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Archipolitics: The Role of Design in Fascist Italy

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ARCHIPOLITCS The Role of Design in Fascist Italy Alexander Noaks


How can one separate a work of art from the role of the artist? As is often the case, the two are intertwined – one sparks the other. Whether social, historical, political, etc., an underlying message is almost always present. As architecture is often considered a physical art, the same question can be posed for buildings and their architects as well. During the particularly turbulent time around the turn of the century, the avant-garde movement ushered in a new meaning; a new message from designers and creatives to their surrounding societies. Modernism, as an artistic response, is strongest when there is a distinct tension between universal and local adaptations – where the awareness and desire for modernity isn’t aligned with the physical application and ability to be modern. For Italians, this tension was glaringly apparent. With such a prolonged history in antiquity, dating from the Roman Empire through the Renaissance and Enlightenment, the nation found itself stuck in a hard place by the early 20th century. While those in power were seemingly content with the status quo and retaining a certain legacy, many academics, artists, and others from all facets of society felt there had to be a change – no matter the cost. These new revolutionaries needed a means to spread their ideology – one that resonated extremely well with a group of Italian creatives know as Futurists. Designers aligned with the likes of Marinetti and Sant’Elia found prolific work in creating (whether directly or indirectly) the necessary propaganda – the visual component necessary for a social revolution and subsequent national domination. While highly effective in building a national sentiment for the earliest days of the Fascist era, it failed to realize any physical architectural manifestations. 1 Rather, what followed proved to be more pragmatic and architecturally feasible – works affiliated with the Italian Rationalists.

1

Architectural Design 51 (1981). AD Profiles.


In some sense, it was unfortunate that Rationalists lacked the radical concepts and ideas that the likes of their predecessors had – a grand vision for industrializing Italy into a modern empire, one that history would acknowledge as a rightful successor to the Romans. However, their ability to be more in-touch with the political climate led to far greater commissions and actual, tangible work. What role did these architects play in Fascist Italy? Can one appreciate the buildings in their own right without associating them with the societal and moral values that their creators held? In the case of Giuseppe Terragni, for instance, his works often exude the “fundamental elements of Fascist architecture” yet he retains the status as one of Italy’s most recognizable modernist architects. 2 This notion is only amplified by assessing his network of connections, such as his brother, mayor (podestà) of Como as well as his business partner. What makes a building fascist and how does it implement a unique form of modernism not seen elsewhere? Do the buildings of this era actually display these values on their own, through the conscious decision of the architects? It is certainly a challenge, but removing the works – both Futurist and Rationalist – outside of political, social, and cultural contexts, can unveil answers to the above questions. Over the course of this paper, the two aesthetic movements will be analyzed as merely one component in the Fascist timeline, with the end goal of finding the root of Fascist elements in Italian modern design. Earlier conceptual Futurist works ought to display notions of an initial, raw interpretation suitable for an architectural revolution, while later manifestations by Rationalists, particularly from Terragni and Gruppo 7, should be more representative of a further-developed, more refined regime.

2

Coppa, Alessandra. Works of Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 21


Risorgimento and its Impact In order to assess the logic of Rationalism, some sociopolitical context is much needed. At the time of the 1922 revolution, the Kingdom of Italy had barely been a nation for more than half a century. One would think that the collective memory of the Risorgimento and fight for unification was far too recent to condone yet another national crisis. However, due to the management of the nation, it was clear that the need for change was dire. One of the fundamental aspects of Italian political structure is rooted (still to this day) in an immensely strong notion of regionalism. 3 Dating to the fall of the Roman empire, societies across the Italian peninsula organized around the oligarchical city-state structure – an organizational strategy that lasted for centuries that followed. Throughout Middle Ages and Medieval era, this political logic was unchanged, as many different powers from elsewhere in Europe made claims, leading to a revolving door of foreign influence. Whether German, Austrian, Byzantine, Ottoman, etc., no power was able to make a lasting impact. As these powers faded in influence, these city states begun to expand their dominions, clustered around a handful of powerful centers of government. Free from many of the societal and cultural norms elsewhere on the continent, economies flourished – allowing for immense cultural and scientific growth. Merchants begun increasing their horizons with trade partners across the world – all allowing for a flourishing of new ideas and technologies, culminating into the Renaissance. City-states expanded into Republics, Kingdoms, Duchies, etc. and soon became powerful players in global strength once again. 4

3

Holt, Edgar. The Making of Italy: 1815-1870. Pg. 5

4

Encyclopedia Britannica: Revolution, Restoration, and Unification.


This organization of the Italian Peninsula remained unaltered – while prospering, the temptation to expand and exert power over other states was overwhelming. Continuous infighting between the various powers remained a constant as well. Bringing a new wave of foreign influence back into the fold, various allegiances and wars between big European players throughout the 17th through 19th centuries contributed to further consolidation of states across the peninsula, giving birth to a notion of a unified Italian state. The process was long and brutal, yet finally achieved in the late 19th century. The early days of the Italian Kingdom saw a country in desperate need of catch-up. The nation lacked the overwhelming industrial prowess that others developed collectively, decades earlier, yet leaders seemed content with the status quo. 5 Except in Struggle, there is no Beauty The Rationalist ideology finds its roots in the messages and ideology of Italian pioneers several decades its prior. Towards the end of the 19th century, the notion of millennialism pervaded European society. Culture as we know it was degenerating, spiraling towards chaos. 6 This fatigue was glaringly apparent in Italy, a young kingdom far behind its continental peers, struggling to find its footing after centuries of regionalism and decentralization. Yet, a certain energy punctured through on the dawn of a new century. Perhaps not all was lost, and instead it could be an opportunity for change. After decades of what many viewed as cultural stagnation, the expectations for the future were grand, cataclysmic even, only increasing as time went on. 7 Western society seemed ready for a clean break from the past – a

5

Bowler, Anne. Politics as Art: Italian Futurism and Fascism. pg. 767

6

Pireddu, Nicoletta. Primitive marks of modernity: cultural reconfigurations in the Franco-Italian fin de siècle. pg. 372-374

7

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. pg. 5


new era. Much of this could be attributed to the sweeping changes that the modern European person had to undergo, given the vast advancements made under Industrialization. Life became inherently more convenient, and humanity felt more in control of its fate. However, it also gave birth to several new issues that had to be tackled – class structure in a post-Industrial state, health hazards under new human migratory patterns into the city for work, etc. As civilization powered forwards through the years, solving these problems seemed impossible under the structure that was established for generations. This new idea of self-awareness was unlike anything seen in any pre-democratic societies. 8 Even with the rise of “modernity,” it was enforcing the notion that cultures, societies, even humanity as a whole was deemed separate from those of the past. A break in the continuum of our timeline was assumed, prompting a continual questioning of identity and mankind’s own roles and abilities developed over the next several decades. 9 In the architectural realm of Italy, this exploration in a new era manifested as the avant-garde movement of the Futurists. Bold, aggressive, and shameless, the movement represented the antithesis of Italian society up until that point. Liberalism was clearly failing the nation, and it was proving to be incompatible with the modern world. At its core, Futurism and its proponents desire action – however necessary. 10 What began as a politically motivated artistic movement within the literary realm under Marinetti later gained traction in several other areas – sculpture, painting, dance, etc, with architecture as no exception. While many visionaries contributed considerably to the field, none had the impact at the time quite like that of Antonio Sant’Elia. Echoing much of the sentiment across Europe since the turn of the century, his

8

Bhabha, Homi. Introduction: narrating the nation. pg. 128-129

9

Etlin, Richard. Nationalism in Italian Architecture; 1900-1940. Pg. 89-90

10

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. pg. 5


contributions to the architectural components of the Futurist Manifesto noted that there had been “no new architecture since the 18th century” and goes on to critique much of what has been created since. 11 No recent architecture represented solutions to the modern challenges that Italians were presented with – instead hiding behind the veil of centuries-long standards that fail to prove anything. There was a clear lack of innovation; instead, even in the early decades of the 20th century, still resorting to imitation. Many academics have come to the conclusion, in studying the rise of modernism, that the movement flourishes where there is a strong divide between the state of society and the state where it wishes to be; and the weak society that Sant’Elia describes is an apt one for this phenomena. 12 Gone is the need for tradition and instead, an entirely reinterpreted approach to the built environment that “is as new as our state of minds.” In the new machine age of steel, concrete, glass, how could one rationalize using the same ideas dating back to antiquity? Instead, Sant’Elia proposed his Citta Nuova, that which would represent what he felt needed to change in architecture. A city depicting a utopian world, the proposal was certainly sublime if nothing else. A mechanized beauty where industry could be perfected and celebrated, man and machine could live in harmony. The scale was mind-bending, yet an appropriate fit for such a radical ideology. He detested earlier iterations of the avant-garde, claiming the “pseudoarchitecture” was nothing to be proud of, not truly emblemizing the ideas of the Futurists. Society needed an overhaul, no matter the cost, as the situation was proving to be absolutely dire. 13 The architectural manifestation of his concepts punctured through the noise as the defining style of a generation of Italian architects.

11

Sant’Elia, Antonio. Manifesto of Futurist Architecture.

12

Frampton, Kenn. Critical Regionalism. pg. 314.

13

Sant’Elia, Antonio. Manifesto of Futurist Architecture.


Yet perhaps the Futurists greatest attributes were also what led to their downfall. The implications of this newfound sense of nationalism resulted in a call unable to be ignored – luring most to the battlefield to serve their nation during the Great War. While many memoirs, drawings, and other creative content spilled from the artists-turned-soldiers, they proved to be many of their last works; killed on the battlefield. The consequences of pride destroyed an entire generation of creatives; yet their contributions to the creative field proved lasting. Here, the nationalistic vitriol, verging on violence, can be seen for the first time in a long time – a precursor of the revolution brewing under the surface of Italian society. A Rational Solution Although Futurism wasn’t completely demolished on the battlefield, such a large cohort of its proponents were gone that the movement quickly lost steam. Given the monumental destruction across the continent, new priorities soon arose in efforts to avoid another cataclysmic catastrophe. Italians were extremely unsatisfied with their post-war compensations, claiming the victory was for nothing – vittoria mutilate. There was a distinct power vacuum in the aftermath of the war, creating room for Futurist-era nationalism to resume its domestic agenda once again. 14 Less interested in the arts, revolutionaries shifted their focus to political motivations. The sentiment had been unwavering for decades – perhaps even dating to Italian unification itself, yet the energy had clearly been lost amongst the Italian elite and ruling class. 15 In the aftermath of devastation across Europe, the need to address crippling social issues became paramount, particularly in the architectural realm. In the same vain as the Futurists in years prior, one could argue that the old pre-war society clearly led to the destruction of almost an entire generation, how could the

14

Bowler, Anne. Politics as Art: Italian Futurism and Fascism. pg. 764

15

Mosse, George. The Political Culture of Italian Futurism. Pg. 262


existing state of affairs continue? It was a new opportunity across several aspects of society. No single event had the breadth of impact like World War I, thus the push for a revolution became far more mainstream, no longer limited to a fringe group of artists and activists. 16 Politically, there was another push from nationalists to reinvigorate the weak Kingdom, to claim what it deserves. Economically, industry once dedicated to weapons of destruction and wartime production could instead pivot to focus on relieving the devastation. It was the perfect storm – given the power void of the nation, revolutionaries were ready to strike. With the rise of Fascism, architecture in Italy entered unknown territory. The most challenging aspect of analyzing design during the era of Italian fascism, particularly during its early years in the 1920’s, is its lack of a cohesive state image. “First-hour Fascism” as an ideology was vehemently opposed to any single defining school of thought. 17 Il Duce himself described Fascists as the “gypsies of Italian politics – not being tied down to any fixed principles.” He was instead focused on action (where Futurist nationalist sentiment is still seen over a decade later). Thus, there is no single movement one can define as “Fascist architecture” – instead a progression of styles parallel to that of the country and its leader over the twenty-three-year period. Rather than a prescriptive, top-down approach to aesthetics, the design realm had far greater freedom than one might expect. All methods sought to find a solution – a “return to order” – to the variety and disorganization of the avant-garde and early modern strategies of architecture, yet the resulting products differed greatly based on the creators’ beliefs. 18

16

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. pg. 5

17

Ibid. pg. 6

18

Mras, George. Italian Fascist Architecture: Theory and Image. Pg. 7


Birthed in a notion of spontaneity and “seizing the moment”, Fascism and its theorists retained a similar approach in definition – or lack thereof – of visualization, propaganda, and general imagery. Given the vision for a “new Italy” that was as grand as its ancient roots in Rome, it would seem obvious that imposing, monumental references to antiquity would help satisfy this agenda. Yet, at the same time, Mussolini desired a modern state that remained competitive with the rest of the West. Thus, modernism also ought to be a priority – solving social issues such as mass housing while incorporating new material, fabrication, and construction techniques. The resulting eclecticism soon became somewhat of a staple in early Fascist Italy, even a point of pride. The freedom of absolute control under a dictatorship essentially allowed for whatever seemed fit at the time. Several factions emerged as prominent forerunners in sculpting the architectural scene moving forwards – that of the Novecento, a loose, unaffiliated group of designers centered around the former notion of monumentality; and that of the modern Rationalists, headed by Giuseppe Terragni and his Gruppo 7 – members including Luigi Figini, Guido Frette, Sebastiano Larco, Carlo Rava, Gino Pollini, and Adalberto Ligera. Both groups made bold claims to that of the official state style of architecture – a competition that lasted years among theorists, academics, and practitioners. 19 Somewhere between Futurists and Fascists, the Rationalists were in a precarious position. Established in 1926, four years into the Fascist regime, they found themselves with a fair deal of freedom to practice, given the era of First Hour Fascism. Ultimately, they were modernists in the traditional sense – philosophically tied quite close to the likes of Le Corbusier, De Stijl, Constructivism and other early

19

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. pg. 5


modern movements elsewhere in Europe. 20 Yet, in their society, the group had to tread carefully with who they associated with. Although a fairly free system at first, the nation was still an ultranationalist dictatorship. Thus, they still had to justify a means of remaining loyal to the party and tradition in that Il Duce remained adamant – whether they truly believed in it or otherwise. Materiality and monumentality were precariously balanced with the search for a pure language and expression – Renaissance themes – within the Machine Age ideology. Nonetheless, in the era of immense scrutiny, they were able to succeed in creating a uniquely Italian approach to modernity. Much of their interpretation of Fascism and the term “rationalist” can be traced to their first manifesto, published in Rassegna Italiana within a year of their founding in 1926. 21 They define their rhetoric of that of a victorious Italy: She is most worthy of the mission of renewal. It is up to Italy to give maximum development to the new spirit, to carry it to its logical conclusion. Thus one can understand how modernism and Fascism could be intertwined into an architectural manifestation – the sense of freedom that accompanied victory fueled the quest for the right to selfdetermination. Rationale and logic are the defining elements here, the two principles that would dictate all other design decisions. Although criticized as ambiguous, the group retained these values and were relentless in their rigorous process. They vigorously defended their ideology from that of the competing Novecento, in that the Rationalists were the true upholders of tradition as well. Citing the industrious building power of Ancient Rome, they claimed that their own group was equally inventive as their

20

Coppa, Alessandra. Works of Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 21

21

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. Pg. 7


ancestors, unlike the false imitation of neoclassical works proposed by their rivals. Their claim was both helped and hindered by their decision to attend the CIAM (International Congress of Modern Architecture) as Italian delegates. With lukewarm support of Mussolini, the group felt sufficiently emboldened; however, this only increased polemic in the theoretical realm, spawning attacks and counter-attacks with Novecento supporters. 22 Ultimately, the Rationalists were outflanked. Critics claimed the very nature of modernism was simply not suited for the strength and power that Fascist architecture wished to display. The situation worsened as years progressed; the creative scene became increasingly less and less open. The days of “First Hour Fascism” slipped into the past, with Rationalists losing their voice and support at the national level. 23 Future projects seemed less viable, and a dwindling audience was hemorrhaging support, defecting to that of their rivals. The death knell came in the mid 1930’s, with Mussolini’s decree and dedication to Novecento and the creation of the National Union of Fascist Architects, focusing exclusively on monuments to the state. The political agenda had changed, and incompatible architecture was left behind. As the group disbanded, five years after its founding, Rationalism all but abandoned efforts to compete nationally. Terragni instead continued his career as an individual architect, still finding a great deal of work from his base of regional support in and around Como. 24 Rarely did he attempt work in Rome, where hegemony and classicism were cemented as the official favorites of the state. Nonetheless, the impact Rationalists and Gruppo 7 had on the development of modernist thought under such extreme

22

Mras, George. Italian Fascist Architecture: Theory and Image. Pg. 9

23

Doordan, Dennis. The Political Content in Italian Architecture during the Fascist Era. Pg. 121-123

24

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. Pg. 9


circumstances were incredibly impactful; much of this can be seen in the case study of Terragni’s home town of Como – the place most passionate and embracing of its own resident architect. A Sandbox for Rationalist Exploration Although seemingly a quiet, sleepy resort town nestled in the foothills of the Italian Alps, Como has played an immense role in the development of modernist architecture. While hosting a slew of iconic designs by Giuseppe Terragni, the story pre-dates his working life and practice. Rather, an earlier revolutionary, Antonio Sant’Elia, also called this town his home during the peak of Futurism. Sant’Elia, born in 1888, grew up right in the heart of the pivotal turn of the century, being raised and educated in parallel with the new, grandiose ideas that followed. Thus, he entered the professional world at the ideal time to help play an instrumental role in transforming his fragile nation with radical and aggressive proposals for architecture moving forwards. Subsequently, considered an “architectural generation” apart from one another, Rationalist Giuseppe Terragni was born 16 years after Sant’Elia. While not originally from Como, born in Milan, he later moved north to be educated in the town. At this point in his life, Terragni would have been in school just as Sant’Elia, like many other Futurists, was receiving a great deal of attention for his work, part of which would be in Como as well. 25 After a formal education, Terragni returned to his home town, establishing a practice with his brother, Attilio – a trained engineer. This is merely one example of the crucial interdisciplinary approach that designers and engineers took in the exploration and manifestation of the Rationalist movement – in their desire to express materiality and structure in their logic, they also felt it was

25

Architectural Design 51 (1981). AD Profiles.


imperative to integrate the arts. Several high-profile artists in the region also played a heavy hand in the process, describing the archpittura (architectural paintings) as an opportunity for synthesis and broad appeal. 26 However, this style was not overwhelmingly accepted upon completion of earlier works, instead taking several cycles of iteration. After years of conceptual development in sketches, journals, and publications, the first example of a completed Rationalist work – the Novocomum Apartment Building (Terragni’s first construction) – caused widespread disarray within Como and beyond, into national publications such as La Casa Bella and Domus. After the building’s unveiling, city officials immediately went so far as to establish a taskforce to decide whether to demolish the building, reface it, or leave it as is. How could this building possibly have been approved in the first place? What was the man thinking in creating something so unusual? And most importantly, given the sociopolitical climate, what would those in power think of it? The original scheme for the project was devised years prior, under a different architect named Caranchini, and later abandoned. When Terragni was asked to take over and revise the proposal, permission was given to allow for adaptation as he saw fit. 27 Even so, the Building Commission was shown a far more traditional design in renders, one that seemed closer to a neoclassical or perhaps Novocento design. Terragni, just 23 at the time, modified the scheme heavily after approval, resulting in quite the scandal as soon as the scaffolding was removed. After much deliberation, it was later decided

26

Coppa, Alessandra. Works of Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 28

27

Coppa, Alessandra. Works of Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 38-40


that the building could remain as is, perhaps only after receiving positive attention among Italian architectural critics, bolstering Terragni’s confidence and securing a future career. 28 What was so groundbreaking about the design to stir such trouble? A seemingly ordinary block of apartments had just enough bold moves on its eclectic façade to make a huge stride in the advancement of modernism within the nation. Positioned on a street corner outside of the established city center, Novocomum used its location to emphasis its architectural message – in the juxtaposition between the levels. While the topmost floor is traditional in its 90 degree, squared-off corner, the lower four curve around softly at a perfect arc. Through layering and intersecting, transforming and repositioning, the building feels much more like a synthesis of parts, as opposed to a monolithic block. Furthermore, the setbacks of the curved corners on floors one, three, and four push the design harder, evoking an effect similar to the contemporary oceanliner-modernism design scheme that proved popular at the time. Architecturally thoughtful, the design further enforces its concepts through Terragni’s choice of color, where voids, fenestrations, and other “exceptions” to the overall block are accentuated through strong, saturated finishes. 29 The concepts and theories of Rationalism may be clear and logic-driven, but a synthesis of art and color integration help make the architectural movement less sterile and more palatable to the general public, possibly being the building’s saving grace after much shock. Terragni’s first work was a daunting task – a litmus test to whether his group’s manifesto could be applied in a tangible, physical manifestation of a building. It was a risk – and was met with much fanfare and worry, however proving to be a success after thoughtful analysis. Earning the trust of local officials,

28

Ibid. Pg. 42

29

Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 29


Terragni found further work and continued business in and around Como. Still often given the task of renovation and redesign of past projects, Terragni slowly developed aspects of Rationalism around preexisting bases, focusing efforts around change through the notion of an eclectic façade. The balance of homage towards former, more traditional architects while simulateously pushing an architectural movement forwards is a skill Terragni perfected quite well, with no better example than the Monument ai Caduti di Como (1933). A memorial to fallen soldiers from the Great War, the concept had originally been designed by Futurist Antonio Sant’Elia. Like almost all of his works, this project, too, never left the paper and remained conceptual up until his death on the battlefield of said war. 30 However, two decades later, under the Fascist government, the project seemed far more palatable and appropriate to construct – a monumental ode to those who fought to their deaths for the nation. In fact, many surviving Futurist-affiliated artists proposed paired down versions of Sant’Elia’s conceptual drawings to be erected. 31 As various designs were proposed, and vehemently rejected, city officials called on Terragni to assist in a practical realization. Something about the symbolism of such a creation is extremely fitting, given the political atmosphere at this point in the Fascist timeline. No longer deemed unreasonable and strange, the Futurist movement proved to merely be ahead of its time! A celebration of nationalism, a piece of permanent propaganda that goes beyond a poster, pamphlet, or film, the tower demonstrates how officials were looking to normalize the extreme, enforce their cause, and rally the people. Located on the lakefront, the tower remains fairly true to its original exterior design – a 30-meter-tall surrealist form sitting proudly, quite possibly the only realized component of the Citta Nova that the

30

Bowler, Anne. Politics as Art: Italian Futurism and Fascism. pg. 762

31

Mosse, George. The Political Culture of Italian Futurism. Pg. 264


Futurist manifesto depicted. In many ways, Como did later become a point of curiosity, a sandbox for Rationalist exploration – the closest reality that represents what Sant’Elia envisioned a generation before, ahead of his time. It would be curious to see what commissions Sant’Elia could achieve should he have survived World War I and into the Fascist regime – as his ideology was no doubt a source of inspiration. 32 On the interior, Terragni was once again trusted by the city and given a fair deal of liberty on the project, specifically in regards to the tomb and crypt (likely due to his brother’s appointment as Podestà di Como). The shrine of sorts follows a similar logic to his previous work at Novocomum – geometric purity achieved with a few simple object. In this case, a granite monolith sits at the center cavity, paying homage to the 650 men from Como who served on the front lines in the Alps. 33 With such a strong presence along the waterfront, the monument still serves as one of the city’s most iconic attractions to this day – as testament to the permanence and lasting effects of architecture as political propaganda. On this note, no building by Terragni can better represent this notion than his most prominent work and claim to international success –Casa del Fascio di Como (1936). It seems, after a lull in his career and disbanding his Gruppo 7, that his philosophy was going out of style. Terragni was merely making ends meet in his hometown with a loyal, local clientele. The national party headed in a much different direction by this point in the Fascist timeline as compared to the “First-Hour” Fascism seen in the 1920’s, where Terragni’s philosophy and approach could be fine-tuned with relative freedom. By the thirties, Mussolini and his government had become far more omnipresent in their control of day-to-day Italian life, as his

32

Shapiro, Ellen. From Futurism to Rationalism. Pg. 7

33

Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 47


movement was no longer about advancing Italy beyond the lagging, stagnant state of the early 20th century. 34 In a surprising decision, however, the government commissioned the building to serve as the headquarters of the local party in Como, in order to establish a stronger presence in the northern reaches of the country. This was seen as a huge win for Rationalism, which assumed as having been edged out as a desirable style for the government. Here, Terragni could argue that his designs are the solution to the Fascist goal of historical tradition in tandem with modernization. 35 Instead of the obvious and often weak references to classicism that the competing Novecento style idolized, the Casa del Fascio could instead celebrate the same Renaissance theme of a pure language (satisfying the notion of antiquity), yet serve as a blank, travertine canvas for a state striving for superiority and power. Whether this was in fact a strong argument, or rather a mere fantasy and feeble connection is a matter that has been debated and yet to be resolved by critics. 36 Nonetheless, the success of the building ultimately lies in the power of its façade, a concept distinct from elevation, plan, or section. The latter three are powerful tools in the design – crucial even – but lack the character that the façade contains. 37 The origins of the entire movement of Rationalism are rooted in the façade. Earlier works relied heavily on sculpting this element alone to prove successful. But the Casa del Fascio was different – no longer was Rationalism confined to a means of modifying an otherwisetraditional building. Instead, Terragni had full ability to design the whole building from the ground up – no preceding concept, existing design, etc. It didn’t rely on traditional expression of character or

34

Shapiro, Ellen. From Futurism to Rationalism. Pg. 10

35

Eisenman, Peter. Transformations, Decompositions, Compositions. Pg. 18

36

Shapiro, Ellen. From Futurism to Rationalism. Pg. 11-12

37

Eisenman, Peter. Transformations, Decompositions, Compositions. Pg. 23


metaphor, either. This building was a true modernist creation – a façade that not only defined a relationship to the city’s context, trying to incorporate and express its place within the greater cityscape, but a definition of itself as its own unit. It was a new movement, with few precedents. How was the building to elaborate with such little to work with? It was truly up to Terragni to establish how he wanted Rationalism to express itself, and his explicit choices on the Casa del Fascio demonstrate a building without confusion, one that takes a confident, bold stance in such a precarious time in history. The movement moved to new heights with this design – an extremely meticulous organization and dialogue of elements both interior and exterior, balanced by a plan layout that mimics the courtyard typology tracing its roots to Ancient Rome. On the exterior, a 7x4 grid divides the overall façade into subunits of the same ratio, one that measures its height half that of the length. This grid served as a means of fenestration – equal and exact penetrations of the planar façade. 38 The two rightmost “columns” of this grid, however, are only theoretical; in actuality a third of the face remains a blank, monolithic wall without breaks. In other terms, it is an A-B-A symmetry that lacks the last “A”. Upon its creation, the blank area made for the perfect four-story tall projection surface – displaying copious quantities Fascist propaganda over the years following completion. Less straightforward than the plan, section, or volume, the notion of the façade is more than a pure analysis of what exists. Like any architectural element with a sense of character, it cannot be explained in merely architectural, esoteric language. It has a sense of feeling that takes more time to understand and manifest. Yes, it is indeed through notions of proportion, order, and hierarchy that make the Casa del

38

Ibid. Pg. 24-25


Fascio an impressive work, but the façade also captures feelings like impression, approach, and contextual awareness that are less obvious. While a select few can appreciate the interior organization and spatial qualities, many more, especially those not particularly interested or well-versed in architecture, can have a strong opinion of the outside. Whether merely walking past the building on a morning commute, attending a rally or protest on the plaza, or even witnessing its construction in the 1930’s and contemplating what this new, unique structure could be, the façade told the building’s story to all those who witnessed it. Extremely poignant in selling his story and style to the government, Terragni suddenly became far more than a northern Italian architect whose eclectic style both perplexed and also intrigued the local population. Casa del Fascio di Como breached the borders of Italy and caught interest of the most prominent designers all across the world. The perfect depiction of modernism in an undeniably unique, Italian way. 39 It emulates a specificity not seen in many other strands of modernism, perhaps coming close to Oscar Niemeyer and his approach in Brazil during later decades. Could Terragni continue to deliver remarkable examples such as this? What more could he bring to Italian modernism? While nothing can quite hold up to the Casa del Fascio, Terragni’s career remained extremely prolific following its immense success. As Como lay claim to such a successful and well-appreciated work, receiving a great deal of international attention, it only further fueled more works. While few future commissions were government-sanctioned, his residential and institutional work in and around the city remained fruitful. Several clients hired Terragni for private residences, dotting the lake with modernist

39

Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 50


villas. This was merely one example of further experimentation in how Rationalism could be applied to other programs. Within the city center, Terragni was given the task of designing a space to educate the next generation, the future leaders of Fascist Italy (or so they thought at the time). The Kindergarten Sant’Elia represented an iteration far more cheery, bright and transparent than his earlier works, proving a certain sense of adaptability of setting. Resembling something more like a Bauhaus work, the school featured an unusually substantial amount of glass, consuming numerous walls with floor-to-ceiling windows that lit up classrooms while simultaneously integrating children more thoroughly with their surrounding outdoor context. 40 His last substantial work was a step back to his roots in mass housing. Begun in 1938, the Casa GiulianiFrigerio suffered a slow, painful construction process, disrupted by the breakout of World War II. As a man only in his thirties, Terragni was drafted to serve his nation on the battlefield, where he was only able to direct this project through letter correspondence. This building finds itself in perpetual comparison to the Casa del Fascio – in that it once again pushes the notion of Rationalism much further than any of its predecessors. Peter Eisenman argues that Casa Giuliani-Frigerio follows a notion of decomposition, unlike Casa del Fascio’s transformations. How do these concepts apply to architecture, and how do they differ? The former does not have any of the narrative that the latter expresses so succinctly. The notions of an alternating façade, complex relationships between inside and outside, the layering of the interior spaces – none of that is expressed in the same way in Casa Giuliani-Frigerio. Transformation implies a preexisting concept that is altered by a clear and obvious means. Repetitive fenestration, a level of

40

Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 55-69


symmetry, etc. Decomposition, on the other hand, doesn’t conceptually begin with a base or standard. 41 The choices made by Terragni are far more elusive in Casa Giuliano-Frigerio, decisions that add immense depth and sophistication, a level of richness even. As Terragni explored a new avenue for his architectural ideology, it seems that he found one far less reliant on Fascist ideals and more on an architectural style independent in its own right. Much less importance is given to the façade of the project, resulting in a lesser relationship between interior and exterior elements. This is understandable given the program; being a residential project, interior logic and rationale play a far larger role than at Casa del Fascio. 42 Residents are less interested monumentality or iconography – that isn’t the goal of an apartment building in the same way it is for a party headquarters. Rather, Terragni focused on an interior organizational strategy that maximized efficiency and comfort while integrating the same logical partitioning and layering. For instance, the units, three per floor, are arranged on a split-level layout where two are lower than the other. However, one would never assume this layout to exist given the exterior. Instead, the exterior suggests a series of bays, half slightly more recessed than the other. While this merely impacts the size of units’ balconies, it represents a notion of recession – a pushing and pulling of planar qualities than help sell the notion of layering and complexity. This dialogue between inside and outside drives the idea that even in the project’s development, changes on the exterior had little effect on the interior, and vice versa. 43

41

Eisenman, Peter. Transformations, Decompositions, Compositions. Pg. 151-155

42

Ibid. Pg. 164-166

43

Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 74-77


Given the difficulty of coordination and construction of the project from the battlefield, little else was produced after the outbreak of the war. It seems as though Rationalism was doomed for the same fate as its predecessor in the wake of another global catastrophe. Serving on the Eastern front, Terragni witnessed the atrocities of war – documenting them thoroughly in a series of sketches and drawings as the army marched alongside their German allies towards the USSR. Suffering heavy losses, the Italian Army retreated in 1943. Terragni was not killed – however the impacts on his state of mind were irreversible. Whether he went mad or merely felt disillusioned with the ideology that which he was once proud is a matter of debate. 44 Nonetheless, his career ended with the war, returning to Como only to pass away months later, age 39. While the tyrants of the Axis powers were defeated, so too were all things associated. Terragni, and to an extent Rationalism, at least in its original form, died with Fascism. Never able to breach the vernacular of Como and nearby communes, Terragni’s career was a twosided affair. While immensely profound and impactful on how architecture was approached – particularly under the political climate – Rationalism was crippled by the very same force. Numerous attempts were made by Terragni to break into the Roman architectural realm, through various proposals such as Danteum (a “temple” of Fascism to celebrate its 20th anniversary – never realized) or his failed entry into the competition for E42 (now the EUR district), yet the government was never interested in Rational works on its own doorstep. 45 With a fleeting moment of support in the form of the Casa del Fascio, little else was able to convince Mussolini that Terragni’s approach was what the state should embrace. As Terragni became increasingly confident in his works in the north, that sentiment became

44

Shapiro, Ellen. The Emergence of Italian Rationalism. pg. 12

45

Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Pg. 94-105


progressively clear in his resulting architecture. The movement eclipsed early works of eclectic façade manipulation and embraced fully-fledged manifestations of Rationalist thought. The movement strayed into a modernist approach that distanced itself from the Fascist desire for powerful cultural symbolism that is common for such regimes. Successful in its ability to be independent from such associations, Rationalism thus remained an enigma, one that refused to compromise and never truly wanted to embrace the past anyways.


Bibliography Bhabha, Homi. “Narrating the Nation.” Transition, no. 55 (1992): 144. https://doi.org/10.2307/2934858. Bowler, Anne. “Politics as Art: Italian Futurism and Fascism.” Theory and Society, vol. 20, no. 6, 1991, pp. 763–794. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/657603. Coppa, Alessandra. Giuseppe Terragni. Milano: 24 Ore Cultura, 2013. Doordan, Dennis P. “The Political Content in Italian Architecture during the Fascist Era.” Art Journal, vol. 43, no. 2, 1983, pp. 121–131. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/776648. Eisenman, Peter (2003). Giuseppe Terragni: Transformations, Decompositions, Critiques. New York : Monacelli Press, Inc. Lovett, Clara and di Parma, Giuseppe. “Italy: Unification.” Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2020. Etlin, Richard A. “Nationalism in Modern Italian Architecture, 1900-1940.” Studies in the History of Art, vol. 29, 1991, pp. 88–109., www.jstor.org/stable/42620260. Frampton, Kenneth (2007). Modern Architecture: A Critical History. New York: Thames & Hudson. Holt, Edgar (1971). The Making of Italy: 1815-1870. New York: Atheneum. Mosse, George L. “The Political Culture of Italian Futurism: A General Perspective.” Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 25, no. 2/3, 1990, pp. 253–268. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/260732.


Mras, George P. “Italian Fascist Architecture: Theory and Image.” Art Journal, vol. 21, no. 1, 1961, pp. 7–12. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/774290. Pireddu, Nicoletta. “Primitive Marks of Modernity: Cultural Reconfigurations in the Franco-Italian Fin de Siècle.” Romanic Review, vol. 97, 2006, pp 371-400. ResearchGate, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/282650993_Primitive_marks_of_modernity_Cultural_reconfiguratio ns_in_the_Franco-Italian_Fin_de_siecle

Shapiro, Ellen. From Futurism to Rationalism. Architectural Design no. 51 (1981). Sant’Elia, Antonio (1914). Manifesto dell’Architettura Futurista.


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