"'Another Kind of March': Billy Graham in Civil Rights-Era Alabama" by Steven P. Miller

SIX DOLLARS

NUMBER 83, WINTER 2007

ALABAMA HERITAGE

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA, THE UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA AT BIRMINGHAM, AND THE ALABAMA DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY

A TRAITOR IN THE WILDERNESS: THE ARREST OF AARON BURR

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By Aaron l#lborn T/ze beginning of the end of "The Burr Conspiracy" occurred in Alabama, where the would-be separatist was betrayed, captured, and, for a time, imprisoned

THE PRICE OF PROGRESS: LOST TOWNS OF PICKWICK RESERVOIR

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By Patricia Bernard Ezzell During the development of the Tennessee Valley region, two Alabama towns were flooded, relocating families and dissolving communities.

BEFORE THE FLOOD: EMERGENCY ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE TENNESSEE VALLEY

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By Eugene Futato Archaeologists raced against the clock to salvage evidence of Alabama's prehistory.

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HOWARD COOK: PORTRAITS OF ALABAMA LIFE

By Stephen J. Goldfarb Artist Howard Cook captured everyday life in Depression-era Alabama.

"ANOTHER KIND OF MARCH": BILLY 41 GRAHAM IN CIVIL RIGHTS-ERA ALABAMA

By Steven P Jl!Jiller As desegregation loomed, evangelist Billy Graham integrated rallies, soothed fears, and united Alabamians around a common language offaith .

DEPARTMENTS 4 7

Letter from the Editor Alabama Treasures: The Flag ofthe Magnolia Cadets Reading the Southern Past: Alabama, in General Alabama Mysteries: The Giggling Granny Contributors, Sources, and Suggested Readings w IV w.

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Christianity are as renowned as evangelist Billy Graham. Graham's June ZOOS crusade in New York City, likely the final full crusade of his career, featured all the celebrated elements familiar to generations of Americans: the bass-baritone of soloist George Beverley Shea, the volunteer choir and ushers drawn from area churches, the presence of celebrities and politicians on the crusade platform, and the climactic and solemn moment of invitation. For more than half a century, this evangelist has mingled comfortably with world leaders, yet never lost the common touch.

For journalists and historians, the popularity of famous figures like Graham can sometimes overshadow discrete, but no less important, incidents in their careers.

One such moment for Graham occurred in Montgomery, Alabama, during the height of the Civil Rights Movement. On June 16, 1965, Graham and Gov. George Wallace emerged from a closed meeting in the state capitol. After receiving numerous entreaties from Alabamians to avoid such a meeting, Wallace had reluctantly consented to a private "social visit" with Graham; for over an hour they discussed what Graham termed "some sociological points."

The concern came from the fact that Graham was in Montgomery to lead a desegregated crusade in the Cramton Bowl stadium, his third such visit to Alabama in over a two-year period. That April, he had held services in Dothan, Auburn, Tuskegee, and Tuscaloosa.

The previous year, he had led an Easter Day rally before thirty-five thousand worshipers in Birmingham 's Legion Field, an event observers described as the largest completely integrated gathering in state history.

Graham's influence on Alabama and the South remains one of the most neglected facets of his evangelistic tenure. Considering the many achievements of a career that once saw Graham preach before an audience of more than one million in South Korea, this neglect is somewhat understandable. Scholars have ably treated Graham in

Previous page: Mattin Luther King Jr. urged evangelist Billy Graham to hold crusades in the Deep South. Although Graham felt that evangelism, rather than civil disobedience, was the true path towards improving race relations, the two leaders found common ground in their opposition to segregation and Jim Crow laws. (All photos courtesy Russ Busby and the Billy Graham Evangelical Association, unless otherwise indicated.)

relation to such sweepi ng trends as Cold War religiosity and the origins of modern American evangelicalism.

Yet his significant role in the South also warrants a full analysis, and Alabama lies at the heart of this story.

Graham's Civil Rights-era visits to Alabama reveal his underappreciated role as a kind of regional leader who influenced and assisted a portion of the white South in its transition away from Jim Crow. His presence in the South did not lack controversy. Klansmen and many C itizens ' Council members viewed the southern-born Graham as a racial turncoat or sell-out. Some civil rights

leaders wanted to count him as an informal ally but thought he did not go far enough in criticizing his segregationist peers. In short, Graham took a risk when he came to Alabama. He employed his unique position, at least during a few rallies in each town, to unite a portion of Alabama around a common language of faith.

NATIVE OF CHARLOTTE and a longtime resident of the town of Montreat, North Carolina, Graham has always publicly affirmed his identity as a southerner. His evangelistic association was housed in Minneapolis until its recent move to Charlotte, mainly because Graham

served as the largely absentee president of a fundamentalist college in Minneapolis from 1947 to 1952.

Coming of age in 1920s and 1930s orth Carolina, Graham followed most of his peers in accepting the general racial mores of his region and time. As Graham later acknowledged, his response as a teenager to the

Graham searly embrace of desegregation quickly inspired appeals for him to headfarther South.

An integrated crowd bows its head in prayer at the 1965 Montgomery Cramton Bowl. Held ten years after the Montgomery bus boycott, the crusade was a notable accomplishment in race relations. altar call of evangelist Mordecai Ham had little initial influence on his racial assumptions. When Graham began to reconsider his racial views during the 1940s and 1950s, though, he explained his changing opinions in terms of his personal faith.

Moreover, anthropology classes at Wheaton (IL) College, the leading fundamentalist-evangelical school in the United States, had taught him about the scientific

unreliability of racial categories. His sudden fame also forced him to redefine his social views. In 1949 Graham's Los Angeles crusade caught the attention of newspaper baron William Randolph Hearst, who helped to turn Graham into a celebrity evangelist in the mold of Billy Sunday and Dwight Moody. Amid the subsequent media storm, Graham faced mounting questions about "the race question," a term he and fellow moderates used for what had become a defining issue of post-World War II America.

At first Graham followed his evangelistic predecessors in accepting segregated seating patterns at services held in Jim Crow areas. However, he soon faced vocal protests from prominent African Ame ricans like theologian Benjamin Mays, the influential president of Morehouse University and an early mentor to Martin Luther King Jr. Partly in response to such prodding, Graham began to engage the race question more directly. His desired evangelistic constituency extended well beyond the white South to include not only African Americans, but also citizens of other countries who were baffled by the region 's Jim Crow institutions. One of Graham's first public jabs at segregation came during a 1952 crusade in Jackson, Mississippi, where he disturbed the governor by declaring in a published interview that "[t]here is no scriptural basis for segregation."

Cautious about offending elected officials, though, the evangelist qualified his remarks one day later. The Bible, he now stated, "has nothing to say about segregation or non-segregation."

The following year, 1953, Graham took a more forthright step and held his first intentionally desegregated southern crusade. In Chattanooga, he personally removed the rope that had been set up to separate the black and white sections of the crusade audience. After the 1954 Brown v. Board decision, which declared school segregation unconstitutional, Graham's organization adopted a consistent open seating policy for his evangelistic services. Most of these early desegregated services occurred in Upper South cities known for some degree of racial moderation.

Yet Graham remained hesitant to test his new policy in the waters of a Deep South state like Alabama. In 1957 he reportedly turned down an offer to hold a revival in Birmingham because the services would have been segregated. (Three years later, he similarly refused to preach in apartheid South Africa.) The tensions surrounding a 1958 desegregated rally he did hold in Columbia, South Carolina, highlighted the difficulties he might face else-

whe re. T he re, the govern or refu sed to le t Graham hold a racially mixed service on th e state house lavvn. Instead, th e G raham team shifte d th e rally to F ort Jackson, a nearby military base outside of state jurisdiction.

Graham 's early e mbrace of desegrega tion, along with his public criticism of rac ial discrimination, quickly inspired appeal s for him to head farth er South. Martin Luth er King Jr. , whose leade rship during th e 1955-1 956 Montgomery bus boycott had caught G raham 's atte nti on, urged the evangelist to hold integrated crusades in th e D eep South. An Oregon e ditorial board spec ifically asked Graham to "convert th e Negro baiting Alabam a legislators to hitting th e sawdust trail." Instead, G raham chose an approach in keeping with th e m o d e rate sen sibiliti es of an o th e r suitor, President D wight D . E isenhower. Partly at th e urging of Frank Boykin, a so uth Alabama congress man and fri e nd of the evange list, the preside nt urged Graham to play a leade rship rol e in the South. G raham m e t with southe rn politicians and re li gious leade rs and later penned articl es on race re lations in several nati onal magazines.

At so me risk, Graham also brought hi s eva nge li s ti c m essage to two ea rl y fl as h points of resistance to school integrati on. In C linton , Te nnessee (1 958), and Little Rock, Arkansas (1 959), he uphe ld C hristi an "neigh bor-l ove" and urged obedience to court decisions. Such efforts earned him th e label " nigger love r" from a Klan leader.

Still, Graham hesitate d to criticize the residents of his home region for a racial proble m th at he viewed as national and international in scope. H e consiste ntly defend ed th e reputation of the South , which continued to take a beating in the domestic and global media. H e argued that the enduring fri e ndships among southe rn blacks and whites woul d e nable the South one day to lead the nation in the quality of its race re lations. M oreover, he usually balked at taking positions on specific civil rights legislation. '"Jim C row' mu st go," th e evangelist wrote, while also voicing ske pticism about "forced desegregation" and warning that racism would not e nd "at th e point of bayonets." Auth entic racial change, Graham re peatedly co ntended, would occur only with the regeneration of indi vidual hearts through C hrist -and only spiritual revival could bring about such conversions.

Increas ingly, G raham so ug ht to assert a mid d leground approac h be twee n what he saw as "the extre mists on both sides" of th e civil ri ghts de bate. G raham was clear about his pe rso nal oppos ition to Jim C rowspe cifi ca lly, to bibli ca l de fe nses of it. "C hri sti ans should banish Jim C row from th e ir mid st. . . beca use it is right to do so," he stressed in a 1960 Reader's Digest article. At th e sam e time, he vocally qu esti oned th e utility of civil rig hts demo nstrations and th e activist strategy of civil di sobedi e nce. In April1 963, as th e eyes of th e wo rld turned toward de monstrati ons in Birmi ng-

Above: lifter a private 1965 meeting with Billy Graham, Jllabama govenzor George Wallace and the evangelist remained in contact throughout Wallace's lifetime. / u Wallace's later years, theformer governor looked to Graham as o friend a11d spiritual guide. (Monrgomny Advertiser Stoff Photo, courtesy the Alabama Deportmm! of Archives and His!O!)') Opposite page: Graham's 1964 crusade at Binningham's Legion Field was hailed as Alabama's largest fu lly integrated event with 35,000 guests attending. At o time when the r.:ity had o notional reputation fo r irs racial violmce, the crusade's integrated audience upset many defenders ofJim Crow. ham, the evange list urged t-.1Iartin Luthe r King Jr. to " put the brakes on a little bit. " T his type of state me nt stru ck civil rights acti vists as inse nsitive towa rd a cause imbue d w ith principles of Old T es tame nt prophesy and New T es tam e nt love. To the m , G raha m re sembled the ei ght Birmingham clergyman-all moder-

ate critics of civil rights activism-to whom King addressed his 1963 "Letter from Birmingham Jail." Graham responded by arguing that, as an evangelist, his primary mission was to preach the gospel message of salvation, not to identify closely with social causes.

Changed souls, he suggested, would eventually result in changed hearts on the matter of race.

Partly because of his understanding of evangelism, Graham retained a voice in the white South. There, only a fraction of segregationists shared the Klan's dismissal of him. He was a reliable, world-renowned, doc-

EFORE THIS POINT, Graham had spent less time in Alabama than in its neighboring states. He had addressed the Alabama Baptist Convention in 1958 and in 1962 held a huge rally at Huntsville's Redstone Arsenal, located on federal property outside of the jurisdiction of state Jim Crow laws. The rally's desegregated status received scarce reference since the area press was rarely eager (especially before the Civil Rights Act of 1964) to highlight transgressions of the Jim Crow norm. In May 1963, a few weeks after the New York Times headlined his criticism of the Birmingham civil rights demonstrations, Graham publicly declared his desire to visit the Magic City.

He reiterated his offer in September, following the horrific bombing of Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, which killed four young black girls. Around this time, Graham recei ved a large body of correspondence from Birmingham residents, some of whom had noticed the visible presence of blacks on recent televised broadcasts of a Graham crusade from Los Angeles. There, Graham had briefly mentioned Birmingham as a symbol of racial tensions.

The city deserved a chance to redeem itself, one correspondent suggested .

White Episcopalian minister John Turner, a racial moderate who raised funds to rebuild Sixteenth Street Baptist, headed the successful effort to secure a biracial ministerial invitation for Graham to evangelize in Birmingham.

Following a rocky run-up, the Easter 1964 service was held in Birmingham, a mere six months after the church bombin g. Some Alabama whites had warned the Graham team that a desegregated crusade in Birmingham was simply not feasible.

Even Arthur P. Cook, a local newspaper mogul who chaired the rally committee and promoted the Graham visit in his publications, remained less than thrilled about the desegregation requirement. Despite thinly veiled threats from the Jefferson County Citizens' Council, the rally featured a thoroughly integrated audience. The Legion Field crowd of thirty-five thousand (lower than expected amid fears of violence) contained nearly equal numbers of blacks and whites. University

Some Alabama whites had warned the Graham team that a desegregated crusade in Birmingham was simply not feasible.

trinall y traditional evangelist whom southerners could call one of their own. President Lyndon Johnson, whom Graham befriended and supported, recognized this reality. Johnson followed Eisenhower in viewing the evangelist as a moderate who could influence many defenders of Jim Crow. Graham told Johnson that his greatest potential contribution to southern race relations resided in his capacity as an evangelist. As such, Graham would continue holding integrated services in the South. Only now he had in mind the Deep Southnamely, Alabama.

of Alabama footb all coach Bear Bryant, whose ca nonizati on by C rimson Tide loya lists still lay in the future , appea red on th e stadium platform. African Ame rica n Baptist mini ster ]. L. Ware, a moderate on many civil ri ghts issues, gave th e benediction, and the service proceeded without incide nt.

C it)' officials saw th e rally as an opportuni ty to reverse the city's benighted image. Gra ham, vvho received a key to th e city during hi s vis it, did not disappoint them.

Favo rable coverage of Birmingham soon appea red in such normall y unfri end ly venues as the New York Times, 'vllashingto11 Post, and Time. T hese rare affirm ati ons deli ghted rall y supporte rs, yet drew a skeptical res ponse from the Birmingham World, the city's leading black paper, vvhich suggested th at Birmingham had a long way yet to go in its desegregation efforts.

Overall, Graham 's visit to Binningham revealed both hi s eva ngelistic prioriti es and his moderate se nsibilities.

Graham's Eas ter Sermon alluded onl y e lliptically to racial te nsio ns. !vl oreove r, the rall y committee included prominent Alabamians on both sides of th e fence.

Oesegregationists like John Drew, a lead ing black businessman w ho had hosted i]arrin Luther King Jr. in hi s home during th e Birmingham civil ri ghts ca mpaign of 1963, served on th e committee alongs ide white res taurate ur Ollie l\llcClung, who challe nged th e 1964 C ivil Ri ghts Act all the way to th e Supreme Court. (Later th at year, he would lose in a land mark decision. ) G raham 's next visits to Alabama occurred at th e direct request of Preside nt Johnson, who was sea rching for ways to co nvince white so uth e rne rs to tolerate the C ivil Ri ghts Act. This tim e , G raham ex plicitl y voiced a th eme he had long implied. He described his services as "anoth e r kind of march"- an alte rnative to civil ri ghts demonstrations. "I have been holding demonstrations for 15 years," he decl ared, "b ut in a stadium where it is lega l. " These 1965 visits-an Ap ril statewid e tour and a june crusade in Montgomery-highlighted G raham's regional ide nti ty. As someone who "may have a little more influence th an a man with a New England accent," he said, "I have a vo ice in th e Sou th and I will try to provide the leadership I can. " During the Ap ril tour, Graham led ralli es in three comparative ly mod erate co llege towns, as well as in Dothan, where his brother-in-

law pastored a Presbyterian congregation. T he Gra ham team inves ti gated holding a se rvice in Selm a soon after th e police viole nce on Edmund Pettis Bridge, but decided against it amid th e continuing tensions th ere.

Many white Alabam ians thou ght Graham was singling ou t an already JTw ligned state as being in special need of salva tion. T hey also rightl y sus pected the influe nce of johnson. Graham, who had canceled sc hedu led engagements in ord e r to travel to Alabama, responded to such criti cism in advance by go ing out of his way to praise the state 's hig h rate of church atte ndance. He also

A bove: Billy Gmham meets with a group of blade dergymen while !to/ding O?t eight-day meeti11g at the Cramto11 Bowl in M ontomny in 1965. The desegregated crusade was a source of mudt contmversy; despite meeting privately with Gmham, Governor Wallace did not attend the services. Opposite page: Due to Graham's vocal opposition to segregated setvices, vandals defaced billboards advertising the Montgomny cmsade.

The week-long Montgome1y ausade was thefinal stop of Billy Graham's 1965 tour of Alabama. ca ution ed th e nati on aga inst turning Alabama in to a "whipping boy." Still, his visits featured the usual Citizens' Council oppos ition, and va nd als defaced billboards advertising th e Montgomery crusade. Govern or ¡wallace m et with G raham, yet steered clear of atte nding any servi ces during th e e ight-d ay crusade in th e sta te ca pital. T he services drew modest integrated crowds averaging around twelve th ousa nd .

T he nature of G raham's supporte rs in Alabama suggests the racially modera te position of hi s servicessomewhe re in the complex, but well-occupied, space between Wallace and Ma rtin Luther King Jr. ]\!]any of Graham 's African America n supporters were not active ly

involved in the Civil Rights Movement. As was the case in Birmingham, Graham rarely made direct references to race, raising it forcefully only before a mostly black audience at Tuskegee Institute. The simple act of holding desegregated services, he argued, "conveys enough on the subject of race." The state's Southern Baptist leaders, despite private reservations, publicly backed the services.

Their support reflected Graham's sway, as well as his willingness to work with powerful Alabamians known for their opposition to civil rights laws. Presbyterian minister Robert Strong, a white co-chair of the Montgomery cru-

to organize a group of business leaders to release a state-

ment asking Alabamians to accept the Civil Rights Act as a fait accompli. The Birmingham News had an editor who served on the executive committee of the Easter rally, and the paper drew a direct connection ben.veen the statement and Graham, who had "complimented the better efforts in Alabama." In contrast to Wallace's voluminous opposition to federal civil rights laws, the signers of the statement-and, by extension, Graham-upheld the rule of law and emphasized personal racial tolerance.

At the same time, they opposed additional civil rights demonstrations.

Graham believed that Alabama was in a position to overcome its racial problems.

"I am convinced that the moral and spiritual resources are now available in Alabama for a rapid growth in racial understanding," he said. If the Klan would "quiet down," he added-and if civil rights activists and segregationist politicians would take a breather-Aiabamians would have "time to digest the new civil rights laws." Graham soon criticized the national media for not giving the Montgomery crusade the same amount of attention they had granted to the civil rights protests. He also repeated an argument he had voiced since the early 1950s-that the South one day would surpass the rest of the nation in the quality of its race relations. His argument gained more salience with the outbreak of rioting in Watts, Los Angeles, Mo months after the Montgomery crusade.

Graham would not evangelize again in Alabama for another seven years, when he made good on a longstanding promise to return to Birmingham, the largest southern city where he had yet to hold a full crusade.

Held during an election year, the 1972 Birmingham crusade unfolded in the shadow of presidential politics, as well as regional change. The beginning of the crusade coincided with a shocking event for Alabamians: an assassination attempt on Governor Wallace that left him paralyzed and that ultimately led him to withdraw from the presidential race. Unlike the Montgomery crusade of 1965, Wallace had planned to attend a service during Graham's Birmingham crusade. Graham soon talked with the wounded governor and called on all An1ericans to pray for recovery, "whether we agree with him or not . ... He knew we had differences, especially in the matter

Changed souls, Graha1n suggested, would eventually result in changed hearts on the matter of race.

sade, was the target of a "kneel-in," an attempt to desegregate his church's Sunday worship service. Southern Baptist pastor]. R. White, the moderate white chair of the crusade, drew similar protests after he failed to convince his congregation to change its attendance policy, which excluded racial demonstrators (in effect, all blacks and supportive whites).

While Graham remained clear in his self-identification as evangelist rather than activist, his 1965 visits to Alabama dovetailed with the interests of racial moderates seeking some level of accommodation to a new social reality now backed by federal law. These moderates included Winton Blount, a prominent Montgomery contractor who served on the crusade's executive committee. Blount, who later became a leading Alabama Republican, viewed Wallace-style resistance to civil rights as counterproductive. In April1965, Blount helped

of race. But he's always warm and friendly." The two kept in touch during Wallace's recovery. At one point, Graham suggested to Wallace that an independent candidacy by the governor would only help the liberal Democratic nominee, George McGovern (and hurt incumbent Richard Nixon, a long-time and very public friend of Graham). Graham and Wallace remained friends , and the evangelist reportedly played a role in the governor's later embrace of born-again Christianity.

In 1998 Franklin Graham stood in for his ailing father to deliver the eulogy at Wallace's funeral.

During the 1972 Birmingham crusade, Graham and many of his supporters upheld the city as emblematic of what was becoming known as the "Sunbelt" South.

They celebrated Birmingham's recent status as an "All-America City," so designated by the National Municipal League. They suggested that the city had solved the racial problems that for so long had stained its image. Their argument drew strength from the fact that legalized segregation no longer left the South open for ridicule. During the 1972 crusade, the Birmingham News argued that back in 1964, "the problem was racial. This time, other issues are at hand," such as the Vietnam War and youthful rebelliousness. These were not peculiarly southern matters.

While the social context in Birmingham had changed dramatically between 1964 and 1972, the spiritual motivations of most crusade attendees remained unaltered.

Most Alabamians who attended his services rightly viewed them in spiritual terms. Unquestionably, this was how Graham primarily saw them. His inclusive brand of evangelical Christianity is the main reason why his admirers transcend political, theological, and racial divides. Still, his mid-1960s visits to Alabama occurred within a tense and conflicted socio-political environment. Many white ministers in the state would have faced a revolt from the pews if they had taken Graham's positions on race. What made Graham accessib le to Alabamians across color lines was his ability to counter accepted racial traditions by means of a familiar faith. To be sure, Graham's services did not directly influence the course of national or state legislation-nor did they en-

tail the risks and incalculable other struggles constitutive of all civil rights activism during those years. As critics pointed out, Graham's tendency to defend his home region against outside criticism sometimes weakened his message on race relations.

Yet Graham never saw himself as a social messenger.

He believed that he was uniquely called to be an evangelist-and, in that area, he has been incontestably successful. Moreover, from his position as an evangelist,

Graham stands with Mmy and Paul Bryant, Joe Namath, and Tom Landry (then coach of the Dallas Cowboys), at this Bimzingham crusade in 1972. An assassinatiO?t attempt thwarted George Wallace's plans to attend the crusade.

Graham's second Birmingham crusade occurred under a social landscape that had radically changed since 1964.

Graham did offer a distinctive social ethic. His southern background, along with his fame, gave him credibility with many white Alabamians who othenvise disagreed with his racial views. To them, Graham offered a safe and theologically comfortable way out of unyielding support for Jim Crow. Graham could have avoided his native South during the Civil Rights years when he received innumerable invitations to preach around the world. The very fact that he chose to visit Alabama makes him a notable figure in the state's transition away from Jim Crow. Who else could have momentarily united thousands of black and white Alabamians during such a critical period in state history?

[AH

A TRAITOR IN THE WILDERNESS: THE ARREST OF AARON BURR

By Aaron Welborn

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ARON WELBORN is a former assistant editor and frequent contributor to Alabama Heritage. He earned a B.A. in English from Birmingham-Southern College and an M.F.A. in creative writing from the University of Alabama. A resident of Missouri, Aaron works in the African and African American Studies Program at Washington University in St. Louis.

THE PRICE OF PROGRESS: LOST TOWNS OF PICKWICK RESERVOIR

By Patricia Bernard Ezzell

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ATRICIA BERNARD EZZELL, author of TVA Photograph]': Thirty Year.> of Life in the Tennessee Valley, has held the position of historian with the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) for the past eighteen years. She holds an M.A. in history with an emphasis in historic preservation and a B.A. in honors history, both from the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. In her position with the TVA, she serves as the agency's specialist regarding its history and is the primary contact person for information pertaining to TVA's past. She manages and curates TVA's Historic Photograph Collection and Cemetery Records database and provides input to questions of historical significance regarding Section 106 compliance. She also serves as TVA's Native American Liaison with federally recognized tribes. She is a member of the National Council on Public History, the National Trust for Historic Preservation, the American Association for State and Local History, and local historic preservation groups. She would like to thank Arlene Royer and ancy Proctor for their help in locating sources, and her husband Tim for his help and advice.

BEFORE THE FLOOD: EMERGENCY ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE TENNESSEE VALLEY \'

By Eugene Futato

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UGENE M. FUTATO received his M.A. in anthropology from the University of Alabama in 1973 and has been on the staff of the university since that time.

He curre-ntly serves as Deputy Director of the University of Alabama Museums, Office of Archaeological Research, and as

the museums' Curator of Archaeological Collections. Much of his work has centered on the archaeology of the Middle Tennessee Valley, beginning with his first field school in 1969. His research from 1971 through 1985 was almost exclusively under contract with the Tennessee Valley Authority.

Since 1982, he has been responsible for curation of all TV N WP A archaeological collections from Alabama. His research and publication on these collections and their history continues to the present.

HOWARD COOK: PORTRAITS OF ALABAMA LIFE

By Stephen I. Goldfarb

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TEPHEN]. GOLDFARB holds a Ph.D. in the history of science and technology from Case Western Reserve University. He is curating the exhibit entitled "Howard Cook: Drawings of Alabama" for the Mobile Museum of Art; the exhibit will be on display from January 12 to April 15, 2007. Goldfarb has written articles previously for Alabama Heritage on artists Marian Acker Macpherson and Lucille Douglass. He now serves Alabama Heritage as a contributing editor for our new "Reading the Southern Past" column. No stranger to southern reading tastes, Goldfarb retired from the Atlanta-Fulton Public Library in 2003. He has reviewed books for both newspapers and scholarly journals.

"ANOTHER KIND OF MARCH": BILLY GRAHAM IN CIVIL RIGHTS-ERA ALABAMA

By Steven P. Miller

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TEVEN P. MILLER received a Ph.D. in history from Vanderbilt University in May 2006. This article is partly drawn from his dissertation, titled "The Politics of Decency: Billy Graham, Evangelicalism, and the End of the Solid South, 1950-1980." His book manuscript of the same title is under contract with the University of Pennsylvania Press. Miller's work has appeared in a number of academic pu.blications, including the Journal of Southern Religion and Georgia Historical Quarterly, and in Glenn Feldman's Politics and Religion in the White South (University of Kentucky Press). Miller grew up in Stuarts Draft, Va., and received his B.A. from Goshen (Ind.) College in 1999. He currently teaches at Webster University in Saint Louis.

Please visit www.AiabamaHeritage.com for extended infomzation about our articles and their authors.

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