Armachiana Volume 14

ARMAGH MISCEANAR

VOL.XIV

es

Richhill - The Estate

Richhill - The Village

1-23

24-41

Portadown: 42-5 Talk to Borough Councillors

Talk to Metal Box Social Club

Portadown Bridges

Armagh Amenities Committee, 1934-1944

Royal Irish Constabulary abulary

Cricket in Armagh

52-79

80-89

90-128

129-141

142-163

164-176 Racing in Armagh

177-186 Local Landmarks

The cont ents of these volumes l a belled Armachiana

are simply notes for t alks to

local and visiting societies in search of

material relating to it s historical background and ancient monuments .

They a re not of any

great i mportance but may provide a gui de to students seeking da t a on the county g enerally or on their own distri ct s i n particular .

TGF Paterson

Armachiana Volume 14 The contents of this digital resource is openly licensed via Creative Commons licence CC BY-NC 4.0 enabling reusers to copy and distribute the material for noncommercial purposes and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.

If any of the material is reproduced, in any form and in any medium, Armagh County Museum should be acknowledged as the source and the reference below cited.

Armachiana Vol1 (Armagh County Museum ARMCM.28.2014.43)

RICHHILL

The Estate and the Town

RRRGCEON

It is usual when dealing with the history of a

district to begin with the story of its geological

formation and to carry on from that point to the first

proof of human settlement in the area. To-night,

however, owing to lack of time we must omit the

geological survey, despite its bearing on soil and

plant life, and begin our study with the first evidence

of human settlement in the neighbourhood. That

particular event can be dated with some certainty to a

period not later than about the year 1000 B.C. The

actual evidence still remains in the shape of a

chambered burial cairn in the townland of Ballintaggart,

a monument that carries the story of local occupation

back to the days of the Bronze Age, a period that ended

in Ireland about 350 B.C. and was followed by the Iron

Age and Early Christian Periods to which some of the

fine old earthen-ringed forts in the immediate vicinity

no doubt belong. Apart from antiquities there are

other local studies that would well repay investigation

such as the derivation of the place names of the

locality and examination of its folklore and folk-customs,

Those are all subjects that we might profitably discuss

but to-night we must content ourselves with the story

of the Richhill estate during the last three centuries.

And now so that I may tell you as much as possible

within the shortest possible time I have thought it

better to place the narrative on paper and to divide it

into two sections - "The Estate" and

The Village".

We shall deal with the estate first.

PART I.

Tha Estate.

The history of the estate begins over three

centuries ago in the stirring days of Ulster's Plantation

by English and Scotch settlers. On the 29th May 1610,

a patent was issued to Francis Sacheverall for a grant

of lands in the Precinct of ONeilland in Co. Armagh.

He was amongst the earliest to take out a patent and he

was certainly lucky in his allotment for by it he secured

one of the finest properties in the county.

By the terms of the grant his lands were erected

into a Manor with certain manorial rights and privileges,

including the power of establishing Courts Baron, and of

enclosing a certain number of acres as demesne. Other

benefits were attached later, like fairs and markets.

Sacheverall, however, never applied for a patent for a

market or fair, for either of his proportions of Legacorry

or Mullalelish. He was indeed a most improvident land-

owner and in financial difficulties from almost the day ol

his arrival in the county.

By 1611, he was in residence on the estate, had

built three houses, placed tenants in them and was build-

ing a stone house in Leggacorry as in early documents

relating to the estate he is styled as resident in that

particular townland. He brought with him from England

three masons, one carpenter, one smith, two women, four

horses and a cart. There were then no freeholders or

other tenants of English extraction on the lands.

The tenant roll had increased by 1618 to 48 men who,

between them, mustered 5 muskets, 4 calivers, 2 halberds,

15 pikes and 10 swords. Unfortunately we do not know

the names of those tenants nor have we any information

as to the lands on which they settled. The list shows

that fourteen tenants were without arms, and arms were a

very necessary part of farming equipment in those days,

for there was always the danger of attack by the native

population who naturally looked upon the settlers with

disfavour.

A survey made in 1619 carries the story a little

further. From it we learn that 21 families were

resident who, with their undertenants, were able to make

30 men with arms, that 3 tenants were freeholders with

100, 120 and 150 acres each, and the other 18 lessees

for years, with farms varying in extent from 12 to 220

acres.

A report of 1622 relates that by that year he had

built upon Leggacorry a convenient dwelling house of

stone and lime, covered with thatch and about it a

bawn of clay and stone rough cast with lime, 198 feet

long, 19 feet broad, and 8 feet high, with four open

flankers of same height, in which house, himself and

his family reside - but it is being demised from

Michaelmas to Sir Archibald Acheson for 21 years.

From the same document we learn that he was also erect¬

ing upon his proportion of Mullalelish a convenient

dwelling house of lime and stone not yet fully finished

wherein he intended to take up his abode.

That he settled in the townland of Mulladry within

the Manor of Mullalelish is evident from other sources

but it is not certain that Sir Archibald Acheson ever

lived in Leggacorry - indeed most of the property was

shortly after leased to Francis Aungier, youngest son

of Francis, Lord Aungier and Baron Longford, whose will,

proved in 1639, records that he was then living in

Leggacorry and had much stock there and at Mulladry at

that time.

5.

A Muster Roll of 1623 shows 36 Irish tenants settled

on the estate. It gives an account of their names and

holdings. Seven years later a Muster Roll was taken of

the men and arms on the estate. It is a document of

equal interest to the genealogist and historian and is

the first comprehensive list that we possess of the

English emigrants who settled on the estate three

centuries ago. It is, in fact, almost a Census, though

it would hardly be accurate to so describe it, for it

contains only the names of such of the male population

as were fit to bear arms. From it we learn that

settlers had greatly increased by 1630, the Muster then

totalling 104 men of whom at least half were unarmed.

Many years ago I made a copy of the document - the

original is in the Manuscript Collection in the British

Museum. It is an important record from the estate point

of view and the only list of the original tenants that

we now possess.

Some of the men whose names are mentioned in it

lost their lives in the war of 1641-42, but before we

discuss that episode let us examine the extent of the

lands available for plantation by such tenants. Accord¬

ing to the patent of 1610 the Manors of Mullalelish and

Leggacorry comprised two proportions of 1,000 acres each

and consisted of the following denominations:-

6.

The Proportion of Mullalelish

Ballibreagh

one balliboe.

Ballilaney

balliboe.

Ballihinch

one balliboe.

Ballykedymore Keadymore

2balliboe.

Balliloghan

one balliboe.

Ballytagart [Ballintaggart]

one balliboe.

Dirichele Dromnehunchin [Drumnahunchin]

one balliboe. one balliboe.

Dromard

one balliboe.

Mulladroy [Mulladry]

one balliboe.

Mullalelish [Mullalelish]

one balliboe.

The Proportion of Legacorry.

Aghnarea [Annareagh]

one balliboe.

Annaghboe [Annaboe]

balliboe.

Ballilaney

balliboe.

orncreeny Fonamilly

one balliboe. one balliboe.

Legacorry

one balliboe.

Luskeburrin [ Liskyborough]

one balliboe.

Mullalitragh

one balliboe.

Mullanloghan

one balliboe.

Rath Imulchany [Rockmacreeny]

one balliboe.

Shewis

one balliboe.

How the Plantation acreages were arrived at is somewhat

puzzling. The balliboe was an old Irish land measure

variable in extent but undoubtedly of much larger content

than supposed by the Plantation Commissioners, a fact

which resulted in all the Plantation estates being of

greater proportion than the acreages set out in the

patents. The Sacheverall estate, for instance, contained

treble the quantity of acres alloted by the patent - but

of that later.

First let us consider the countryside as it was

then. Roads were few and those that did exist were

almost impassible in wet weather. There were few bridges

and such as were in being in the area were probably

primitive structures made by placing tree trunks across

streams and building upon them a surface of branches,

stones and clay. All the lower lying lands were marsh

and bog and great tracts were covered by dense woods,

in which dishonest men hid by day and sallied forth at

night to raid the possessions of the newcomers. There

were then no fences to keep the farm stock from straying.

Cattle had to be herded, or if that was inconvenient,

spancelled or tethered. Stock was grazed more or less

in common when the last of the crops were gathered in

and field enclosures as we know them did not mature until

the beginning of the 18th century.

Spades were more common than ploughs and such ploughs

as did exist were clumsy wooden affairs and mostly

dragged by oxen. The sickle was still the chief cutting

implement and the flail and hand-stick the only threshing

tools available.

Carts were solid-wheeled and only

capable of carrying small loads. They were not so

common, however, as the slide-car - a vehicle then and

long after in common use, and indeed still to be found in

the Glens of Antrim.

Houses were an immediate problem and those erected

were mostly mud-walled. Practically all the household

utensils were of wood though horn was used for many

purposes also. The more well-to-do had a certain

amount of pewter. For fuel there was wood and turf.

People in those days were very self-supporting. They

bought little and sold little and what trade there was,

was mostly barter. The really important people then

were the blacksmiths, millers, carpenters and shoemakers.

The landscape was very different too. Woods have

disappeared and hedgerows arisen. Gone are the great

oaks for which the county was once so notable but the

thorns and whins remain. The latter were indeed

encouraged in those days and for long afterwards. They

made the best drying-bushes for the family laundry and

had a utility value as well. The young shoots crushed

and fed to stock produced glossy coats and were also

considered a tonic. Stone mortars or troughs made for

that particular purpose may still be found about the

older farmhouses.

Communication between friends was somewhat difficult

with the result that they seldom met excepting at the

market, fair or church. It was usual for the women to

ride pillion and for neighbours to accompany each other

when going farther afield than their own immediate

neighbourhood. Their first years on the estate were

hard and dangerous years with, from almost the beginning,

the threat of civil war before them and behind their

fears, the worry of an imprudent and improvident land-

lord.

Francis Sacheverall, the elder, seems to have been

in money difficulties from the date of his arrival,

despite the fact that in his application for a grant of

lands in Ulster he was credited with an income of £300

per annum, quite a respectable sum for those days.

Yet by 1628 he had either mortgaged or sold his

proportions to Sir William Alexander, afterwards Earl

of Stirling, who in that year had a re-grant of the

whole of the Sacheverall property. Whether Sir William

failed to complete the purchase or Sacheverall managed

to raise money to redeem the property is not now clear.

By 1637 the lands were back in his hands but he was

again financially embarassed for in that year he sold

the greater part of the property to the Reverend John

Symonds, Precentor of Armagh Cathedral and Rector of

Armagh, being joined in the sale by his son Francis

both then resident at Mulladry.

About this period he

began to associate with the local wood-kern, a species

of robbers who with the wolves were the great dread of

the early settlers. He drank with them which was the

)(

sort of thing an Irish gentleman would have scorned to

do and refused on several occasions to produce named

offenders or prosecute at Assizes.

He was born at Reresby in Leicestershire in 1574

and was dead before 1641. He left issue -

I. Francis of Mulladry of whom presently.

II. Henry of Ballybreagh and Ballinteggart.

III. Clarence, Rector of Reresby.

IV. William, Deputy Provost-Marshal of Ireland.

I. Ann.

II. Dorothy.

Francis Sacheverall, the younger, succeeded his

father and was living in Mulladry when the rebellion

broke out. He made a lengthy deposition in 1643, in

which after describing the outbreak in October 1641,

states that he with his wife and children, brother and

servants were kept prisoners in his own house at Mulladry

until the May following when the English army coming that

way, the Irish burned the house and fled to the mountains

taking the said Francis, his wife, children and brother

with them where they lay upon the mountain all night and

the next day deponent's wife being sick and ill desired

liberty to return to Mulladry.

On the way his wife and

daughter were met by a party under Ever Boy McGennis who

carried them to within two miles of Dundalk, where he

11.

stripped them to their smocks and turned them adrift

in the dark of the evening to shift for themselves,

when by accident they were found by some of the English

and carried into Dundalk. He was kept prisoner in

County Monaghan for a time and later brought to

Charlemont Fort in County Armagh, where after nine

months imprisonment he was liberated by Lord Conway

exchanging some prisoners in his stead. The deposition

is of some general interest as it gives a detailed

description of the Charlemont Fort of those days and

its weapons of defence. It also mentions by name nine

clergymen of the County who were murdered following the

outbreak, gives particulars of the massacre at Portadown

Bridge and affirms that three score persons and odd were

burned in a house in Shewis on his estate. By the

rebellion he computed that he was deprived of lands and

tenements worth £700 yearly, whereon he had spent £1,000

in building and of cows, oxen, horses, mares, household

goods, apparel, jewels, plate, ready money, cows, sheep,

hogs and swine worth £l,274, and of near two years'

profit of his lands which he placed at £l,400.

From the document one rather extraordinary fact

emerges - his utter unconcern for his tenants, not one

of whom is mentioned individually in the deposition.

He was, of course, kept alive because of his value as a

12.

hostage whereas his unfortunate tenants were of little

consequence and therefore had their stock and property

confiscated.

His brother Henry, then of Ballybreagh, also made

a deposition in the same year wherein he recited the

loss of lands, farms, debts, duties, plate, arms,

beasts, cattle, horses, sheep, corn, hay, household

stuffs, implements of husbandry and other goods and

chattels worth £2,015 sterling besides the profits of

his lands worth £300 per annum. Whether he was

resident at Ballybreagh at the outbreak is not clear,

but he states that his wife fled from there at the

beginning of the rebellion and lived up and down the

country amongst the poor people for nearly a year

afterwards before she escaped, leaving two of her

children behind her in the hands of the rebels of whom

he had no information as to whether living or dead.

He was the ancestor of the Sacheverall's of Ballintagart,

the junior branch, but now extinct also.

Francis Sacheverall, the younger, died 30th January,

1649, leaving an only daughter, Anne Sacheverall, then

aged 17 years who about the year 1654 married Edward

Richardson, an officer in the Army, who came to Ireland

in 1642. Though the actual date of the marriage cannot

now be ascertained there are two indications available -

13

her husband's appointment as High Sheriff in 1655 and

the birth of their son William in 1656. The marriage

brought a much needed era of prosperity to a sadly

encumbered estate but before we pass on to its history

under the Richardsons let us spend a few minutes on

conditions then.

Following the rebellion of 1641 and the Cromwellian

wars, the estate was practically re-planted with new

tenants. Very few of the original families remained.

Many lost their lives in the uprising, others fled the

country and never returned. The Hearth Money Rolls

verify that point and incidentally provide locations

for each person paying the tax and thus for the first

time we have a picture of the tenants on the estate

with particulars as to the townlands in which they were

resident.

It is not possible now to compile a complete list

of the tenants who perished in the dark days of 1641-42,

but the names of quite a number survive in the depositions

of the period, most of which mention the ghastly burning

at Shewis, traditions of which still linger in that

townland. Many of the tenants were people of substance

and had farmed their lands profitably and well. For

instance, Brigit Drewrie of Crewcat, deposed in June

1643 that she and her husband were most inhumanly

11

stripped of all their clothes and turned into the cold

and open air naked, so that they were exposed to such

want that her husband most lamentably died, by which she

had lost corn in the hagyard value £100, corn on the

ground £100, a trunk with apparel, plate and linen £40,

oxen and cows £60, six horses £20, a score of sheep £4,

household goods and provisions £l8 and a sum of £200 due

unto her by John Drewrie her husband's brother lately

slain.

The Drewries were, of course, amongst the more well¬

to-do tenants but on the smaller holdings the losses

were in proportion to the acreages.

It is noticeable that the potato then established

in Ireland does not figure amongst the crops mentioned.

That was probably due to the fact that its introduction

into England had not met with the same appreciation as

in Ireland where the native population had quickly

realized its value as a food. On the other hand there

is no mention of flax in any of the depositions made by

tenants but it was being grown on the property. That

we know from the examination in March 1642 of Margaret

Phillis wife of Thomas Phillis, late of the Parish of

Kilmore, linen-weaver, who was spoiled of cattle, horses,

mares and household stuffs worth £150, her husband carried

away and killed whilst eight other Sacheverall tenants all

named "were murdered in her sight".

15.

Of the state of the property between 1643 and 1657

we know little excepting that new tenants were being

encouraged to settle on the estate and that they also

were of English descent. Not until 1664 though do we

have a reliable list of such tenants. Ballyleny was

the best settled townland with seven families in

residence. The whole estate population then was about

one hundred families, of whom at least twenty were

Irish. The mixture of those two nationalities has, of

course, influenced the folklore of the district but it

was the English settlers who introduced the Christmas

Rhymers, the Wren Boys, May Boys, May Queens, Cock¬

fighting, Long Bullets, Harvest Knots, etc. Their

ceremonial method of reaping the last stalks of oats

seems, however, to have been somewhat different to the

ceremony that has come down to present days known as

the cutting of the Calliagh, an ancient custom with which

most of you must be familiar.

In 1664, and indeed for many a long day after, oats,

barley and wheat were threshed by flails on earthen barn

floors and the grain winnowed on suitable days on nearby

hills that have in some places retained their names of

"Shilling Hills" to this very day. Flax and wool were

spun and woven in the various households and the

travelling tailor and shoemaker went about the country¬

16.

side working in the houses in which their services were

required. Much of the furniture was made on the spot.

The carpenter of those days was able to build a cart as

well as fashion chairs and dressers and the blacksmith

produced rushlight candlesticks and toasters of artistic

design besides shoeing horses and making ploughs and

other farming implements. The forge was in those days

the news centre of the district and therefore a place

of importance in the social life of the neighbourhood.

Lime kilns began to make their appearance on the

property and windmills were erected. The last windmill

to function on the estate that I know of was one in

Mulladry on the hill still known as Windmill Hill. It

was going strong in 1760 and probably for years afterwards.

Water-driven corn mills had, of course, been functioning

from shortly after the arrival of the first tenants.

In the 17th and 18th centuries when the owner of an

estate filled the office of High Sheriff of the county,

he was in a position to secure many personal advantages,

amongst others, the provision of roads through his property.

As Edward Richardson filled that office in 1655, 1656 and

1665 we may assume that certain roads were then improved

and new ones brought into being giving access to the more

important thoroughfares and linking up his property with

neighbouring estates, markets, fairs, etc. We have little

information on the subject of roads excepting what is

contained in the Kilmore Vestry Books and they show

the inhabitants of the various townlands keeping the

roads of their particular districts in repair as was

the custom then and for long afterwards. In those

days the parish was a sort of miniature County Council

responsible for roads, orphans, poor, etc.

We shall now try and arrive at a date for the

erection of the castle. In 1660 Major Richardson paid

Poll Tax on the estate and raised a troop of militia

for its protection and the defence of the county in

general. In 1661 he petitioned for a re-grant of the

property in right of his wife, in which document her

father is described as late of Legacorry though we know

from other authorities that he resided in Mulladry, and

a Sacheverall armorial stone now incorporated in the wall

of a house in Richhill is said to have been brought from

there to its present position. In the same year he was

elected to represent the county in Parliament, an office

he held until 1666.

From 1661 until at least 1663 he was a tenant on the

lands of the Archbishop of Armagh, but he does not appear

on the Hearth Money Rolls of January 1664, either in

Armagh or as resident in Legacorry. He was probably

then living in Dublin. There is, however, a hint that

18.

he was resident on the property in October of that year

in a letter from Adam Leathes to Lord Conway, wherein

mention is made of a pair of oxen bought from him for

£8. A letter from Sir George Rawdon to Lord Conway in

May 1666 relates how in the great race of Lambeg in that

month, Major Richardson's horse was first and Lord

Donegall's second. A further letter from Major Fotherby

to the same person in November 1672 tells of meeting him

in Armagh with Sir George Alexander, whilst Rawdon

writing again to Conway in February 1678 mentions the

Major and Mr. Hill as preparing to win the Earl of Mount

Alexander's plate and states that a servant of Conway's

had broken his leg seeing Richardson's horses take a

heat. Further local interest arises in the same letter

in a reference to the notorious highwayman, Redmond

O'Hanlon.

The many allusions to his racing activities suggest

that the great Richhill racecourse may actually date back

to those days. At anyrate it appears in 1737 on the

oldest surviving estate survey and is clearly delineated

on Rocque's map of 1760.

A King's letter of December 1680 to the then Lord

Lieutenant of Ireland shows that his petition for the

re-grant of the property was successful and discloses

that he and his wife were then and had been for many years

in possession of the Manor of Mullalelish and Legacorry.

On the 29th January following there was a formal re-grant

disclosing two other items of interest - first, that

Francis Sacheverall, the younger, had applied before

1641 and secondly that the re-grant had been delayed by

the Symonds' mortgages against the property all of which

had then been paid off by Major Edward Richardson.

Some people assume from this that no house was

likely to be erected until his title to the property was

clear. Personally I believe that he did build in 1664

or very shortly afterwards. There was no reason indeed

why he should have been afraid to do so as Legacorry was

not amongst the townlands mortgaged to Symonds.

There

is a hint as to period in Coote's Survey of Armagh

wherein the castle is assumed to have been built about

the same time as Lurgan House, a mansion since demolished

but erected about 1667 to replace the older house

destroyed in 1641.

In 1688 a party of tenants headed by the Major

proceeded to the Relief of Derry. In 1690 a Williamite

regiment was quartered on the estate, and tradition says

that the tenants were well represented at the Boyne.

Some months after the famous battle the Major died,

leaving a son William, born in 1656, M.P. for Armagh

1692-1693 and again 1715-1727. In the year 1715 he

20.

raised an Independent troop of Dragoons on the estate.

Family tradition states that he accompanied his father

to Derry and assisted at getting provisions into the

city. He was High Sheriff of the county in 1690 and,

dying in 1727 without issue, was succeeded in the estate

by his brother John who was High Sheriff of the county

in 1715 and died in 1744 leaving issue -

I. William of whom presently.

II. Henry, High Sheriff of the county in 1720.

Ancestor of the Rossfad Branch.

III. Hester who married the Rev. James Lowry in 1745.

IV. Mary, who married in 1740 Sir Archibald Acheson,

Bart. of Markethill, created Baron Gosford in 1776 and Viscount Gosford 1785 - father of Arthur, 1st Earl of Gosford.

William Richardson, the eldest son and heir, was born

in 1709, was M.P. for the county from 1739 until 1758 and

High Sheriff in 1737. In 1746 he married Isabella,

daughter of Daniel Mussenden of Larchfield. She was an

heiress and brought a considerable fortune into the

family. After the marriage certain alterations were made

to the castle and an armorial stone displaying her arms

and those of her husband is now preserved in a wall in the

yard. The famous gates, the finest specimen of crafts¬

manship in iron in the whole of the north were probably

erected then.

21.

In 1756 he raised a troop of Dragoons amongst the

tenants, of which his two lieutenants were Thomas Roe

of the family now settled in Donegal and James Nugent,

member of a family connected with the Bests of Richhill

by marriage. He died in 1758 leaving a son William,

then a minor, and three daughters. Until William came

of age the estate was managed by Colonel Henry Richardson,

who despite prudent management incurred his ward's

displeasure, a fact that brought about an estrangement

between the two families and resulted in a portion of the

property eventually passing to Lord Gosford.

William succeeded to the property about 1770, was

High Sheriff in 1777 and M.P. for the County from 1783

until 1797. He raised the Richhill Volunteers in 1779

at a time when Ireland was threatened with invasion by

the French who had then leagued themselves with the

American States in the war against Britain. During the

trouble between the Peep of Day Boys and the Defenders,

the Richhill Company was active in the preservation of

peace between those two bodies. In 1793 he was largely

responsible for the raising of the 8th or Armagh Regiment

of Militia and was its first Lieutenant-Colonel.

In

1881 the regiment became merged in the Royal Irish

Fusiliers as the third or reserve battalion of that

famous old regiment, hence the County's interest in the

22.

Irish Fusiliers. In 1796 he formed two Yeomanry

Companies on the Estate, one Cavalry, the other Infantry.

His first wife was the celebrated beauty, Dorothy Monroe, [Dolly Monroe]

a great figure in the Dublin Society of those days.

The marriage took place in 1777. Her carriage with its

six spanking greys, its outriders and footmen was for

many years a familiar sight on the roads leading from

Richhill. She died in 1794 and he married as his

second wife another County Down lady, Miss Louisa

Magennis, by whom he had three daughters, co-heirs-

(he died 1822).

I. Elizabeth, who died unmarried in 1859 leaving her third share of the estate to Lord Gosford.

II. Isabella, who died unmarried in 1860.

III. Louisa, who married in 1832, Edmund Bacon, eldest son of Sir Edmund Bacon, Bart.

He

died 1852. She died 1881.

Following Mrs. Bacon's death, the property was

divided, two third's passing to Henry Mervyn Richardson

of Rossfad, the other third which included the house,

park and village going to Lord Gosford, the respective

acreages being 5,540 and 2,210.

Soon after the passage of the Wyndham Act through

Parliament the tenants agreed to purchase their holdings

under the terms of the Act and during 1918-1919 the

Government completed the purchase. The story of the

estate from those days to the present is known to all

ol you, so I suggest we now have a short rest and later

proceed with the story of the town.

2

PART II

RICHHILL alias LEGACOREY

Legacorry is shown on the Plantation Maps of 1609

and appears in the Sacheverall grant of 1610, as well as

in later documents connected with the estate. It seems

to have been occupied by Colonel Chichester's regiment

in 1643. In 1657 Cromwell ordered an Inquisition to

be taken as to parishes in the County and his Commissioners

recommended that the church of Kilmore "should be removed

from the place where it now is to Legacorry" giving as

their reason that in their opinion it would be a more

convenient location "for the parish of Kilmore as it is

now united and divided to resort unto for the service

of God", and that they considered the town of Legacorry to

be a fit place for a school to be kept in, and "that Mr.

Robert Smyth be schoolmaster of the town and parish.

Such a removal would, of course, have benefited

Legacorry but it would have been a tragedy had it been

carried into effect for Kilmore has been a Christian

settlement from the days of St. Patrick, and as such, is

worthy of respect and veneration. The findings of that

Commission raise an interesting point in that they

describe Legacorry as a town.

Little importance, however,

can be attached to the word at that period. It was often

25.

used in that form to denote a townland, so may have no

reference to the term as we now know and use it. At

anyrate in the eyes of Cromwell's Commissioners, Legacorry

was thought a suitable centre for the parish church and

school. From the map point of view they were undoubtedly

correct but tradition and ancient custom do not always

agree with convenience in such matters. The parish was

certainly somewhat unwieldy and the church inconveniently

situated, a position since remedied by forming from it

the additional parishes of Mullavilly (1755), Richhill

(1837), St. Saviour's (1858) and in part the Diamond in

1867.

In 1664, there were twenty houses in the town, each

of one hearth; the names of the occupants still exist.

In 1681-82 a patent for a Saturday market and three fairs

on Shrove Tuesday, St. Swithin's Day and St. Francis's

Day respectively, was granted to Major Edward Richardson

and with them began the town's prosperity. In 1682, in

an account of O'Neiland Barony, then notable for its

crops of wheat, rye, barley and oats, it is described as

a Market Town and mention made of orchards newly planted.

The fact that houses were then being built along the

sides of the roads was also noted - previously they seem

to have mostly occupied the centres of the farms.

26

In 1688 there was great excitement when the local

home-guard party moved off to the Relief of Derry.

In

April 1690 part of a Regiment of Foot of the Williamite

Army arrived, the remainder quartering at Drumilly and

Castle Raw. Army accounts for the end of that year

embody a statement as to stores, powder and muskets at

Legacorry.

In the New Almanack for the year 1705, the Legacorry

fairs are advertised and Legacorry is described as "alias

Prospect" and indication that the town had then a

secondary and indeed most suitable name. We have no

indication as to who chose that name, but we may be sure

it was Edward Richardson or his wife. In Molyneux's

"Journey to the North" in 1709, it appears as "Legacorry

a pretty village belonging to Mr. Richardson" but by

1736 it had become well-knowas Richhill. The evidence

is a silver token issued in that year by Samuel Mackie,

a famous Richhill clockmaker.

A survey of the estate was made in the year following

of which part only has survived. It does, however, show

the celebrated Racecourse on which the widely-renowned

Richhill Races were run. A Market House was built by

William Richardson in 1753. A few years earlier certain

alterations were made at the Castle. A door-escutcehon

bearing the initials "W.R." and "1745“ has been preserved

27.

and is now in the Armagh Museum. About that date the

town had a distillery - I have a note of its sale in

1759.

In 1760, one hundred and fourteen men tenants from

the town and estate, under Captain Thomas Roe, rode to the

defence of Belfast when that town was threatened with

invasion. In the following year the famous races were

held as usual despite the unsettled times. The advert¬

isement for the meeting is interesting. It reads -

"Articles for races to be run on the Course of

Richhill on Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and

Saturday, the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th of July next,

viz.:

1. On Tuesday, the 7th. A Purse of twenty pounds

will be run for by four year olds carrying nine stone, bridle and saddle included, the best of three three-mile heats.

2. On Wednesday, the 8th. A Purse of ten pounds will be run for by real hunters, which can be proved to be such the last season, carrying twelve stone saddle and bridle included, the best of three four-mile heats.

On Thursday, the 9th. A Purse of twenty pounds will be run for by any horse, mare or gelding that never won at any time above forty pounds. car ying ten stone, saddle and bridle included, the best of three four-mile heats.

4. On Friday, the 10th.

A Purse of fifteen pounds

will be run for by five year olds, six year olds,

and aged horses, mares or geldings; five year olds carrying nine stone two pounds, the six year olds carrying ten stone and the aged carrying ten

stones eight pounds, saddle and bridle included, the best of three four-mile heats.

28.

5. On Saturday, the 1lth. A large Purse will be fun for by the beaten cattle, carrying nine stone, saddle and bridle included, the best of three four-mile heats.

Any horse, etc. winning two heats to be entitled to

a prize. No crossing or jostling to be allowed. Every

horse, etc. that starts for any of the above prizes to

pay one shilling in the pound entrance, and the winning

horse one shilling in the pound for "feaes" and straw;

Horses etc. to be entered with Henry Hutcheson of

Richhill, Clerk of the Course, six days before the

respective days of running, and kept in town at the house

of a publican, who is a subscriber as such, or pay double

entrance at the post. No scrub to be admitted to

qualify. Any horse etc. that wins any one prize is not

entitled to start for any other. Half-an-hour allowed

for rubbing. All disputes to be determined by judges who

will be appointed each day. The time of starting to be

at three of the clock each day. No tent or booth to be

erected on or near said course but by a subscriber as a

publican or other kinds of goods sold but by the approbation

of the Clerk.

N.B. There will be a Stag Main every forenoon in

each day.'

The Stag Main or Cock-fight was a popular pastime

then and a special feature of all race meetings. The

above race-bill, however, gives no particulars as to

29.

prize money. Quite frequently the men of Armagh matched

their game cocks against those of Antrim, Tyrone and Down

and on such occasions stakes were high and bets in

proportion. It was a sport that linked all classes and

just as popular with the rich as the poor. The well-to¬

do, of course, often staged special fights at which the

prize money was greater, but otherwise there was little

difference. The newspapers of those days were full of

notices of such fights.

Richhill in Race Week was a gay place indeed. The

roads to the town were thronged daily by the carriages of

the neighbouring gentry each drawn by from four to six

horses and thronged with pedestrians and people on horseback

all hastening to the fun. On the race-course itself

there were ballad-singers, fiddlers and games. There

were ordinaries or luncheons daily for the ladies and

gentlemen and assemblies or dances nightly.

It seems possible that Richhill's reputation as a

place wherein it is easy to raise a fight may date from

those days. It is a well-known fact that cockfighting

never ended in the cock-pit. The birds finished their

fights there, but their owners and the backers of the

birds re-fought the mains in the various public houses

of the town - and there was no lack of such pleasant

places of refreshment in those days or indeed of whiskey

itself. A quart then cost less than is paid for a glass

20.

of the precious liquid to-day. There was certainly

some excuse for being merry then.

Another cause of local fights was the many hunt

clubs of the district. We have a picture of what the

countryside could achieve in that way in Young's Tour

of 1776. This is what he has to say of the handloom

weavers of those days and, of course, practically every

small farm had a loom or two then. "They take exercise

of a different sort, keeping packs of hounds, every man

one and joining to hunt hares; a pack of hounds is

never heard but all the weavers leave their looms and

away they go after them by hundreds". That amazed Young

but he was assured that it was a common practice through

the County.

Richhill huntsmen in the past had a reputation for

arrogance - possibly deserved - but Short, the Richhill

poet, has something to say as to that. Writing in 1824

he asks the huntsman

"To wind his horn down Mulladry, And give a loud haloo, And let each sporting boy Know what road we are to go."

The hunt is described in detail

"Off she goes through Derryhale, The hounds they hunt her fair, And he that lives in Mulladry, Can nearly run the hare.

Night falls but there was a moon

"Bright Luna she will guide us, To the tavern on yon hill.

Where we'll get liquor plenty, That we may drink at will.

If tradition is correct the hares of those days

were much more intelligent than those of the present.

They did not run all day. When the chase wearied them

they led the hunt to the nearest pubs and whilst the

club refreshed they rested or disappeared.

Methodism reached the town in 1762. On the 21st

of April of that year Wesley paid his first visit and

preached at two o'clock in the Market House. In his

Journal he records "I have rarely seen so serious a

congregation in a new place". That was a good beginning

but alas when he returned again on Thursday, June 16th,

1785, he found "there were many backsliders". Two

years later on Friday, June 15th, 1787, he paid his third

and last visit, and in his own words "preached to a

deeply serious congregation".

After his first visit preachers were appointed to

visit the town and Stewards' Books from 1765 show a

flourishing society from that period onwards, though a

Meeting House or Chapel does not seem to have been

erected until 1805.

As a matter of fact Quarterly Accounts for the year

1765 show Richhill to have been a most flourishing body,

the most prosperous indeed of all the County congregations.

2.

Preachers' diaries and journals throw much light on

Methodism in the village and district and also remind

one of the disappearance of certain old Methodist

families like the Runnings of Hockley and the Langtrys

of Belview. Belview, now alas a ruin, was in the

earlier days of Methodism in Richhill, a place of great

importance, a house of prayer and a centre of hospitality

for visiting preachers.

In 1779 an Independent Meeting House was built and

about that time the Presbyterian community who then were

worshipping at Vinecash began to plan for a church of

their own. The Ordnance Survey Field Notes of 1835 say

that a meeting house was built in 1780, but a notice in

the Belfast Newsletter of March 1782 rather suggests that

a site became available in that year through the generosity

of William Richardson. They remained, however, under

Vinecash until 1823 in which year they became a separate

congregation.

The Quaker Meeting House, built in 1793, is one of

the most interesting buildings in the village. The

Richhill Society of Friends is the descendant of the much

older Ballyhagen Meeting House which according to Rutty

was erected in 1654, in what is now the garden of the

Cochran farm in that townland. At first the Friends of

the district seem to have buried in the Parish church-

33.

yards of Loughgall and Kilmore, but later they became

more exclusive and started a burial-ground of their

own at Money that seems to have been in use since at

least 1688. Their fights over tythes and their

interruptions in the "steeple-houses" as they then

termed the churches are far more interesting than any

novel. The journals of their earlier preachers are

indeed a guide to the social history of their times and

give excellent portrayals of life in the areas covered

by their travels.

The company of Richhill Volunteers, raised in 1779,

when Britain was at war with America, and Ireland

threatened with invasion, was disbanded in the year the

Quaker Meeting house was built. Its favourite place

of parade was the Square. A cocked hat and flute-case

belonging to the Corps are preserved in Armagh Museum.

They formerly belonged to Mrs. Bacon, the last member

of the Richardson family to live in the Castle.

The Battle of the Diamond took place in 1795 and

local tradition declares that the town and district was

well represented on both sides on that particular

occasion. In the same year an unsuccessful attempt

was made to establish a hosiery factory. Three years

later the country was in the throes of civil war and

34.

again there were representatives on both sides.

Yeomanry Cavalry and Infantry companies had been formed

in 1796 so the town once more had the thrill of

exercises and drills in the Square and demesne, as well

as duty around the County in general.

In passing I may mention that the Richhill Linen

Market had by that date a keen rival in that of Portadown.

In May, 1762, Mr. Obins the then owner of the latter town

managed to secure a patent for a Brown Linen Market to be

held for ever every Saturday in the town of Portadown.

His first idea had been to have it on Thursdays but

certain gentlemen in the linen trade having suggested

Saturday as more profitable he finally decided on that

day for the market.

The proposal was not at all popular and brought

about a spirited protest signed by over 250 of the most

influential linen buyers of the North who in their

objection stated that there was a large and flourishing

cloth-market established time out of mind in the town of

Legacorry otherwise Richhill, within five miles of

Portadown and situated in a populous trading country

and contiguous to a great many of the linen-drapers and

even the people of Portadown and that they were fully

resolved to attend and support the market of Richhill as

usual.

35

How the quarrel ended I do not know but it is

evident that then, as now, the Portadown people were

able to take care of themselves in the race for

industrial expansion.

In 1800, Coote in his Survey of the County describes

Richhill as a post-town with three posts from Dublin per

week. He found the appearance of the town interesting

and its attractiveness increased by the elegance of the

demesne of Mr. Richardson, whose residence is in full

view of the street. Its chief importance then was its

linen market where sales averaged £l,500 per week - a

sum undoubtedly on the low side. The market and fairs

were still going strong then.

The population in 1814 was 734, the number of houses

161. It was then larger than Portadown by six houses.

In 1819 Gamble visited it on his tour through the

northern parts of Ireland and we learn that it had visits

from companies of strolling players. He also gives an

account of a funeral followed by a number of persons on

horseback all with linen scarfs tied with black ribbons

over their shoulders - a custom then passing into decay.

In the previous year the Erasmus Smith School had been

built at the joint expense of the Primate and Mr. Richardson,

In 1821 the population of the town was 846.

Census

records begin then and are interesting for comparative

36.

purposes.

Apart from numbers they show occupations

and trades and throw light on past handicrafts like

straw plat making, shuttle-making, wood-turning, spade-

making, etc.

A Parliamentary Report on Education for 1826 shows

the Erasmus Smith School in a flourishing condition.

Joseph Parker the then master had an income of £60 per

annum and the attendance included 130 Church, 6

Presbyterian, 19 Roman Catholic and 6 of other denomina-

tions, a total of 161 pupils. At the same time Henry

Copeland had a small school in a rented room with 6 Church,

3 Presbyterian and 7 Roman Catholic pupils, and Margaret

Johnston a similar school with a roll of 8 Church, 15

Presbyterians and 2 Roman Catholics. When National

Schools came into being they were unpopular and the

Richhill National School was no exception. In 1837 it

had only a few pupils whereas the Erasmus Smith School

still had a daily attendance of from 130 to 140. Some

of the country schools on the estate in 1826 were housed

in mud-wall barns as, for instance, at Drumnahuncheon

whilst the school at Liskyborough was described as a

miserable hut. Those were matters that worried the

three Miss Richardsons considerably and resulted in

schools of the type of Ballynahinch, Mulladry and Derryhale

being erected on the estate, mostly before 1835.

The Census of 1831 shows an increase in population

from 846 to 943. In 1837, Lewis published his

Topographical Dictionary of Ireland wherein he asserts

that Richhill's linen sales once totalled £2,600 per

week. That I can quite believe, for in 1822 Armagh

was by far the largest linen market in Ireland, with

sales averaging from £360,000 per annum and its prosperity

was bound to affect surrounding districts. The town

still had its weekly market and its three fairs, but the

construction of the new road from Armagh to Belfast, by

which it was by-passed had caused its linen market to

decline. At that date the Manor Court was still in

existence and held on the first Friday of each month.

The reference to the Manor Court is of interest, though

such courts must then have been shorn of many of their

ancient privileges. Unfortunately no Manor Court

records for Richhill survive, but we know that the Manor

was managed by a Seneschal and that minor offences within

the estate bounds were tried there. It is a pity that

its books are missing as from them we would learn many

things. They would tell us which tenants had rights of

turbary and which had permission to procure fuel from

the underwoods, give us information as to which families

were liable for a man and musket for the King's service

and in defence of the lord of the Manor. In them we

38.

would find references to tenants giving so many days'

work per year, promising to grind their grain at the

Manor Mills and presenting their landlord with so many

hens or geese at certain seasons. They would also

yield information as to estate laws in force in the

Manor and might possibly provide an actual date for

"The Pound", that little enclosure in which straying

animals were detained until redeemed by their owners

paying the legal fine for their release."The Pound"

indeed is shown on the maps of 1835 so that its

position must be well-known locally.

On the 10th April, 1837, Richhill was established

as a Perpetual Curacy out of the parish of Kilmore and

the Market House was converted into a church. The

consecration took place on September 13th of that year.

In the same year Jonathan Binns visited the town

and paid a visit to the Friends Meeting House where he

found some 40 members of the Society present. He was

afterwards the guest of John Allen at the Retreat.

His account of the district is valuable as a guide to

agricultural and labour conditions. Practically every

house had then a loom or two in operation and women were

still much in evidence in the fields.

Five years later, Thackerary, the famous novelist

visited Armagh, but alas on his journey to Belfast he

39.

travelled by the main road and so missed the village

completely.

It was a pity that should have happened,

for he had the twin gifts of observation and expression.

His remarks would have been of great interest and would

have linked Richhill with the world of literature. He

drove from Armagh to Portadown and continued from thence

to Belfast by the newly opened Ulster Railway.

By 1841 the population had dropped to 752, and on

March 1st, 1848, the first passenger train steamed into

Armagh midst great rejoicing. Its advent was not,

however, of any assistance to Richhill. In fact, it

tended to isolate the town and coupled with the new road

diverted all main traffic from Belfast to Armagh and the

West, from passing through. Railways were not universally

popular in the beginning. It was alleged and actually

believed that the smoke of the engines would kill the

birds, that cows would cease to give milk, the sparks set

fire to houses and the race of horses become extinct.

The population by 1851 had dropped to 627 but by

1861 had increased to 696 and in 1871 had further increased

to 725.

In 1861 a chancel and new transept were added to the

church and in 1875 the rectory was built at the expense

of Mrs. Bacon, the last of three Miss Richardsons, a most

generous benefactor to the community and an excellent

landlord ever willing to help tenants to improve their farms.

40.

According to the Census of 1881, the population had

dropped to 595. In that year Mrs. Bacon died and the

district lost a very generous benefactor and a land¬

owner who was really interested in the welfare of her

tenants.

A County Directory was published in 1888 which

attempted an explanation of the place-name. It states

"that the greater part of the houses are built on the

sides and top of a hill most appropriately named,

insomuch as it commands a full view of a country rich

in pastures, plantations, orchards and grain fields".

That, of course, is all very well but we know that the

name as it now stands is an abbreviated form of

Richardson's Hill. The same book describes the Castle

as a stately turreted mansion whereas in reality it is

nothing of the kind, though it might well be spoken of

as a dignified gabled mansion. The compiler of the

Directory states that the town's decline as a market

began with the advent of the railway, as a result of

which many of the hand-loom weavers moved away. That,

however, was only partly the reason. The weavers moved

not so much because of the railway as because of the

erection of weaving factories in districts outside the

area. At that time it is stated that from 200 to 300

handloom weavers still remained in the district, but that

there was no market nor had fairs been held for many

years; there were, however, two tanneries and a fruit¬

preserving factory.

I do not feel that I need carry the story farther

except to say that I believe that Richhill is entering

upon a new era of prosperity. Its furniture producing

capabilities have made it known in places outside

Ireland altogether, and the growth ofthat industry may

well help to make Richhill again one of the most

important towns in the County. That is something

greatly to be desired and a work wherein the young

people of the district can help, either by actual

production or by the purchase in so far as possible, of

locally manufactured material. Now that the days of

utility design are passing there is again an opening for

originality and craftsmanship, two qualities that were

forced into the background in the war years.

You have been most patient and I am very grateful

to you for your very kind reception. I hope your Guild

will flourish and that some day you may come in a body

to Armagh, the mother-town of your County, there to

discover for yourselves its many links with your own

village. When that happens I shall willingly act as

condnetor.

A2.

PORTADOWN.

Introductely.

The story of Portadown begins in the 17th century but

there is, of course, an older background. Traces of human

occupation and settlement in the area go back to about

2000 B.C. The evidence is to be found in Neolithic

implements that have been discovered from time to time in

the immediate vicinity of the town, especially in Edenderry.

At Ballintagart gart, a few miles west, you have a prehistoric

four-chambered burial place that cannot be dated later than

1000 B.C. There are also indications of the Early Iron

Age and in the early Christian period there was a church

at Mahon associated with Patrick and a well named in his

honour, long a place of pilgrimage and still in being.

Those, however, are matters we cannot examine this after¬

noon so we must confine ourselves to the town which must

also of necessity be dealt with very briefly.

The Town.

Portadown is not shown on the Plantation maps of

1609 nor is it mentioned in the

grant by James I to

William Powell in 1610. Carew's Report of 1611 shows

that Powell had sold the lands then comprising the estate

to the Rev. Richard Rolleston. At that time only two

23.

bays of a house had been erected but preparations had been

made for building a bawn.

Pynnar's Survey of 1619 records that Michael Obins

was in possession - "had built a good house of brick and

lime for himself and settled 20 tenants who, with their

under-tenants were able to muster 46 men with arms“.

Pynnar does not, however, disclose the fact that Richard

Cope had purchased the property from the Rev. Richard

Rolleston and had passed half to Obins.

A further examination made by Lord Caulfeild in 1622

informs us that Obins was then a prisoner in England but

that his wife had remained in Ireland.

According to an Inquisition of 1629 Michael Obins

died in that year. He was described therein as of Bally¬

warren (Ballyoran) alias Portadown which is the first

appearance of the place name in a Plantation document.

At that time his son John was of full age, married and

living at Portadown. A Muster Roll of his tenants for

the year 1630 and a Subsidy Roll for 1634 survive and are

our chief source of genealogical information on the tenants

of the Obins estate.

In conjunction with his mother, Prudence Obins, he

secured a patent for fairs and markets at Portadown in

3.

49

1631 and there the history of the town commences.

With

Richard Cope he was probably the builder of the original

bridge across the river. He died in 1635 leaving a son

Hamlet aged ix months and a widow Elizabeth Waldron

(daughter of a neighbouring land owner) who with her

small son was forced to flee at the outbreak of the Civil

War of 1641.

The Depositions of 1641 are our authority for dating

the bridge. We know that it was a primitive structure

of wood. To it, however, we must ascribe the beginning

of Portadown's importance and the decay of the two older

fords at Derrybrochus and Knock. In that year the town

was taken by Capt. Toole McCann acting under the orders

of Sir Phelim O'Neill, Portadown bridge being the location

of one of the most tragic episodes of that unhappy period.

Following the capture of the Obins Castle and the town the

bridge was cut in the centre and thus rendered difficult

to negotiate. In June 1646 Monroe was defeated at

Benburb and immediately afterwards a party of the Irish

(600 strong), on instructions from General Owen Roe O'Neill,

descended upon the town and destroyed by fire the Obins

castle and such houses as then existed.

In Cromwell's Inquisition of 1657 the town was

+ 45

described as a "fit place for a school" and a certain

Simon Hornby was master, a reference that shows educational

facilities were in being three centuries ago. There

again we may trace Obins influence and interest.

In 1682 we have proof for "a fair wooden bridge near

upon 1,000 feet in length“. Just when that particular

bridge was erected is not clear but presumably not until

after 1648, as in that year British forces crossed the

Bann at Knock on their way to Kilmore and Loughgall.

In 1688 Anthony Obins was attainted by James II but

like other attainders in that monarch's reign the ban

quickly became ineffective through William's victory at

the Boyne. At that time Portadown was manufacturing

cider in considerable quanti

ty. Indeed in 1682 much cider

was available at 30/- per hogshead and just before that

famous battle Paul le Harpur, cider-maker to the Prince of

Orange, arrived in the town with the necessary equipment

for producing cider for the army. I hesitate, however,

to ascribe the victory at the Boyne to Portadown cider but

that is factual comment.

Anthony Obins, the then owner of the estate, was

keenly concerned in the development of the canal from

Lough Neagh to Newry, and in 1741 saw the first two barges

the Cope" and "Boulter" pass through on their way to

1. Robert Cope, M.P., a great friend of Dean Swift. Died 1753 2, Hugh Boulter, D.D., Archbishop of Armagh from 1724 until his death in 1742.

D6

Dublin with coals from County Tyrone. Thirteen years later

he died and was succeeded by his grandson Michael, eldest

son of Anthony's eldest son Hamlet, who had predeceased his

father in 1750.

Michael Obins, in 1762, successfully petitioned the

Irish House of Commons for leave to set up a linen market in

Portadown and thus laid the foundation for Portadown's major

industry. In 1779 at a period when England was involved in

war with the French, Spaniards and Americans and fears were

entertained that Ireland might be invaded, he raised a

company of men known as the Portadown Volunteers, and in

1780 he was instrumental in establishing a grain market

which, allied with cheap water transport, broughtincreasing

business to the town. Again in 1793 he marched from

Portadown to Armagh with 330 Volunteers for the newly raised

County Armagh Regiment of Militia, a body that later became

the Third or Reserve Battalion of the Royal Irish Fusiliers.

In 1798 many of those men were on duty in affected areas and

some of them were undoubtedly present in that year at

Ballinamuck when the Militia captured a French Colour that

still survives.

Michael Obins died in 1798 leaving a son Michael Eyre

Obins who as a boy of seventeen served as Captain of the

Portadown Yeomanry Corps in 1796. Like various other

members of the family he was educated at the Royal School,

Armagh, and subsequently entered Trinity College, Dublin,

later taking Holy Orders and settling in England where he

died at Bath in 1868 aged 98 years. He was still resident

at Castle Obins in 1814 but in 1820 disposed of the

property to his kinsfolk, the Sparrows of Tanderagee.

His cousin, Miss Millicent Sparrow, married in 1822 Lord

Mandeville, later 6th Duke of Manchester. Both the Duke

and Duchess took a warm interest in Portadown and were

personally responsible for schools and for many of the

duties now covered by Health and Welfare. They were an

admirable couple, intensely interested in the three manors

which comprised the Sparrow heritage.

One of the earlier accounts of Portadown occurs in a

diary kept in 1708 by Thomas Molyneux (afterwards Sir

Thomas) son of Samuel Molyneux of Castledillon, Co. Armagh,

(and Brother of the celebrated William Molyneux, the

author of "The Case of Ireland Stated"), the then owner of

the estate. The writer had journeyed from Dublin to

Armagh and from thence into Down, Antrim, Derry and Tyrone.

On his way from Armagh to Belfast he passed through Portadown

"a pretty village situated on the River Bann, where many

2.

A8

Protestants were drowned in the 1641 rebellion by the

Irish. Here our horses passed over in a wherry, the

bridge which they were then a building, very large and

handsome, being not finished yet". On the subsequent

history of that bridge we have little information.

One account states that the bridge was of wood and it

was swept away in the floods of 1754. In 1764 it was

replaced by a further bridge of seven arches which in

turn was swept away in 1786. A bridge of thirteen arches

was then built which was replaced in 1837 by a bridge on

the Edenderry side of the river. On its completion a new

channel was cut by which the river was diverted from its

old course and forced to flow beneath the new bridge.

It is probable that the earlier bridges were not capable

of taking traffic heavier than pack-horse or pedestrian.

A grant of 1632, for instance, refers to a rent chargeable

for a ferry across the river at Port of Down and further

ferry leases were in being as late as 1676.

In the 18th century Portadown began to develop.

Expansion was at first somewhat slow but increasing business

is indicated by a token issued by John Overend in 1736.

The town was then a small hamlet as may be verified in

Nevill's map of 1703. Prosperity came to the town following

E. 99.

the construction of the Newry Canal in 1740 by which

Portadown later became a link in water-traffic between

Newry and Belfast. That amenity resulted in grain

markets being set up in 1780 and the building up of

communications with towns and villages on the shores of

Lough Neagh. When steam became the motive power Portadown

was represented by two celebrated steamers, the "Grand

Junction" and the "Countess of Caledon“ both engaged in

the conveyance of passengers and freight. They were,

however, soon superseded by the advent of the railways and

were broken up in 1851.

The railway reached Portadown in 1842 and the station

was then at Seagoe. Six years later it reached Armagh

and by easy stages proceeded to Enniskillen. It was then

known as the Ulster Railway. In the year in which it

arrived at Seagoe, Thackeray," the famous novelist, drove

from Armagh to Portadown, there to entrain for Belfast on

the newly-opened railway soon destined to replace the

coaches and carts then so prevalent on the roads between

3. Widow of the 2nd Earl of Caledon and great-great-grand¬

mother of the present Earl of Caledon and Field Marshal Viscount Alexander.

"The little brisk town of Portadown, with its comfortable

unpretending houses, its squares and market place, it pretty quay with craft along the river, a steamer building

on the dock close to mills and warehouses, that look in a full state of prosperity, was a pleasant conclusion to this ten miles drive". (Thackeray's Irish Sketch Book).

Belfast and Portadown, a system of transport that has now

returned to our highways in the forms of cars, buses and

lorries and is resulting in a gradual decay of the railways.

From the first half of that century the population of

the town steadily increased. In 1814 the town consisted

of 767 inhabitants and 155 houses, and the inhabitants

were beginning to plan churches, chiefly as a result of

Wesley's visits, the first of which took place in 1767,

and on which occasion he found Portadown "a place not much

troubled with religion of any kind". That was a harsh

verdict, but not until 1803 could the town boast a church

of any denomination. In that year the Methodists built

the first church in the town. They were followed by the

Presbyterians in 1822, the Church of Ireland in 1826 and

the Roman Catholics in 1835.

By 1831 the population had reached 1,591 and by 1881

had risen to 7,850. The growth was due to various reasons

but the chief factor was the migration of linen weavers from

the country districts to the linen factories and spinning

mills, which had by then been firmly established. The

total by 1951 had risen to 17,202 and last year's census

gives the now figure as 18,605, an increase of 1403 people

in the past ten years.

12.

S).

A new and even more prosperous Portadown is coming

into being. A modern hospital is about to be built.

Excellent schools have been erected and new industries

are on the way. Recent progress has made the town one

of the most important communities in the north, but I

miration for the Borough's achievements must say my adml

received a na

ty jolt, when I read in your local press

a week ago that the first moiety of your 1962-1963 rate

collection shows a deficit of £32,000! The second

shock came when I learned that the Mayor had been to

Enniskillen and on his way home found some villages better

li

hted than Portadown! I was, however, greatly cheered

by another news item giving the information that your

Borough Council had given the Church of Latter Day Saints

permission to hold weekly dances in the Town Hall.

And now may I conclude by quoting an old rhyme made

in the days when the famous John Wesley came as a

missionary to Portadown. It does not flatter the town

but it is even less kind to your neighbours.

"Portadown is the devil's hole, Lurgan I cannot even thole, An Charlemont it has me curse, An' di But of all the towns I put fut in he very worst is oul' Armagh, Full of pride an' si

Little breedin' an' far less tin.

RRALAU.

When Mr. Rolston invited me to come along and discuss

the past history of Portadown with you he mentioned that

you would also be interested in the reasons for the recent

acquisition of armorial bearings by the Borough. I am,

therefore, going to speak to you briefly on the historical

background of the last three and a half centuries and

events and families commemorated in the grant of Arms.

Previous to 1956 Portadown was using Arms that had

never been matriculated and were in reality the personal

Coat of the Duke of Manchester - a family linked with

Portadown through the Sparrows of Tanderagee, of whom

later. Students of heraldry were, of course, long aware

that the town was displaying those bearings without the

necessary "differences" and that, worse still, the Council

had neglected to acquire Arms legally and were therefore

flaunting a bogus Coat.

During the Mayoralty of Councillor H.R. O'Lone the

question of righting the matter came before the Council

and I unfortunately was summoned in an advisory capacity.

I say unfortunately not because I regret having given such

assistance to the Council, but because of a spate of

anonymous lêtters from people who assumed that the so-called

Red Hand of Ulster, a territorial designation, should occupy

a space on the new blazon. Why that particular idea was

oventually discarded will crop up later.

.

53.

The story of Portadoun begins in the 17th century but

there is, of course, an older background. Traces of human

occupation and settlement in the area go back to about

2000 B.C. The evidence is to be found in Neolithic

implements that have been discovered from time to time in

the immediate vicinity of the town, especially in Edenderry.

At Ballintaggart, a few miles west, you have a prehistoric

four-chambered burial place that cannot be dated later than

1000 B.C. There are also indications of the Early Iron Age

and in the early Christian period there was a church at

Mahon associated with Patrick and a well named in his honour,

long a place of pilgrimage and still in being. Those,

however, are matters we cannot examine to-night so we must

confine ourselves to the town which must also of necessity

be dealt with very briefly.

THe Toum.

Portadown is not shown on the Plantation maps of 1609

nor is it mentioned in the grant by James I to William

Powell in 1610. Carew's Report of 1611 shows that Powell

had sold the lands then comprising the estate to the Rev.

Richard Rolleston. At that time only two bays of a house

had been erected but preparations had been made for building

a baun.

Pynnar's Survey of 1619 records that Michael Obins was

in possession - "had built a good house of brick and lime

for himself and settled 20 tenants who, with their under-

2

54

tenants were able to muster 46 men with arms". Pynnar does

not, however, disclose the fact that Richard Cope had purchased

the property from the Rev. Richard Rolleston and had passed

half to Obins.

A further examination made by Lord Caulfeild in 1622

informs us that Obins was then a prisoner in England but that

his wife had remained in Ireland.

According to an Inquisition of 1629 Michael Obins died in

that year. He was described therein as of Ballywarren

(Ballyoran) alias Portadown which is the first appearance of

the place name in a Plantation document. At that time his son

John was of full age, married and living at Portadown. A

Muster Roll of his tenants for the year 1630 and a Subsidy

Roll for 1634 survive and are our chief source of genealogical

information on the tenants of the Obins estate.

In conjunction with his mother, Prudence Obins, he

secured a patent for fairs and markets at Portadown in 1631

and there the history of the town commences. With Richard Cope

he was probably the builder of the original bridge across the

river. He died in 1635 leaving a son Hamlet aged six months

and a widow Elizabeth Waldron (daughter of a neighbouring land

owner) who with her small son was forced to flee at the out¬

break of the Civil War of 1641.

The Depositions of 1641 are our authority for dating the

bridge. We know that it was a primitive structure of wood.

To it, however, we must ascribe the beginning of Portadown's

55.

importance and the decay of the two older fords at Derry-

brochus and Knock. In that year the town was taken by Capt.

Toole McCann acting under the orders of Sir Phelim O Neill,

Portadown bridge being the location of one of the most tragic

episodes of that unhappy period. Following the capture of the

Obins Castle and the town the bridge was cut in the centre and

thus rendered difficult to negotiate. In June 1646 Monroe was

defeated at Benburb and immediately afterwards a party of the

Irish (600 strong), on instructions from General Owen Roe

O Neill, descended upon the town and destroyed by fire the

Obins castle and such houses as then existed.

Portadoun figures in Cromwell's Inquisition of 1657 as

a "fit place for a school" and records Simon Hornby as master,

a reference that shows certain educational facilities were

in being three centuries ago. There again we may trace Obins

influence and interest.

In 1682 we have proof for "a fair wooden bridge near

upon 1,000 feet in length". Just when that particular bridge

was erected is not clear but presumably not until after 1648,

as in that year British forces crossed the Bann at Knock on

their way to Kilmore and Loughgall.

In 1688 Anthony Obins was attainted by James II but like

other attainders in that monarch's reign the ban quickly

became ineffective through William's victory at the Boyne.

At that time Portadown was manufacturing cider in considerable

5.

56.

quantity. Indeed in 1682 much cider was available at 30/-

per hogshead and just before that Battle of the Boyne Paul

le Harpur, cider-maker to the Prince of Orange, arrived in

the town with the necessary equipment for producing cider

for the army.

Anthony Obins was keenly concerned in the development of

the canal from Lough Neagh to Newry, and in 1741 saw the

first two barges the "Copen and "Boulter“ pass through on

their way to Dublin with coals from County Tyrone. Thirteen

years later he died and was succeeded by his grandson Michael,

eldest son of Anthony's eldest son Hamlet, who had predeceased

his father in 1750.

Michael Obins, in 1762, successfully petitioned the

Irish House of Commons for leave to set up a linen market in

Portadoun and thus laid the foundation for Portadown's major

industry. In 1779 at a period when England was involved in

war with the French, Spaniards and Americans and fears were

entertained that Ireland might be invaded, he raised a

company of men known as the Portadown Volunteers, and in 1780

he was instrumental in establishing a grain market which,

allied with cheap water transport, brought increasing

business to the town.

Again in 1793 he marched from

Portadoun to Armagh with 330 Volunteers for the newly raised

1. Robert Cope, M.P., a great friend of Dean Swift. Died 17:

2. Hugh Boulter

D.D.

his death in 1742.

Archbishop of Armagh from 1724 until

57.

County Armagh Militia regiment, a body that later became the

Third or Reserve Battalion of the Royal Irish Fusiliers. In

1798 many of those men were on duty in affected areas and

some of them were undoubtedly at Ballinamuck in that year

uhen the Armagh Militia captured the French Colour, now

preserved in Armagh Cathedral.

Michael Obins died in 1798 leaving a son Michael Eyre

Obins who as a boy of seventeen served as Captain of the

Portadown Yeomanry Corps in 1796. Like various other members

of the family he was educated at the Royal School, Armagh,

and subsequently entered Trinity College, Dublin, later taking

Holy Orders and settling in England where he died at Bath in

1868 aged 98 years. He was still resident at Castle Obins

in 1814 but in 1820 disposed of the property to his kinsfolk,

the Sparrows of Tanderagee. His cousin, Miss Millicent

Sparrow, married in 1822 Lord Mandeville, later 6th Duke of

Manchester. Both the Duke and Duchess took a warm interest

in Portadown and were personally responsible for schools and

for many of the duties now covered by Health and Welfare.

They were an admirable couple, intensely interested in the

three manors which comprised the Sparrow heritage.

One of the earlier accounts of Portadown occurs in a

diary kept in 1708 by Thomas Molyneux (afterwards Sir Thomas)

son of Samuel Molyneux of Castledillon, Co. Armagh, (and

brother of the celebrated William Molyneux, the author of

"The Case of Ireland Stated"), the then owner of the estate.

2

59.

The writer had journeyed from Dublin to Armagh and from

thence into Down, Antrim, Derry and Tyrone. On his way from

Armagh to Belfast he passed through Portadown "a pretty

village situated on the River Bann, where many Protestants

were drowned in the 1641 rebellion by the Irish. Here our

horses passed over in a wherry, the bridge which they were

then a building, very large and handsome, being not finished

yet". On the subsequent history of that bridge we have

little information. One account states that the bridge was

of wood and it was swept away in the floods of 1754. In

1764 it was replaced by a further bridge of seven arches

which in turn was swept away in 1786. A bridge of thirteen

arches was then built which was replaced in 1837 by a

bridge on the Edenderry side of the river. Oits completion

a new channel was cut by which the river was diverted from

its old course and ferced to flew beneath the neu bridge.

It is probable that the earlier bridges were not capable of

taking traffic heavier than pack-horse or pedestrian. A

grant of 1632, for instance, refers to a rent chargeable for

a ferry across the river at Port of Down and further ferry

leases were in being as late as 1676.

In the 18th century Portadown began to develop.

Expansion was at first somewhat slow but increasing business

is indicated by a token issued by John Overend in 1736. The

town was then a small hamlet as may be verified in Nevill's

map of 1703. Prosperity came to the toun following the

E.

54 construction of the Newry Canal in 1740 by which Portadoun

later became a link in water-traffic between Newry and

Belfast. That amenity resulted in grain markets being set

up in 1780 and the building up of communications with touns

and villages on the shores of Lough Neagh. When steam

became the motive power Portadown was represented by two

celebrated steamers, the "Grand Junction“ and the "Countess

of Caledon" both engaged in the conveyance of passengers

and freight. They were, however, soon superseded by the

advent of the railways and were broken up in 1851.

Ihe establishment of the linen manufacture in the early

19th century and the growth of the toun as an important

railway junction has given Portadown an immense advantage

over other touns in the county. Incidentally those factors

are largely responsible for its well-deserved attainment of

Borough status.

The railway reached Portadoun in 1842 and the station

was then at Seagoe. Six years later it reached Armagh and

by easy stages proceeded to Enniskillen. It was then known

as the Ulster Railway. In the year in which it arrived at

Seagoe, Thackeray, the famous novelist, drove from Armagh

3. Widow of the 2nd Earl of Caledon and great-great-grand¬

mother of the present Earl of Caledon and Field Marshal Viscount Alexander.

"The little brisk town of Portadown, with its comfortable unpretending houses, its squares and market place, its pretty quay with craft along the river, a steamer building on the dock close to mills and warehouses, that look in a full state of prosperity, was a pleasant conclusion to

this ten miles drive". (Thackeray's Irish Sketch Book).

J. 1 to Portadown, there to entrain for Belfast on the newly-

opened railway soon destined to replace the coaches and carts

then so prevalent on the roads between Belfast and Portadoun,

a system of transport that has now returned to our highways

in the forms of cars, buses and lorries and is resulting in

a gradual decay of the railways.

In the first half of the century the population of the

town steadily increased. In 1814 the town consisted of 767

inhabitants and 155 houses, and the inhabitants were beginning

to plan churches, chiefly as a result of Wesley's visits, the

first of which took place in 1767, and on which occasion he

found Portadoun "a place not much troubled with religion of

any kind". That was a harsh verdict, but not until 1803

could the town boast a church of any denomination. In that

year the Methodists built the first church in the town.

They were followed by the Presbyterians in 1822, the Church

of Ireland in 1826 and the Roman Catholics in 1835.

By 1831 the population had reached 1,591 and by 1881

had risen to 7,850. The growth was due to various reasons

but the chief factor was the migration of linen weavers from

the country districts to the linen factories and spinning

mills, which had by then been firmly established. The total

by 1951 had soared to 17,202 and Portadown thus acquired

fourth place in the sequence in so far as towns in Northern

Ireland was concerned, being exceeded only in numbers by

Belfast, Londonderry and Bangor - the two former being

county boroughs, whilst Bangor ranks as a municipal borough,

1e.

61

a dignity to which Portadown was advanced in 1947. The toun

is now second on the list of municipal boroughs as regards

inhabitants and may yet exceed Bangor and thereby become the

most important numerically of the nine municipal boroughs of

Northern Ireland.

With those facts in our minds we soon reached agreement

on what were the most important items from the point of view

of a coat of arms that would indicate both past and present.

We, and when I say we, I mean the Sub-Committee, were

inundated with advice. A shield of a dozen quarterings

would have been too small to carry the suggestions, ranging

from bloody hands, white swans, bramley apples, blue flax

flowers, black roses, grey bridges, hoary castles, power

looms, and sheaves of wheat and oats, to the commemoration

of the O Neills and the Macans.

One gentleman thought the Red Hand look very decorative

on the buses and was therefore eminently suitable for

Portadown, but we felt that the symbol had not resulted in

any good fortune to the U.T.A. It was not, however, for

that particular reason that we decided against it. Our

objection arose not from the realization that the Northern

Ireland part of Ulster consists of six counties, but to the

fact that it is a territorial representation and therefore

out of place on a town coat of arms. For instance it does

not appear on the arms of Belfast though that city is the

seat of Government.

Another supporter of the Red Hand assured us that "it

H.

62.

was not the Red Hand of the O'Neills but the hand of God

Almighty blessing the land". He forgot that the bloody

hand, apart from being the badge of the O'Neills, is a sign

of victory, and that blessings are bestowed by the

representation of a hand free of blood raised in an ancient

and well recognized fashion, whereby it denotes God's

benediction, in which form it is frequently met with in

Early Christian art.

We also had to listen to silly assertions that

"Portadown was in the barony of the O'Neills" and the "the

O'Neills and Macans were the original people in the toun",

ONeilan derives not from the O'Neills but from the Ua

Niallan of a much earlier period and sept. Besides the

only associations the O'Neills had with Portadown were, as

I have already mentioned, in 1641 when Sir Phelim O'Neill

ordered the capture of the castle and town, and in 1646

when General Owen Roe O'Neill authorized the destruction of

both. The McCanns first appear in Tyrone in the 12th

century. Centuries afterwards they moved eastwards and

settled in County Armagh on the south shore of Lough Neagh

between the Blackwater and the Bann. Later they thrust

across the Bann into Seagoe and Shankill parishes, finally

overrunning and supplanting the O'Garveys, an older and

more interesting clan.

The McCanns were vassals of the O'Neills whom they

assisted in the wars against Elizabeth. Many members of

the sept received pardons in the reign of James I but were

E. 63.

again in revolt in 1641, and in 1689-90 they were warm

supporters of James II.

In the last quarter of the 16th

century Brian boy McCann, the head of the southern McCanns,

was living near the present Knock Bridge, but the residence

of the northern branch was situate many miles north of the

town. It was also stated, in an effort to substantiate a

claim for the insertion of reputed McCann arms, that the

McCanns had a castle in Portadown in the 17th century but

the only occasion on which a McCann occupied a castle in

Portadown was when Toole McCann captured the Obins castle

and used it as a barrack and prison in 1641. The senior

line of the McCanns terminated in Glasny McCann whose only

daughter married John Hamilton, a Colonel in the army of

James II, killed at the battle of Aughrim.

Thomas McCann

of a younger branch conformed to the Church of Ireland in

the 18th century, was many times Sovereign of Armagh city

between 1749 and his death in 1794, and ancestor of the

Macans of Desart, Co. Armagh, Macans of Carriff, Co. Armagh,

and Drumcashel, Co. Louth, families no longer represented in

the male line in Ireland, but still to the fore in England.

Of the English branches I only know two members personally,

Thomas Townley Macan and his son Thomas Townley Macan.

Thomas Townley Macan, the elder, is well known in the world

of science for his work at the Fresh Water Biological

Station at Wray Castle in Windermere. In 1951 he published

a fascinating book in conjunction with his friend E.B.

S.

64.

Worthington on "Life in Lakes and Rivers". As a family

the Macans are still commemorated in Armagh by the Macan

Asylum for the Blind, and in the old cathedral there is a

monument to Capt. Turner Macan of the 16th Hussars "a man

unsurpassed in the language and literature of Persia to

whom we owe the first perfect edition of her great poet

Ferdonsse!

Maternally the present Lord Antrim is a descendant of

the Carriff branches. Other members of the Clan Macan

intermarried with the Seymours Dukes of Somerset, the

Greys Earls Grey, the McClintocks Lords Rathdonnell, the

Howards Earls of Suffolk, and with many English county

families as well.

But to return to the new coat of arms. The first

attempt to found the town was in 1631 when John Obins

secured a patent for a Saturday market and fairs. Because

of that and the continued interest of the Obins family from

that date until 1820 we suggested that the Obins arms should

occupy the shield and that the Montagu supporters and crest

should also be adopted, thus amplifying the descent of the

Manor of Portadown in those two families.

The arms of the Obins family as recorded by Sir William

Betham, a former Ulster King of Arms, are - "Argent three

lions rampant per fess gules and azure" and it was proposed

that the Obins coat be "differenced" with a fess wavy azure

to denote the Bann and its association with the beginning

14.

65.

of the town's prosperity, and on the fess embody a spinning

wheel of the first symbolizing linen, the town's chief

industry, between two heraldic roses, the latter a reference

to Portadown's importance as regards the genus Rosa.

It was then agreed to ask Norroy King of Arms to allow

the supporters and crest from the coat of the Ducal House of

Manchester with suitable "differencing" to show that they

were not personal bearings. Whether the crest should be

shown above a mural crown or an esquire's helmet we left to

the discretion of the heraldic officers concerned.

The supporters and crest as borne by the Duke are -

"Dexter an heraldic antelope or, armed, tufted and hoofed

argent, sinister a griffin or, gorged with a collar argent

charged with three lozenges conjoined gules. Crest: a

griffin's head, couped, wings expanded or, gorged with a

collar argent charged with three lozenges gules“

The Duke having approved of this and Norroy sanctioned

their incorporation, we then suggested that the collar or

gorget on the supporting antelope and griffin and on the

griffin's head crest be changed from argent to azure but

that the three lozenges thereon be displayed gules. It was,

however, decided by the College of Arms that the collar or

gorget should be a "collar lozengy gules" thereby emphasizing

the fact that the Duke's supporters and crest would thereby

be properly differenced. That combination commemorates

the two families to whom the town owes its origin, stresses

66.

the water transport that in the last quarter of the 18th

century made Portadown one of the great wheat markets of the

north, marks its links with the linen industry and its

present international reputation as a centre of rose culture.

Added to that there is the fact that the predominant colours

in the coat of arms are red, white abd blue, colours that

Portadown should not find objectional!

In the choice of armorial bearings the Sub-Committee

had no thought other than the prestige of the town, and we

hope the inhabitants of the Borough appreciate that and

are proud of their Coat. I should like to say that we were

unanimous in our decision, and upon submitting our draft to

the Council were honoured by having it carried with an over¬

whelming majority, only one Councillar dissenting.

Some months later, on the 21st September, 1956, the

Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal of England, granted a warrant

for assigning proper arms for the Borough of Portadown, and

on 10th December of same year, during the Mayorship of

Councillor Charles Cooper, and in the fifth year of the reign

of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth the Second, the Garter and

Norroy and Ulster King of Arms signed and sealed the Grant.

I may be forgiven if I return to the assertions made by

certain people during the discussions previous to the

application for Arms. At a meeting of the Council a certain

Councillor said it was "generally felt that the Obins family

had not helped the town but had resisted progress". He then

W. 67

went on to say that "they had obstructed the navvies who

were digging the tunnel when the railway was laid". How he

reached those conclusions remains a mystery. The railway,

for instance, reached Seagoe twenty-two years after the sale

of the Obins estate. Following the construction of the line

from that point to Armagh in 1848 the station was moved from

Seagoe to Woodhouse Street, at which point there was a level

crossing. That later became a great nuisance owing to the

linking up of Portadown with Dublin in 1852 and Omagh in

1858. Having three lines cross there brought about great

congestion and resulted in the tunnel arrangement with which

we are all so familiar. When the Councillor in question

learned that his complaints about the Obins family were

unfounded, he returned to pleas for the Red Hand.

In passing I should like to say that ecclesiastically

Portadown has the distinction of being situate within two

dioceses, Armagh and Dromore. It was formerly within two

parishes, Drumcree and Seagoe, but in the year 1824 thirteen

townlands were taken from Drumcree and formed into the

Perpetual Curacy of Portadown.

Later in 1874 Portadown

became an incumbency and so remains.

A new and even more prosperous Portadown is arising.

A hospital is about to be built, fine new schools have been

erected and new industries are fast making it one of the

most important towns in the North. That is progress you

may well be proud of.

2.

68

Now in conclusion I should like to say that I am

interested in rhymes and says relating to County Armagh

towns and villages. In Portadown such effusions are

practically nil. We have all heard the saying "Armagh

near Portydown not far from Tanderagee" - a saying with a

sting in it - a reminder to the citizens of Armagh that the

inhabitants of Tanderagee are not forgetful of the fact that

the O'Hanlons of Tanderagee were Lords of Orior and

descendants of Daire, St. Patrick's benefactor in Armagh,

to whom the saint owed the sites of his first and second

churches in that city. Another jingle in which Portadown

appears states -

"Good horses ye'll find for miles aroun' Armagh town, But for purty girls ye'll have till go to Portydown“

Armagh has always been a hunting centre and female

followers of hounds have sometimes been known to acquire

horsey faces and complexions beyond the aid of cosmetics.

When the rhyme came into being Portadown was without a Hunt

Club and according to good Armachians resented the fact that

hunting around Armagh went back to the days of Cuchullain

and the Red Branch Knights.

One more example must suffice for tonight. It covers a

larger area and is most unkind to all the places it notices.

It begins with Portadown -

1.

6

"Portadown is the devil's hole, Lurgan I cannot even thole,

An' dirty Charlemont it has me curse, But of all the towns I put fut in The very worst is oul' Armagh,

Full of pride an' sin Little breedin' an' far less tin.

10

57 PORTADOWN 179.

Knock-ballybrian-boy.

Mr. Justice Dowdall and the Dean of Armagh to the

Lord Chancellor Newry 22 Aug. 1579.

By our former letters we advertised the manner of

Tirlaghes proceadings, the breaking up of his camp,

his intention to come by bote to Logeaghe and the band

to Knocke-bally brinboy there to continewe for a time .....

The next week Tirlaghe hath appointed his army to

be with him at Knocke Bally brynboy with vj weeks victuailes.

This night Tirlagh promised to be at Knocke bally

Bramboy if the storm of this laste Friday do not stay him.

Walshinghan Letter Book, p.138-39.

Liffer Castle Patrick Cullen to Sir Nicholas Bagenall

14 Nov. 1579.

There happened great controversie and evil woordes

betwen Turlough Lennagh and Turlough Braselough at a

place called Knockballybrianboy about the first Ladie

Day in harvest, the said Turlough Lenough being very

angry at the said Turlough Braselough wordes. The said

Turlough Lenough kneeled upon his knees and said these

words Turlough Braslough I do not let mee upon my knees

to cure you but I do curse the false supposed Queen of

England etc.

Walshingham Letter Book p.226.

Irish MSS Commission Publication.

7.

Sept. 8 1579.

Turlough Lynagh to Lord Justice Drury.

Conference with Justic Dowdall and the Dean of Armagh

on 3 Aug.

He removes his camp to Knocke bale bren boy

accompanied by Dowdall and the Dean. Peace made

between him and Turlough Brasselagh.

P.185. State Papers of Ireland 1574-1585.

March 9, 1580.

Council of Ireland to the Privy Council.

Forward letters from Lord Justice. Pale in good

quiet. Turlough Lynagh has warned him risings out

to meet him victualled for six weeks in Turlogh

Bra Brasselagh's country and giveth out great brags.

Sorley Boy and Donnell Gorme with 500 Scots at Knock

ballybrianboy. Captain Crawford with 60 Inland Scots

all shot. Sir Nicholas Bagenall prepares his forces

to resist them.

P.212. State Papers of Ireland 1574-1585.

(Upon the final overthrow of Shane O Neill on the evening of 2 June 1567 Turlogh Lyna h proclaimed himself the O'Neill and was elected thereto according to ancient custom).

72.

609.

sne a

ansalonmagoog

calleonanidand

ehrdge, ur

Fdender

lough

shen,

Neagh

mre

aluchincKan,

lonlonot

anon

lacklnr auowinglan

telilon

raogh

marted al

aena Can

asil

eweshelen

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a

an

Thema

onasd

elhn

Bndeen

Taanaghele

sortadonnnet

alla

mre

shs

al

al

und

u

man

e

mard

edalleenn

asillgh.

73.

O'Nealand Barony, in the County of Armagh.

Portadown. Nov. 26th, 1682.

Sr, - In obedience to your request, I have made enquiry touching the Massacre at this Town, and doe find that Seven Score was the full number that lost their lives in that inhumane butchery - they, too, consisting for the most part of women and children, their husbands being Sacraficed to a More Early rage;

the manner thereof was by forcing them into the water of that part of the bridge which the Rebells at their first setting out had cut down, thinking thereby to Intercept the English, which lay on the East side of the River, from molesting their Intended villanies.

he Chief Commander of the Rebells in this bloody expedition was one Capt. Tool McCann, a native of this parish. Portadown is so called from Purt and Dunam,

Purt in Irish being a Port, and Dunam a place to Land upon from off the Bann river, which runs through this

Town, over which Stands a fair Wood Bridge near upon a thousand foot in Length. This River parts the

Diocess of Armagh from that of Dromore. It divides also the Barony of Nealand into East and West; that proportion of Land lying on the East side of the River is called Clanbrazill, which lately gave Title to an Earldom; that on the west side, especially that part of it which joyns Lough Neagh and the Bann, Clan-Cann, probably so called from the McCanns, a Family of Irish gentry formerly owners thereof. This River has its banks adorned with spacious and profitable Woods; is

replenished with Salmon, trout, Pike, and Eel; has a Slow and Smooth course, fetching its rise from

Sleaghnekirk, so called in the County of Down, from whence it gently glides into Lough Neagh. What has been reported of the vertue of this Lough in petrifying wood has so litle of Truth in it that 'tis unfit to abuse posterity with a fresh Relation thereof, the Long Stones, as they call them, being usually found in dry and sandy hills. Besides, a Gentleman of this County, to try the Experiment, fastened an Oak Stake

74

-2

in a privateplace of the Lough near upon twenty years ago, the same retaining still all the qualitys of wood, without any alteration in the Least otherwise than what

is usuall to wood lying so long in water.

The

circumference of this Lough, with the nooks and bendings thereof, can be no less than an hundred miles. The Soile of this Barony of O'Nealand is very deep and fertile, being productive of all Sorts of grain, as wheat, Rye, Barly, Oats, etc. The vast quantity of wheat that is yearly carrked hence into the County of Antrim, besides the maintenance of above two thousand Familys with bread, which Number I find to Inhabit this Small Barony, most whereof being English, do plainly demonstrate it to be the granary of Ulster, and one of Ceres's chiefest barns for Corn; and as it Excells all the rest for Corn, so it challenges the preference for fruit trees, good sider being sold here for 30 shillings the hogshead. Some of our Gentlemen can make already twenty or thirty hogsheads in a Season, which is but a Small increase to what may be Expected when their Orchards and yearly new plantations come to their perfection.

he farmers are here injoined by their

Leases to plant aple trees proportionable to the

quantity of their Land; so that if the sinfullness of the people do not forestall those blessings of peace and plenty which God in His bounty designes for us, this bounty twenty or thirty years hence will be litle inferiour to the best sider [cider] county in England.

The

great plenty of oak wood which this Barony affords makes

our houses much better than those of other parts where that assistance is wanting. The very Roads are here so

well planted with houses and other improvements that they seeme to be but as one continued Town. Our churches are not so large as decent and wel situated, having this to make them Renowned that they are once a week filled with Loyall and conformable protestants. The Market Towns of this Barony are Loughgall, Legacory, Portadown and Lurgan, all inconsiderable save the last, in and about which is managed the greatest Linnen manufacture in Ireland. Those few Irish we have amongst us are very much reclaimed of their barbarous customs, the most of them speaking English, and for agriculture they are

15

5-

litle Inferiour to the English themselves. In a word, the fertility of the Soile, the curious inclosures, the shady Groves and delicate seats, that are everywhere dispersed over this Barony doe all concur to make it a Paradise of pleasure. I have travalled through several parts of England but did never meet with any County or part thereof surpass this of O'Nealand in anything conducing either to profit or pleasure, the buildings

only excepted.

Sr, I presume your own knowledge can

informe you of the Truth of most that I have said; and if there had been anything more of remark in this Barony that could be any way usefull to that good and ingenious designe you are about, which will undoubtless undeceive our very Neighbouring Kingdome, as well as more remote parts, in their mean and despicable opinion of this nation, it should have been freely communicated by, Sr, your humble Servant,

WILLIAM BROOKE.

Extract from Ulster Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 4, 1897, page 240.

Compiled at the instance of the famous Dr. William Molyneux, who was commissioned in 1682-3 to collect (principally from clergymen) statistical accounts of Irish districts for publication in Moses Pitt's Grand Atlas. This unfortunate publication succumbed without reaching the volume in which Ireland was to have been described.

76

683 Pelligs

mass oab

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naa Lurge Cronen ouggall

hl

nortadown.

1684. usingat clef

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ent

Richmount,

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18

1687.

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St.

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Patrick's

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(St. Patrick's Well unce a dlace olanma Mahon

9.2)

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House

,

79.

1668.

Father James O'Coigly scommontet sgoven d Father

Quigley

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lan s

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Muaschargenh

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armadsnmmansanaxle Maidstone 1798 onsennedn n

a

o

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80

Portadown Bridges.

The first bridge over the river Bann at Portadown

that we have any record of is the one so frequently

mentioned in the depositions of the survivors of the

tragic Civil War of 1641. The actual date of its

erection is uncertain but we can safely assume that no

such an amenity existed there in pre-Plantation times.

We know that the original bridge was of wood.

The evidence for that fact emerges from documentation

and local tradition. In October 1641 it was cut in

the centre by Captain Toole McCann acting on the orders

of Sir Phelim O'Neill, and from it a considerable number

of British settlers were thrown into the river and

drowned at that unhappy period.

The bridge in question was no doubt a crude

construction and is unlikely to have been repaired again

much before the Restoration of Charles II. It is not

described for instance in 1657 in Cromwell's Survey of

County Armagh, which by the way mentions that "Portadown

was a fit place for a school and that Simon Hornby was

schoolmaster there" - a state of affairs that presupposes

a trend of recovery from Capt. Toole McCann's utter

destruction of the town in June 1646 an event that took

place immediately following the Battle of Benburb.

2.

8.

We are lucky in that we have a description of the

next bridge in "An Account of the Barony of ONeiland"

written in 1682 by the Rev. William Brookes, rector of

the parish of Drumcree and then resident in the town of

Portadown, who describes it as "a fair wooden bridge over

1,000 feet in length". That bridge continued in use

until the beginning of the 18th century. The story of

its replacement figures in Thomas Molyneux's "Journey

to the North" wherein we are told that the author (who

was a son of Samuel Molyneux of Castledillon, County

Armagh, and brother of the celebrated William Molyneux,

the compiler of the "Case of Ireland Stated") left the

family seat accompanied by a friend in August 1708, on

a tour of the northern counties. On the way they passed

through Portadown, a village situated on the river Bann

and we learn that "their horses passed over in a wherry,

that a bridge was then a-building, very large and handsome,

but not finished". We have a further reference to that

particular structure in the House of Commons Journals

under date March 3, 1750, by which we are informed, that

"the canal runs into the river Bann near Portadown, where

there is a wooden bridge, low and flat, and in time of

floods boats are obliged to wait sometimes for five or

six weeks, before they can pass under the bridge."

62.

It was suggested that the best method of avoiding the

delay would be to make a cut of one hundred and twenty-

five perches with a large arch of stone, which could

not be effected for less than £230.10.0d. Whether

this proposed arch ever came into being seems doubtful

and four years afterward the bridge was swept away in

the great floods of 1754.

Nine years later in 1763 the first stone bridge

was begun and by the end of 1764 it was completed but

early in the following year part of the bridge collapsed.

This was considered of sufficient merit as a news item

to warrant attention by the Press. According to the

Belfast News-Letter of 22 January 1765 "three of the

arches of the new stone bridge over the river Bann fell

down a few days previously. The bridge consisted of

seven arches and had been open to carriages from

October 1764. It was thought that the accident was

due to two facts, firstly that it came into use too soon

before the work took bond, and secondly a wet season

with consequent great floods

In this case the necessary renovation was duly

carried out. The bridge, however, was damaged in the

floods of 1786 and like its immediate predecessor was

situate in the townland of Edenderry.

We have a record

83

of it in Shaw Mason's "Parochial Survey of Ireland"

compiled by William Blacker of Carrickblacker in 1816.

Building on the Seagoe side of the river was then

extending and the bridge in existence is described as

consisting of seven arches, the centre or main arch

being sufficiently wide to admit the passage of sloops

which trade on the river.

A few years later that bridge seems to have been

enlarged by six additional arches. The first

reference I have found regarding the matter occurs in

Thomas Bradshaw's "General Directory of Armagh and

Tyrone" which states that Portadown is pleasantly

situated on the west bank of the river over which there

is an excellent bridge of thirteen arches. An actual

sketch of this bridge survives, due to the fact that

in 1820 the Manor of Ballyoran alias Portadown, was

sold by the Revd. Archibald Eyre Obins, the last male

representative of his family to his kinsman Robert

Sparrow who immediately had a survey of the property

made by William Greig and John Hill, two gentlemen

well-known to the landed proprietors and Grand Juries

of Ireland. Described as a "Reduced Map of the

Manor of Ballyoran the property of Robert Sparrow,

Esq. lying in the Parish of Drumcree Barony of ONeiland

West and County of Armagh, surveyed in 1820 by William

F. 84

Greig and John Hill" it incorporates a pleasant wash

drawing of the bridge. This survey survived in the

Acheson estate office at Markethill until recently

when through the generosity of the present Earl of

Gosford the accumulated archives of the Cavan and

Armagh properties were deposited in the Public Record

Office of Northern Ireland.

In 1833 it was decided that the bridge should be

rebuilt and an advertisement was issued as under -

see Newry Telegraph 1 Nov. 1833.

"Architects.

Wanted a plan, specification and estimate

of a bridge to be erected over the river

Bann at Portadown in the county of Armagh.

The River Bann is 170 feet broad and forms

part of the Newry Navigation.

The plans, etc. to be left at the house of

Mr. Thomas Shillington, Portadown, on or

before the first of January next, upon

which day the Committee will meet there.

Thirty guineas will be paid to the person

whose plan shall be approved of, who will

also get the execution of the work upon

giving satisfactory security.

The contract for the proposed new bridge was

confirmed at the County Armagh Summer Assizes in 1834.

The Ordnance Memoirs of 1835 describe the then

bridge as "old and narrow" and "connecting the town

of Portadoun with a number of houses built on the

other side of the river in Seagoe Parish on the road

to Lurgan", and we are informed that "it has long been

contemplated and we believe now decided to build a

new one at an estimated expense of £8,400".From

further notes made by the Ordnance Field Officers in

this year we learn that "in the summer months the

meadows along the Bann were covered with black cattle

and that the river was narrow above the bridge but

widened out almost to the size of a small lake below

it". This notice of the native black cattle is of

interest as Lord Conway in his "Progress of his Forces

against the Rebels" dated 26 October 1642 complains

that "the Irish and their cattle were so acquainted

with the Bann that they took to the river like ducks".

But to return to the bridge. In 1837 a Field

Survey was made of Drumcree Parish which states that

"a very fine bridge was then being built over the Bann

at Portadown. It was of granite and would display

"three semi-eliptical arches and two smaller semi¬

.

86

eliptical arches". The same authority states that the

work was commenced in 1834 and would probably be finished

in 1838. The architects were Arthur Williams and Sons

of Dublin and their estimate was £8,000 but it was

commonly believed that the actual cost was more likely

to be £9,000 when completed. At that time the bridge

of thirteen arches was still being made use of but was

to be taken down in the following year.

According to a County Armagh Grand Jury Presentment

made at the Summer Assizes of 1838 the Committee appointed

to build the bridge consisted of -

Viscount Mandeville,

Charles Brownlow, Esq.,

Lieut-Col. William Blacker,

W. J. Hancock, Esq.,

J. H. Carleton, Esq.,

T. A. Shillington, Esq. and

John Overend, Esq.

and we learn that a sum of £505 was levied at that

Assize which with former levies making £7,535, totalled

the contract price of £8,040.

That bridge survives but was widened in 1922.

Mr. Charles Johnston, Esq. D.L., was Chairman of the

Committee responsible and the event is commemorated by

F. 86.

a bronze plaque attached to the south wall. The

work necessitated alterations in the structure. The

original arches remain but are now only visible from

the north side.

In conclusion I should perhaps mention that in

the 17th cent ry there was apart from the bridges a

ferry service at Portadown. On Dec. 1, 1626 Michael

Obins the then owner of the Manor was in financial

difficulties and his lands which included a ferry

were distrained in favour of a creditor, a certain

Robert Horseman, Esq. Again in 1634 we find the

town described as "Port of Down" in a deed of Charles

I, 2 July 1634 relative to ferry rights. The ferry

at Portadown subsequently appears in a deed of 21 Nov.

1660 on lease to Alexander Shinton for 21 years.

Four years later, however, we find Andrew Fisher, son

of Sir Edward Fisher of Mickleton, Glos., petitioning

the King and stating that he and his father suffered

imprisonment etc. for their loyalty to the late King

and his present Majesty and prays for a grant of 60

years of the King's Ferry of Portadown at the usual (1) rent of c4 per an.

(1) Cal. State Papers Ireland, Vol.1663-1665.

B

Portadown was at first of little consequence owing

to various reasons which retarded its early growth and

prosperity. William Powell the first grantee under

the Plantation Settlement never took up residence, in

fact he sold his allotment of lands as quickly as

possible to a neighbouring undertaker, the Revd. Richard

Rolleston, proprietor of the Manor of Teemore.

Rolleston, unfortunately, was ill-equipped

financially and unwisely mortgaged his Manor of Teemore

to Annesley of Mountnorris, an unlucky arrangement that

resulted in his being compelled to sell the Portadown

estate almost immediately after acquiring it.

He found a purchaser in Richard Cope of Loughgall

who divided the Manor of Portadown into two parts of

which he sold the lesser to Michael Obins, a fairly

well-to-do tenant on the Castledillon estate. Obins,

however, was not a man of means and in a short time

became insolvent, but his son John managed to save the

lands and they remained in the hands of the family until

1820 in which year they were purchased by Robert Sparrow

ancestor of the Sparrows of Tanderagee.

8

APPENDIXI

The Sparrows of Tanderagee.

Anne Bence daughter of Robert Bence of Hensted

(for whom see Bence of Kentwell Hall, B.L.G.) was

born in 1707 and in 1740 married Robert Sparrow of

Worlingham Hall and Kettleborough, Suffolk, and by

him, who died in 1764, had issue -

I.

Robert Sparrow of Worlingham Hall who by his wife Mary daughter and heir of Sir John Bernard Bt., of Brampton Park had one son and one daughter -

1. Robert Bernard Sparrow of Worlingham

Hall, b.1773, who married 14th May 1797, Lady Olivia Acheson daughter of Arthur lst Earl of Gosford and

died a Brigadier-General in the West Indies in 1805, leaving a daughter and heiress -

Millicent Sparrow who married 8 Oct. 1822 George 6th Duke of Manchester and died 21 Nov. 1848.

2.

Mary Sparrow who married 20 July 1805 Archibald 2nd Earl of Gosford and died in 1841.

II.

Bence Sparrow 2nd son, Rector of Beccles, Suffolk, who succeeded to the Bence estate and assumed by sign manual, 2 May 1834, the surname and arms of Bence.

Ancestor of the Bences of Thorinton Hall and Kentwell Hall.

89.

ABPENDIXII.

Acheson - Sparrow - Obins - Montague.

Archibald Acheson 6th Bt., and 1st Viscount Gosford

married in 1740 Mary daughter of John Richardson,

Richhill, Co. Armagh, and had with other issue -

1.

Arthur Acheson 2nd Viscount and 1st Earl of Gosford of whom presently.

2.

Nicola Acheson who married Michael Obins of Portadown by whom she had a son -

1.

The Rev. Archibald Eyre Obins the last male member of that family to hold the Portadown estate.

Arthur, 1st Earl of Gosford, married in 1774 Millicent

daughter of Lieut. General Edward Pole and had with

other issue -

1.

Archibald 2nd Earl of Gosford who married Mary daughter of Robert Sparrow of Worlingham Hall, Suffolk.

2.

Lady Olivia Acheson who married in 1797 Brig.

General Robert Bernard Sparrow of Brampton Park, Huntingdonshire, by whom she had two

children.

1.

Robert A. B. Sparrow who died unmarried

in 1818, aged 19 years.

2.

Milicent Sparrow who married 8 Oct. 1822 Viscount Mandeville, later 6th Duke of

Manchester, whose grandfather Rober

.4.

Sparrow bought the Portadown property in 1820. She died 21 Nov. 1848 leaving issue a son William Drogo Montague, 7th Duke of Manchester ancestor of the present Duke.

40.

PRELIMINARY REPORT.

ABMAGH AMENITIES COMMITTEE.

1943-44.

CONTENTS.

I.

Introductory.

II.

New Schools.

III.

Green Belts.

IV.

Playgrounds.

V.

Houses of architectural or historical

interest.

VI.

Period Ironwork.

VII.

Waste Spaces.

VIII.

Fairs.

IX. General.

X. Tourist Attractions.

----00----

71.

INTRODUCTORY

I.

To the indiscriminating town planning propensities of past Armachians we owe the loss of many irreplaceable features.

Less than two hundred years ago there were substantial remains of the following ancient edifices:-

I. II.

The Abbey of St. Peter and St. Paul.

The Culdee Priory.

III. Temple Na Ferta.

IV. Templemurry V. Church of St. Brigid.

VI. Church of St. Columba.

VII.

The Franciscan Friary.

The Castle of Armagh.

VIII. IX. The Abbey of Mullynure, alias "Bishop's Court"

To-day there is not the slightest trace of any of them, excepting some fragments of the 13th century Franciscan Friary.

The Preservation of those structures would have made Armagh

the Mecca of thousands of Pilg pilgrims each year.

Their loss is

much to be regretted especially as their disappearance is chiefly due to the first town planning attempt of which we have

any record.

Strangely enough two features of even earlier date survived to more recent times - the ancient mound at the southern end of the Mall, removed by order of the Corporation in 1793, and the circle of standing-stones on the south-west slope of the Cathedral Hill, demolished about a century ago, to procure a site for the present Gas Works. Those two monuments carried

our local history back into Pagan times, and had they been cared for would have made our city unique amongst Irish towns.

Unfortunately they are gone and cannot ever be replaced, but one important link with those far-off Pagan centuries remains

and we wish to stress the importance of its preservation.

We

refer to the rings of Daire's rath, a structure that was ancient when Patrick came on his mission to Armagh, and inside whose

enclosing ramparts he eventually secured the church site he so ardently desired. Those rings have an interest value that cannot be measured in terms of cash and we most strongly

recommend that in such places as they survive, serious efforts may be made to retain and strengthen their outlines in any housing schemes that may evolve in those areas.

2.

42

Whilst we can do nothing about monuments that have been destroyed we feel that it is the duty of all good citizens to safeguard any still existing features that have links with the past including such details of craftmanship as ancient ironwork and period architecture for we are of the opinion that our storied city should maintain its character as a centre of craftmanship and inspiration rather than be drawn into modern

industry.

The town has been a place of pilgrimage down the centuries, so one of its main assets should most certainly be its

att action to visitors.

We are, therefore, also concerned

with the preservation of accessible monuments within the

immediate vicinity of the town such as:-

I.

The Druids' Ring, Ballybrolly. A circle

A circle at

present consisting of thirty undressed boulders that formerly enclosed a prehistoric burial place.

II.

The Long Stone, Mullynure. Fragment of a prehistoric grave site.

— III.

The Vicar's Carn, Carnavanaghan. A large unexcavated conical cairn originally enclosed by a circle of standing stones. Apart from archaeological interest

it commands one of the finest inland views in Northern Ireland.

IV

Emain Macha, Navan. Assembly place of the Kings of Ulster from about 350 B.C. until 332 A.D. - the old capital of the Province.

The King's Stables, Tray. A unique basin shaped earthen enclosure linked by tradition with Emain Macha.

VI.

Traditional site of the House of the Red Branch,

Creeveroe.

VII.

The Mound, Tullyard. A mound shaped earthwork, characteristically Norman in appearance but in reality 34+ a much earlier structure. Tradicion records it as the burial place of the Sons of Usna and also links it with a St. Cretan who flourished about the middle of the 7th century. Seems to have been originally an earthen ringed enclosure.

J.

93.

VIII. Reputed burial place of Deirdre in Mullynure.

IX. The Mound, Tullymore. A cenotaph raised to mark the spot on the bank of the Callan where King Niall was accidentally drowned in 846 A.D.

X. The Old Callan Bridge. One of the oldest as well as one of the most interesting bridges in

the county. It crosses the river at a point where three old roads left the town, one to

he north, one to the west and one to the south. at to the south is now a green road and only raceable in fragments, but according to

radition it was by it that Patrick entered rmagh on his mission to our city 1,500 years

ago, and west of Pat Partick's Road and near the bridge is a well still associated with the saint and a place of pilgrimage each 29th June. We feel strongly that this bridge should be carefully preserved in its present condition and that a notice might profitably be set up showing the antiquity of the ford in the river, now spanned by the s ructure.

Besides the monuments mentioned above there are many other important antiquities throughout the county that might well be considered assets from the point of view of inducing archaeologists and tourists to include Armagh in their nerary of the North. We would mention:-

I.

The unique passage-grave on the summit of Slieve Gullion.

—— 11. The horned cairns of South Armagh.

III.

The famous Dorsey Earthwork - the largest entrenched enclosure in Ireland.

IV. The Kilnasaggart Pillar Stone, erected before

the year 714 A.D., and the earliest inscribed stone of the Christian period so far found in

Ireland.

The rude square, headed doorway of the old church of Killevy, dating back to the late 8th or early 9th century.

94.

The Geological aspect of the county as a whole might also be made attractive to students of that particular subject.

For instance the Slieve Gullion "Tertiary Ring Complex“ i well known to specialists, but there is no reason why it should not be known to all.

The carboniferous limestone

area around the city of Armagh is equally interesting and notable for fossils which have the added attraction of being easily procurable, because of the raising of stone for burning in lime kilns, a local industry that might also prove of real interest to tourists.

95.

NEW SCHOOLS - II.

We have found it somewhat difficult to get any clear definition of our duties as a committee.

We have, however,

assumed "amenities“ to mean amongst other things, educational and recreational facilities and have therefore considered the possibility of finding sites for the proposed New Technical and Girls' High Schools and the provision of playing fields for those two institutions.

We feel that the Egg Market, now derelict, might prove an excellent site for the Technical School, provided Playing Fields can be found in the immediate vicinity.

If not we

feel that it should be sited on suitable ground on the outIf the suggestion should be approved,

skirts of the city.

we recommend that when the Market is being demolished that

the clock-tower should be carefully taken down for re-erection, as also the gateway entrance from Linenhall Street.

At the

same time the old wrought iron grille work should be preserved, and all, wherever re-erected, should bear suitable inscriptions stating that they originally formed part of the Armagh Linen Hall Buildings.

As soon as a new Technical School is available we hope

73+

the Market House will return to the custody of the City It has been the site of a Market House for over three centuries and in past days the scene of important civic functions. could again serve many useful purposes.

It

For instance it

might become a valuable social centre and provide accommodation for Art and other Loan Exhibitions of educative and cultural

interest.

As regards a site for the proposed Girls' High School, we consider that there is only one conveniently suitable area

now available for that particular purpose.

We unanimously

approve of certain fields on the south-side of Barrack Hill containing ground to the extent of about eleven acres, a tract extending in length from the top of George's Street or Barrack-well Street to the wooded slope on the west bank of the Folly River.

This space we consider essential if

secondary educational facilities are to be properly developed in Armagh and suitable recreational grounds provided for such scholastic establishments as may eventually be placed there.

76.

The position is an imposing one and the school itself should be planned with great care so that the building may be worthy of its site. From the hill a most delightful slice of rolling countryside is visible, its limit the distant peaks of the Sperrin Mountains. Its middle distance

is broken by the spires of historic town of Dungannon, its foreground adorned by one of the most charming views of our ancient city that is to be found from any view-point in the district.

As a site it has probably no equal for variety

Its elevation promises J+ yaccessibilit a healthy atmosphere and its position ea

and beauty in any town in Ireland.

from the town proper as well as from nearby roads.

974.

GREEN BELTS - III.

We have given much time and thought to the problem of the extent of the Outer Green Belt and its boundaries.

In

the beginning we considered a smaller area possible but upon further deliberation found the difficulty of producing a fixed or definite line insurmountable. We were of opinion that the Palace Demesne wall on the south might prove a

useful and easily delineated line on that side of the town, but actual inspection proved that the continuation from the Newtownhamilton Road to the Callan, which we had contemplated as a possible limit on the west, was only possible by following field fences.

That as a line we decided was unsuitable

as there is reason to believe that with the advent of tractor¬

ploughs and reapers, we may in the near future see considerable enlargements of fields.

The river itself proved disappointing

also, as its course lay too near the centre of the town and

at one point actually bounded a space which we had marked within our Inner Green Belt - we refer to the grounds of the

Sacred Heart Convent.

Under the circumstances we decided to examine roads and lanes as a practicable boundary and eventually after personal inspection, during which we traversed the proposed new limit, we agreed that it was infinitely superior to our original plan, beside leaving us with a much more extensive Outer Belt.

We have marked this boundary on the map which we now submit for your approval.

As regards the "Inner Belt“ we would suggest that the

Palace Demesne (excepting possibly that part west of the old road running through the property from Gallow's Hill to the Newtownhamilton Road) and all the Folly Grounds (excepting the fields immediately behind Barrack Hill reserved for

educational use) be excluded from all building schemes, as strip of land on each side of the Portadown Road well as a suri extending from the Courthouse to Dean's Bridge, so as to preserve one of the finest approaches to the city.

We would

also recommend that portion of the Pavilion Grounds on the north side of the Observatory be reseryed as an open space, unless specially required for cultural purposes in connection with the Observatory itself.

We would also emphasize the

importance of securing the amenities of the Observatory

against interference by roads or housing schemes.

98.

We feel that the lands attached to the following institutions should be excepted from all building plans and so retained as portionsof the Inner Green Belt:-

Shiels Institute.

11.

Tower Hill Hospital.

III.

Armagh Royal School.

IV.

Armagh Observatory.

The County Mental Home.

VI.

Fields bordering St. Patrick's R.C. Cathedral and St. Patrick's Seminary on north and west.

VII. VIII. IX.

Macan Blind Asylum.

The Sacred Heart Convent.

The Chri

ian Brothers' School.

X. The County Infirmary.

We would also include in that particular Belt, the very attractive open space known as the Mall.

No other

town in Ireland has so charming a central feature.

HE MALL.

Two hundred years ago the Mall was the local race¬

course and the Borough Records show that the Armagh Corporation of those days was interested in that particular form of sport.

The actual date on which the ground was

first used for that purpose is unknown owing to the loss of Corporation Records of earlier date than 1731, in which year the Sovereign, Burgesses and Freemen of the cit subscribed towards "a plate" or prize and fixed prices for

stands and booths on the course. Eleven years later the Corporation decided to enclose that part lying within the PP. boundaries of the course, leaving sullicient room outside the enclosure for the continuation of the sport. Particulars as to ditches, gates, etc., then erected appear in Borough Minutes under date June 15, 1742.

As far as we know that

was the first attempt to enclose that part of the Commons of Armagh.

The result of the then planning is shown on

Rocque's Map of 1760, which clearly shows "the Commons" within the Horse Course, as also the "Starting and Winning

Post"

The area was then, of course, devoid of houses and

simply known as "the Course" or "Commons".

99.

Shortly after that date Dr. Richard Robinson was

translated from the See of Kildare to the Archbishopric of Armagh.

Whether he found the bull-baiting, the free

fights, gambling, cockfighting and drinking that then followed the races for some days and was so unpleasant a feature in the town life of that period, offensive or not, is a matter about which we have little information.

It is possible that he considered the consequent riots, the gipsy and tinker encampments and other disagreeable nuisances, undignified adjuncts to a cathedral town.

At any rate in 1773 he leased the Commons to the Sovereign and Burgesses for the purpose of utilizing it as a "Public

Walk" for the inhabitants of the city and thus ended its career as the local race-course.

In 1797 a further lease was made to the Sovereign and Burgesses by his successor, Archbishop Newcome, and in the following year, the low surrounding wall was built, certain gates erected and other improvements made.

The first building to be erected on the Mall was the Prison in 1780.

1809.

It was followed by the Court House in

A year later the first residence was built

house on the south end of the east side, and about that

date the present name came into being.

Later at the replacement of the Sovereigns and Burgesses by Town Commissioners the Mall passed into the hands of trustees. The original trustees are, of course,

long since dead, but their successors hold the Mall in rust for the use of the inhabitants of the city.

Personally we feel that if the Mall must remain trust property, the Trustees should raise subscriptions for its

better preservation and future upkeep.

We would also

recommend the removal of football facilities to a more suitable site.

We feel that the latter game is not a

sport for softish ground - it certainly keeps that part of the Mall in a most unsightly condition during the winter

months, and we are convinced that the Rugby Club would willingly co-operate in any effort that would provide it with a drier playing-ground.

.

10

We think it might be well to appeal to the citizens of Armagh to interest themselves in this most charming

feature of the town and we specially urge all inhabitants who have the welfare of the city at heart, to do everything in their power to prevent thoughtless children from

mutilating and destroying young trees or shrubs thereon.

In this connection we feel that a talk from time to time, to pupils in the local schools on the care of civic property would be productive of good results and be just as necessarily educative as any other school subject.

We

realize quite well, however, that children are not the only offenders in so far as destruction of property in that area

is concerned.

The recent smashing of seats placed there

for the comfort of elderly persons to rest upon on bright

or sunny afternoons was deliberate destruction by young men.

That particular form of hooliganism we feel should be dealt with severely.

A town that is so fortunate as to possess

so pleasant a space in its centre should regard it as one of its most valued possessions.

It should be carefully cared

for and made the chief out-of-doors centre for the social life of the town.

We would further suggest:-

I.

That the Urban Council take steps to put the footpath on the East side of the Mall into

proper order. It is much lower than the road and very frequently under water.

The result¬

ing mess when the path eventually dries up makes that particular foot-path a nuisance most of the months of the year.

II.

That the Cattle Fair should be removed to a properly enclosed Fair Green.

The present

rrangement is obsolete, unsanitary, inconvenient for the inhabitants of the locality and a serious obstacle to transport on three busy routes.

III.

That the Trustees should improve the pathway known as the White Walk.

---------

E.

10),

We advise that particular attention should be paid to the various approaches to the city.

Visitors a

rirst impressions and we consider strongly influenced by l that aspect of town amen ties has been sadly neglected

in the past.

Recent building on the west-side of the

Keady-Newtownhamilton Road, has completely obliterated one of the finest panoramas of Armagh, a view that included a very pleasant prospect ol the two cathedrals and was a favourite study with visiting and local artists.

P. 102

PLAYGROUNDS - IV.

In the re-building and new housing schemes space should be preserved for those most necessary adjuncts to

town amenities.

Lack of such facilities for recreation

breeds young people without any real community sense of responsibility and may indeed be responsible for a certain amount of juvenile crime.

We believe that such playgrounds should be so placed s to be open to the inspection of all and sundry.

We

feel that it would be a mistake to plan them or place them where they are hidden from the view of the general public, such seclusion will only encourage destruction.

We feel that there should be playgrounds in the following areas:-

I.

Callan Street, in the space between that street and Cathedral Road.

II.

Railway Street, where additional space should be obtained for Sports Grounds.

III.

Area between Castle Street and Thomas

Street, with entrances from both those streets or from Chapel Lane.

IV.

Navan Street. The e: isting playground tractive and should be made more atti

residents there should be invited to co-operate in its better preservation,

as wilful damage has occurred there that certainly was not caused by children.

Space between Lonsdale Street and Lower English Street.

VI.

Space at rere of McWatter's Row or on opposite side of road.

103.

HOUSES OF ARCHITECTURAL & HISTORICAL INTEREST - V.

There are no ancient houses in the City of Armagh, but we have some late 18th and early 19th century architecture

that we would recommend for preser

ation.

We append

herewith a list, to which upon future consideration we may add other buildings.

At present all are in good order and

in actual occupation as residences or insoltutions:-

I. House in use as Police Barracks, Irish Street.

Built 1687. Rebuilt 1789.

II. Drelincourt School, 1740.

III. Presbyterian Manse, Abbey Street. Erected 1767. + Third storey added 1807. Further renovation 1818.

IV. Old Presbyterian Church, Abbey Street. Built 1722.

Renovated.

V. Armagh Public Library. Built 1771. Enlarged.

(Thomas Cooley).

VI. The Seven Houses, 1769-1770.

VII. Archbishop's Palace 1770.

(Thomas Cooley and Francis Johnston).

VIII. Palace Row Entrance to Archbishop's Demesne 1770.

(Thomas Cooley).

IX. Royal School, 1773-1774. Enlarged. (Thomas Cooley).

X. Whaley's Buildings 17

XI. County Infirm ry 1774 (George Ensor).

XII. XIII.

he Prison 1780.

The Observatory, 1789-1790. Wing added.

Francis Johnston).

XIV. Mall Side Cafe, Gaol Square, 1791.

XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII.

The Court House, 1809. (Francis Johnston). c4 The Royal Hotel, Dobbin Street, 1811.

St. Mark's Church, 1811. * Bank of Ireland, 1812. (Francis Johnston).

XIX. Mall School, 1818. (Francis Johnston). .

XX. Gateway and Clock Tower, Dobbin Street, 1819-1820. + (Francis Johnston).

Opened in June of lattel year.

XXI. County Mental Home, 1824. (Francis Johnston).

Opened in 1825.

XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV.

Beresford Row, 1809, 1810, 1820, 1835.

Fever Hospital, 1827. (Farrell and Carroll).

Shambles Market and Clock Tower 1827. (Francis Johnston).

Armagh Savings Bank, 1838. (William Murray).

XXVI. Belfast Bank House, circa 1800.

XXVII. Belfast Bank (1850-53). (Lanyon).

F.

194

We are unable at present to provide a complete list of the architects responsible for the houses and institutions in the above summary but we wish to emphasize the fact that three very distinguished men, celebrated for public buildings

erected to their designs in Dublin, are here represented.

We refer to Thomas Cooley (Archbishop's Palace, Palace Row

Entrance Gates, Public Library and Royal School) George Ensor (County Infirmary) and Francis Johnston, architect of the

Observatory, Courthouse, Bank of Ireland, County Mental Home, etc., an Armachian by birth and founder of the Royal Hibernian Academy besides being responsible for some of Dublin's most dignified public buildings as well as castles and mansions in many parts of Ireland.

In connection with houses we would draw attention to

Fire Marks and Ironwork of period interest.

EIRE MARKS.

Armagh is one of the few towns in the North of Ireland

wher in "Fire Marks" may s ill be found in position on certain houses.

The earliest ".

Fire Marks" are said to have been of

lead and those in copper mark a secondary stage. Later they were s struck in cast iron and other metals.

Each Fire Office possessed its own particular "Fire Mark" and in the beginning of the system, firemen belonging to individual companies could only assist in quenching such fires as were covered by their company's "mark"

The few remaining examples should be most carefully preserved especially the two specimens on the Courthouse, and should be mentioned in tourist publications dealing with the Town as also the fact that the City possessed a Corporation

Fire Engine as early as 1788, equipped with leather hose-pipes 38 feet long.

The "Fire Marks" on the Courthouse date from 1809-1810.

B. 105

PERIOD IRONWORK - VL.

The city was at one time somewhat notable for good

examples of wrought iron work in the form of lamp brackets, lamp standards, supports for trading signs etc. Many of the finest and certainly most of the oldest specimens of such craftsmanship have disappeared, but there is still a fair amount of interesting ironwork still surviving.

We append a short list for consideration and would

stress the fact that within living memory some earlier and more decorative work has been superseded by modern work inferior in design - for instance the lamp standards at the

Market House steps are not to be compared with those which they replaced.

When the Royal Society of Antiquaries visited Armagh in 1884, W.J.J. Philips ( a noted architect of those days) first visited informed members of that Society that when he li: Armagh about the year 1866 he was greatly struck by the excellent examples of architectural wrought-iron grille-work in certain parts of the town much of which had diminished between 1860 and the date of the Society's visit.

Since then many fine specimens found their way into the hands of scrap-iron dealers from whom they passed by purchase to collectors, some of the smaller examples actually finding homes in places as far afield as America.

The following examples remain and we strongly feel that they should be preserved:-

I.

Entrance gates, Old Presbyterian Church, Abbey Street, Mid-eighteenth century.

II.

Gate Pillars and Lamp Standards on North and South ends of Mall. Period 1798-1800, and Lamp Holders on Cross Walk, known as the "White Walk". Period

1836. Walk constructed in that year.

III.

Gate Pillars and Lamp Standards at Bank of Ireland, 1812.

(.

106

IV.

Balconies on houses in Beresford Row and Charlemont Place, circa 1827-1830.

V.

Gate Pillars and Lamp Standards at Linen Market, later Egg and Butter Market, circa 1818-1820.

VI.

Gate Pillars and Lamp Standards at entrance to the Pavilion Grounds, circa 1810-1820.

VII.

Gate Pillars and Lamp Standards, Scotch Church, the Mall, 1837.

VIII.

Gates to basement floor of the Market House, 1815.

IX. Gates at College Farm, 1838.

We would mention that this list is incomplete in that we have not listed supports for trading signs, some of which we

think worthy of preservation nor have we explored old gardens in which there may yet remain a certain amount ofgrille-work. sr

In connection with ironwork we would draw attention to the fact that as recently as 1935, the one remaining business house in English Street of period interest had its Georgian doorcases and grille work balconies demolished.

E.

107

WASTE SPACE - VII.

In the early 18th and down to the mid-19th century extensive stabling, out-offices and stores were essential for business purposes owing to the absence of speedy transport.

In Armagh there is a great deal of that kind of property in a most neglected condition, serving no really useful purpose, This waste is often indeed mere breeding places for rats. Ii not confined to business premises alone, the older private dwelling-houses have equally large semi-derelict coach houses and out-offices wasting large spaces that might well be utilized for buildings or playgrounds.

One of the largest

of those patches is the area at the rear of the Seven Houses, extending from English Street to Lonsdale Street in depth.

In several parts of the town there are places suggestive of blitzed areas. We append a list of such spaces and may mention others later.

I.

At North end of Lonsdale Street on East and West sides.

II. —— 11I. IV.

On Banbrook Hill on East side.

Derelict houses on West side of Linenhall Street.

Ground between Castle and Thomas Streets.

Waste ground Callan Street, Gas Lane and Primrose Hill area.

VI. VII.

Derelict houses immediately south of Vicar's Hill.

Waste ground between Victoria Street and Barrack Hill.

VIII. IX.

Derelict houses south side of Chapel Lane.

Waste ground at rear of old Royal Hotel in Dobbin Street.

X. Waste ground between College and Russell Streets.

A glance at a large scale map of the city discloses many other odd angles, alleys and yards, all more or less derelict, representing a large waste of valuable ground.

This aspect

is perhaps even more clearly discernible when the town is viewed from the old cathedral tower.

B. 108

FAIRS - VIII.

We strongly recommend that some settled plan be arrived at with regard to Fairs.

This might take the lines suggested

by Mr. Bell in his Report - see „Planning of Armagh“ p.14. para. 3.

Armagh is an ancient Market Town. In early days its affairs were controlled by a Seneschal, appointed by the Archbishop, an official to whom there are many references in the medieval registers of the Archiepiscopal See. It

seems to have been a Market Town of some standing in 1467 when King Edward IV, granted a new charter to the Archbishop.

Whether that was for a Tuesday Market or not is uncertain

but the chief market has been held on that day since 1587 in which year a Tuesday Market was granted to the citizens Tvrone. on the petition of Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone

In 1614, following the Plantation of Ulster with English and Scotch settlers, King James I granted a further charter by which the Tuesday Market was continued and Patents issued for fairs on the 17th March and lst August and on the day following each. In 1634 an additional Saturday Market and

a fair on St. Peter's Day and the day following came into being.

In 1753 the fairs were increased by two more, held

respectively on 20th May and 20th November. Later still they became monthly events and so continue.

By King James' Charter the affairs of the city were placed in the hands of a Sovereign and twelve Burgesses, assisted by an assembly or jury of free citizens.

By virtue

of that particular grant two Parliamentary representatives were elected from time to time to serve in the Irish 74 Parllament, a practice that continued down to the days of + the Union with Great Britaln after which only one representative was allowed, a privilege later abolished completely.

The Markets and Fairs were held originally in the Market Square, which was in earlier times convenient and

suitable for the purpose.

Later, however, that space

became too congested, so in the early 19th century certain

E.

109

individual markets like the Flax, Shambles, and Linen Markets were built.

Some of those in turn were eventually

devoted to other uses.

The Linen Market for instance

became the Egg and Butter Market, but is now derelict owing

to the fact that such butter as is farm produced is collected with eggs at the farms and conveyed direct to stores and shops by motor transport.

This market is unlikely to ever

revive. Another important cause of its decline is due to the advent of Creameries, a factor that results in the almost total absence of farm butter.

.

110.

GENERAL - IX.

We hope that future planning will ensure that houses be built on one side only in certain streets and that in re-building schemes attention will be paid to the placing -*. ol the two Cathedrals as the chief points of focal interest in the new townscape, so that future planning will not result in those two edifices being less well situated than at present. Town planning or rather the

lack of it has dealt unkindly with both of them - Vicar's Hill was a sad mistake blocking completely the view of the old Cathedral from the west, whilst St. Patrick's Seminary in a similar way spoils the view of the new Cathedral from the North-east.

Market Street.

II.

This we consider one of the most

neglected areas in the town.

We feel that it should be

possible to modernize or adapt existi ting premises and so

make it more attractive. We would strongly urge the :++ Housing Committee to give that part of the C: special attention, otherwise we fear there is the danger of a slum area developing in the heart of the town.We

also

feel that it might be advisable to remove entirely the few houses that are situate at the entrance to Church Lane from Market Street. We should also like to see

the trees in the Market Square better cared for and if 17+ further planting should take place there, we hope that they will not be placed so close to dwelling houses as to exclude light.

We do not feel that the portion west of and above the Market House is a safe place for car-parking and we hope its use as such will be discontinued.

We should like to see the Market Cross restored and placed in its old position in the space between the Market House and the East Gate entrance to the Cathedral.

III.

In new housing schemes we think attention should be paid to roof outlines.

One of the most ghastly examples

of that kind of carelessness is the Ritz Picture House roof.

24.

111.

IV.

In the main streets new buildings should not be

allowed to spoil existing roof lines unduly.

Woolworth's

premises in English Street, for instance, should be at

least one storey higher.

Action should be taken against certain shops that

swill out their interiors across the footpaths and leave masses of soap-suds, and sawdust floating in the channels on the main streets.

This habit has been commented

upon unfavourably by visitors.

VI.

Building developments of the type at the lower side

of the Palace Row Gates should be avoided.

Attention should be paid to the disfigurement of

VII.

the approaches to the city by ugly advertisement hoardings and, in the town itself, to the poles and wires of the electricity service - for instance Cathedral Close is now an eyesore due to criss-crossing of wires.

VIII.

In streets where new houses must replace decayed buildings we would suggest that some attention may be .

It is paid to their harmony with exiseing houses. rather a shock to visitors to Castle Street to find a few aggressively modern and rather ugly red-brick houses set in the midst of a street of old stone built homes.

We feel that the new houses might at least have been provided with stone fronts as there was no lack of that material on the actual spot.

IX.

We would like to see all the houses on the west side

of Castle Street removed so that light and sunshine might penetrate to the old houses on the east side.

We

feel that Castle Street has great possibilities if some

such scheme could come into operation. The existing houses on the east side would, of course, require to be modernized. This street running as it does on the line of the inner ring of the old entrenched abode of prechristian days has definite character as regards tourist appeal, though it has not the architectural interest of

Dobbin Street, a street of considerable charm and somewhat like it in arrangement.

22.

112,

X.

In the re-building of streets we hope old

designations will be retained and we would suggest that where new terraces are built names should be chosen that bear some significance to the town's past history.

XI.

We feel that the Urban Council should perhaps purchase lands in the immediate vicinity of the city when

opportunity arises and not wait until necessity compels it to purchase at "hold-up" prices. We would also suggest that the Council approach the representatives of the Dobbin family and the National Trust so that the Folly lands might be acquired by that body if the Council

cannot take it over.

XII.

We feel that plots might take the place of individual gardens in many of the proposed new housing schemes.

Gardens are a sadly neglected feature in Armagh, a fact clearly apparent even now in the midst of war.

On the whole we think the standard of cleanliness

XIII.

is lower than it should be and we consider that steps should be taken to make town dumps less unsightly.

XIV.

We are inclined to recommend the retention of the

Pound.

It is not the earliest city pound and has only

occupied its present site since 1800, but it is a good example of such enclosures and provided with the necessary running water.

We do not know of any other town in the

county where a Pound has survived.

We feel that local crafts like wood-turning by the

XV.

old-fashioned foot-operated pole lathe, should be strongly encouraged and that during the summer months specimens of +. work by local craftsmen should be on exhibition in some central place such as the City Hall or Market House.

The sale of locally made lace could be stimulated in the same way if examples were on view in the tour st season.

Some scheme should be evolved for a more suitable

XVI.

building on the site of the birthplace of St. Malachy.

XVII.

As Armagh is the capital of the county, and its

amenities affect each and all of us, we suggest that certain mountain and moorland tracts should be preserved

and made known to tourists. We believe that under the provisions of the Planning and Housing Act (N.I.) 1931, S.1 (2) such localities may be protected under the terms of a Planning Scheme and we consider that the necessary

tteps should be taken to have this proposal duly effected.

.

113.

rrn TOURIST AITRACTIONS - X.

Local guide books should be careful not to paint imaginary or exaggerated pictures or lead tourists to anticipate beauties or interests that are practically nonTourists cannot ever be made to believe that

existent.

geese are swans and it is unwise to underate their intelligence.

Most of them are better informed as regards city

history than the majority of the citizens, a fact greatly to be deplored, as such ignorance gives visitors a poor

impression of the town and its inhabitants.

With respect to tourists we would suggest as under

I. Posters showing the town from the air, with references to the ancient hill-top enclosure, important buildings, etc., should be placed in key tour

II.

st stations and shipping offices.

Maps of the city should be erected at Railway and Bus Stations. They should also be placed

in local hotels.

Interesting buildings and

special features should be clearly marked.

III.

In tourist propaganda, guide books etc. publicity ought to be given to special amenities such as:-

(1)

Transport - Rail and Bus.

2.

Cathedrals - choral services.

74+.

Schools - Education facillties.

Libr libraries - current literature, manuscripts and rare books.

Observatory

8.

Museum - Material illustrating Local history ..++ and antiquitles.

(7)

Recreational facilities - golf, tennis, cricket, football.

(8) Open Air Swimming Pool.

IV.

Hotels should be encouraged to cater for the mind 173+ By cultivating personallty as well as the body.

tractand character they could help immensely in acur ing visitors.

Both Charlemont and Beresford Hotels

have historical links well worth the attention of visitors - associations which indeed would be of immense interest to their clientage.

24.

11.

V. Plates might be attached to certain houses of historical interest - for instance the old inn

at top of Abbey Street in which King James stayed in 1689 and William's General, the Duke

of Schomberg in 1690 - might be so marked as well as the house in Market Street in which

King James stayed on his retreat from Derr A plate should also be erected to show the site of St. Patrick's first church in Armagh, the eventual burial place of himself and his sister St. Lupita.

15.

ARMAGH URBAN DISTRICT COUNCIL

City Hall,

Armagh.

9th March, 1944.

Dear Mr. Paterson,

This is a most interesting report and constitutes

the most easily read and appreciated account of Armagh

and its neighbourhood that I have seen.

I would have been only too pleased to have had it

printed along with Bell's, and for the purposes of

securing the approval of the Rural Authorities to the

provision of the green belt would have been of the

greatest value.

Will you please try and find time to complete it

and send it to me.

A Meeting with the Rural Special Committee has been

arranged for the afternoon of Tuesday, 14th inst., and

it is really imperative that you attend.

Yours sincerely,

V. Knighton Smith.

T.G.F. Paterson, Esq.,

English Street,

ARMAGH.

116

The County Museum, Armagh.

20th September, 1944.

Dear Mr. Smith,

Re Mr. Conran's letter of 11th July enclosing copy of

letter from Planning Advisory Board Tourist Committee with

a request from you that I should bring the matter before the

Amenities Committee. Owing to holidays it has been somewhat

difficult to arrange meetings hence the delay in my reply.

In conjunction with a Committee appointed by the Armagh

Chamber of Commerce we have carefully considered the question¬

naire forwarded to you by the Planning Advisory Board, and I

now submit for your information the joint committees

suggestions and conclusions regarding it.

We trust you will attend the proposed Planning Board

Advisory Committee's conference and give evidence as to

facts embodied in our Summary.

Yours faithfully,

T.G.F. Paterson,

Chairman Joint Committees.

117.

I - Available Hotel Accommodation.

We do not feel that the necessary accommodation will be available for tourists in so far as our Provincial towns are concerned, especially in view of the fact that large numbers of British, Colonial and American Servicemen have expressed their determination to revisit Northern Ireland following the 141 cessation of hostillties.

II- Ideas on Improvement.

As regards the provision of such accommodation we would

suggest that progressive hotel proprietors be approached by the Advisory Planning Board Tourist Committee, with a view to encouraging them to modernize and extend their premises or failing the necessary space for such improvement to induce them to open supplementary premises.

We strongly feel that the licensing laws relating to hotels and restaurants require amendment and that all such licensed places should be permitted to supply refreshments with meals on Sundays.

At the same time we deem it essential

that some scheme similar to that in operation in Southern

Ireland whereby hotels and boarding-houses are governmentinspected would prove advantageous here.

Cafes and restaurants generally need to be made much

more attractive and moderately priced food, good cuisine and speedy service are absolute necessities.

We would specially

stress the importance of quick service as an essential factor

in all such establishments.

III - Pre-War Bus and Train Services.

We regret that we are unable to procure accurate information as to Pre-War rail and bus services.

Rail communication

in so far as Armagh is concerned, is better now than it was in 1938.

Transport by bus, however, was much more satisfactory

in the pre-war period.

IV - Current Bus and Rail Services.

As to current services we would suggest that you supply the Board with up-to-date rail and bus guides and that you draw its attention to the lack of co-ordination between the two services.

Bus services on routes covered by railways

seem to compete with trains rather than supplement them,

2.

118

There is a further drawback in that bus transport through districts not served by railways makes no serious effort to provide facilities for bicycles or heavy luggage.

This is especially evident in the Clogher Valley where road

transport was assumed to be capable of providing accommodation equal to or even better than rail.

Another feature of complaint in respect to bus travel lies in the careless labelling as to routes. It is not unusual to have the direction sign above the driver's seat show an entirely different destination to that on the side of the vehicle.

Signs so displayed are a source of worry

to the general public and are unlikely to be appreciated by tourists.

Rail travel will also have to be made more attractive if tourists are to be encouraged. At junctions and on 34+ branch lines conaltions are very primitive and carriages P.;7+ are often in a lilthy condition. There are frequently long delays due to unsatisfactory connections.

Few stations

have decent or even clean waiting-rooms and amongst stationstaff at junctions there is great uncertainty as to the actual platform of departure.

Added to that there is the

fact that travellers to Armagh from Dublin and Derry have long and unnecessary waits at Portadown.

Another incon¬

venience from the tourist point of view is the lack of transport facil.ties in Provincial towns between stations and the centre of the towns, a problem that awaitsserious consideration.

As tourists find local dialects somewhat difficult to

understand, we feel that the railway companies should try and devise some better method of making changes known to travellers, than that at present in use. We also think that the transport facilities for bicycles needs attention.

Young people complain and with very good reason that their machines are carelessly handled. It is not unusual to find a spoke broken or discover a number of bicycles so entangled that it is almost impossible to separate them. If railway companies were responsible for the resulting damage they would no doubt see that their staff exercised greater care.

We would also recommend that all carriages built in future should be corridor type.

Lack of toilet facilities in the

closed type of carriage is a great inconvenience.

3.

119.

V- Outdoor Recreational Facilities.

Armagh can offer certain out-of-doors recreational facilities.

We have a beautifully situated nine-hole golf

course and good swimming pools both open to visitors.

There are two Hunt Clubs in the vicinity with coursing and point-to-Point races as additional attractions, besides

cricket and tennis clubs. On the roads around the City the ancient game of "Long Bullets" is still being played though almost extinct elsewhere in Ireland.

There is also

river and lake fishing in the immediate neighbourhood as well as good rough shooting.

VI — Indoor Amenities.

With regard to indoor amenities we are in a less G* + We have three cinemas and there are fortunate position. subscription dances practically every night, but except

for touring companies we have no theatrical inducements to offer.

VII - Places of Historic Interest.

We do not propose to weary you with a list of places

of historic interest or beauty in the City or district that we have already dealt pretty fully with in our Amenities

Committee Preliminary Report, a copy of which is already in your possession. Used in conjunction with the admirable and carefully written account of the City and County in the

Ulster Tourist Association Guide to the Province, there is ample evidence for the satisfaction of the Planning Advisory Board on those two points.

We feel, however, that the Armagh City Council should produce a detailed guide book for the town and immediate districts.

It should be well illustrated, contain the

necessary maps and especially feature day and other excursions for which Armagh is a convenient centre.

We

would suggest a compilation under the following headings:-

I. Geological, archaeological and historical background.

II. Ancient ecclesiastical sites, churches,public building and places of interest in the City.

120

III.

Street names and their derivation, old houses of call etc.

IV.

City Government past and present.

V. Local military organizations down the centuries.

VI.

Prehistoric monuments and buildings of historic or period appeal in the immediate

neighbourhood.

VII.

Local crafts and industries - lace-making,

wood-turning, lime burning, turf-cutting, etc.

VIII.

County customs, Brigid's Crosses, Harvest Knots, Bilberry Sundays, Bullet throwing, etc.

IX.

X.

Links with the Colonies and with America.

Day and other excursions to places and monuments of general interest and beauty in Armagh and surrounding counties.

XI.

XII.

Cycling and hiking tours.

Particulars as to -

1. Rail and bus services.

2. Hours of services in various churches and mentioning choral services in the cathedrals.

Schools and educational facilities.

4. Public library, medieval manuscripts and rare books.

5. Observatory

6. County Museum.

The guide should be supplemented by carefully designed posters showing the town from the air with particular reference to the old hill-top enclosure, important buildings etc., and such posters should be placed in key tourist

stations and shipping offices.

Posters with maps of the

City should be shown at the railway and bus stations and in all the local hotels.

5.

12

IIII - Car Parks.

Car Park accommodation is available at present in Market Square and on the Mall. The former space is central but not so suitable because of its sloping surface The Mall,

and its situation in a somewhat congested area.

however, is capable of parking a very large number of cars and might be used for that purpose until more central parks come into being under the proposed Town Planning Scheme.

We feel that all such car parks should be under the super¬

vision of some responsible person.

IX - Tourist Appeal.

We believe that Armagh has definite tourist appeal.

It was in pre-christian days the seat of the kings of Ulster and from the dawn of christianity in our Island, it has been the ecclesiastical capital of our country.

That gives the

y a background unequalled in historic interest by any other town in Ireland.

We would suggest that in connection with its past history that certain sites and houses should bear commemorative tablets, for instance a plate should be erected to show the site of St. Patrick's first Church in Armagh, the eventual burial place of himself and his sister St. Lupita.

Such tablets would be appreciated by tourists and might possibly awake interest in a local public as well.

We are convinced that Ulster county towns can become centres of tourist activity provided the local authorities

and hotel proprietors agree to co-operate.

It would be

the duty of the various town councils to attract visitors,

suggest and plan excursions and supply information as to facilities.

That we are convinced can best be done through

local Information Bureaux. Such offices should be under

the charge of capable men or women with a good knowledge of the local archaeological and historical background, able to discuss and indicate the tourist st resources of the district and advise Colonials and Americans on the sources of information available for research into family history.

Such bureaux should not become mere distributing centres for printed material.

122

Hotel proprietors and boarding house keepers would have an equal responsibility in seeing that such visitors were comfortably housed and provided with skilfully cooked meals.

Tourists appreciate and enjoy variety in dishes

but very often country town hotels fail to study their

guests from that angle. They might also consider the 7 possibill y of serving light but satisfactory meals independent of ordinary lunch or dinner hours.

123.

City Hall,

Armagh.

19th June, 1946.

Dear Mr. Gordon, The members of the Armagh Amenities Committee are somewhat disturbed by the report that the space between the Golf Links and the Demesne wall is about to be utilized for building purposes.

In their Report to the Commissioner in 1944 they advised the retention of the Palace Demesne as portion of the City Green Belt, excepting that part West of the old road through the property from Gallow's Hill to the Newtownhamilton Road.

They feel that houses on that particular site cannot possibly be considered good planning, as their erection would mean ribbon development on a comparatively busy road that may, in the near future, require widening - a necessity that could only be achieved from that particular side.

The Committee realizes that houses are an immediate

problem, but they do not feel that any part of the proposed inner belt should be devoted to such uses whilst other sites are available.

They hope you will give this matter your serious consideration.

Yours faithfully,

T.G.F. Paterson,

Chairman of Amenities Committee.

J.D. Gordon, Esq., B.Sc.,

County Planning Officer, 10, Abbey Street, Armagh.

124.

ARMAGH URBAN DISTRICT COUNCIL

CITY HALL

AFMAGH.

11th July, 1944.

Dear Sir,

I enclose herewith copy of a letter feceived by me

from The Secretary, Planning Advisory Board dated 22nd

June, 1944.

The Commissioners would be grateful if you would

bring this letter before the Urban Amenities and Open

Spaces - Sub Committee at the first opportunity in order

to ascertain the views of the members regarding this

matter.

Yours faithfully,

V.M. Conran,

Town Clerk.

T.G.F. Paterson, Esq.,

English Street,

ARMAGH.

125.

ARCHIILCIURE.

The Belfast Bank. New or present building

was designed by Mr. Lanyon, the Bank architect.

The Armagh Guardian of 1 July 1850 states that

Lanyon "visited Armagh on the Saturday before

last", and mentions that the stone was obtained

from the Rev. Mr. Pratt's quarry at Glasslough.

Armagh Guardian, Friday, Nov. 4, 1853".

12.6.

ABMACH.

THE PAVILION.

William Algeo, Esq., of the 82nd Foot married 1st 1804, Margaret Livingstone, daughter of Robert May Livingstone, Esq., of Armagh, then Agent to Lord Charlemont.

Capt. Algeo belonged to an old Co. Leitrim family

He built the then of Glenboy near Manor Hamilton.

Pavilion shortly after his mar age and lived there until his death in 1845.

He succeeded his father in law (who died at the Pavilion 20th June 1821, aged 86 years - tombstone Tassagh, Co. Armagh) as Agent of the Charlemont estate.

Robert Livingstone lived in Abbey Street on a site now occupied by the Provincial Bank at the rere of which a stone is still preserved inscribed "R.L. 1774".

His

house was a fine example of the architecture of the period but was demolished to make way for the Provincial Bank.

He was a great friend of John Wesley.

127.

T JAMES QUIN OF AEMAGH, ARCHIIECT.

James Quin, Esq., son of Mr. John Quin, operative

mason, Armagh, appointed to a post in Australia as

Assistant Colonial Architect, Salary £400 per year.

Previous to leaving Ireland he served under Capt.

Tucker, Royal Engineers and subsequently in the employ-

ment of Mr. Dargan at the Ulster Canal. He afterwards

assisted in the building of Russell Street.

In 1840 he laid the foundation of the Roman

Catholic Cathedral from the plan of the late Mr. Duff

and formed a set of books for the accounts. He landed

in Australia 1 Jan. 1851.

Armagh Guardian", Friday, Nov. 4, 1853.

28

ARMAGH

Fever Hospital

The above building until recently the Macan

Asylum for the Blind was erected by Archbishop Lord

John George Beresford in the year 1825. Local

tradition attributed the design to Francis Johnston

but according to the Newry Telegraph of June 8, 1827,

the architects concerned were Messrs. Farrell and

Carroll.

Sinclair Carroll was a local man. He died

Oct. 20th, 1851, aged 56 years.

Farrell was a pupil of Francis Johnston and was

responsible for the enlargement of St. Mark's Church

and for Brookeborough, the seat of the present

Viscount Brookeborough.

124

ROYAL IRISH CONSTABULARY

No attempt seems to have been made to form a police

force in Ireland until towards the end of the 18th

century. Justices of the Peace under various ancient

Acts had power to enrol special constables in their

areas when necessity arose and Irish Statutes contain

much information on the subject. In the rural districts

such constables were chiefly known as parish constables

but in the towns they were more frequently called watch¬

men and were mostly controlled by the Chief Magistrate.

In Armagh, for instance, they were under the supervision

of the Sovereign of the City and appear to have been

appointed annually. The city High Constable, however,

seems to have been a permanent official and Corporation

Records mention laced hats and great-coats as uniform.

We know that they patrolled the streets at night armed

with pikes or halberds and that they carried lanterns -

the light, however, must have been just as useful to

thieves as to themselves. If it helped them to find

their way about the town it was equally beneficial to

persons of felonious intent for it warned them of the

approach of the constables.

In 1787, in the days when the famous Henry Grattan

was member of Parliament for the Borough of Charlemont,

an Act was passed for the policing of Ireland. The Lord

).

130

Lieutenant was authorized to appoint a Chief Constable

for each barony and county grand juries were empowered

to enrol sixteen constables under each Chief Constable.

The costs fell directly upon county taxes in regard to

the sub-constables but the members of the grand juries

being large ratepayers, they managed in some counties

to avoid the expense by neglecting to make the appoint¬

ments. That was roughly the position up until 1792,

about which time crimes had so increased as to thoroughly

alarm the authorities. This resulted in further demands

being made upon the grand juries by which many additional

constables were enrolled, so that in a short time the

system had become general throughout the counties as a

whole.

The Baronial Constables or "old Barneys" as they

were familiarly called were a somewhat inefficient body.

They had no uniform, were without discipline and often

followed their former business or occupation when free

of supervision and as inspection was subject only to the

wims or fancies of an untrained Chief Constable, they

had plenty of spare time on their hands for personal

affairs. This did not make for efficiency and so with

the passing of the Irish Parliament in 1801 they became

obsolete. They never at any time distinguished them-

selves by any great enthusiasm for duty and it is

)(.

131.

recorded that during the fights without which no market

or fair of those days was thought complete, they were

always conspicuous by their absence until the battle was

past, whereupon they sallied forth to arrest the exhausted

survivors. It is true, however, that they were few in

number and ill-equipped for dealing with a potheen-

crazy crowd armed with loaded ashplants, knuckle-dusters

and like implements of offence.

Such fights were at one time common occurrences,

indeed an actual source of enjoyment, affording much

pleasure to all concerned. Eventually, however, the

more law-abiding inhabitants began to resent the frequent

dislocation of business and damage to property that

followed such disturbances, with the result that the

Government was compelled to take action for protection

and thus prevent the continuance of so unpleasant a state

of affairs. Accordingly in 1814, a Peace Preservation

Act was passed empowering the Lord Lieutenant to appoint

a Chief Magistrate, Chief Constable and fifty sub-

constables for each county.The force was mainly recruited

from old soldiers and was the first uniformed police force.

It was commanded by military officers which was rather

unfortunate, and had a mounted section called the "Dragoon

Police". They were a picturesque crowd uniformed in blue

jackets, red cuffs and collars, red and gold lace girdle,

H.

132.

tall beaver cap with feathers and long scarlet cloaks

reaching over their horses' tails. Each horse carried

tuo men, for behind the rider on a small pad sat a

second trooper with a short rifle. The martial

appearance of the "Dragoons" or "Peace Officers" as they

were also called, had a quieting effect at fairs and

markets, but, alas, fresh trials were in store. Follow-

ing the Battle of Waterloo and the disbandment of many

regiments Ireland was quickly flooded with returned

soldiers trained to arms and accustomed to a free-booting

existence. The country was quite unprepared to receive

them or absorb them. The wheat crop had failed and

dysentery had destroyed all export trade. Under such

conditions the Peace Preservation Force was found sadly

lacking, so a better scheme was formed in 1822 under

which the Constabulary of Ireland were founded and from

which descends without a break the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

By the Act a permanent trained police force for the

wole of Ireland was created, consisting of 4 Inspector¬

Generals, 313 Chief Constables and 5,008 Constables.

lhey wore as uniform a dark green frock-coat and trousers,

Shako cap and white duck pants in the Summer. Following

embodiment the recruits to the new force were given three

Months training at Provincial Headquarters afterwards

taking over from the Peace Preservation crowd, county

by county as they became available.

3 132

The Constabulary were recruited from the people and

old soldiers were firmly discouraged from joining. It

was from the beginning commanded almost entirely by

officers firm in discipline, but tolerant in authority.

It was indeed a much less military-like body than its

peace Preservation predecessor. Soon confidence was

established between the force and the people. The police

were no longer objects of suspicion, rather they came to

be regarded almost with affection. Their whitewashed

barracks with their Station Badges affixed on diamond

shaped pieces of grey wood above the door soon became

part and parcel of Irish life, whilst they themselves were

looked upon as advisors and not as oppressors. This

first Station Badge is extremely rare. It had a shamrock-

leaf in the centre surrounded by a garter embossed

"Constabulary", the whole surmounted by a crown.

In 1830 and 1831 the force had a very unpleasant time

in the war against church-tythes. Collectors of that

most unpopular and indeed unjust tax, had, however, to be

protected and the youthful force did so with firmness and

tact. The most serious affray of that period took place

in Co. Kilkenny in December 1831 when a party of 36 men

under Chief Constable Gibbons were ambushed by a mob of

6,000 people armed with pikes, scythes and reaping hooks,

mo demanded the surrender of a tythe-collector whom the

6.

134

police were escorting. The force acted as usual with

great restraint and made no attempt to fire upon the

crowd until it was too late to deter the mob from attack-

ing. Gibbons and 17 constables were killed and five

seriously wounded. The remainder fought their way out,

leaving only two of the aggressors dead.

By 1836 their value as a force was considered proven.

Crime had greatly decreased and relations between the

police and the people had been improved and strengthened.

Until then the Constabulary had been operating under four

distinct heads each of whom was responsible for his own

Province but directly under Dublin. The four Provincial

Forces were separate units entirely independent of each

other, each reflecting the personality of its own

Inspector-General. By then it had become clear that some

form of centralization was essential and that new

graditions in the ranks were necessary. The proposed

changes resulted in an amalgamation of the four Provinces

under one Inspector-General. By the new arrangement

there were two Deputy Inspector-Generals with a force of

four Provincial Inspectors, 35 Sub-Inspectors, 217 Chief

Constables, 260 Head-Constables, 1,350 Constables and

6,000 Sub-Constables. Constables were then regarded as

hon-commissioned officers and were in charge of stations.

They wore three gold chevrons on the right cuff as a

badge of rank.

125.

From 1838 to 1848 was a period increasing efficiency.

Many quite unsuitable military officers, who were a drag

on the force, had crept into the higher ranks. They

were most arrogant in their attitude towards civilians

and deficient in adaptability and tact. One by one

they were quietly discarded and the force began to

produce its own officers by promotion from the ranks and

by a cadetship system initiated in 1842. After that no

military officers, as such, were given police commissions,

excepting in the case of Inspector-Generals several of

whom were appointed from the Army.

In 1846 the famous Depot buildings were erected in

Phoenix Park to house the reserve and training school

and in the following year the renowned Police Band, one

of the finest in the services was formed. In later days

in competition with all the crack bands of the army, it

was beaten only by the band of the Coldstream Guards and

that only by one point.

The Constabulary was soon involved again in our

lrish troubles. O'Connell died in 1847 and with him

the movement for the repeal of the Union by constitutional

methods. The "Young Ireland" party under Smith O'Brien

were on the war-path and there were ambushes and raids on

police barracks for arms. O'Brien actually took the

tield in Co. Tipperary in July, 1848, at the head of 3,000

8.

136

ammed followers, but he quite forgot to reckon with the

molice and consequently suffered a severe defeat by a

party of 46 men under Sub-Inspector Tant assisted by a

relief party of 36 under Sub-Inspector Cox. Thus an

attempted rebellion was crushed by a mere handful of

courageous police long before the military reached the

spot.

After that episode there was a period of peace.

Further progress was made in organization and general

efficiency. The rank of Provincial-Inspector was

abolished and each county force was placed under the

command of a County Inspector. Districts were treated

as sub-divisions of counties and operated under sub-inspectors,

later to become District Inspectors. Each district had a

second-in-command who ranked as a warrant officer and was

known as a Head Constable. Constables (later to become

Sergeants) were in charge of sub-districts with sub¬

constables soon to be promoted sergeants serving under them.

inose ranks in the main continue.

A special mounted constabulary staff corps was raised

in 1854. It served with distinction in the Crimea where

amongst other duties it had the honour of being chosen as

bodyguard to Lord Ralgan, the Commander-in-Chief of the

Forces. About that time the Order of Merit was inaugurated

for bravery and meritorious acts of duty. This police

D. 137

decoration was of silver with a shamrock leaf in centre

surrounded by a garter inscribed "Badge of Merit" and

adorned by a crown, the whole surrounded by a laurel

wreath.

At that period every District Headquarters had a

mounted policeman attached and County Headquarters two

such troopers. They had uniforms similar to the ordinary

police but wore white gloves instead of black and, of

course, jack-boots and riding-breeches and were armed

with sabres as well as carbines. At Queen Victoria's

Diamond Jubilee a detachment of such troopers had the

distinction of riding immediately behind her carriage

being followed by a squadron of the Royal Horse Guards.

Earlier I spoke of town police. Belfast retained

its city police until 1865. In 1864 serious riots broke

out in the town and it became necessary to employ 300

Infantry, two troops of Cavalry and 400 Constabulary to

assist the city police in restoring order. The conduct

of the Constabulary on that occasion so attracted public

attention that a Commission was appointed to enquire into

the future policing of the city. It was soon decided

that the Constabulary should take over the town police

duties, so on June 29th, 1865, a Town-Inspector - later

designated a City Commissioner - was appointed with a

stated number of men under his control. Belfast in

16.

138.

those days was greatly disturbed by sectarian strife,

e fact that had earlier caused the withdrawal of Northern

Command Military Headquarters from Armagh to that city.

Dublin, however, retained its Metropolitan Police Force

until the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922

whereupon they became absorbed by the Civic Guard.

In 1867 the Constabulary was faced with the Fenian

problem. Again there were raids on police stations for

arms. James Stephens was flooding the country with

proclamations inciting all and sundry to open rebellion.

The Fenian Society grew in strength though banned by the

church and actually contemplated the capture of Dublin.

In that, however, they were foiled by a Sub-Inspector

and two constables who seized an ammunition convoy

proceeding to Tallagh Hill thus leaving the Fenian force

without the munitions of war. At the same time a party

of 1,000 Fenians assembled in Drogheda were dispersed by

20 Constabulary under a Sub-Inspector.

Those events took place early in the year and

resulted in the Constabulary being commended for its work

in connection with the preservation of law and order.

Its conduct was eventually brought to the notice of Queen

Victoria who as a proof of her appreciation of their

services desired that the Force should thereafter be

known as the Royal Irish Constabulary and that they should

139 be entitled to have the Harp and Crown as the badge of

the force. Thus they reached the name by which they

became so widely known and were the first Royal Police

in the Empire. New Station Badges were soon in evidence

on all the barracks. Instead of a shamrock leaf within

a garter the new badge displayed a harp and sprays of

shamrock surrounded by a garter bearing the words "Royal

Irish Constabulary", the whole surmounted by a crown.

Shortly afterwards the country was plunged in further

trouble, a period that brought in quick succession the

harrowing days of the Land League, the Phoenix Park

murders in 1882, the Home Rule crisis of 1912-1914, and

the last trials of Sinn Fein rising from 1916-1921 in

which 364 regular members of the Force were killed and

533 wounded. In the following year, one hundred years

after its formation with 456 of its officers and men

wearing well-earned decorations it was officially disbanded,

but from its ranks were formed the Palestine Police and

the Royal Ulster Constabulary, both worthy descendants of

the parent force.

All colonial police forces have been built on the

Royal Irish Constabulary and many of their officers have

actually passed through courses of instruction at the

folice Depot in Phoenix Park. Irish police text-books

were long a standard for British police forces and the

12.

.

Royal Irish Constabulary supplied many a distinguished

Chief Constable for the English and Scotch forces.

It

was the first police force in the Empire to be known as

Royal and on it the Royal Canadian Police Force was

modelled, the only other British Police Force so

designated.

Following the war of 1914-1918 British Police

methods were established in Greece by Major W.T. Rigg,

a County Inspector and Divisional Commissioner of the

Royal Irish Constabulary. The system worked smoothly

until the late conflict and consequent troubles in that

633.

country. When peace came the services of the Royal

Ulster Constabulary were called upon and a police mission

was despatched to Athens under Lieut.-Colonel Sir Charles

Wickham, C.B.E., D.S.O., who for over a quarter of a

century had been Inspector General of the Royal Ulster

Constabulary and previously a Divisional Commissioner of

the Royal Irish Constabulary. With him went a number

of Royal Ulster Constabulary officers, some of whom have

since returned to headquarters. That the work has been

appreciated is evident from the fact that it is still in

athens, the Greek Government having requested its retention,

The Royal Ulster Constabulary is now a well-paid force.

Constables start their careers with £400 per year, a sum

that increases until it reaches £500 - with, of course,

E.

the addition of free quarters and uniform. Upon

promotion to Sergeant the sum increases to £540 which

four years later becomes £585. Head Constables

commence at £600 and higher ranks are correspondingly

well paid.

The title of Royal passed to the Ulster Constabulary

upon formation and that force worthily carries on the

tradition of the original body as indeed does its sister

organization in the south.

When you pay your proposed visit to the County

Museum we shall be able to show you various momentos

of the Force - amongst other miscellanea - illustrations

of uniforms as worn from 1787 to the present and an

example of the very rare Badge of Merit, first issued

over a century ago.

In conclusion may I express my pleasure in being

with you again and at the same time say that I shall

indeed be glad to see you at the Museum early in the

New Year.

122

Cricket IR RUNR.

The history of cricket is somewhat obscure.

It

was at first a boy's game so it is not surprising that

authoritative references should be from that angle.

We know, for instance, that it was being played at

Guildford School about 1550. It is also on record

that the notorious Oliver Cromwell indulged in cricket

and football during his boyhood - a much more innocent

recreation than the game he played in later life.

Winchester scholars, we are told, were playing it

in 1637, and there is a record in Eltham Parish Registers

in 1654 relating to seven of the then parishioners being

in trouble with the churchwardens for playing on the

Lord's Day.

By the beginning of the 18th century the game was

firmly established at Eton. At Harrow it was of later

growth but was a recognised school pastime before the

end of the century, from which date onward it grew in

favour amongst schools generally.

From 1700 onwards there is evidence for organised

matches - it was then much patronised by the gentry, a

fact resulting in the subsequent formation of county

clubs. Later, however, owing to industrial development,

2.

143.

Gricket in Armach.

the game became more general.

As regards clubs - St. Alban's appears as early

as 1666, and in 1668 there is evidence that the Bann

Inn at Smithfield paid rates on a cricket ground, a

point of some interest to Armachians as the first

reference to cricket on the Mall occurs in 1845,

following the acquisition of the centre portion by

the then proprietor of the Beresford Arms Hotel.

Originally the ball might weigh anything from

five to six ounces, but its present precise specification

and weight is governed by Cricket Rules formulated in

1774 and 1838 respectively. The earliest bat was, no

doubt, a shaped branch from some convenient tree. At

the beginning of the 18th century it resembled a modern

hockey stick but was longer and heavier. In the progress

of the game various types of bats have been tried out

and the width is now limited.

A study of types of wickets and patterns of bats

in relation to the development of the game as it is

known today would be of some interest, but my objective

is the origin of cricket in Armagh.

The game seems to have been introduced to the

144

Cricket in Armagh.

citizens of Armagh through the frequent quartering of

English troops in the city, probably in the last quarter

of the 18th or early 19th century. As regards the

actual date we have no definite information but we have

evidence showing that it was a recognised local pastime

a century ago. For instance, we learn from the

"Armagh Guardian" of July 29, 1845, that "Mr. Wiltshire,

the then proprietor of the Beresford Arms Hotel, had

leased the large central field on the Mall and with

his characteristic good nature had opened it to the

public for their amusement“ and that during the previous

week "several spirited games of cricket" had been played

thereon. On September 15 of that year the "Ulster

Gazette" records a military cricket match at Charlemont

between eleven of the Artillery and a like number of

the 46th Regiment from Armagh. As both the "Guardian"

and "Gazette“ were founded in the autumn of the previous

year we cannot very well hope to find earlier press

references, so I think we may accept those two matter¬

of-fact accounts as proof that cricket was then a game

with which their readers were already quite familiar,

14-5

Cricket in Armagh.

From the local press it is evident that the

pastime had reached Keady by 1853, and that William

Kirk and Sons had provided ground for a pitch for the

young men of the firm who, by the way, are stated by

the Guardian" (August 5, 1853) to have had "a special

costume well adapted for the game, and furnished by

Armstrong and Wynne", a celebrated firm of Armagh

tailors. Presumably Armagh cricketers wore similar

garb, possibly from the same establishment. A second

club was in existence about that time known as the

"Keady Club" and I have a note regarding a match between

it and the Annvale or Kirk Club from the same paper in

July 1854.

From then onwards the Royal School takes up much

space in local papers. For instance we find the school

(Guardian, Sept. 22, 1854) playing Dungannon. The same

paper (Oct. 12, 1855) records another match between the

two schools. In both instances the names of the players

are given. The school seems to have then had its pitch

in the Palace Demesne - See Ulster Gazette May 20, 1860

and Armagh Guardian Sept. 7, 1860.

146

Gricket in krnaeh

About this time the school began to challenge

adult elevens. In 1858 (Guardian Aug. 28) it met

the Lurgan Club in Lurgan Demesne - the then owner

being a son of an old boy of the school. In 1861

(Guardian June 7) the team was entertained by Lord

Rossmore and had as opponents the Monaghan County Club,

the match taking place in Rossmore Park. About the

same date it played against the Armagh Club on the Mall.

Later in the same year (Guardian Sept. 20) they played

a game against the Castledillon Club, a team captained

by their host, Sir Capel Molyneux the last baronet to

live in the old home of the family. We must however

return to the town club.

From a note in the Armagh Guardian which I shall

later quote, it seems that the town club was for the

first couple of years following its foundation, merely

a guest on other pitches.

Earlier in that year (Feb. 22, 1861) the Armagh

Guardian carried a news item as follows which I quote

verbatim. It reads "Armagh Cricket Club. As the

season for the cricket playing will soon open we are

sorry to learn that our local club find it difficult

to obtain suitable ground. This was a great

6.

AT.

cricket in krnadh.

inconvenience last year and we hope it may not occur

at present. The Mall would be most suitable and we

are persuaded the trustees will not object to let the

club have the use of it on the understanding, of course,

that the members will use all diligence to protect it from injury"

That the suggestion appealed to the club and was

acted upon is apparent from the fact that about twelve

weeks later (Armagh Guardian May 17, 1861) we find the

Armagh Cricket Club actually in possession of its present

pitch and involved in the prosecution of a trespasser

thereon. From the court evidence we learn that the

club had after much difficulty obtained the consent of

the Mall Trustees for the use of the central part as a

cricket ground with the proviso that none but members

should be permitted upen it. The reason for the

frustees making this order was due to the fact that

the rights of the publie were restricted to "the walks"

on the central portions they were in fact prohibited.

The first notice of the club that I have any record

of occurs in the Armagh Guardian of Sept. 2, 1859. On

that particular occasion the Armagh Club played the

148.

gricket in Krnaen.

Monaghan Club in Caledon Demesne and won the match.

From the fact that there was a pitch at Caledon we

may assume that a village club of pre-1859 vintage

was then functioning there. In passing I should

mention that in this and indeed in most press reports

names of players are given. Whether those recorded

in the Guardian on that date were the foundation members

is possible, but as I have not made a special study of

the subject I am unable to say. Such notes as I have

are the result of searches in the local papers against

other matters, a work comparatively easy in so far as

the "Guardian" is concerned but very difficult in respect

of the "Gazette" as its files up to a somewhat recent

date are now available only in the British Museum and

even there minus a number of years owing to war action.

Part at least of those destroyed in London are fortunately

duplicated in Dublin in the National Library but only

from about 1880.

That the Club was very active in 1360 we are well

aware. For instance it played the Lurgan Club in

Lurgan Demesne (Armagh Guardian 13 July, 1860); the

149

cricket in Krnaan.

Lurgan team proving victorious. On 27th July (Armagh

Guardian Aug. 3, 1860) they met the Castledillon Club

in the Castledillon Demesne in an all day event, that

resulted in a win for Armagh. Further entries for

that year could I am sure be produced.

In 1861 the year in which the Club secured

accommodation on the Mall we find it playing from home

at Banbridge (Armagh Guardian Aug. 30, 1861). In

September (Armagh Guardian Sept. 20, 1861) they met

Monaghan Club in Rossmore Park. In both instances

they were the winning team. From this year onwards

there is ample evidence of the club's activities but

I am only concerned in proving the date of the club's

foundation and showing that in 1961 it will be able to

celebrate the centenary of its occupation of its present

pitch.

There can be no doubt as to the year that the

Club came into being. I have already mentioned that

the Armagh Gazette of March 2, 1861 stresses the fact

that the club had been formed "two years earlier" a

statement that finds verification in the account given

by Basset in his "Book of County Armagh" wherein (p.105)

50

Cricket in Armagh

he records that the city "has had a first rate Cricket

Club since 1859"

From that date onwards the story of the club is

easy going and there is ample material available. I

hope the club may produce a cricketer-historian in the

near future to chronicle the story of its foundation

and gather together the essential facts relating to its

history.

In conclusion I would like to mention that the

oldest Score Book that I am aware of belonging to any

County Armagh Club is that of Loughgall. It covers

the years 1868-1879 and shows Club fixtures in that

period.

As a record of the then popularity of cricket it

is of much interest. From it we learn that in 1868

the Armagh Cathedral Club - drawing its members from

the clergy and choir - was in a flourishing condition.

Other clubs appearing therein include the Armagh

Garrison, Portadown, Richhill, Markethill, Armagh Royal

School, Malone, Monaghan and Killyman.

Ihe Loughgall cricket pitch was sited within the

2.

15

Gricket in kumaen.

Manor House grounds and its Rules and Regulations

have also survived and with the Score Book are now

preserved in the County Museum Library.

In conclusion I should like to say a few words

about cricket in Ireland in general. So far as

Ireland is concerned the earliest notice of a match

occurs in July 1800 when the officers of the Third

Battalion Grenadier Guards met the Coldstream's at

Bandon Bridge in Co. Cork, the return match being

played at Kinsale in the same county. Each party

won on its own ground, but for some reason the third

match never came off. The earliest Cork club seems

to have been the Bandon Club founded in 1843.

Though cricket has been played at Trinity College

since 1820, the first regular club formed in Ireland

is believed to have been the Phoenix in 1834. In 1838,

the club was re-organized and ground taken in the park

of that name, near the Wellington Memorial, where as a

private body they had played for some years prior to

the club's formation. This club continued to flourish

and was a nucleus around which the cricketers of the

L.

152

Grickat in Kunach.

various regiments quartered in Dublin gathered every

season, and, of course, matches were played with the

surrounding county clubs of which Wicklow, founded in

1835, was probably the oldest. The next clubs in

that area seem to have been the Kingstown in 1848,

Leinster in 1852 and Sandymount in 1859 the year which

gave birth to Armagh and the North of Ireland Club

the latter, beyond all doubt, the finest club in the

North and probably second to none in Ireland.

The oldest club in the North is Lisburn, said to

have been founded in 1836, and the next in point of

age is thought to be Waringstown, formed in 1857. As

regards Northern schools, Dungannon claims existence

from 1853 and Armagh from "before 1854". Portora for

some reason was slow in taking up the game with the

result that we have no record of cricket there until

1863. In the south the game was somewhat earlier.

At Clongowes Wood, for instance, a rather primitive form

was being played about 1830, in which year Dan O'Connell

the younger (son of the Liberator) was a pupil. From

his account of sport and pastimes of the school we learn

that "the wickets were large stones like flattened mile-

X2.

153

geiskat in kunaan.

stones and the bats crooked", a shape that appears in

engravings of early matches. At the school that

type of cricket was known as "Stonyhurst" or "Stump

Cricket“ - the former term suggesting an introduction

from the celebrated English educational establishment

of that name, a theory supported by the fact that

Clongowes' first headmaster, Father Peter Kenny, entered

Stonyhurst as an novitiate in 1804. Ten years later he

took charge of the newly-formed Irish school but not,

however, until 1849 did Clongowes see the beginning of

cricket in a scientific or modern sense. It was

earlier by some years than either Dungannon or Armagh,

and is probably the oldest school team in existence in

Ireland to-day.

154.

Annendix I.

List of Plavers 1859-1861.

Sept. 2, 1859.

Cricket.

Armagh and Monaghan.

Played Caledon Demesne.

Ended in favour of Armagh Club.

Players:

Prentice

Turle

Allen

Bampfield

Darley

J. Stanley

James

A. Foster McWatters

F.T. Foster

Kidd.

Friday, July 13, 1860.

Cricket Match at Lurgan.

Armagh v. Lurgan.

Played in Lurgan Demesne.

Armagh Club:

T.W. Stanle

J. Allan

H. James

R. Turle

W. MeClintock

C. Edmondson

J.A. Cuppage

G.C. Cochrane

T.F. Hudson

J. Boyd H. Harris.

Win for Lurgan.

2.

155.

Aug. 3, 1860.

The Armagh Club played Castledillon

Demesne Club at Castledillon on 27th July

a one day Match resulting in a win for Armagh.

T.W. Stanley

R. Turle

H. James

J.A. Cuppage

J. Bruncker

G.C. Cochrane

J. Allen

John Phayre

H.E. Prentice

H. Harri F. Foster.

Feb. 22, 1861.

Armagh Cricket Club. As the season for

the Cricket playing will soon open we are sorry

to learn that our local club find it difficult

to obtain suitable ground. This was a great

inconvenience last year and we hope it may not

occur at present. The Mall would be most

suitable and we are persuaded the trustees will

not object to let the club have the use of it,

on the understanding of course that the members

will use all diligence to protect it from injury.

156.

Friday, Aug. 9, 1861.

Armagh v. Monaghan.

Match played on the Mall.

Win for Monaghan.

Armagh Players:

Sir Capel Molyneux

R.H. Matthews

G.C. Cochrane ane

T.P. Hudson

E. Kidd

D. Thackery

E. Fitzgerald

R. Turle

J. Allan

R.J. Harris.

Friday, Aug. 30, 1861.

Armagh v. Banbridge.

Played Banbridge.

Armagh won,

H. James

R. Turle

G.C. Cochrane

T.P. Hudson

T. Casey

D. Thackeray

E.G. Kidd

R.H. Matthews

J.A. Allan

J. Boyd O. Kidd.

Oct. 6, 1861.

Armagh Volunterr v. Castledillon.

Played Castledillon.

Won by Armagh.

Marks

Walsh

Mellally

Marshall

Armstrong

Orr

Leitch

Riddall Davison.

57.

Appendix II.

Cricket Club Court Case.

Armagh Guardian, Friday, May 17, 1861.

Armagh Petty Sessions.

Before W.M. Miller, R.M., Wm. Paton, A. Craig,

Hugh Boyle, H.M. Caulfield, T. Dobbin, and J.C.

Winder, Esq.

Trasnass.

James Nimmo was charged in the name of Mr.

Crilly with trespassing upon the Mall field.

Mr. Cochrane (G.C. Cochrane) stated the case

to the Court. The members of the Armagh Cricket

Club, had after much difficulty, obtained permission

from the trustees of the Mall, to use the field as

a Cricket Ground, and had entered into an arrangement

with Mr. Crilly that none but members of the Club

should be permitted to go upon the ground on pain of

being prosecuted. The defendant entered the field

on Monday last, and remained there for some time.

A member of the Club having accosted him, and having

directed his attention to the notices, requested him

to leave. Defendant refused to read the notices and

2

158

said he would remain there as long as he pleased.

This summons had been brought by permission of Mr.

Crilly, but if the defendant pays the costs and

promises to not go back, we will not go on with the

prosecution.

Mr. Millar - Will you agred to that proposal?

Defendant - I don't consider I ought to pay

the costs of the summons.

Mr. Miller - Very well we will hear the case.

Henry Harris, junior examined by Mr. Cochrane.

I am a member of the Committee of the Armagh Cricket

Club; I saw Nimmo enter the field on the 14th instant,

and after remaining some time he lighted his pipe and

commenced smoking. He continued standing there.

I went to him and asked him if he had seen the notices

on the trees, and directed his attention to them, and

that if he did not leave, we would be obliged to summon

him. He told me to go to Hell or the Devil or some

such place. Mr. Crilly authorized me to summon him

in his name.

Mr. Miller - Are you satisfied that when you

took the ground you were not to allow parties to

trespass on it?

159.

Mr. Harris - There is an understanding, that we

are not to allow any person to trespass.

Mr. Miller - I mean to ask you if you know that

of your own knowledge.

Mr. Harris - I do, and I have seen other persons

trespass there, who went off when they were told.

If he had done so, he would not have been summoned.

Defendant detailed a conversation which he

alleged took place between him and Mr. Harris on the

ground.

Mr. Cochrane objected to him making a statement

unless he was going to give evidence to prove it.

Mr. Miller to Mr. Cochrane - You should occupy

a seat on the bench.

Mr. Cochrane - I am conducting the case properly,

and I say he has no right to make a statement, unless

he proves it by evidence, and I ask you to tell him

not to do so.

Mr. Miller - I will not tell the Defendant any

such thing.

Defendant - I offered when he said he would summon

me, to go to Mr. Crilly with him, and he said he would

160

not be seen walking through the town with me. I

then told him he was an infernal impudent puppy.

Mr. Crilly was then sent for, to state whether

he gave authority to issue the summons.

Mr. Cochrane - Col. O'Neill has no right to

interfere here but I don't object to him doing so,

as he is interested in his servant; however, when I

called upon him about the matter relating to the

case, I know the reception I got.

Col. O'Neill - What reception.

Mr. Cochrane - You sent me word you would call

upon me and afterwards neglected to do so.

Col. O'Neill - It's a story - it's a lie.

Mr. Cochrane - If it's a lie your servant stated

it as your message.

Col. O'Neill - I said no such thing.

Mr. Cochrane - Then he should not have said it.

Col. O'Neill - You had no business there.

Mr. Cochrane - I had business there - You had

gone to Mr. Harris about it.

Mr. Miller - Col. O'Neill this is a Court of

Justice and no unbecoming altercation between you

and Mr. Cochrane can be permitted. Defendant on

161.

his own showing behaved badly. He refused to

leave the ground when desired, and he says he

called Mr. Harris "an impudent puppy". I think

he was badly advised in not agreeing to the proposi¬

tion made by Mr. Cochrane.

Mr. Crilly now entered the Court and said the

Club were bound to keep out trespassers.

Col. O'Neill - I wish to state before the bench,

that I intended giving a pound to that Club - but

after this - I will not give that (snapping his

fingers).

Mr. Miller - With that we have nothing to do.

The Magistrates on the bench being trustees or

members of the Club, agreed to leave the decision of

the case to the Chairman and refused to adjudicate.

Mr. Miller - I have never shrunk from my duty

and never shall. The magistrates are of the opinion

Col. O'Neill, that the part you have taken in this

matter was most injudicious, and I concur in that

opinion, not only because the Defendant acted badly,

but because you have heaped abuse upon others for

what they have done, and for standing upon their just

rights. I must say that the observations which Col.

6.

162.

O'Neill has made in reference to Mr. Cochrane, are

altogether unjustifiable by circumstances.

Col. O'Neill - My servant shall never go on

it again.

Mr. Miller - It appears to me that the gentlemen

who brought this case have proceeded with the greatest

propriety. They do not seem to have been actuated

by any motive of revenge or ill-feeling, so far as I

can see. They proposed that if Defendant apologized-

indeed they did not even demand that act of humilia-

tion - they offered to abandon the prosecution if

he only promised not to go back there, and paid the

cost of the summons. That he did not choose to do

nor his master for him. However, the case had been

proved as clearly as any case has ever been. The

Defendant is a young man, and a great deal may be

allowed to a person of his youth and ignorance and

inexperience - he is liable to a fine of 10/-; but

I shall not inflict the full penalty. I shall

merely order him to pay a fine of 5/-; but I shall

also direct him to pay the cost of this summons and

the professional costs which will be 6/6.

163.

ABPENDIX III.

First meeting of Cricket Club held in drawing room

of house now occupied by Monroe & Anderson.

Prior to this the Mall was only used for grazing

and it was patrolled by an individual named Blakley,

resplendent in uniform and gold braid (the Primate paid

him) and woe betide the small boy who put his foot inside

the railings.

Note presumably from a file of the Armagh Guardian

but undated - from a MS note in possession of Alan

Trimble on June 2, 1961.

169-

RACING III ARAGH

The first local racecourse that we have any record of

was the Mall and there is good reason to suppose that it

was in use in the 17th century. The earliest reference to

it that I know of occurs in the Corporation Records of 1731,

in which year the Sovereign, Burgesses and Freemen of the

city subscribed towards "a plate" or prize, and, fixed prices

for stands or booths on the course. Eleven years later the

Corporation decided to enclose that part lying within the

boundary of the course leaving sufficient room outside the

enclosure for the accommodation of the sport. Particulars

as to the ditches, gates, etc. then erected appear in the

Borough Minutes under date June 15th, 1752. The result of

the then planning is shown on Rocques Map of 1760, which

portrays "the Commons" (the old name of the Mall) within pOICI

the "Horse Course“ and marks the „Starting and Winning Posts“.

ne area was then devoid of houses and simply known as “The

Course" or "Commons

Shortly after that date Dr. Richard Robinson was

translated from the See of Kildare to the Archbishopric of

Armagh. Whether he found the bull-baiting, free fights,

sambling, cockfighting and drinking, that then followed the

taces for some days and was so unpleasant a feature of the

vomn life of that period offensive, is a matter on which we

2.

15.

bave little information. It is possible that he considered

ihe consequent riots, the gipsy and tinker encampments and

atber disagreeable nuisances undignified adjuncts to a

Cathedral town.

At any rate in 1773 he leased the "Commons

to the Sovereign and Burgesses for the purpose of utilizing

them as a „Public Walk“ for the inhabitants of the city.

Thus ended „the Commons" career as the racecourse, and

soon its old name was dropped for the present designation

which by then had come to mean a "public walk", though

originally derived from a ball game played with a mall.

Armagh as a county is probably unique in that it contains

a second town with such an amenity and known by the same

name.

Just where „meetings" were transplanted to following

this drastic break with the old order is not very clear but

there is evidence suggesting the townland of Ballynahone Beg.

For instance, the „Newry Examiner" of September 1st, 1836,

carries an advertisement of races to be run "over a sporting

country in the vicinity of Armagh“, and mentions amongst the

Prizes "the Armagh Challenge Cup value 50 sovereigns", and

sives the information that horses should be entered, and

fiders and colours declared with Mr. William Rogers at whose

notel an ordinary would be available at six o'clock on the

uirst evening of the race, October 12, 1836.

166

In passing I should perhaps explain that Mr. Rogers

was the then proprietor of the Molyneux Arms, the hotel we

now knownas the Beresford, an establishment that has always

been prominently identified with the sporting life of the

town and district.

The same paper for October 15th carries an account of

the race and gives proof of location. The event we are

told took place on the lands of Ballynahone, the property

of William McWilliams, Esq. - a local celebrity - who was

Adjutant of the First Company of Armagh Volunteers in 1778,

and later an officer in the Armagh Volunteer Yeomanry of

which corps he became Captain in 1808. He lived at Linen

Hill and died 1846.

This particular race was immortalized in verse and for

some unexplainable reason later generations linked the song

with "Kennedies Plains". So that its proper setting may

be clearly identified I append below the "Newry Examiner"

report of the actual meeting and a copy of the verses taken

down in 1943, one hundred and seventeen years after the

event, by Mr. P. Hamill from Mr. Robert Kennedy.

The "Examiner" report reads as follows -

Armagh Races - The Armagh Steeple Chase Races, came olf on Wednesday and Thursday, over the lands of Ballynahone, + che property of William McWilliams, Esq. The weather was most favorable. The attendance of rank and fashion very

considerable. The concourse altogether was immense.

.

16

Owing to the judicious arrangements of the Stewards,

thing passed off well - not an angry word was heard. + + por a blow struck during the meeting. every

At 12 o'clock on Wednesday, the following horses came to the post for the Cup, all in good style. - Heats:

Mr. H. S. Bond's br.m. Kate Kearney.....Mr. A. Bond.

Mr. Roger's d.b. g., Sir Jellrey..... Mr. Filgate.

Moniff Mr. H. McMaster's b. g. Sell........ Mr. R. McWilliams.

Mr. J. Kidd's br. g. Mountaineer.... Mr. Cassidy.

Mr. Roger's mer's b. g. Cock-a-hoop..... —--32 In the li

t heat, Kate Kearney kept the lead all through

closely pressed by Sir Jeffrey - all the others were distanced. oo Second Heat - Kate and Sir Jeffrey started. Kate came in fi

with ease, proving herself a goodun.

She was ridden in superior style by Mr. A. Bond.

The Second Race, was for a Sweepstake of 3 sovereigns, 20 added. The following four started:-

Mr. Milling's c. g., Dunroe ....Mr. Thompson. g Mr. Fligate's b.g. Red Rover .. Owner.

Mr. McClelland's c. m., Cinderella ......Mr. McWillians.

Mr. Cassidy's c. h. Minstrel ............Owner.

One heat terminated this Race, Dunroe coming in in good +1 yle - the others not placed. There was a back Race to conclude Wednesday's sport.

Second Day, Thursday. - On this day the running was very superior.

The following four horses started for a prize got

up the night before, added to a Sweepstake. -

Hr. Filgate's b. m., Alice Gray ........ Mr. Thompson.

Minetne Mr. Cassidy's b. h., Minstrel ...........Owner. e Hr. Filgate's b. g., Red Rover .... .Mr. Bond.

Hr.

Roger's

br.

g.,

Sir

Jeffrey..

—-

Ihe first heat was admirably contested between the first + Sir Jeffrey maintained a respectable place until near +h oue. when he fell, and was distanced. Ainstrel put in this three.

heat.

163

F Second Heat. - The three first-named horses started, e + and afforded a splendid heat - Minstrel leading, uneil refusing a formidable fence, Alice dlal, at his tail, took + 4 jy an good style, and came in first, closely pressed by p.

Manatrel, who made powerful play under the influence of whip and spur, after taking his refused leap. Red Rover fell, and was distanced.

For the Inird Heat - Alice glay and Minstrel went off in good style, and made the fastest running, by half a

minute, over the two miles, that was made during the meeting, having run it, and the ground heavy, in 52 minutes. + n Minstlel kept the lead in this, the last heat, running with head down and stern up, until he came the second time to the fatal fence - he refused again. Alice took it in good style,

and put in the heat with ease, proving herself a steady fencer, and a first-rate galloper. She was ridden in a judicious and mastelly style, by Mr. Thompson. This closed +5+ ting; and in half-an-hour the entire multitude was the meeting +dispersed, and retired peaceably to their homes."

Having digested the Press account of the race we may

now examine the ballad. It is quite clear that it agrees

with the „Examiner“ in every detail excepting for the

statement in the fourth verse regarding „Kennedies Plains“.

I must confess I am in some doubt as to this verse having

formed part of the original - in fact it could not have done

so in its present form. Per aps readers may have other

versions of the words - if so I shall be most grateful for

copies. (See Appendix II).

Mr. Kennedy's version reads -

Come all ye young sportsmen far off and near hand Till I sing ye the praises of young Althur Bond. he's twelve stone and two pounds, his age is nineteen He's a light, bonny horseman, he s dressed all in green.

On the twelfth of October to Armagh he did steer, He mounted "Kate Kearney“ without dread or fear, —+ And the gentlemen cry "Here comes Althur Bond, 10 With his bonny cropped mare he's just ready to run."

169.

Says Philgate to Thompson, "Did you hear any news?"

Says Thompson to Philgate, "The cup we will lose, + Here comes Archur Bond with his bonny wee mare, + He'll take the cup from us, I vow and declare".

"I wish I was safe home at Carrickmacross For this day at Armagh I'm afraid we will loss, We'll go by Devlin's corner, and in by Ross Lane.

And we'll ne'er show our face more in Kennedies Plains".

The bugle was sounded, the riders got on, 1 They tightened their glichs for fear they might fall, They gave the word of command and away they did fly. +1 And the cheers of the crowd would have rended the sky.

They hadn't rode more than about half a mile, When Bond ys to Kearney, "You go in great style, 74 I'll IIft you up high and I'll light you down fair 7+ For there's none on the Plains can run Arthur Bond's mare".

The first jump they came to, they jumped it right well, The next one they came to, half of them fell, "+ Och! Bi ve Arthur Bond gave a crack to his whip, Over hedges and ditches Kate Kearney did skip.

And when that they came to the winning-post, He called for the cup to olink them a toast, +4 "Here's health to Kate Kearney and may she win Suill.

For she won the last cup that was won on Bond's Hill.

And when his old father had heard he was home Saying, "If ye have lost, Arthur, it's you I'll disown!"

"Yer honour, I've won!" and he bowed to the ground, + pounds".

"I have the cup with me that weighs IIlty

And when his old mother had heard the glad news, Saying, „Arthur, dear Arthur, did ye win or lose?

"Dear mother, I've won! Take this cup in yer hand" "You're welcome home to me, my son, Arthur Bond!“.

"It's when I got on, gave a crack to my whip, Over hedges and ditches Kate Kearney did skip, I sat down in my saddle and held a light rein, vrath Dain."

And she carried me gently over Ballyrath drain

(Repeat last two lines in each verse as refrain).

T. 170

From the context of the poem and supplementary evidence

cron the Newry Examiner we must in future identify the ballad

with the townland of Ballynahonebeg. It is, however, a

curious fact that racing later moved to the adjoining town¬

land of Kennedies. The actual date for the transfer has

vet to be discovered - there is, however, an excellent

account of a two-days Steeple-Chase Meeting on "Kennedies

plains" in the „Armagh Guardian" of November 11, 1853, and

of subsequent meetings at later dates. This must have 977 been a particularly well allanged course, for it had many

amenities that are missing from Farmacaffly. Amongst

racing odds and ends that I have accumulated, is a "Pass to

the Stand-House" for the meeting of November 12, 1858.

The present course at Farmacaffly is said to have been

first used in November, 1890. If that should be correct it

ry has now been in existence for over half-a-centuf

this,

however, is a matter which I have not had an opportunity of

verifying.

Apart from the places I have mentioned, there were in

the lôth century famous race-meetings with properly laid

courses at Richhill, Crossmaglen, etc. and in the lIrst half

ol the succeeding century races of a semi-private character

were held at Legar Hill outside the city. At the same

period the well-known Middletown Races were still being run

at "Tamlaght Plain" and drawing crowds 20,000 strong.

S. 171

We have little information regarding the local Hunt

clubs. The Armagh Harriers were going strong in the

closing years of the 18th century. In 1835 they were

being hunted by Lord Waterford - grand-nephew of Lord John

George Beresford, the then Archbishop of Armagh. The pack

was next taken over by Mr. M. R. Bell, who kept it until

1849. Capt. Hutcheson was his successor. A committee

took charge in 1875 and concinded until 1881 when Mr.

Joseph Atkinson became Master. He was succeeded in 1886

by Mr. George D. Beresford, son of Archbishop Marcus Gervais

Beresford. In the following year Mr. Thomas Lonsdale took

over and for a time the kennels were at the Pavilion. The

Club's history from that period onward I need not go into at

present.

In the late 18th and early 19th century, Portadown, a

17+ district in which hunting is coming to the fore-front again,

had a very sporting club known as the "Rangers

s", but

unfortunately no records have survived. )2 c The Crow Hill Harriers were establisned about 1830, by

capt. Thomas Atkinson, as a private pack, but seem to have

nad a short existence possibly ending following his death in

fote. About the same time Sir George Molyneux maintained a

pack at Castledillon, but its life was of short duration also.

ihe Tynan Harriers were established about 1840-1850 by

taues Matthew Strong, who was High Sheriff of the County in

J.

72.

18hh and in 1864 succeeded his father as third baronet.

It is said that he tried to introduce fox-hunting to the

county but was unsuccessful. He maintained the pack at

bis own expense until failing health compelled him to

give up the sport. He died in 1885 but a few years

previous a committee was formed to carry on the pack and

he gave over the hounds and kennels rent free with a

subscription of £25 per year, retaining a nominal master¬

ship only, the actual Field Masters being Dr. Houston and

Mr. W. Upton-Moutray. By 1888 the kennels had been

moved to Killylea. The club had then a membership of

fifty and an income of about £230 per an., and the old

custom of a hunt dinner in the second week of April was

still kept up - this practice was eventually discontinued 7+ and the money uellized for prizes instead.

The consequent history of the Armagh and Tynan clubs

can best be written by Miss McClintock, and she can be

very sure that her reminiscences of the sport would be

appreciated by the "Hunt" and its followers as well as the

public generally.

"Newry Magazine" Sept - Oct.

1817. Armagh Hunt Club Race

won by Mr. Thos. Johnston's "Faugh-a-Ballagh".

r Newry Magazine" Sept - Oct. 1818. Almagh Hunt Club cup won this year by Mr. McWilliams's horse "Waterloo".

E.

73

APPEIDIXI

IHE MALL RACE-COURSE

March 3, 1731.

We present Mr. Alexr. Livingston as Clk. of ye Course

of Armagh for this ensuing year and that the said Alexander

Livingston and Mr. Thomas Ogle do collect and take up

several subscriptions to be given by the Corporation of

rnagh and others towards a Plate for wch. subscriptions Ald

the sald Thomas Ogle and Alexr. Livingston shall account

upon oath before the Sovereign and Grand Jury of said

Corporation when required.

We present William English, the said Thomas Ogle and

Alexander Livingston to regulate and fix the prices for

the standing of each booth on the said Course as well of

+. the inhabitants of the Corporation and all others.

June 15, 1752.

By the consent of the Grand Jury of the Corporation of

Armagh it is agreed that a sufficient sum be raised on the

Security of the Corporation and Grand Jury or a sufficient

number of them jointly with Thomas McCan of the Town of

armagh, gent, and interest paid yearly for the same till

such principal sum is discharged.

And that the said sum shall be laid out and applied in

chelosing that part of the Commons of said Corporation lying

E. 174

tpin the circle of the Course, leaving sufficient room

car a course without said enclosure and the same to be

anclosed with a ditch eight feet wide and quicked with good

bite thorn quicks forthwith and that three or four sufficient

gates be erected on said Common, one at each end and a third

or fourth in the middle.

It being agreed by the said Jury and presented by then

to be a nuisance in the state and condition it is now in

and that the same when enclosed shall be kept and preserved

by said Corporation and Grand Jury thereof for the time

being for Meadow and that the hay of the said Meadow shall

be yearly disposed of by persons authorized or appointed

yearly for that purpose and the profits accruing from such

Commons either by sale of said hay or grass shall be applied

in the first place to the discharge of the said principal

and interest until said principal sum and interest be fully

paid off and discharged and from and after the discharge of

the said principal and interest the profits thereof shall be

applied to the use of the said Corporation and that said

common be kept and preserved by them and not set or demised

to any person whatsoever.

And it is also agreed that a house or cabin be forthwith

tretted on some convenient part of said Common or some part

seining or contiguous thereto, which shall be allotted to a

roper person who is to be appointed Keeper or Preserver of

E. 175.

the said Commons, hay or grass, and that we appoint,

Thonas McCan, Edward Harcourt, gents, Henry Cust, Esq.,

william Dickie, Robert Scott, Thomas Ogle and Arthur

Arthur Clements, overseers thereof to carry the same into

execution.

(Abstracts from Corporation Records. Originals in Armach

Library).

13.

4 176.

AREIUR Arthur BOND (A HUNTNG SONG) + Air - Master McGrath.

Come all ye young sportsmen, far off and near hand, ++ Till I sing the praises of brave Althur Bond:

e

His welgnt's twelve stone two and his age is sixteen; +1 He's the nicest young horseman chat e'er rode in green.

On the 12th of October his course he did steer To Armagh races without dread or fear Ts wa s the news?

Says Thompson to Filgate, It ri17 t Says Filgate to Thompson, "I fear you will lose. .

Here comes Arthur Bond with his bonny crop mare: F He'll take the cup lrom us, I vow and declare J* thing but blame; And II we will lose we'll get nochin + We'll slip into Selloo and home into Slane.

The bugle was sounded for all to get on; + At the head of the hunt lode young Arthur Bond: P The llst

leap

they

came it it to, puzzred them all;

The second they came to, two horses did fall.

Brave young Althur Bond gave one crack of his whip; l 3+ O'er hedges and uluches Kate Kearney did Skl When the hunt had been going lor near hand a mile, style. asy Says Arthul to Kate, "Ma'am, you go in 74++ I'll Illt you up high and I'll set you down lall, +1 For there's none on the plain can run Althur Bond's mare.

When Arthur Bond rode in the winning post.

de called for the cup to drink the mare's toas dere's a health to Kate Kearney and may she run sulll; Sne brought the cup home to the shades of Bondville.

For there's Woodpark and Elmpark, likewise Fellows Hall; Tere's sweet Tynan Abbey the pride of them all; . * there's sweet Tynan Abbey and Caledon Hill, sut there's none to compare with the shades of Bondville.

177.

LOCAL LANDMARKS.

According to most dictionaries one of the meanings

e the word is "a distinguishing characteristic in the

jandscape", but, of course, it can have other derivations

also, such as an object on land serving as a guide to

seamen, or a mark designating a boundary. We, however,

are only concerned with it as a local feature, and shall

only discuss the origins of a few of the more widely

known landmarks of the vicinity, most of which may indeed

be seen from the streets of the city.

The Clump Hill is perhaps the most conspicuous of

our local landmarks, the Cathedrals, of course, excepted.

It takes its rather peculiar name from a circular grove

of trees on its summit and the descrinti iptlve term is one in

general use throughout the county as the name for an

isolated collection of trees.

On the way to "the Clump" the Corporation Pound may

be visited. It is situate at the base of the hill close

to the Prison. The earliest Pound that we have any

record of had a grim setting on the Gallows Hill. In

the eighteenth century it was removed to the Cathedral

Mll. Both sites are now obliterated. The present

cclosure has been in existence for over a century and

a relic of the days when animals found wandering in

tar stroets were impounded and detained until their

2.

118.

mners paid the appointed fine for their release.

The

moblen of straying animals was somewhat urgent in the

8th and early 19th centuries and drastic bye-laws came

into being then dealing with that somewhat annoying

aspect of the town life of those days. So far as I

know our city pound is the only example now remaining

in any town in Ulster though a number survive on manorial

lands in country districts.

The laneway approaching the Clump from the west

once formed part of an old road that ran from Armagh to

Belfast. On the hill itself the road is still traceable

as a green depression. It crossed the Folly River on

the east slope by a ford and continued across country via

Richhill, in those days one of the great linen markets

and the venue of an important annual five-day race meeting.

ine course of the road is shown on Rocque's Map of 1760.

The Clump itself provides one of the best view points

ol the city. From the summit of the hill the two

cathedrals of Armagh show to great advantage and dominate

che toum in a way that is not observable from the narrow

unding streets of the city. From there the greys and

oms of the houses on the slopes of the old central hill

the toun make a very pleasing foreground for a panorama

mat has as its boundaries north and west, the distant

Sperrin mountains. It has often been said that Armagh

e one of the prettiest towns in Ireland. From "the

Clump one realizes more fully how attractive it really

The more important public buildings are all visible

and no other view in the city can compete with it in

charm, not even the prospect from the old Cathedral tower.

From "the Clump" it is interesting to note how small

the old cathedral looks in comparison with its more modern

neighbour on the summit of Knockadrain. That is partly

due to the fact that from that point only the transepts

and chancel are visible, but besides contrasts in architect¬

ure the two churches differ in orientation.

The complete

length of the new cathedral is seen, and one immediately

notices that its great west door faces south, whereas in

the older building it is correctly placed.

course, is due to the difference in sites.

This, of

It would have

been quite impossible to have built the new cathedral in

the orthodox manner on that particular hill.

we shall now proceed to the Obelisk Hill another

prominent landmark well knoun to the golfing fraternit, 13+.

ad to visitors entering the city from the south. The

seelisk is a particularly graceful one and was erected by

Lord Rokeby, the then Archbishop of Armagh. It commemorates

e friendship that existed between the Archbishop and the

40

Duke of Northumberland, the then Viceroy of Ireland.

me pillar bears representations of the Royal Arms, and

e those of the Duke of Northumberland, with two Latin

inscriptions indicating that it was erected in 1782,

mut it also carries two further coats of arms, one

showing the shield of the See of Armagh, the other the

Archbishop's family arms and dated 1783. From the

fact that two dates appear it is assumed that the

obelisk was begun in 1782 and completed in 1783. The

main object in its erection was to give employment to

the stone-masons of the city who were then suffering H-7 from lack of employment. From the Obelisk alll and

the higher hill beyond it, a most beautiful expanse of

fertile countryside is visible, bounded some forty to

fifty miles distant by a range of hills and mountains

on the Tyrone-Derry border.

Continuing round the outskirts of the City we come

to the Windmill Hill. The old stump remains but, alas,

the sails have gone. Re-erected in 1810 it continued

in use until at least the end of the first quarter of

che l9th century following which it remained inactive

atil Harch 1846 when it was re-opened by James Stanley

ad worked for some years. As a point from which to

ee the toun it is somewhat disappointing. The old

191.

methbedral is partly hidden by the long straight line of

Vicar's Hill, an uninteresting row of houses which

pompletely blocks the view of the west end of the

building. The new cathedral, however, shows to better

advantage and its great main front and twin spires are

truly impressive.

The narrow road north of the mill is perhaps the

At oldest of all the highways leading from the city.

the ford on the river - now spanned by a handsome old

bridge - the ancient thoroughfare once branched south,

west and north. The road to the south is now a "green

road" but it is the traditional road by which Patrick

reached the town some 1500 years ago. Close to the

road on the gently sloping hillside above it is the

+ famous well connected with the Saint. It is solll a

place of pilgrimage each 29th June, and on that eve at

midnight, there is always a party of pilgrims around it.

Overhung by an ancient thorn, from whose branches

flutter in the passing breeze, rags of all the colours

ol the rainbow, the well has the quiet peace of

altiquity and a very definite spiritual atmosphere due

o doubt to the prayers of the countless generations

wo have visited it.

ihe next landmarks lie on the north side of the

eity and are equally familiar.

Tullyard Mound is a

5.

162.

tree-topped earthwork somewhat damaged but still

tbirty feet high with a circumference of about three

hundred and forty feet at the base. It was

originally enclosed by a fosse or trench but that

was filled in about a century ago.

Tradition says that is is the burial-place of

the Sons of Usna, and that Deirdre is buried close

by in Mullynure. Strangely enough it is also linked

with an ecclesiastic called St. Cretan, but as there

are two persons of that name recorded in the Annals,

one of whom died in 638 A.D. and the other thi: ty years

later, we are left in the dark as to which of the two

it gets its alternative name from. It has a pleasant

situation on the Callan, on the side of the old highway

famous as the road by which the ill-fated Sir Henry

Bagenal marched from Armagh on the morning of August

14th, 1598, to his death at the battle of the Yellow

Ford nearby.

On the hill-side beyond, but also in Tullyard

townland, is a group of curiously shaped stones.

like the obelisk at the Retreat they are a source of

auch speculation to visitors coming into Armagh by rail.

mis particular Tullyard monument is also well-knoun to

people using the Loughgall-Armagh road. Many stories

bave been invented regarding it and I know of one famous

archasologist who was told locally that it had been

erected by the Danes in the time of the Druids".

As

druidism was pre-christian and the Danish invasion of

later date he thought it his duty to enlighten his

informant as to facts. He might as well not have

troubled, for the reply was "what does it matter anyhow.

None of them people have sore heads the day. It's a

+ long time dead they are. They'll not be minding what

you or me say. Away up the hill with ye and luk at

them". He climbed the hill and found a puzzling structure.

The expert on megaliths and prehistoric monuments was

completely mystified. Transits and Equatorials were

things quite outside his orbit!

Originally there were three sets of these Meridian

Marks. That in Ballyheridan townland is shown on the

O.S. Maps of 1835 as the "Old South Meridian Mark" so we

may assume that it was erected following the building of

the Observatory in 1789-1790, and that the Tullyard or

Northern Meridian Marks and Armaghbrague Marks were

somemmat later. That on Armaghbrague is shown as "South

Meridian Marks, Transit and Mural Circle". All three

were in position in 1835 but the Tullyard and Ballyheridan

Structures have survived, whereas the Armaghbrague "Marks"

&.

me now almost destroyed. Such adjuncts to observatories

are no longer necessary. It would be a great pity,

powever, to remove them for they illustrate development

and are picturesque reminders of astronomical progress.

I have mentioned the obelisk at the Retreat as a

landmark that arouses the curiosity of visitors entering

or leaving Armagh by rail. It is an Irish Volunteer

suing period in Memorial and commemorates a most interest

Irish history. When France leagued herself with the

American States against Britain in 1778, an invasion of

Ireland by the former country became a matter of grave

concern. The small army then retained in Ireland was

utterly inadequate for its defence. Abandoned thus to

their own resources, the inhabitants of Ireland as a

whole, early in that year entered into armed associations

ry following which the for the safe-guarding of the countl

spirit of volunteering became general.

Ihe rise of the volunteers was spontaneous and

patriotic but the fear of invasion was soon dissipated

by Rodney's victory over the Spanish Squadron off Cape

St. Vincent in 1780, after which they turned their

attention to politics, a sphere in which they were at

first very successful in agitating measures for the

country's prosperity. Later their methods changed from

nesceful persuasion to the threat of armed dictatorship,

but in a trial of strength with Parliament the House

was victorious. They were finally disbanded in 1793.

A Company called the Castledillon Volunteers was

formed early in 1780 under the leadership of Sir Capel

Molyneux, Bart., the builder of the Obelisk and an

ardent Volunteer, who served in the Irish Parliament as

a member for Clogher and later for the University of

Dublin. He declined the command of the company owing

to his advanced years but despite this excuse he later

raised the Castledillon Yeomanry in 1796 and actually

fought a duel in the Palace Demesne with a Major of

the regular army who was foolish enough to disparage

his company on a parade in Armagh.

The monument itself commemorates "the glorious

revolution which took place in favour of the constitut¬

ion of the kingdom under the auspices of the Volunteers

of Ireland" and was erected by Sir Capel on a hill

outside his demesne that commands a fine view of the

toun of Dungannon, a place imperishably associated with

the story of the Irish Volunteers. It seems to have

been completed on the 27th October, 1782 as anniversary

celebrations were held around it from that date in 1783

atil the end of the Volunteers. The monument is now

under the care of the Armagh County Council and in the

County Museum there are various relics of County

Volunteer Companies including a finely embroidered

colour of the First Company of Armagh Volunteers worked

by the ladies of the town in 1778.

We have now made a partial circuit of the town but

we still have the district between the Castledillon

Obelisk and the Clump Hill to cover, and that I leave

to the members of the Club. I shall indeed be

interested in learning from you which buildings or

objects in that area you think should find inclusion in

this little survey of local landmarks.