Cuba

services and information. The widespread refusal of individual doctors and some clinics to perform abortions on grounds of conscience, as well as prohibitively high costs of services and poor regional coverage of authorized providers, presented an insurmountable obstacle to women of lower social economic status. According to a survey conducted by women’s rights organizations, many clinics suspended abortion services during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown.

A new law on abortion was not adopted by the end of the year. The deadline to replace an outdated law set by the 2017 Constitutional Court ruling expired in February 2019. Ahead of the July parliamentary elections, some candidates from conservative parties, including the ruling Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica), condemned abortions and advocated for stronger restrictions on accessing the care, including for rape victims.

In April, the government withdrew amendments to the Law on Electronic Communications which would have allowed the location of all mobile phones to be tracked as a part of COVID-19 contact tracing. Civil society and constitutional experts were highly critical, warning that such powers extended beyond protecting public health and included no safeguards against potential abuse.

Roma continued to face discrimination in all walks of life, including education, health, housing and employment. For many Roma communities living in informal settlements, access to food and hygiene products was particularly constrained because of COVID-19 as the local authorities failed to provide the necessary support.

Due to a continued lack of access to electricity, the internet and family capacity, many Roma children were unable to access any remote learning during school closures, thereby further deepening educational gaps between Roma and non-Roma pupils.

In a landmark ruling in January, the Constitutional Court decided that same-sex couples have the right to be foster parents on the same terms as anyone else who meets the legal requirements. Same-sex couples continued to be barred from adopting children.

Journalists investigating corruption and organized crime continued to face threats and intimidation.

According to the Croatian Journalists’ Association (Hrvatsko novinarsko društvo), over 900 lawsuits were filed against journalists and media outlets for “violation of honour and reputation”. The European Federation of Journalists warned that such lawsuits had a chilling effect on journalists and the media.

1. Croatia: Fresh evidence of police abuse and torture of migrants and asylum-seekers (News story, 11 June)

Republic of Cuba Head of state and government: Miguel Mario DíazCanel Bermúdez

Throughout the year there were reports of scarcity of food and other basic goods, leading senior government officials to call on Cubans to grow more of their own food. In September, artist “Yulier P” graffitied a

haunting image of someone eating their own bones on the streets of the capital, Havana.

Despite the UN’s recommendation that sanctions be waived to ensure access to food and essential medical supplies to adequately respond to the COVID-19 pandemic, the USA continued to impose its economic embargo on the country.

Authorities continued to clamp down on all forms of dissent, imprisoning political leaders, independent journalists and artists.

In April, the authorities released José Daniel Ferrer García, leader of the unofficial political opposition group Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU) and former prisoner of conscience, who had been imprisoned in October 2019 and tried on 26 February in a trial tainted by irregularities.1 The Cuban authorities had prevented the press, the EU and Amnesty International from monitoring his trial.

Reports of independent journalists fined for reporting on COVID-19 and its impact on the country prompted calls for President Miguel Díaz-Canel to take immediate measures to guarantee press freedom.2 Civil society and journalists also expressed concern during the year that Decree-Law 370, a law related to online expression, appeared to tighten the Cuban government’s network of control and censorship online, especially during the pandemic.

In March, Cubanet journalist Camila Acosta was arrested for hours and given a fine for sharing information on Facebook. In September, she was arrested again and threatened with further prosecution for protesting Decree 370. On 4 September, the authorities released independent journalist with Cubanet, Roberto Quiñones Haces, aged 63. He had been tried in 2019 and sentenced to one year ’s imprisonment for “resistance” and “disobedience” because of his work as a journalist. Amnesty international, Article 19, the Institute for War and Peace Reporting and the Committee to Protect Journalists called consistently for his release, especially in the context of his heighted risk from COVID-19 as a person with underlying medical conditions and over the age of 60. Roberto Quiñones had published articles about his prison conditions, including overcrowding, poor food and water quality, and lack of adequate medical care.3

Throughout the year, authorities harassed and intimidated members of the San Isidro Movement – composed of artists, poets, LGBTI activists, academics and independent journalists. Its members were at the forefront of challenging Decree 349 that stands to censor artists. The authorities’ actions symbolized Cuba’s ongoing repression of the right to freedom of expression in the country.4

Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, a key leader in the movement, was jailed for two weeks in March, having reportedly been charged with “insults to symbols of the homeland” (Article 203 of the Penal Code), an offence inconsistent with international human rights law and standards, and “damage” to property (Article 339).5

In November, the San Isidro Movement garnered international attention when members went on hunger strike to demand the release of rapper Denis Solís González, who had been sentenced to eight months’ imprisonment for “contempt”, a crime also inconsistent with international human rights standards.

Following a police raid on the headquarters of the movement in Old Havana – which according to Cuba’s official newspaper was carried out due to alleged violations of COVID-19 related health protocols – authorities took Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara into custody again for several days, and detained academic Anamely Ramos González for approximately 12 hours.6

In response to the raid, on 27 November, hundreds of artists and intellectuals staged a rare protest outside the Ministry of Culture and secured an equally unusual audience with the Vice Minister of Culture.

For approximately two weeks after the meeting, members of the movement,