popular in-

ifestation of our public space may in-

sistence on unity in the definition of

deed have changed, but does that re-

‘public’. Instead of ‘the public’ being a

ally mean that it is unable to sustain

single entity occupying a given space

public life? Architecture theorist and

– the definition that Sorkin and Davis

critic Margaret Crawford 8 argues the

use – Fraser argues for a more inclusive

contrary in her 1995 article ‘Contest-

definition. The public consists of multi-

ing the Public Realm’ and states that

ple publics, producing multiple sites of

Sorkin bases his conclusion on a very

public expression. They create and use

narrow and normative conception of

spaces that are partial and selective,

both public and space. Indeed, Sork-

responsive to limited segments of the

in seems to confuse the metaphysical

population. Individuals in urban society

concept of public space with its spatial

perform multiple public roles, for each

representation. By adopting such a line

there is a designated space. Rather

of argumentation, Sorkin indeed forces

than being fixed throughout space and

himself to declare public space to be

time, these spaces are subject to con-

lost.

stant change as physical space is con-

A careful semantic consider-

stantly reinterpreted, reorganized and

ation of the concept of public might,

redefined by its users. A public space

however, be able to prevent us from

should therefore not be considered in

flawed argumentation caused by pre-

terms of formal aspects and normativ-

vious unclarity and ambiguity. The

ity such as Sorkin does. Public space is

57

58

constituted by a restructuring of urban

metaphysical concept of public space,

space through a multiplicity of simul-

but rather on the change of its phys-

taneous public interactions, produc-

ical representation. The abstract con-

ing new forms of insurgent citizenship

struct of public space in a metaphysical

and revealing new political arenas for

sense can barely be imagined without

democratic actions 10. Sorkin accords to

forming a mental image of its possible

the Habermasian concept of the pub-

spatial manifestation; to think of public

lic sphere as ‘an arena of discursive

space means often to think of a space

relations conceptually independent of

we recognize as public. The duality of

both the state and economy’ 11. Such

public space – it being both a noun

a space is one of democracy, a space

and adjective – is indeed difficult to

in which citizens temporarily put aside

disentangle. Yet this distinction is of

their social and economic inequalities

vital importance to our interpretation

to collectively determine the common

of the concept. We should understand

good. This model of Athenian democra-

that the ideal of the public will forever

cy is, however, structured around sig-

change and so will the tools that we use

nificant exclusion. In theory, the agora

to express it spatially. Sorkin’s analogy

was open to all citizens, but in practice

of public space starting to resemble

it excluded the majority of the popula-

theme parks reflects such a change.

tion. For those who were not deemed

He describes an increasingly capitalist,

worthy of the title ‘citizen’ (women and

free-market society causing a change

slaves) there was no place in public

in ownership of the spaces that appear

space. Fraser’s conception of multiple

to us as being public. He argues that

and counter publics, however, permits

in the privately owned shopping mall it

an understanding of public space as a

is impossible to sustain democratic dis-

constantly changing entity reorganized

course and this consequently causes

and reinterpreted by its users. It allows

a decline of public morals and ideals.

us to identify sites of public expression

Disneyland in his analogy refers to the

that are different from our tradition-

tireless consumerism running rampant

al spatial understanding. The shape

throughout our contemporary Western

of public space thus morphs with a

world. Sorkin of course has the right

changing society.

to mourn the changes he observes in

In no way should we fear the

the physical representation of contem-

death of public space. The argumen-

porary public space. He might have

tation for such an alleged demise is

been imprudent, however, in imply-

not based on the disappearance of the

ing that these changes have caused

the death of public space. Rather, the changing spatial expression of pub-

American City and the End of Public Space (New York: Hill and Wang 1992)

lic space illustrates a symptom of a

2. Mike Davis, Fortress Los Angeles: The Mili-

changing society that indeed seems to

tarization of Urban Space, Essay from Vari-

be growing increasingly consumerist.

ations on a theme park (New York: Hill and

Sorkin’s longing for a romantic image

Wang 1992)

of the traditional and truly democrat-

3. John Brinckerhoff “Brinck” Jackson The

ic public space of yore counteracts

American Landscape (California: University

an otherwise strong polemic on a society slowly falling prey to capitalism.

Not recognizing public space in its dual

of California Press, 2003) 4. Michael Sorkin, Introduction: Variations on a Theme Park op. cit. (note 1)

noun-adjective conception, however,

5. Etymology of the word public retrieved

causes Sorkin’s formerly justified scep-

from: https://www.etymonline.com/word/

ticism to be turned into a naive fear of

public

change. The declaration of a death of

6. Definition of the word public retrieved

public space implies a definitive end.

from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dic-

We can only find salvation by looking

tionary/english/public public

back in space and time. Or so it seems.

Considering public space with seman-

7. Mike Davis, Fortress Los Angeles op. cit. (note 2)

tic and grammatical nuance might be

8. Margaret Crawford, Contesting the Public

a way out of this cruel foresight. Pub-

Realm: Struggles over Public Space in Los

lic space is both and at the same time

Angeles (California: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

an abstract metaphysical concept and

on behalf of the Association of Collegiate

concrete physical manifestation. Dis-

Schools of Architecture, Inc.)

entangling this duality helps us clear

9. Nancy

Fraser,.

Rethinking

the

public

up the ambiguity that might previous-

sphere: a contribution to the critique of

ly have caused flawed argumentation

actually existing democracy (United States:

or premature conclusions. We should

Create Space Independent Publishing Plat-

after all understand that there will al-

form, 2016)

ways be a space for the public. It just may look a little different.

10. Margaret Crawford, Contesting the Public Realm: Struggles over Public Space in Los Angeles op. cit. (note 8)

REFERENCES

11. Ibid.,

1. Michael Sorkin, Introduction to Variations on a Theme Park: Scenes from the New

59

BIOGRAPHIES

Fenne Jansen (1999) studies Architecture at Eindhoven University of Technology and is the current Editor-in-Chief of Archiprint. She grew up in an inspiring environment with her grandfather being an engineer and aunt being an interior architect. While following in their footsteps, she is developing her own architectural vision.

Jacqueline Crans (1996) studies Architecture and Urbanism at Eindhoven University of Technology is the current Managing Editor of Archiprint. She has a wide interest ranging from interior design to environmental psychology.

Bob van der Vleugel (1997) studies architecture at Eindhoven University of Technology. He strives to combine his interests in psychology, sociology and technology within the domain of architectural theory and design.

60

Boris Koselka (1995) studies Architecture at Eindhoven University of Technology. During his studies, he was part of the 10th board of AnArchi as the Managing Editor of Archiprint.

Linda Del Rosso (1999) is a bachelor student of Architecture at the Eindhoven University of Technology. She grew up in Milan, with her mother being a graphic designer and her father an engineer. Keeping the Italian heritage in her heart, she moved to the Netherlands willing to discover a more modern and open-minded environment.

Stephanie Kirsten (1997) is studying a Master in Architecture, Building and Planning at the Eindhoven University of Technology. She completed her Bachelor of Architectural Studies at the University of Cape Town (20162018), South Africa, after which she worked as an intern at AWG Architecten in Antwerp, Belgium (2019).

Vincent van Spaendonk (1998) is a Master student of Architecture at the Eindhoven University of Technology. In addition to his work for Archiprint, he is involved with the faculty’s exhibition program CASA Vertigo and has recently become member of the Curatorial Research Collective.

61

Sixty 5,

Eindhoven

Ontwerp: diederendirrix | Fotograaf: Ossip van Duivenbode

Woongebouw Sixty5 ligt in de ontwikkelingslocatie Spoorzone op Strijp-S. De betonnen gevelelementen verwijzen naar het industriële erfgoed op Strijp-S. In de gevel is een plankenreliëf aangebracht: een knipoog naar de betonbekistingen van diverse oude Philips-gebouwen. De aluminium kozijnen zijn opvallend slank.

Sixty5 past in de eenheid van het straatbeeld en is tegelijk elegant door de ranke voorgevel in getrapte vorm.

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Archiprint - Expanding Profession II June 2021 // Issue 17 Eindhoven ISSN 2213-5588 Journal for architecture, created by students and graduates of the Department of the Built Environment, Eindhoven University of Technology and study association AnArchi.

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Fenne Jansen

Managing editor Jacqueline Crans

Editors Bob van der Vleugel, Boris K oselka, Fenne Jansen, Jacqueline Crans, Linda del Rosso, Nick van Garderen, Stephanie Kirsten, Vincent van Spaendonk, Jacob Voorthuis Writers Bob van der Vleugel, Boris Koselka, Fenne Jansen, Jacqueline Crans, Linda del Rosso, Stephanie Kirsten, Vincent van Spaendonk Advisory committee Bernard Colenbrander, Jacob Voorthuis, Juliette Bekkering, Hüsnü Yegenoglu Design Stephanie Kirsten Cover design Stephanie Kirsten Copy editor D’Laine Camp Printing Meesterdrukkers, Eindhoven Publisher AnArchi Vertigo, Groene Loper 6 5612 AZ Eindhoven The Netherlands archiprint@anarchi.cc

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