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BLUEPRINT 2026 BUILDING A STRONGER ALABAMA FREE MARKETS LIMITED GOVERNMENT STRONG FAMILIES

BLUEPRINT

BUILDING A STRONGER ALABAMA

2026

Table of Contents

Free Markets

1. Full Funding for Alabama’s Universal School Choice Program 2. Decrease Barriers to Affordable Healthcare Through Certificate of Need Reform 3. Reduce Restrictions on Home-Based Businesses and Youth Entrepreneurship 4. Reform Alabama’s Burdensome Occupational Licensing Infrastructure 5. Strengthen Competitive Bidding and Public Works Laws 6. Increase Requirements to Receive Public Welfare 7. Expand Portable Benefits for Alabama’s Changing Workforce

Limited Government

8. Provide Tax Relief to All Alabamians 9. Reduce Future State Budget Growth 10. Protect Healthcare Freedom for All Alabamians 11. Improve Regulatory Oversight and Increase Government Transparency 12. Require State and Local Government Entities to Livestream Meetings 13. Resist any Expansion of Gambling and Increase Penalties for Illegal Gambling Activity 14. Provide Alabamians Access to Innovative Healthcare Treatment Options 15. Allow for Alternative Accreditation Options at Alabama’s Colleges and University 16. Remove Logistical Barriers to Opening New Micro-schools 17. Strengthen Alabamians Fourth Amendment Privacy Protections 18. Reform the Governance of the Alabama High School Athletics Association

Strong Families

19. Restrict the Flow of Abortion Inducing Drugs into Alabama 20. Strengthen Internet Protections for Alabama’s Children 21. Allow Volunteer Chaplains in Alabama’s K-12 Public Schools 22. Promote and Improve Civics Education in K-12 Public Schools 23. Hold Sexual Predators Accountable and Increase Penalties for Crimes Against Minors 24. Prevent Medically Assisted Suicide from Occurring in Alabama 25. Ban Non-Medical Psychoactive THC Products from Being Sold in Alabama 26. Promote the Lessons of the Ten Commandments in Alabama’s K-12 Public Schools 27. Provide a Consistent Statewide Framework for K-12 Religious Release Time 28. Allow for Alternative Testing and Amend “Advanced Placement” Language 29. Increase Transparency in the Review of Copy-written Educational Materials 30. Protect Safe Spaces for Women in Prisons and Other Settings

GUIDE TO THE ISSUES 1. Full Funding for Alabama’s Universal School Choice Program Alabama’s Creating Hope and Opportunity for Our Students’ Education (CHOOSE) Act was enacted in March 2024 to give families more options over how their K‑12 students are educated so that individual needs can be better met. The law creates education savings accounts (ESAs) through refundable income tax credits that families can use for private‑school tuition, fees, educational therapies, curriculum or to help fund home‑education programs, among other purposes[i]. The Alabama Policy Institute (API) believes the program can transform education by promoting parental choice and fostering competition among schools. Strong demand in the first year and experience from other states demonstrate that additional funding will be needed for the program to reach all eligible students when income caps lift in 2027. Lawmakers should take steps during the 2026 regular session to ensure that those demands are fully met by the FY 2027 Education Trust Fund budget. Seventy-five percent of Alabama students are currently eligible for the program and due to overwhelming interest, legislators created an automatic transfer from income-tax receipts to the CHOOSE Act fund, setting a minimum annual commitment of $150 million beginning in 2027. Demand Exceeds Funding High interest in the first year of the CHOOSE Act program underscores significant demand for education choice. More than 37,000 students applied for ESAs demonstrating that many families desire to seek alternatives to traditional public schools. A large share of applications came from private-school and homeschool families. Among public-school awardees, roughly 58% used the $7,000 credit to switch to private schools, while about 13% used a $2,000 credit to begin homeschooling.

The Education Trust Fund ended FY 2025 with a projected balance of more than $1.6 billion. Of the nearly $1.6 billion ETF budget surplus, approximately $100 million will be transferred to the ETF Budget Stabilization Fund, around $750 million is to be transferred to the Advancement and Technology Fund, and an estimated $300 million available for transfer to the Educational Opportunities Reserve Fund, leaving approximately $450 million available for ETF supplemental appropriations. Taking less than half of the $300 million in budget surplus would fully fund the CHOOSE Act. Additionally, between the three funds, the total balance was nearly $3 billion entering FY 2026. In addition to funds available for supplemental appropriation, the Educational Opportunities Reserve Fund specifically has a balance of $1.04 billion, a portion of which could also be used to increase CHOOSE Act funding. The CHOOSE Act has given almost 30,000 Alabama students new educational options, and early demand signals that the program is popular. Alabama’s current funding commitment, $180 M in FY 2026 and $150 M annually thereafter, was intended for a limited, income-restricted program. However, the CHOOSE Act was written and passed by Alabama lawmakers to be a universal school choice program. The Governor, Lt. Governor, and a majority of Alabama legislators made a promise to Alabama families when the CHOOSE Act was debated, passed, and signed. When income caps lift in 2027, participation will necessarily rise, and existing appropriations will be insufficient without further action by those who created and promised universal school choice eligibility for every single Alabama family and every single school aged child in Alabama.

2. Decrease Barriers to Affordable Healthcare Through Certificate of Need Reform

Certificate-of-need (CON) laws are regulations that require any new or expanded healthcare service or facility to be approved by Alabama’s state government. In essence, a healthcare provider must prove to the Alabama Certificate of Need Review Board that a new or expanded service is needed. This is often a costly and time-consuming process that increases the healthcare costs for all patients and can delay access to essential care[i]. Alabama is currently one of 35 states operating a CON program[ii]. The maximum Certificate of Need filing fee is currently $25,706, though costs can quickly increase depending on whether an application is approved or denied[iii]. Because existing hospitals and healthcare providers have the power to oppose attempts to provide additional medical services, CON laws serve to limit competition and promote an anti-free-market environment in the healthcare space[iv]. The assumption with CON regulation is that excess capacity (in the form of overbuilding) directly results in health care price inflation. When a hospital cannot fill its beds, fixed costs must be met through higher charges for the beds that are used. Larger institutions have greater costs, so CON supporters claim it makes sense to limit facilities to keep existing facilities at capacity to meet actual needs[v]. In reality, CON regulations restrict the supply of medical facilities and equipment, making them more expensive. To increase competition and lower the overall costs of healthcare for Alabamians, CON regulations should be repealed[vi].

3. Reduce Restrictions on Home-Based Businesses and Youth Entrepreneurship

Over the course of the past five years, more Alabamians are working from home than ever before. Specifically, home-based entrepreneurship has increased significantly. The federal Small Business Administration estimates that 86.3 percent of America’s 34.8 million small businesses are sole proprietorships, with about half of those being home-based[i]. Home-based businesses provide several benefits. First, they can be used as a source of primary income and supplemental income. They also provide flexibility to Alabamians caring for dependents (both children and the elderly), and citizens with disabilities and other health care limitations. A 2022 report by the CATO Institute also found that home-based businesses can “bring goods and services into areas whose needs are not being met because they are far from commercial centers” and are an important outlet for low-risk entrepreneurship[ii]. Historically, home-based businesses have played an important role in American innovation. Some of the country’s best known companies, such as Amazon, Apple, Microsoft, and Facebook, were born from their owner’s home (or dorm room)[iii]. Though very few home-based startups will ever come near the success of those companies, they still provide the opportunity for Alabamians to improve their financial well-being and find a fulfilling career path. All citizens should have the opportunity to own their own business if they want to. Alabamians should have the ability to create and operate no-impact home-based businesses with minimal interference from state and local governments. By enacting an Alabama Lemonade Stand Act and educating local officials, Alabama can empower young entrepreneurs, provide clarity for parents and regulators, and ensure that a simple childhood venture does not become a regulatory minefield. All citizens of the state can benefit from allowing entrepreneurship to flourish in Alabama.

4. Reform Alabama’s Burdensome Occupational Licensing Infrastructure

As of August 2025, Alabama had a labor participation rate of 57.3%, one of the lowest in the nation[i]. In practical terms, that means that nearly 43% of Alabama’s working-age population has chosen to leave the workforce and have not actively sought a job in at least 30 days. One of the biggest barriers to entering the state’s workforce is occupational licensing. According to a 2018 report from the Alabama Policy Institute (API), Alabama ranked 47th in the country in terms of having the most burdensome occupational licensing laws[ii]. Alabama licenses 151 occupations, covering nearly half a million workers. Sixty-three of the licensing requirements fall on low-income workers. This includes occupations such as barbers, shampoo assistants in salons, manicurists and security alarm installer helpers. There are 12 occupations that require a state license just to serve as an apprentice, intern or trainee[iii].

Besides the sheer number of occupational licenses required by the state, the costs of obtaining those licenses are burdensome for many individuals, particularly low-wage earners. Initial licensing fees can exceed $1,000 and numerous state licensing boards require annual renewals. API’s 2018 report found that combined license and renewal fees totaled an estimated $167 million annually. Continuing education requirements added an additional $243 million to the annual costs for licensees. [iv]Aside from the costs to individuals, Alabama’s strict occupational licensing requirements come at a large economic cost. According to a study conducted by the Institute for Justice, Alabama loses almost 21,000 jobs per year due to occupational licensing requirements, and the economic impact of those job losses is $1.88 billion annually[v]. Occupational licensing imposes substantial costs on Alabamians in terms of reduced occupational mobility, reduced entrepreneurship, higher unemployment, and higher consumer prices. The negative effects of occupational licensing on employment and entrepreneurial opportunities suggest that licensure may also be, in part, responsible for the low labor participation rate and relatively low rate of entrepreneurship in Alabama.

5. Strengthen Competitive Bidding and Public Works Laws In Alabama, most state, county, and municipal government purchases and construction projects are governed by either the state’s competitive bid law or the public works law. These laws provide sets of requirements that must be fulfilled in order for government bodies to expend public funds for projects, goods, and services. When entities do not abide by these statutory requirements, contracts can be declared null and void and are not enforceable[i]. Alabama’s government has practiced some form of competitive bidding since at least 1919, when the Legislature established a State Board of Economy and Control to oversee all state purchases, which included a “formalized bidding process.” In 1939 the Legislature gave broad authority to the Division of Purchases and Stores to administer the state’s competitive bid law until those duties were transferred to the Division of Purchasing in the late 1980’s[ii]. The goal of these sets of laws is to ensure that taxpayer dollars are being spent in a responsible manner. It also brings accountability to the process by laying out clear guidelines that government bodies as well as those bidding for contracts must follow.Under the competitive bid and public works laws, the process is generally out in the open. Requests for bids must be advertised and/or posted, proposals must be submitted and reviewed with clear timelines, and the Alabama Legislature plays a role in reviewing state contracts.

GUIDE TO THE ISSUES

While competitive bidding and/or the public works law are followed in most circumstances, the laws do provide specific exemptions. This includes things such as purchases from sole-source vendors, purchases of regulated projects, specified professional services contracts, and purchases from approved statewide contracts, among others. Current Alabama laws regarding state purchases and public works projects already allow a limited number of exceptions to competitive bidding requirements. In some cases, there may only be one vendor capable of providing a specific good or service. In other cases, there are true emergencies where infrastructure repairs need to be addressed immediately, without going through a prolonged competitive bid process. However, these cases are an exception, not the rule. Alabama’s competitive bidding requirements have been in statute (in some form) for more than 100 years. They are intended to protect taxpayers’ dollars and ensure that cronyism and corruption are not a part of the awarding of government contracts. As illustrated in this paper, when competitive bidding laws are ignored or circumvented, the results negatively impact the state and its taxpayers. These laws are in place for good reasons. The Legislature should reject any effort to weaken Alabama’s competitive bid and public works laws.

6. Increase Requirements to Receive Public Welfare Workforce development has been a key issue for Alabama lawmakers over the past several legislative sessions. During the 2024 Regular Legislative Session, lawmakers enacted a package of five bills (the Working for Alabama package) aimed at incentivizing Alabamians to return to the state’s workforce. Amongst bills included in the proposal were the creation of a new childcare tax credit, a workforce housing tax credit, and the creation of a workforce pathways diploma, which created an alternative route to earning a high school diploma that will focus heavily on career training[i]. One of the major goals of the workforce development package is improving the state’s continually lagging labor participation rate, which sat at 57.3% as of August 2025[ii]. Alabama has consistently had one of the lowest labor participation rates in the nation over the past two decades. By implementing the Working for Alabama agenda, lawmakers hope to remove barriers that some Alabamians face when trying to enter the workforce, including the costs of childcare and housing and providing better career training to potential/future employees. While these initiatives will not discourage state citizens from working, only time will tell how far they will go towards improving the state’s labor participation rate. There are other things that lawmakers can do to achieve that goal, such as reforming welfare program eligibility and unemployment insurance compensation requirements.

The state's three main social safety-net programs are unemployment insurance (UI), Medicaid, and the Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP). Collectively, thousands of Alabamians are enrolled in these programs. Alabama continues to have one of the lowest labor force participation rates in the country, 57.3%[iii], and one way to combat this underperformance is through strengthening these programs’ work requirements. Alabama should also consider adopting a model like Mississippi’s ABAWD program, where to receive SNAP benefits able-bodied individuals must be gainfully employed or actively searching for employment. Able-bodied Medicaid recipients should also meet this criterion, with certain exceptions (dependents, pregnant, etc.). Further, these programs should implement a unified verification and cross-checking system to reduce fraud and decrease administrative burdens. Unemployment compensation and other safety-net programs should provide temporary aid to Alabamians who are truly in need. The goal of welfare programs should be to provide necessary assistance, but not to promote long-term dependency on the programs. Strengthening welfare work requirements is another piece of the puzzle towards reducing Alabama’s labor participation rate and putting more citizens back to work.

7. Expand Portable Benefits for Alabama’s Changing Workforce The rise of the gig economy and independent contracting has left a growing share of workers without access to traditional employment benefits. In the United States, tens of millions of people engage in independent work, including freelancers, contractors, and app-based workers[i]. In Alabama alone, around 79,000 people work in app-based rideshare or delivery jobs, and many more are self-employed in other industries[ii]. Unlike full-time W‑2 employees, these independent workers typically do not receive health insurance, retirement plans, paid leave, or other benefits through an employer[iii]. This gap creates financial insecurity and “job lock,” where workers feel tied to jobs solely to keep benefits[iv]. It also means independent contractors may have to fund their own benefits or forgo benefits altogether, a tradeoff they accept for the flexibility of independent work[v]. Portable benefits, which are essentially benefits tied to the individual worker rather than any single job or employer, offer a promising solution to this problem. In practice, they often take the form of flexible, worker-owned benefit accounts that employees or businesses can contribute to, and which travel with the worker from job to job. Funds in a portable benefits account can be used for typical benefits such as health insurance premiums, retirement savings, paid time off, disability coverage, or other needs[vi]. Policymakers nationwide are increasingly interested in portable benefits as an alternative to rigid employment mandates. Rather than reclassifying contractors as employees, portable benefits aim to preserve independent work arrangements while extending a measure of security to those workers. Surveys show this is what most independent workers prefer. Over 80% of independent workers want access to benefits but also wish to not become traditional employees[vii].

Alabama can solidify its position as a leader in adapting labor policy to the 21st-century workforce. The portable benefits law enacted in 2025 was a groundbreaking step that balances the needs of independent workers and businesses while preserving the flexibility and entrepreneurial spirit of independent work. To build on that foundation, Alabama’s policymakers should consider the additional reforms discussed above. These reforms would further reduce the barriers that keep independent contractors from obtaining benefits, and they would encourage a competitive market for benefit solutions to flourish in our state. With thoughtful reforms, Alabama can achieve an inclusive economy where benefits follow the worker, and every Alabamian, whether traditionally employed or self-employed, has a chance to attain financial stability and security for themselves and their families.

8. Provide Tax Relief to All Alabamians At the end of fiscal year 2025, Alabama’s state government had once again collected more revenue from taxpayers than ever before. According to preliminary data from the State Treasurer, the state’s Education Trust Fund (ETF) and General Fund (GF) budgets collected a combined $14.504 billion in tax revenues last year ([i]). After experiencing historic growth in 2021 and 2022, revenue growth has slowed to more historically average levels over the past several years. In FY2025 moderate growth continued with ETF revenues increasing by 2.52% ($269.5 million) over 2024’s $10.650 billion in net revenue. The largest contributor to the increase in net ETF revenues was that the state collected approximately $371.4 million more in individual tax receipts in 2025 than the previous year. On the other hand, corporate income tax receipts declined by more than $143 million (10.43%) compared to 2024. Corporate and Individual income tax receipts are the largest source of ETF revenues. The state’s general sales and use tax receipts increased slightly in 2025 after seeing a decline in FY2024 ([ii]). Meanwhile, the much smaller GF budget continued to grow, albeit at a slower pace than FY2024. Overall, GF revenues were up by 3.43% in 2025, an increase of approximately $118.7 million. The largest component of the surge in GF revenue was due to a $80.2 million increase in insurance premium tax receipts and $41.4 million (13%) in receipts from the state’s simplified sellers use tax. ([iii]). Despite lower ETF growth than in FY2024, the fund still ended FY 2025 with a projected balance of more than $1.6 billion. The GF was projected to have a surplus of approximately $493 million as the new fiscal year began ([iv]).

The Alabama Legislature has made progress towards providing tax relief to citizens over the past several years. Still, there is more work to be done. Lawmakers should continue to pursue bolder tax reform initiatives in the 2026 regular session. Doing so will allow citizens to keep more of their hard earned money as well as make the state more competitive in attracting new residents and business opportunities to Alabama.

9. Reduce Future State Budget Growth At the end of fiscal year 2025, Alabama’s state government had once again collected more revenue from taxpayers than ever before. According to preliminary data from the State Treasurer, the state’s Education Trust Fund (ETF) and General Fund (GF) budgets collected a combined $14.504 billion in tax revenues last year ([i]). After experiencing historic growth in 2021 and 2022, revenue growth has slowed to more historically average levels over the past several years. In FY2025 moderate growth continued with ETF revenues increasing by 2.52% ($269.5 million) over 2024’s $10.650 billion in net revenue. The largest contributor to the increase in net ETF revenues was that the state collected approximately $371.4 million more in individual tax receipts in 2025 than the previous year. On the other hand, corporate income tax receipts declined by more than $143 million (10.43%) compared to 2024. Corporate and Individual income tax receipts are the largest source of ETF revenues. The state’s general sales and use tax receipts increased slightly in 2025 after seeing a decline in FY2024 ([ii]). Meanwhile, the much smaller GF budget continued to grow, albeit at a slower pace than FY2024. Overall, GF revenues were up by 3.43% in 2025, an increase of approximately $118.7 million in new revenue. The largest component of the surge in GF revenue was due to a $80.2 million increase in insurance premium tax receipts and $41.4 million (13%) in receipts from the state’s simplified sellers use tax. ([iii]). Despite lower ETF growth than in FY2024, the fund still ended FY 2025 with a projected balance of more than $1.6 billion. The GF was projected to have a surplus of approximately $493 million as the new fiscal year began ([iv]). While it is too early to determine exactly how and how much of the more than $2 billion total state revenue surplus will be spent in 2026, the bottom line remains that the state collected more tax dollars than ever from Alabama citizens last year. Additional government funds ultimately belong to the citizens that paid them to the state. Surpluses should be used to decrease the future tax burden placed on all Alabamians and/or focused on projects that will have the greatest overall benefit for all citizens. They should not be used to further increase the size and scope of Alabama’s state government.

10. Protect Healthcare Freedom for All Alabamians Health freedom can be defined as the power to decide and choose the best course of treatment and general approach to health for an individual and their dependents, without government mandates ([i]). While this ability may seem obvious, the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 challenged the concept of health freedom to its core. Travel and quarantine restrictions were put into place for many Americans, with stronger restrictions mandated for individuals who had contracted the virus. With the development of COIVD vaccines over the subsequent months, further restrictions were put into place. Many countries, including the U.S., required travelers entering their borders to be fully vaccinated. Some U.S. states and cities followed a similar course ([ii]). The pandemic was a recent flashpoint that simplified the visibility of the health-freedom movement, but the issues are far broader. The same questions arise any time government or institutions attempt to compel medical choices. Historically, legislatures have balanced public health and personal liberty by allowing some mandates while protecting exemptions and consent rights. Going forward, lawmakers must remember that Alabamians expect to retain authority over their own and their children’s health. Health freedom is a core right of not only all Alabamians, but of all Americans. It is, quite literally, what the US Declaration of Independence is referring to when it state the rights to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" are fundamental, unalienable rights given from our Creator rather than any level of government. "Life" refers to the right to exist and live, "liberty" is the freedom to make your choices for yourself, and the "pursuit of happiness" is the right to seek fulfillment and live a life you find meaningful. The phrase emphasizes that these rights are inherent and cannot be taken away, though their exercise can be limited to prevent harm to others (but not yourself). Alabamians should be able to choose what treatments they and their dependent family members receive without government opinion, intervention, or mandate. No one in Alabama should be required to receive a vaccine or any other type of medical treatment that goes against their individual health or personal wishes. Further, no Alabamian should face discrimination, whether by the state or businesses establishments for their sincerely held beliefs. The Alabama Legislature has a duty to protect these inherent rights from the tyranny of the majority.

11. Improve Regulatory Oversight and Increase Government Transparency The common perception of most Alabamians is likely that the state legislature enacts laws and then agencies are tasked with enforcing those laws as passed by lawmakers. And while this is true at a basic level, often legislation is more of a framework for how a law will be implemented, without each provision outlined in great detail.

In reality, bureaucrats working for Alabama’s myriad of state agencies are responsible for developing the rules and regulations for a law once it has been enacted by the legislature and signed into law by the Governor. While laws in general are important, the regulations accompanying those laws that are developed after passage are equally important. Sometimes those regulations can come with high costs for Alabama’s taxpayers and business owners. At the very least, proposed regulations and a detailed cost analysis of those regulations should be readily available to the public. If the cost of a regulation exceeds a certain threshold, there should be a vote of citizens direct representation, the Alabama Legislature, before it can be implemented. Thankfully, there is a solution to bring more clarity and oversight into the regulatory process, the Regulations form the Executive in Need of Scrutiny Act (REINS Act), which directly addresses regulatory overreach. The REINS movement began at the federal level shortly after the rise of the Tea Party movement that began within the Republican Party in 2009. While Congress already has the authority to issue resolutions of disapproval and nullify agency regulations that it deems harmful, under current federal law a regulation can only be disapproved of after it has been implemented. The REINS act would allow Congress to preemptively halt the enactment of regulation before they take effect. Whether intentionally or unintentionally, regulations and rules made by unelected employees at state agencies can have a significant negative impact on Alabama’s economy, businesses, and citizens. Moreover, federal funds and informal mandates can influence state policy outside the normal legislative process. Strengthening oversight through measures like the REINS Act and the complementary reforms outlined above will re-balance authority back toward Alabama’s elected officials. Before any regulation with a significant cost impact is allowed to become effective, it should first be transparently analyzed, debated, and approved or denied by the lawmakers elected to represent all Alabamians. By improving transparency, requiring accountability for federal involvement, and reaffirming the legislature’s and judiciary’s roles, Alabama can protect its citizens from undue regulatory burdens and preserve the principle of self-governance.

12. Require State and Local Government Entities to Livestream Meetings Transparency is the cornerstone of good governance at all levels, and providing easy access to meetings and deliberations has never been easier due to the popularization of online meeting platforms such as Zoom, Google Meet, and others.

Many units of government do not provide online video access to meetings. Local governments meeting via teleconference proliferated during the COVID-19 pandemic but have continued afterwards. For instance, in the state of Michigan, a Michigan Public Policy Survey found that 81% of Michigan local governments held at least some meetings via teleconference or video technology[i]. While various states have enacted laws that give school board members and elected local government officials the option to attend meetings via teleconference, this option has not been universally extended to concerned members of the voting public in most states. To improve transparency in all units of government such as school boards, city councils, and state regulatory bodies and legislative committees, the Alabama legislature should adopt a law requiring all levels of government to provide a streaming or teleconference option to the public. In an age where providing transparency to concerned citizens has never been easier, requiring deliberative bodies and units of government to provide teleconferencing or video options is a commonsense solution that will come at minimal cost to local and state governments. As the late Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis once said, “Sunlight is the best disinfectant”, and this legislation would be a significant step in the right direction.

13. Resist any Expansion of Gambling and Increase Penalties for Illegal Gambling Activity Any expansion of sports betting, casino-style gambling, or the establishment of a statewide lottery is bad public policy, both fiscally and socially, and it is the wrong solution to state financial obligations. Regardless of who plays the lottery or gambles (and regardless of the outcome), the government receives a portion of every dollar spent on these activities. This creates a perverse incentive for the state, especially when gambling revenue streams are volatile. The state becomes addicted to these funding streams, with politicians desiring for more and more individuals and families to recklessly spend their money on gambling activity promoted by state government. If a lottery is instituted or gambling increased, calls to further increased gambling will become incessant and government expansion will likely follow in its wake ([i]). Enforcement of current law and/or increased fines and penalties for illegal and unconstitutional betting is a better answer. Curtailing gambling is an honorable endeavor, the expansion of gambling is not. Online gambling, on sports or anything else, would turn every smartphone in the state into a portable casino. Where there are more opportunities to gamble, higher rates of addiction and negative societal impacts follow ([ii]). States that have legalized gambling experience higher rates of gambling addiction, crime, corruption, addiction, and mental health disorders. With more opportunities to gamble, the negative impact of gambling increases. This is especially true as gambling is normalized for children; early and increased exposure to gambling leads to increases in addiction that can cause emotional damage, strained relationships, and ruined lives ([iii]).

Gambling operators would lead Alabamians to believe that by not expanding gambling and instituting a lottery, the state is harming the freedom of Alabama citizens and forfeiting a significant amount of money to neighboring states. Whether any meaningful economic gains would be realized from expanding gambling is questionable. The creation of a structure to establish and manage a state lottery will grow state government. Any proceeds to the budgetary coffers will also grow state government. Gambling bills that have recently been under consideration were fraught with corrupting influences and principles adverse to free market principles. Negative societal impacts of the expansion of gambling or creating a state condoned/managed lottery would bring are undeniable. Alabama lawmakers should embrace the principles of free markets and limited government. Alabama lawmakers should further protect the most vulnerable of our citizens from harm. Alabama lawmakers should seek to strengthen and ensure that the state’s anti-gambling laws are strengthened and enforced. Alabama lawmakers should not expand gambling.

14. Provide Alabamians Access to Innovative Healthcare Treatment Options Medical technologies are constantly evolving, meaning that more treatment options are available to Americans than ever before. These new technologies can positively impact all patients but can be particularly valuable for those who have run out of conventional options and are truly down to their last resort. Specifically, this includes one-off treatments that are made for individual patients based on their genetic makeup. The problem is that the federal bureaucracy, namely the Federal Drug Administration (FDA), has not kept pace with these evolving technologies. By failing to do so, the FDA is preventing patients from having access to the latest medical treatments, sometimes life-saving care[i]. The good news is that Alabama lawmakers do not have to wait for the FDA to reform itself. It has the power to protect patients’ right to access the latest medical treatments available; the Right to Try for Individual Treatments (Right to Try 2.0). Because the U.S. constitution provides protection for individual rights, states have the authority to provide additional and greater protections of those rights, particularly in relation to the health and safety of citizens[ii]. Providing access to life-saving medical treatment should be a top priority for Alabama’s lawmakers during the 2026 Regular Legislative Session. Adopting Right to Try 2.0 will expand both the hope and treatment options for patients across the state, particularly for those with rare and terminal diseases. It is an opportunity for Alabama to seize the power delegated to it by the U.S. constitution and improve the lives of Alabamians.

15. Allow for Alternative Accreditation Options at Alabama’s Colleges and Universities

THE ISSUES

Accreditation has long served as a central mechanism in U.S. higher education to ensure quality and consistency.[i] Colleges and universities voluntarily submit to evaluation by accrediting agencies, which assess governance, curriculum, student services, financial stability, and institutional integrity. [ii] Over time, accreditation became essential rather than optional, as federal financial aid programs require institutions to maintain status with a U.S. Department of Education (USDE)-recognized accreditor.[iii] In effect, accreditors hold gatekeeping power: a school that loses recognized accreditation risks losing access to federal aid and student enrollment.[iv] While accreditation was intended to uphold academic standards, accrediting bodies have increasingly been perceived as exerting influence beyond educational quality.[v] Some have pressured institutions to adopt ideological or policy positions on diversity, governance, or curricular content that conflict with state law or institutional autonomy.[vi] As a result, higher education institutions in many states find themselves with limited recourse when accreditors impose demands that contradict state statutes or the authority of local governing boards.

The core problem lies in the growing tension between institutional autonomy and accreditor authority. When accrediting agencies impose standards or punish institutions for adhering to state law, colleges face a dilemma: conform and violate state policy or resist and risk accreditation sanctions.[vii] Without legal protection, colleges and universities must operate under accreditor rules even when those rules conflict with state law, local governance structures, or institutional mission statements. [viii] Accreditation reform is ultimately about protecting state sovereignty in education. Alabama’s public colleges and universities must remain accountable to the people of Alabama, not to unelected accrediting agencies that operate with limited transparency or regard for state law. Without reform, Alabama’s institutions remain vulnerable to external governance that does not reflect the state’s priorities or values. Adopting an Accreditation Autonomy Act would restore balance. By ensuring that institutions cannot be punished for following state law and by permitting rotation among federally recognized accreditors, Alabama can uphold academic integrity while maintaining eligibility for federal funding. The reform would not weaken quality standards; it would ensure those standards are applied without ideological pressure.

16. Remove Logistical Barriers to Opening New Microschools Microschools have emerged as one of the most significant developments in modern K–12 education. These small, community-based schools typically serve fewer than 16 students and emphasize individualized learning, flexibility, and close student-teacher relationships.[i] Unlike traditional public schools, microschools often operate in non-traditional spaces such as libraries, churches, or community centers.[ii] Their growth reflects a broader movement toward educational choice and parental control, providing families with options outside of large, standardized public systems.[iii] While originally developed as grassroots learning environments, microschools have increasingly faced regulatory and zoning barriers that hinder their ability to open and operate.[iv] Because many local zoning ordinances were written for large, traditional campuses, microschools are often subject to the same facility, parking, or occupancy requirements as public schools serving hundreds of students.[v] In some jurisdictions, microschools are misclassified as childcare facilities or private tutoring centers, creating additional red tape and uncertainty.[vi] The result is that many founders, especially parents or teachers opening small community schools, struggle to find affordable, legally compliant locations.[vii] The central issue is that state and local zoning laws have not kept pace with educational innovation. Microschools frequently fall into a gray area of the law: too small to fit within the traditional definition of a “school,” yet too focused on academic instruction to be regulated as day care or commercial enterprise. [viii] When local governments require costly rezoning, conditional use permits, or prolonged inspection processes, these barriers discourage families and educators from pursuing microschool models.[ix] Microschools represent one of the most promising recent developments in education reform. They provide families with personalized learning, community connection, and academic flexibility unmatched by traditional models. Yet without zoning and land-use reform, these schools will remain out of reach for many families who lack the resources to navigate complex regulatory systems. Florida’s leadership shows that change is possible. By clarifying zoning rules, protecting microschools from local overreach, and preserving basic safety standards, Alabama can empower educators and parents to create innovative learning environments that serve their communities and better serve students. Enacting a Microschool and Zoning Freedom Act would ensure that Alabama’s education system remains accountable to families, not bureaucracy, while expanding opportunity.

17. Strengthen Alabamians Fourth Amendment Privacy Protections Geofence warrants, also known as reverse location warrants, are a law enforcement tool that raises serious privacy and constitutional concerns. Unlike traditional warrants that name a particular suspect or place, a geofence warrant compels technology companies to hand over data on any and all devices within a defined geographic area during a specified time period. In effect, police cast a wide net over a virtual perimeter to scoop up location information from everyone in that area, in hopes of identifying a suspect. This approach means innocent people’s data is inevitably swept up, raising alarms that geofence warrants resemble the “general warrants” the Founding Fathers condemned[i]. General warrants in colonial times allowed British officials to search anyone, anywhere, without specific cause, a practice that fueled the American Revolution. Modern geofence warrants operate on a similarly broad premise, targeting “unspecified persons” simply for being present in an area[ii]. For example, the FBI used a geofence warrant to identify over 5,000 devices near the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, and police have deployed them to fish for suspects at public protests. Such cases illustrate how geofence searches can pry into individuals’ locations and associations en masse, even when most have no link to any crime[iii]. Critics argue this amounts to a mass surveillance tool inconsistent with the Fourth Amendment’s promise that people shall be “secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects” against unreasonable searches. Casting such a digital net threatens to undermine the very principle the Fourth Amendment was enacted to uphold, that government cannot invade the privacy of the public at large without particularized suspicion. In an era of pervasive technology, ensuring that innovative policing methods remain within constitutional bounds is crucial to preserving individual freedom and liberty[iv]. Geofencing warrants represent a critical test of how we balance investigative technology with constitutional liberty. From a policy perspective, the answer is clear , we must draw a firm line against mass, unwarranted searches that threaten our Fourth Amendment right to privacy. Alabama lawmakers must recognize scat protecting citizens’ privacy is a cornerstone of limited government. Just as general warrants were abhorrent to the Founding Fathers, today’s digital dragnets must not become the norm.

18. Reform the Alabama High School Athletics Association The Alabama High School Athletic Association (AHSAA), is currently operating under a governance structure and set of policies that undermine principles of fairness, transparency, and equal opportunity for all Alabama students. While the AHSAA is legally defined as a private agency and a membership organization, the scope of its activities makes it behave like a de facto public entity, which is why they should be subject to public accountability. The AHSAA is a de facto monopoly as the only recognized governing body for interscholastic athletics in Alabama that public schools are permitted to join. While membership is technically voluntary, any public school that wants to compete against other public schools or participate in state championships must be an AHSAA member and follow its rules. Public schools use taxpayer dollars to pay membership fees and use public (taxpayer-funded) facilities, coaches (public employees), and equipment to participate in AHSAA events. This deep integration with the public education system gives the AHSAA enormous influence over public resources and student activities. The AHSAA's consolidated status as the single athletic governing body for public schools resulted, in part, from a federal court order in 1968, further cementing its unique public role, even though it operates as a private organization. The AHSAA also utilizes public facilities (high school gymnasiums, stadiums, tracks, etc.) across the state for the vast majority of its regular-season games, tournaments, and state championship events. This heavy reliance on and use of public assets is a key reason why stakeholders argue the AHSAA must subject itself to public oversight and legislative review, even if its legal classification is "private." Employees of the Alabama High School Athletic Association (AHSAA) are specifically included in the state's public education benefits system, but this status is currently in transition due to legislative efforts. AHSAA employees are granted access to the Teachers' Retirement System of Alabama (TRS) by specific state law, the Code of Alabama § 16-25-7. All individuals employed in an administrative or clerical capacity by the AHSAA have been deemed "teachers" for the purpose of participating in the TRS. The AHSAA itself pays the employer's contribution cost for this coverage. This arrangement means that AHSAA employees receive the same defined benefit pension plan as public school teachers and administrators, effectively connecting the private association to the state's public employment infrastructure.

Similarly, AHSAA employees have historically been eligible to participate in the Public Education Employees’ Health Insurance Plan (PEEHIP), the state-run health insurance program that is supposed to be reserved for public school and education-related employees. Ongoing controversy regarding AHSAA's governance and its unique public role has led the legislature to attempt to cut these ties. HB621/SB252 in the Alabama Legislature aim to prohibit all future hires of the AHSAA (and other high school athletic associations) from participating in both the Teachers' Retirement System (TRS) and the Public Education Employees’ Health Insurance Plan (PEEHIP) based upon their employment with the “private entities”. The AHSAA must adopt structural reforms that prioritize student opportunity, align with legislative intent, and reflect best practices from across the region. The fundamental issue is the AHSAA’s lack of accountability to the public it serves. While it is a private non-profit, its collection of fees and use of public facilities subject it to public oversight. The recent actions of the Alabama High School Athletic Association, particularly its calculated attempt to impede the lawful transfer of students utilizing the CHOOSE Act’s ESAs, illustrate a fundamental breakdown in governance, accountability, and adherence to state law. By unilaterally declaring parentdirected tax credits as school-controlled “financial aid,” the AHSAA yet again demonstrated a willingness to prioritize its own restrictive rules over the educational and athletic opportunities of Alabama children. This overreach necessitated the unprecedented legal action taken by Governor Ivey and Speaker Ledbetter, which resulted in a court-issued Temporary Restraining Order, affirming that the AHSAA's rule was likely in violation of the state’s clear legislative mandate. 14

This eligibility crisis, combined with the AHSAA’s persistent use of the punitive 1.5 private school multiplier and an imbalanced Central Board that marginalizes the voice of 15% of its membership, has created a regulatory environment that is fundamentally unfair to independent schools. The AHSAA must heed the legislature's intent, stop penalizing school choice students, and adhere to the law. The AHSAA’s mission is to serve all student-athletes across Alabama. Its actions have become a barrier to student opportunity, and they have lost the moral and legal authority to operate without accountability. The future of fair play and school choice in Alabama hinges on the legislature’s willingness to restore integrity, transparency, and accountability to the governance of high school sports.

19. Restrict the Flow of Abortion Inducing Drugs into Alabama

In 2019, the Alabama Legislature passed the Human Life Protection Act, which bans post fertilization abortions in the state under most circumstances. Prior to the law’s enactment abortions were legal in Alabama up to the 20th week of pregnancy. The Human Life Protection Act was initially enjoined by U.S. District Court Judge Myron Thompson; however, on June 24, 2022, the injunction was lifted after the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization[i]. The only exception to the Human Life Protection Act is if carrying out a pregnancy would pose a “serious health risk” to the mother, which must be further confirmed within 180 days of the abortion[ii]. A violation of the law constitutes a Class A felony, which requires imprisonment for 10 to 99 years and a fine of up to $60,000, while attempting to carry on an abortion is a class C felony. A licensed physician who terminates a pregnancy in the course of a medical emergency is not liable for criminal penalties under Alabama law[iii]. A 2023 survey found that by the end of that year, about 8,000 women per month were receiving abortion pills by mail in states that restrict abortion or limit the ability to have an abortion through a telehealth provider[v]. Another report in 2024 found that around 10,000 abortions per month are performed using mifepristone or misoprostol which had been prescribed through out-of-state telehealth appointments provided under shield laws to patients in states with strong anti-abortion laws[vi]. The intent of the Protection of Life Act was to make abortion, with the exception of circumstances where a mother’s health is at substantial risk from pregnancy, illegal in Alabama. Domestic and foreign parties are using information technology to circumvent the act and provide abortion inducing drugs to Alabama residents. It is up to the Alabama Legislature to strengthen and enforce the intent of the law.

20. Strengthen Internet Protections for Alabama’s Children As technology has evolved over the past 25 years, minors are more at risk to the harms of ageinappropriate online materials, harmful social media interactions, and the relatively new risks posed by artificial intelligence, which is now being used to exploit and proliferate the abuse of children. Unfortunately, this is a case where federal, state, and local governments have been unable or unwilling to keep up with the constantly changing technological landscape. This leaves parents with less control over the online activities of their children, putting minors at greater risk, sometimes with tragic consequences. One emerging concern is the advent of AI-driven “companion” chatbots that simulate human conversation and emotional support. These AI companions present themselves as friendly confidants, but in reality they can employ tactics like excessive praise or “love-bombing” to foster emotional dependence. By simulating intimacy and friendship, such bots hook young users and may even replace real human connections, leaving minors feeling isolated and unable to form healthy relationships with peers and family.

Disturbing incidents have already been reported. In one lawsuit, a chatbot encouraged a child to commit violent acts against their parent over a screen-time dispute. In another case, an AI companion allegedly contributed to an adult user’s suicide by urging him to sacrifice himself for the sake of the planet. Some chatbots have even been found sexualizing minors or engaging in other exploitative behavior. While legislation does not replace the responsibility of parents to monitor the online activities of children, in today’s technology centered society it is difficult for even the most dedicated parents to know what their children are doing online at all times. Making the activation of already existing phone and device filters mandatory was a good first step towards protecting Alabama’s most vulnerable citizens from the harms of the internet. The next step to increase those protections is to give parents greater control over the internet applications that their children are using on a day to day basis. By proactively updating laws to incorporate age verification for AI companions, regular AI disclosures, and strict rules for AI in therapeutic roles, Alabama can ensure that advances in technology do not come at the expense of the safety and healthy development of minors.

21. Allow Volunteer Chaplains to Provide Services in Alabama’s K-12 Public Schools A chaplain is a certified member of the clergy that provides spiritual guidance for individuals, generally in a non-religious environment rather than a church organization. They often take on the role of a spiritual leader for people who do not belong to a specific congregational community[i]. Over the past few years, the issue of whether chaplains should be permitted to work in schools has been raised, in part because many school districts are experiencing a severe shortage of counselors and social workers. The idea is that hiring chaplains to serve in public schools could bring a faith-based approach to help alleviate those shortages[ii]. Thus far Texas, Florida, and Louisiana are the only states in the nation to enact legislation to specifically allow school districts to hire chaplains. Since the beginning of 2023, at least 30 bills have been introduced in 16 states, including Alabama, to allow public school systems to hire chaplains[iii]. One might assume that if a public school hires a chaplain there could be a violation of the United States Constitution’s First Amendment, which prohibits Congress (and in turn states) from enacting laws relating to the establishment of religion, or laws prohibiting the free exercise of religion[iv]. However, according to the National School Chaplains’ Association (NSCA), any school district in the nation has the legal authority to hire a chaplain. School chaplains (whether part-time or full-time) are subject to the same rules and regulations as all other school employees. School districts are given the discretion to define the role and responsibilities of chaplains. In some cases, this means serving teachers and employees of a school, while in other cases Chaplains may engage with students in common areas, but not in a private one-on-one setting[v].

Explicitly allowing chaplains to work in Alabama’s schools could be beneficial to employees and students alike. So long as chaplaincy services are optional, they should not run afoul of the United States Constitution. While school chaplains are not a replacement for traditional counselors and mental health professionals, they can provide a positive guiding presence within school communities. Lawmakers should statutorily ensure the freedom of school districts to employ them if they choose to do so.

22. Promote and Improve Civics Education in K-12 Public Schools To be well rounded citizens, Alabama students must first understand their rights and responsibilities under both the federal democratic system of government as well as state government. A key component of building that foundation is through a civics education program. Having a strong comprehension of civics not only helps to build engagement throughout a student's life but also helps to strengthen democracy and develop critical thinking skills, among other positive outcomes. Over the past decade, numerous states have taken steps to improve civics education courses for K-12 public school students. Alabama, among others, has implemented a civics component to receive a high school diploma. Other states have gone a step further by implementing additional (optional) certifications for public school teachers so that they are better equipped to teach these lessons to students, enabling them to better prepare America’s children for the duties and obligations that go along with being an American citizen. American exceptionalism is something that all citizens should take pride in. It is particularly important for America and Alabama’s youngest citizens to develop a deeper knowledge and understanding of our nation’s history and what makes it the greatest country in the world. Developing a strong understanding of civics and our nation’s history will better prepare Alabama’s K-12 students for the duties and obligations that go along with living in the world’s greatest democracy. Alabama lawmakers should continue to take steps to improve that education and help develop more wellrounded citizens.

23. Hold Sexual Predators Accountable/Increase Penalties for Crimes Against Minors Alabama’s children should be able to grow up in a world where they feel protected and safe. Sadly, this is not always the case, and far too often abuse is suffered at the hands of someone who is known to the child. The National Children’s Alliance (NCA) says 3,504 children in Alabama served by the group suffered from some form of abuse in 2023, with 2,279 suffering from sexual abuse. About two-thirds of all abuse victims were female while one-third were male. Nearly 25% of the reported victims were six years of age or younger. In all but 173 of the cases, the victim knew their abuser. And these only include cases that were reported to NCA, meaning there are likely many more children in the state experiencing physical and sexual abuse[i].

Alabama lawmakers have a duty to protect the state’s most vulnerable citizens from all forms of abuse, and particularly sexual abuse. There are several ways to strengthen these protections, including increasing the statute of limitations in which the victim of a sexual abuse can file a civil claim against their abuser as well as increasing the penalties for rape, sodomy, or sexual torture of young children to a capital offense. Under section 6-2-8 of the Code of Alabama, a person who “is below the age of 19 years, or insane” who falls victim to a sex offense has six years to commence civil action[ii]. This includes crimes such as rape and/or sodomy in the first or second degree, sexual misconduct, sexual torture, sexual abuse in the first or second degree, indecent exposure, enticing a child to enter a vehicle, room, house, office, or other place for immoral purposes, sexual abuse of a child under the age of 12 years old, child pornography, unlawful imprisonment of the first or second degree, kidnapping, incest, traveling to meet a child or facilitating the travel of a child for an unlawful sexual act, or directing a child to engage in a sex act, among other crimes in Section 15-20A-5 of the Code of Alabama and further described in Title 13A[iii]. Sexual crimes committed by adults against Alabama’s youngest and most vulnerable victims represent the worst of our society. It may take years for those victims to fully understand and come to terms with the trauma that they have experienced. They should not be bound by an arbitrarily short timeline in seeking recourse against their abusers. In terms of those committing these horrible acts, they must face the most serious consequences available under state law so that there is a severe deterrent in place to stop these actions before they happen.

24. Prevent Medically Assisted Suicide from Occurring in Alabama In recent years, there has been a push across the nation to legalize medically assisted suicide. Medically assisted suicide is when a patient, or an individual who is terminally ill, makes the choice not only to end treatment, but then requests a physician to prescribe them a lethal dose of a drug to end their life [i]. The medical assisted suicide movement gained a lot of publicity in 2016 when Canada made it possible for patients to ask a physician to prescribe them medication to end their lives [ii]. Currently, in the US, 11 states and the District of Columbia have legalized some form of medically assisted suicide. With groups like the nonprofit group Death with Dignity (DWD) working to introduce and pass legislation in the remaining 39 states [iii]. According to DWD’s website, they are “a national leader in end-of-life advocacy and policy reform. Their “mission focuses on improving how people with terminal illness die” [iv]. So far, during the 2025 legislative calendar across the country, seventeen states have considered legislation to implement some form of medically assisted suicide [v].

Alabama should seek to put into place further safeguards to prevent medically assisted suicide by strengthening the penalty from a Class C felony to a Class B felony. If convicted of a Class B felony, prison sentences will range from two years to twenty years [xx]. Lawmakers should also consider mandatory minimum sentences or enhanced penalties when the assisted person is vulnerable (i.e., disabled, elderly, incompetent). While withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment is allowed, the state should require enhanced safeguards around decisions to decline treatment, to ensure they are voluntary, informed, not coerced, and made in consultation with both the patient and the patient’s family members. These requirements would help guard against assisted suicide. Increased penalties for medical personnel would give Alabama prosecutors the ability to apply specific punishment for actionable felonies. These changes would allow Alabama to again be a pro-life leader for the nation, pushing back against the movement to legalize medically assisted suicide. Medically assisted suicide is a growing issue in North America, and while it begins with terminally ill patients, it provides a precedent that leads to death on demand. This compromises the purpose of medicine, which is to treat patients and to seek a cure for their illness. Alabama should pass legislation that strengthens the penalties for this practice. Taking action now will serve to ultimately safeguard the dignity of medicine and preserve patient care and preservation of life as the top priority for Alabama lawmakers.

25. Ban Non-Medical Psychoactive THC Products from Being Sold in Alabama In 2018, the United States Congress passed H.R.2, more commonly known as the 2018 Farm Bill. The Farm Bill changed the federal definition of hemp and created an avenue for cannabis products that contain less than 0.3% tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) on a dry weight basis to no longer be labeled as marijuana. This resulted in hemp products containing less than 0.3% dry weight THC no longer being considered a controlled substance[i]. Due to this loophole created by the 2018 Farm Bill, individuals have been able extract CBD from hemp and then chemically convert it with solvents and acids into psychoactive THC, like delta eight and delta ten. This CBD is then developed into consumable products that produce a high. These products include, but are not limited to, THC gummies, flowers, and vape products. This has resulted in retailers and gas stations selling these products in mass quantities. While this was not the initial intention of the 2018 Farm Bill, it became a harmful unforeseen consequence. On November 12, 2025, Congress reached a budget deal after a 42 day shutdown. In the agreed upon language, the hemp loophole was closed with a 365 moratorium [iii].

Synthetic THC is harmful to its users and is a growing cause of fatal accidents. It was legalized through a loophole created by an act of the federal government. Alabama should support the new federal law that closed this loophole and should not seek to legalize and regulate these harmful substances.

26. Promote the Lessons of the Ten Commandments in Alabama’s K-12 Public Schools The United States, as part of the Western Civilization, was founded on the Judeo-Christian tradition of which the Ten Commandments are a cornerstone. Teaching students the historical significance of this document is crucial for fostering cultural heritage and awareness. The Ten Commandments offer a concise framework that reinforces universal moral norms, honesty, respect for others, and personal responsibility, which are all consistent with the goals of public education. It is important to note that many documents that include direct and indirect references to God are firmly embedded in our public school curriculum. The Mayflower Compact refers to “Almighty God”, and The Declaration of Independence states all men have been “endowed by their Creator.” For their education to be well-rounded, students should have access to the commandments that America’s Founding Fathers lived their lives from. In 2025, Alabama lawmakers, Representative Gidley and Senator Kelley, introduced legislation (HB 178 and SB 166) that would require the display of the Ten Commandments in every public K–12 school and state-funded university. Under the proposal, each school would need to post the Ten Commandments in a prominent area, such as an entryway or common hall, alongside a statement explaining their historical significance. The poster or framed document must meet sizing requirements of at least 11 inches by 14 inches in size. No public funds would be required for this initiative, instead relying on private donations to fund the display or schools may accept donated displays. The State Department of Education would also have been mandated to identify appropriate resources and make them available for local boards of education to comply with this legislation[vi]. To fully ensure the understanding of America’s founding principles, students must be exposed to a full array of historical documents, including the Ten Commandments. As seen in 2018, an overwhelming majority of Alabama constituents believe that schools should have the ability to display the 10 Commandments. This policy initiative will enshrine Judeo-Christian values back into our schools and instill in our students a moral understanding of the world.

27. Consistent Statewide Framework for K-12 Religious Release Time Religious release time allows public school students, with parental consent, to leave campus during the school day for voluntary religious instruction conducted by private organizations.[i] These programs date back more than a century and were formally recognized as constitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court in Zorach v. Clauson (1952), which held that schools may accommodate students’ religious commitments without violating the Establishment Clause, so long as participation is voluntary, privately funded, and offcampus.[ii] Today, release time programs exist in more than half of U.S. states and reflect a renewed effort to align education policy with parental rights and community values.[iii] They give families the flexibility to pursue faith-based formation while maintaining enrollment in public schools. Proponents argue that such programs strengthen family choice, reinforce moral education, and encourage civic engagement.[iv] In Alabama, where public education policy increasingly emphasizes local control and respect for family autonomy, release time presents a valuable opportunity to expand educational freedom. Yet the absence of statutory clarity leaves schools and parents uncertain about implementation, liability, and constitutional boundaries. The central issue is that Alabama’s framework for religious release time is permissive rather than uniform. State law, the Alabama Released Time Credit Act, Ala. Code § 16-1-20.6, authorizes local boards to allow off-campus, privately funded religious instruction during the school day and to award elective credit when specified conditions are met, but it does not require districts to implement such programs.[v] As a result, access varies by locality, producing uneven availability and lingering uncertainty for families and administrators. Without a consistent statewide directive, administrators must interpret the Released Time Credit Act and local attendance policies to determine how and whether to implement released-time religious instruction. Although Ala. Code § 16-1-20.6 provides a legal pathway, local boards retain discretion in adopting and implementing policy; the statute does not compel all districts to offer it. As a result, access varies across the state, some districts provide released time programs for religious instruction, while others do not, producing a patchwork of implementation rather than a uniform statewide standard. An amended Religious Release Time Freedom Act could require each district to adopt a consistent policy permitting voluntary, off-campus religious instruction with written parental consent. The reform should specify that such programs remain privately funded, occur off public property, and exclude public school personnel from participation. It should also provide uniform procedures for attendance verification, student safety, and equitable treatment of non-participating students.

By clarifying administrative standards and ensuring consistent access across districts, Alabama can protect both religious liberty and institutional neutrality. Families would gain certainty about their rights, while schools would operate under clear, legally sound parameters. Rather than expanding government involvement, this reform would refine the state’s existing law to ensure that its protections for voluntary religious instruction are accessible, consistent, and constitutionally secure. Religious release time reflects the enduring principle that education and faith need not exist in conflict. Properly structured, it allows Alabama families to integrate moral and spiritual formation into their children’s education while preserving the neutrality of public schools. Although Alabama law already recognizes released-time instruction through the Released Time Credit Act, the program remains unevenly applied across districts. Strengthening and standardizing this framework would reaffirm Alabama’s commitment to parental choice, local control, and religious liberty while ensuring consistent compliance with constitutional standards.

By refining its existing statute and establishing clear administrative guidance, Alabama can ensure that every family, regardless of district, enjoys equal opportunity to participate in voluntary religious instruction. Such a reform would align Alabama with leading states that have modernized their education codes to reflect both freedom of conscience and respect for public education, principles that have long defined the American tradition of faith and learning.

28. Allow for Alternative Admissions Testing and Amend “AP” Language For decades, the standardized testing landscape in the United States has been dominated by a duopoly of the SAT and ACT. This dominance has shaped college admissions, scholarship opportunities, and even high school graduation requirements. However, in an era demanding intellectual rigor and educational diversity, a necessary alternative has been developed. The Classic Learning Test (CLT), grounded in the Western intellectual tradition, seeks to assess not only foundational skills but also deeper engagement with classic literature and foundational texts. [i] Alabama should officially integrate the CLT into its public education and university systems. By doing so, Alabama can foster a more robust academic environment, provide students with diverse pathways to success, and ensure that specific testing vendors do not hold a monopoly over student opportunities. This course of action is both academically sound and administratively feasible, as demonstrated by the adoption of the CLT by the entire public university system and K-12 requirements in Florida. [ii]

Achieving the goal of integrating the CLT requires action from the Alabama Legislature and key administrative bodies, including the Alabama State Board of Education (SBOE), the Alabama Commission on Higher Education (ACHE), and the Alabama State Treasury. Currently, most public universities default to accepting SAT or ACT scores. By officially recognizing the CLT, Alabama’s public higher education institutions would provide students with an additional, validated pathway to demonstrate college readiness. It would be necessary for the Alabama Commission on Higher Education (ACHE) and the governing boards of individual public universities need to formally approve the CLT as a valid entrance exam for admission and merit-based scholarships. The CLT is already accepted by over 300 colleges and universities, including a growing number of public institutions, demonstrating its established utility in the college admissions landscape. [ix] Alabama currently uses only ACT scores as a primary measure for students to satisfy the "General Education Pathway" to high school graduation requirements. [x] The current approved College and Career Readiness (CCR) indicators include the ACT, AP exams, IB exams, and ACT WorkKeys. [xi] The Alabama State Board of Education (SBOE) should amend the Alabama Administrative Code to include the CLT as an approved standardized test option that public high school students can use to satisfy the CCR indicator for graduation. Alabama administrative code already allows for the approval of "Any additional College and Career Readiness (CCR) indicator approved by the Alabama State Board of Education." [xii] The Grove City College study provides the necessary evidence of predictive validity required for such approval. Alabama’s public higher education institutions primarily default to the SAT or ACT. The Alabama Commission on Higher Education (ACHE) and the governing boards of individual public universities must formally approve the CLT as a valid entrance exam for admission and merit-based scholarships. Alabama requires high school graduates to meet at least one College and Career Readiness (CCR) indicator. The Alabama State Board of Education (SBOE) should amend the Alabama Administrative Code to add the CLT to the list of approved CCR indicators. Existing code already provides a clear path for this change, as it includes the phrase: "Any additional College and Career Readiness (CCR) indicator approved by the Alabama State Board of Education." [xv] The SBOE has the administrative authority to make this change based on the presented evidence of predictive validity. [xvi]

Qualifying for state-sponsored financial aid, such as the CollegeCounts Scholarship, is often contingent upon standardized test scores. The Alabama State Treasury should to amend its administrative rules to officially recognize the CLT and establish an approved qualifying score for the CollegeCounts Scholarship. The CLT provides a statistical CLT-ACT concordance table (derived from CLT-SAT and official SAT-ACT concordance) to easily establish the equivalent score for scholarship eligibility. [xviii]

THE ISSUES

Florida Precedent: Florida successfully approved the CLT for its own state-funded aid, the Bright Futures Scholarship Program, confirming the feasibility of this action for Alabama's state treasury. [xix] Current Alabama statute and administrative code restricts advanced high school options by specifically naming "Advanced Placement" or "AP," granting a single vendor a monopoly over advanced coursework. Revisions should be made to the Code of Alabama and the Alabama Administrative Code to use vendor-neutral terms such as "Advanced Course" or "Accelerated Learning." This change introduces competition and allows the Alabama Department of Education (ALSDE) to approve other high-quality programs aligned with the CLT's focus on foundational texts and intellectual rigor, fostering innovation and choice in high school education.[xx] Alabama’s decision to allow the CLT would be a strategic move to diversify the college admissions landscape, validate a distinct educational philosophy, and ultimately, offer a new pathway to higher education and state-funded scholarships.

29. Increase Transparency in the Review of Copywritten Educational Materials The Alabama Department of Education (ALSDE) and the State Textbook Committee are responsible for evaluating and approving the instructional materials used in Alabama’s K–12 public schools.[i] This process ensures that textbooks and digital resources align with the state’s academic standards and learning objectives.[ii] The State Textbook Committee, created by statute under Ala. Code § 16-36-60 et seq., serves as the primary advisory body to the Alabama State Board of Education (SBOE) in reviewing and recommending materials for statewide adoption.[iii] The adoption of instructional materials is one of the most important responsibilities of Alabama’s education system. The materials approved through this process influence classroom instruction, assessment, and student learning outcomes for years at a time. Because textbooks and digital platforms are often produced by national publishers and protected by copyright law, Alabama must balance public transparency with compliance with intellectual property standards. In recent years, the state’s review procedures have drawn increased public attention as parents, educators, and policymakers have sought greater visibility into the content used in classrooms.[iv]

The institutions that oversee this process, including the ALSDE, the State Textbook Committee, and the SBOE, operate within a statutory framework designed to promote accountability, quality, and consistency across public schools.[v] However, questions about transparency, public access, and review efficiency have highlighted the need to determine whether Alabama’s current system remains adequate for a modern educational environment. The central issue is not the absence of law, but the inadequacy of Alabama’s current textbook adoption framework in promoting transparency and accessibility. Although the State Textbook Committee statute establishes a formal process for material review, the implementation of that process has become outdated and overly restrictive. Limiting public review to eight sites for only 30 days and providing minimal time for the Board and local officials to examine proposed materials, effectively prevents meaningful participation and oversight.[vi] Parents and educators in rural areas face particular barriers to participation, and even State Board of Education (SBOE) members and committee reviewers often have only limited windows to evaluate hundreds of pages of content before casting adoption votes.[vii] Extending the review timeline, increasing regional access, and establishing secure digital platforms would bring Alabama’s process in line with twenty-first-century standards and national best practices. Moreover, allowing the State Board of Education and local boards sufficient time to evaluate materials would enhance quality, consistency, and accountability. Reforming the system under Ala. Code § 16-36-60 et seq. would demonstrate Alabama’s commitment to open government, parental involvement, and educational integrity, ensuring that the process of approving classroom materials reflects both transparency and public trust.

30. Protect Female Spaces for Girls and Women in Prisons/Other Settings In recent years, a growing number of incidents across the country have raised concerns about privacy and safety in bathrooms, locker rooms, and other intimate spaces in public facilities. Parents, students, and female athletes have reported instances in which biological males accessed women’s restrooms or changing areas, resulting in serious discomfort and, in some cases, documented harassment or assault.[i] These incidents sparked a national debate over how public institutions should manage multi-user facilities while balancing privacy, safety, and fairness.[ii] Before Alabama enacted its own school-based facility law, there was no statewide standard governing who could access sex-designated restrooms or locker rooms in public schools. Local school boards were left to create their own policies, and many did so inconsistently. This led to confusion among administrators, legal uncertainty for educators, and growing concern among parents who feared that the absence of clear guidance placed students, especially young girls, at risk.

The Alabama Legislature responded by passing House Bill 322 by Representative Scott Stadthagen in 2022.[iii] The law requires that each public K–12 school designate multiple-occupancy restrooms or changing areas for student use based on the student’s biological sex, defined as the sex stated on the individual’s original birth certificate.[iv] It allows exceptions for custodial or maintenance purposes, medical assistance, or young children needing help.[v] The statute provided much needed clarity in educational settings but did not address other publicly funded facilities such as courthouses, prisons, or government buildings.[vi] As a result, the state’s privacy protections remain partial and inconsistent, leaving major gaps in policy coverage. The Act should expressly apply to the Alabama Department of Corrections and mandate that inmates be housed in facilities corresponding to their biological sex. This standard would prevent the documented safety and security failures that have occurred throughout the country and affirm Alabama’s commitment to protecting vulnerable female inmates from exploitation and harm. The same standard should extend to all public buildings and facilities supported by state or local funding. This includes courthouses, state agency offices, city halls, public libraries, museums, community centers, public parks, recreation complexes, athletic facilities, rest stops, and other publicly owned or operated spaces that provide multi-user restrooms or changing areas. Private organizations that lease or operate facilities on public property should be required to comply with the same biological-sex designation policy as a condition of their agreement with the state or local government. The Department of Finance, the Department of Corrections, and the Alabama Department of Education should jointly develop implementation rules to ensure consistency across institutions. Each covered facility should post clear signage identifying biological-sex designations, maintain at least one singleuser or family restroom for individual privacy, and adopt a confidential process for resolving privacyrelated complaints. The Attorney General should be empowered to investigate violations and enforce compliance through civil action, ensuring that all public agencies adhere to the law uniformly. y extending privacy and safety protections to all publicly funded facilities, Alabama would replace fragmented local policies with a consistent, statewide standard rooted in common sense and biological reality. The Safe Spaces Act would affirm that privacy, security, and respect for all individuals are fundamental to public trust and essential to the responsible operation of government institutions. Alabama’s current facility laws address privacy only within the education system, leaving correctional institutions and other publicly funded buildings without clear statutory direction. This partial framework has created inconsistency across public institutions, uncertainty for administrators, and legitimate safety and privacy concerns for citizens. Establishing a uniform statewide standard rooted in biological reality is essential to protect the integrity and security of Alabama’s public spaces.

THE ISSUES

For citations & more information go to www.alabamapolicy.org