The Persian Carpet

06

Foreword

10

Acknowledgements

19

Introduction

chapt e r 1

21

background

chapt e r 2

29

D ocumentary E vidence for C arpet W eaving

chapt e r 3

63

C arpet D epictions in P ersian A rt

chapt e r 4

83

D esign M igration and attribution

chapt e r 5

103

C arpets of the 1 8 th and 1 9 th C enturies

chapt e r 6

207

C arpets in I ranian S ociety

chapt e r 7

235

C arpet P roduction and the E conomy

256

Conclusion

260

En dn otes

272

Appendix

284

Bibliography

296

Index

Contents PA R T 1

PA R T 2

PA R T 3

06

Foreword

10

Acknowledgements

19

Introduction

chapt e r 1

21

background

chapt e r 2

29

D ocumentary E vidence for C arpet W eaving

chapt e r 3

63

C arpet D epictions in P ersian A rt

chapt e r 4

83

D esign M igration and attribution

chapt e r 5

103

C arpets of the 1 8 th and 1 9 th C enturies

chapt e r 6

207

C arpets in I ranian S ociety

chapt e r 7

235

C arpet P roduction and the E conomy

256

Conclusion

260

En dn otes

272

Appendix

284

Bibliography

296

Index

Contents PA R T 1

PA R T 2

PA R T 3

Foreword Moya Carey Curator, Islamic Collections Chester Beatty Library, Dublin

This book provides a timely resolution to a long-running glitch in Islamic art historiography: the hiatus myth of carpet production in Iran’s post-Safavid era. This myth is rooted in several careless narratives, all linked to dismay that Safavid Isfahan fell to an Afghan siege in 1722, and to critical confusion about what this would really mean next for Iran. What could possibly follow the undeniably impressive profile of the Safavid dynasty? The outdated ‘biological’ model of the history of civilisation might predict only terminal decline and extinction, but this impressionistic sense is not a useful approach.

Indeed, it must be challenged, using the plentiful documentary evidence available, to demonstrate the historical changes that (of course) followed 1722.

Art historical surveys have, in the past, perhaps all too frequently just concluded at the end of the Safavid dynasty, avoiding altogether the complexity of the global industrial age, and Iran’s dynamic visual culture within it. It is probably also fair to say that art historians have leaned too heavily on historical sketches of the 18th century, and not at all enough upon the available material culture, which ought to rest at the core of their practice. As Hadi Maktabi shows here, many scholars have ignored the material evidence of dated or datable carpet production, surrendering to the received hiatus myth for postSafavid Iran.

The idea that nothing much – or nothing good – followed the fall of the Safavids may be specific to the political mythologies of the early 20th century, and the Pahlavi formulation of Iran’s most recent past as a dismal Qajar failure. With the establishment of Pahlavi rule, Iran’s extensive national heritage became newly politicised, and modern craftsmanship was treated as a new renaissance of an aesthetic ancient spirit, not as a continuous professional tradition going back (as it certainly did) through generations of Afsharid, Zand and Qajar time.

From this political perspective, the Safavid period was lionised, and all subsequent history (and art history) dismissed until the restorative dawn of Pahlavi rule. Here we must acknowledge the political role played by early 20th-century art historian Arthur Upham Pope (18811969), who eloquently promoted this very arc in the service of Iran’s new dynasty. In so doing, he also created massive commercial value for Iran’s historic material culture, from archaeological artefacts to court carpets. His impact has yet to be fully assessed.

Thankfully, the last two decades have watched the gradual demolition of these narratives, and the re-integration of Iran’s 18th and 19th centuries into art history. Championed by Layla Diba with her groundbreaking 1999 exhibition Royal Persian Paintings, the Afsharid, Zand and Qajar periods have been studied in greater depth than ever before, with increasingly interesting research results for the history of painting, photography and other print technologies in particular.

6

7

Foreword Moya Carey Curator, Islamic Collections Chester Beatty Library, Dublin

This book provides a timely resolution to a long-running glitch in Islamic art historiography: the hiatus myth of carpet production in Iran’s post-Safavid era. This myth is rooted in several careless narratives, all linked to dismay that Safavid Isfahan fell to an Afghan siege in 1722, and to critical confusion about what this would really mean next for Iran. What could possibly follow the undeniably impressive profile of the Safavid dynasty? The outdated ‘biological’ model of the history of civilisation might predict only terminal decline and extinction, but this impressionistic sense is not a useful approach.

Indeed, it must be challenged, using the plentiful documentary evidence available, to demonstrate the historical changes that (of course) followed 1722.

Art historical surveys have, in the past, perhaps all too frequently just concluded at the end of the Safavid dynasty, avoiding altogether the complexity of the global industrial age, and Iran’s dynamic visual culture within it. It is probably also fair to say that art historians have leaned too heavily on historical sketches of the 18th century, and not at all enough upon the available material culture, which ought to rest at the core of their practice. As Hadi Maktabi shows here, many scholars have ignored the material evidence of dated or datable carpet production, surrendering to the received hiatus myth for postSafavid Iran.

The idea that nothing much – or nothing good – followed the fall of the Safavids may be specific to the political mythologies of the early 20th century, and the Pahlavi formulation of Iran’s most recent past as a dismal Qajar failure. With the establishment of Pahlavi rule, Iran’s extensive national heritage became newly politicised, and modern craftsmanship was treated as a new renaissance of an aesthetic ancient spirit, not as a continuous professional tradition going back (as it certainly did) through generations of Afsharid, Zand and Qajar time.

From this political perspective, the Safavid period was lionised, and all subsequent history (and art history) dismissed until the restorative dawn of Pahlavi rule. Here we must acknowledge the political role played by early 20th-century art historian Arthur Upham Pope (18811969), who eloquently promoted this very arc in the service of Iran’s new dynasty. In so doing, he also created massive commercial value for Iran’s historic material culture, from archaeological artefacts to court carpets. His impact has yet to be fully assessed.

Thankfully, the last two decades have watched the gradual demolition of these narratives, and the re-integration of Iran’s 18th and 19th centuries into art history. Championed by Layla Diba with her groundbreaking 1999 exhibition Royal Persian Paintings, the Afsharid, Zand and Qajar periods have been studied in greater depth than ever before, with increasingly interesting research results for the history of painting, photography and other print technologies in particular.

6

7

RUSSIA

Persia and Its Neighbours

Black Sea

UZBEKISTAN

GEORGIA Caspian Sea

Tbilisi

ARMENIA Yerevan

AZERBAIJAN

Baku

TURKMENISTAN

TURKEY

KARABAGH Shahsavan Tabriz

Kurds

Sa’uj Bulaq Kurds

Ardabil

Yomut Mashhad

Shahsavan Qazvin

GARRUS Bijar

SYRIA

Kurds

Qajar

KHORASAN

Tehran

Baluch

Senneh

ARDALAN

Hamadan

AFGHANISTAN

Qom

Kermanshah

Herat Sultanabad

IRAQ

Baghdad

FARAHAN Kurds

Kashan

Joshaghan Isfahan Bakhtiari

Qa’en

Nain

QA’ENAT IRAN

Baluch

Yazd Ravar Lor

Qashqa’i

Kerman

FARS

Qashqa’i

Shiraz

Baluch

Afshar Khamseh

PAKISTAN

Neyriz Afshar

Bandar Abbas Persian Gulf

KEY Tribes

Kurds

Cities

Tehran

Weaving Towns Weaving Districts 14

Chapter 6

ARABIA

Gulf of Oman

Bijar

FARAHAN Carpets in Iranian Society

15

RUSSIA

Persia and Its Neighbours

Black Sea

UZBEKISTAN

GEORGIA Caspian Sea

Tbilisi

ARMENIA Yerevan

AZERBAIJAN

Baku

TURKMENISTAN

TURKEY

KARABAGH Shahsavan Tabriz

Kurds

Sa’uj Bulaq Kurds

Ardabil

Yomut Mashhad

Shahsavan Qazvin

GARRUS Bijar

SYRIA

Kurds

Qajar

KHORASAN

Tehran

Baluch

Senneh

ARDALAN

Hamadan

AFGHANISTAN

Qom

Kermanshah

Herat Sultanabad

IRAQ

Baghdad

FARAHAN Kurds

Kashan

Joshaghan Isfahan Bakhtiari

Qa’en

Nain

QA’ENAT IRAN

Baluch

Yazd Ravar Lor

Qashqa’i

Kerman

FARS

Qashqa’i

Shiraz

Baluch

Afshar Khamseh

PAKISTAN

Neyriz Afshar

Bandar Abbas Persian Gulf

KEY Tribes

Kurds

Cities

Tehran

Weaving Towns Weaving Districts 14

Chapter 6

ARABIA

Gulf of Oman

Bijar

FARAHAN Carpets in Iranian Society

15

Turkmen Caspian Sea

Afshar Quchan Khorasan Kurds Khorasan Kurds Kelat-e Naderi Mashhad

Qajar Astarabad between 1740 and 1770, offers further evidence for the continued production of luxury fabrics.

The list includes a variety of expensive silks that were still being produced in traditional urban centres.91 They were still in circulation in 1781 during Ali Mardan Khan’s ceremonial entry into Isfahan when, according to the anecdotal historian Mohammad Hashim Asaf, gold brocades, silk brocades, satins and muslins were spread in his path. 92 This cumulative evidence indicates that, even though Iran’s economy and security were under intermittent threat, upper-end weaving ateliers did not cease production altogether.

fabric and pattern; and though they are for the most part dear, I think they might answer as an article of trade.’ 96

In 1800, the British diplomat Sir John Malcolm could write: ‘The manufactures of Persia that are in demand over all the Empire are silks of various kinds, coarse cotton cloths, plain and coloured, carpets, nummuds, 94 cotton cloths, Kirmaun shawls, etc. The towns in Persia at which these manufactures are chiefly produced, are Isfahaun, Yezd, Cashaun, Shirawz, Hamadaun and Resht.’ 95 It appears that these commodities were primarily aimed at domestic trade. Two decades later, the Scottish artist and travel writer James Baillie Fraser (1783–1856) seems to intimate that they could play a larger role. He listed the carpet weaving locales as he found them in 1822: ‘The woollen goods of Persia chiefly consist of carpets, numuds, felted goods, Kirman shawls…

Carpets are made in many places. Those of Herat, Kirman, of Yezd, of Booroojird, of the Toorkomans of Khorasan, of Ispahan, and Azerbijan, are all beautiful, though of different

36

Chapter 2

Abneyeh Herat

Semnan

The written record indicates that the craft was spread out across Iran both geographically and across social levels. Although there is no evidence for royal carpet karkhanehs, there is sufficient evidence of how carpets were used at court. By tradition, rugs made in settlements or villages around an urban centre would carry that centre’s name. Production was concentrated in some cities but remained, by and large, a rural craft. It has to be said that ‘rural’ rugs are not all coarse, villagetype weavings; on the contrary, many were woven in provincial workshops for the local elite.

Baluch Tabas

AFGHANISTAN

Qa’en Nain

QA’ENAT

Baluch

Dorokhsh

IRAN

The Qajar Age The end of 18th-century tribal wars allowed Iran a measure of peace. Traffic increased due to renewed stability, improved commercial opportunities and a new world order. The commercial revival was aided by Agha Mohammad Khan, who protected Iranian merchants. Internal security returned at last and this continued in the reign of his successor. 93 Colonial and imperial directives led to European involvement in Iranian matters, while stability revitalised the economy and craft industries, allowing more Europeans to visit for travel or business.

KHORASAN Ferdows

Tehran

TURKMENISTAN

Yazd

Khash

Birjand Mood

The recovery of market opportunities and the increase in the number of authors commenting on the subject led to substantially more frequent references to 19th-century carpets compared with the 18th century. It is thus easier to deal with this material by discussing the carpets by region of origin.

Zabol

Baluch

SISTAN Baluch

KHORASAN Khorasan Khorasan was a major source of quality carpets, and had been since Safavid times. 97 Observers regularly mention it in the 18th and 19th centuries, often as the provenance of the finest Persian carpets. Ferrières-Sauveboeuf was one of the earliest to laud such examples as the ‘most beautiful’ in Iran.

Khorasan carpets seem to have been so attractive and desirable that we have two accounts of them in two separate audience chambers of the Qajar crown prince Abbas Mirza (1789–1833) in the north-western region of Azerbaijan. The Scottish artist, traveller and diplomat Sir Robert Ker Porter met him in Tabriz and observed, ‘The floor was entirely overspread with Herat carpets, those of that manufacture being the richest that can be made.’ 98 The French diplomat Pierre Jaubert, writing at the same time, attended an audience in Ardabil where he said of the Prince, ‘Il était assis sur de superbes tapis de Khoraçan.’ 99 Three conclusions follow (if both authors were justified in their attribution). First, the carpets were objects of high enough value to

KEY Tribes Baluch Cities

be used in Iran’s principal princely court. Second, Khorasan carpets were visually distinguishable for them to be so easily recognised elsewhere.

Finally, trading patterns allowed for carpets to be commissioned, ordered or bought from weaving centres in distant provinces.

Mashhad Weaving Towns Mood Weaving Districts QA’ENAT

Why were Khorasan carpets so highly rated? The documentary record leaves us suggestions which, taken together, complete an impressive picture.

Ferrières-Sauveboeuf makes a point of mentioning those ‘magnificent’ items worked with gold thread.100 Coupled with other references, this suggests that the province had a history of manufacturing sumptuous pieces employing expensive materials. A contemporaneous EIC report from 1790 states that their appeal lay in the quality of their dyes and weave, ‘for the brightness of their colours and the elegance of their workmanship are deservedly in high estimation all over the world’.101 This also suggests that their reputation was widespread in and beyond Iran even in the 18th century. In 1811, Frederika von Freygang, travelling through the Caucasus with her diplomat husband and young family, agreed:

‘The Persian manufacturers excel in the beauty of their dyes. The most beautiful carpets … are made in Khorasan.’ 102 She was writing in Georgia, implying that Khorasan carpets had made their way there as well. This corroborates their sighting at Abbas Mirza’s court and all but confirms their exchange by trade. The latter fact may have repercussions for the spread of carpet patterns.

James Baillie Fraser was the first European to explore Khorasan. He spent considerable time there, which allowed him to become better acquainted with its crafts than were his contemporaries. Among the manufactures of Herat he includes ‘carpets, both of silk and wool, celebrated and in high demand over all the East, for beauty of pattern and brilliancy of colour’.103 In addition to the striking dyes, we learn that the carpets were also appreciated stylistically. Fraser later admired their texture, as he described the carpets at a country estate: ‘Nor would you, I am certain, be insensible to the richness and beauty of the carpets – real Herat, which are almost an inch thick, yet firm and smooth, and of the gayest and most pleasing colours.’ 104

Documentary Evidence for Carpet Weaving

37

Turkmen Caspian Sea

Afshar Quchan Khorasan Kurds Khorasan Kurds Kelat-e Naderi Mashhad

Qajar Astarabad between 1740 and 1770, offers further evidence for the continued production of luxury fabrics.

The list includes a variety of expensive silks that were still being produced in traditional urban centres.91 They were still in circulation in 1781 during Ali Mardan Khan’s ceremonial entry into Isfahan when, according to the anecdotal historian Mohammad Hashim Asaf, gold brocades, silk brocades, satins and muslins were spread in his path. 92 This cumulative evidence indicates that, even though Iran’s economy and security were under intermittent threat, upper-end weaving ateliers did not cease production altogether.

fabric and pattern; and though they are for the most part dear, I think they might answer as an article of trade.’ 96

In 1800, the British diplomat Sir John Malcolm could write: ‘The manufactures of Persia that are in demand over all the Empire are silks of various kinds, coarse cotton cloths, plain and coloured, carpets, nummuds, 94 cotton cloths, Kirmaun shawls, etc. The towns in Persia at which these manufactures are chiefly produced, are Isfahaun, Yezd, Cashaun, Shirawz, Hamadaun and Resht.’ 95 It appears that these commodities were primarily aimed at domestic trade. Two decades later, the Scottish artist and travel writer James Baillie Fraser (1783–1856) seems to intimate that they could play a larger role. He listed the carpet weaving locales as he found them in 1822: ‘The woollen goods of Persia chiefly consist of carpets, numuds, felted goods, Kirman shawls…

Carpets are made in many places. Those of Herat, Kirman, of Yezd, of Booroojird, of the Toorkomans of Khorasan, of Ispahan, and Azerbijan, are all beautiful, though of different

36

Chapter 2

Abneyeh Herat

Semnan

The written record indicates that the craft was spread out across Iran both geographically and across social levels. Although there is no evidence for royal carpet karkhanehs, there is sufficient evidence of how carpets were used at court. By tradition, rugs made in settlements or villages around an urban centre would carry that centre’s name. Production was concentrated in some cities but remained, by and large, a rural craft. It has to be said that ‘rural’ rugs are not all coarse, villagetype weavings; on the contrary, many were woven in provincial workshops for the local elite.

Baluch Tabas

AFGHANISTAN

Qa’en Nain

QA’ENAT

Baluch

Dorokhsh

IRAN

The Qajar Age The end of 18th-century tribal wars allowed Iran a measure of peace. Traffic increased due to renewed stability, improved commercial opportunities and a new world order. The commercial revival was aided by Agha Mohammad Khan, who protected Iranian merchants. Internal security returned at last and this continued in the reign of his successor. 93 Colonial and imperial directives led to European involvement in Iranian matters, while stability revitalised the economy and craft industries, allowing more Europeans to visit for travel or business.

KHORASAN Ferdows

Tehran

TURKMENISTAN

Yazd

Khash

Birjand Mood

The recovery of market opportunities and the increase in the number of authors commenting on the subject led to substantially more frequent references to 19th-century carpets compared with the 18th century. It is thus easier to deal with this material by discussing the carpets by region of origin.

Zabol

Baluch

SISTAN Baluch

KHORASAN Khorasan Khorasan was a major source of quality carpets, and had been since Safavid times. 97 Observers regularly mention it in the 18th and 19th centuries, often as the provenance of the finest Persian carpets. Ferrières-Sauveboeuf was one of the earliest to laud such examples as the ‘most beautiful’ in Iran.

Khorasan carpets seem to have been so attractive and desirable that we have two accounts of them in two separate audience chambers of the Qajar crown prince Abbas Mirza (1789–1833) in the north-western region of Azerbaijan. The Scottish artist, traveller and diplomat Sir Robert Ker Porter met him in Tabriz and observed, ‘The floor was entirely overspread with Herat carpets, those of that manufacture being the richest that can be made.’ 98 The French diplomat Pierre Jaubert, writing at the same time, attended an audience in Ardabil where he said of the Prince, ‘Il était assis sur de superbes tapis de Khoraçan.’ 99 Three conclusions follow (if both authors were justified in their attribution). First, the carpets were objects of high enough value to

KEY Tribes Baluch Cities

be used in Iran’s principal princely court. Second, Khorasan carpets were visually distinguishable for them to be so easily recognised elsewhere.

Finally, trading patterns allowed for carpets to be commissioned, ordered or bought from weaving centres in distant provinces.

Mashhad Weaving Towns Mood Weaving Districts QA’ENAT

Why were Khorasan carpets so highly rated? The documentary record leaves us suggestions which, taken together, complete an impressive picture.

Ferrières-Sauveboeuf makes a point of mentioning those ‘magnificent’ items worked with gold thread.100 Coupled with other references, this suggests that the province had a history of manufacturing sumptuous pieces employing expensive materials. A contemporaneous EIC report from 1790 states that their appeal lay in the quality of their dyes and weave, ‘for the brightness of their colours and the elegance of their workmanship are deservedly in high estimation all over the world’.101 This also suggests that their reputation was widespread in and beyond Iran even in the 18th century. In 1811, Frederika von Freygang, travelling through the Caucasus with her diplomat husband and young family, agreed:

‘The Persian manufacturers excel in the beauty of their dyes. The most beautiful carpets … are made in Khorasan.’ 102 She was writing in Georgia, implying that Khorasan carpets had made their way there as well. This corroborates their sighting at Abbas Mirza’s court and all but confirms their exchange by trade. The latter fact may have repercussions for the spread of carpet patterns.

James Baillie Fraser was the first European to explore Khorasan. He spent considerable time there, which allowed him to become better acquainted with its crafts than were his contemporaries. Among the manufactures of Herat he includes ‘carpets, both of silk and wool, celebrated and in high demand over all the East, for beauty of pattern and brilliancy of colour’.103 In addition to the striking dyes, we learn that the carpets were also appreciated stylistically. Fraser later admired their texture, as he described the carpets at a country estate: ‘Nor would you, I am certain, be insensible to the richness and beauty of the carpets – real Herat, which are almost an inch thick, yet firm and smooth, and of the gayest and most pleasing colours.’ 104

Documentary Evidence for Carpet Weaving

37

has to be the change in European fashions around that time. As explained in Chapter 2, European carpet and tapestry factories catered to new tastes, and oriental rugs became less desirable. This situation continued until the second half of the 19th century, when a revival of European interest led to a renewal of carpet imports. No systematic studies have been made of oriental carpets in 18th- or early 19th-century European paintings, but there is only a remote possibility that any such study would yield useful information. 257 The majority of objects under study here, therefore, are taken from the corpus of Persian arts of the 18th and 19th centuries. 258 It should be noted that, because most of these objects were made for the upper classes of society and frequently depict scenes from court life, they do not give a complete view of all major carpet types that were produced in that period. Many types woven by rural communities or in outlying provinces are thus not represented much, as oriental carpets and kilims for the home markets of Turkey and Iran do not appear in Renaissance paintings.

3.2

Visual evidence complements the documentary record in the study of Persian carpets. It allows us to study their depiction in other art forms, thereby offering clues about the development of design and usage of the carpets themselves throughout the period of study. The evolution of styles can thus be examined and it becomes possible to date surviving carpets more reliably if they correspond to the painted representations.

If we are lucky, this can also allow us to infer how certain carpet types were used at the time.

Studies have been made of oriental carpets in European paintings, but they all deal with the classical age of carpet weaving, that is the 14th to 17th centuries. The earliest carpet scholars from the Austro-German school of art history commented on the advantage of studying carpets in paintings in the late 19th century. The studies of European paintings by Wilhelm von Böde, Julius Lessing and Heinrich Jacoby led to a classification of rugs by pattern (for example Lotto, Holbein, Bellini, and so on). Notable too is the research of John Mills, who traced the history of carpets in Renaissance paintings. He focused

on Italian paintings that mostly contain Turkish and east Mediterranean carpets. This led to the adoption of ‘Turkey’ carpets as an enveloping designation for all oriental rugs.

Given Iran’s distant position relative to the Mediterranean trade in this early period, it is not surprising that Persian carpets generally do not appear in such paintings. This changed in the 16th century: on the one hand, the Safavids actively encouraged the Iranian carpet industry and promoted its export trade while, on the other hand, the rise of north European mercantile powers led to the import of Persian carpets by the maritime route. They appear in English and Dutch paintings from this period. Onno Ydema, who has studied the presence of Persian rugs in Dutch and Flemish paintings, notes that they are hardly depicted after circa 1700. 256

The largest body of evidence lies in paintings, with many textile depictions appearing in lacquerwork as well. 259 Media such as drawings and photography offer less information and are less relevant, because they really take on prominence in the late 19th century, beyond our period of study. 260 These visual forms all depict painted scenes of carpets in situ. A critical concern is to verify that rugs were depicted accurately. This is resolved by inspecting as many different artworks as available over a period of time and comparing them to surviving rugs, the latter task possible only after studying the carpets (as will be done in the next chapter).

3.2 Shah Sultan Husayn Distributing Nowruz Gifts,

by Muhammad Ali Ibn Muhammad Zaman, Isfahan, central Persia, dated 1133 (1720-1721). British Museum, London, 1920,0917,0.299 3.3 Felt with floral design (detail), Persia, 19th century. 1.80 x 4.10 m.

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, EA2002.6

The reliability of paintings was commented on by S.G.W. Benjamin, the first American envoy to Iran, who visited the Golestan Palace in 1883.

Looking at the early 19th-century portraits on the walls, he said, ‘The portraits are evidently characteristic likenesses, while the various court costumes of eighty years ago – silks, embroidered sashes, tunics of Cashmere shawls, and glittering decorations and armor – are represented with a fidelity that give great historic value to the painting.’ 261 It is to be assumed that the floorcoverings were depicted with similar precision.

Towards the turn of the 18th century, the occurrence of Persian carpets gradually diminishes in European paintings. This is partly due to Iran’s turbulent state in this period, resulting in fewer exports, but the main reason 3.3

64

Chapter 3

Carpet Depictions in Persian Art

65

has to be the change in European fashions around that time. As explained in Chapter 2, European carpet and tapestry factories catered to new tastes, and oriental rugs became less desirable. This situation continued until the second half of the 19th century, when a revival of European interest led to a renewal of carpet imports. No systematic studies have been made of oriental carpets in 18th- or early 19th-century European paintings, but there is only a remote possibility that any such study would yield useful information. 257 The majority of objects under study here, therefore, are taken from the corpus of Persian arts of the 18th and 19th centuries. 258 It should be noted that, because most of these objects were made for the upper classes of society and frequently depict scenes from court life, they do not give a complete view of all major carpet types that were produced in that period. Many types woven by rural communities or in outlying provinces are thus not represented much, as oriental carpets and kilims for the home markets of Turkey and Iran do not appear in Renaissance paintings.

3.2

Visual evidence complements the documentary record in the study of Persian carpets. It allows us to study their depiction in other art forms, thereby offering clues about the development of design and usage of the carpets themselves throughout the period of study. The evolution of styles can thus be examined and it becomes possible to date surviving carpets more reliably if they correspond to the painted representations.

If we are lucky, this can also allow us to infer how certain carpet types were used at the time.

Studies have been made of oriental carpets in European paintings, but they all deal with the classical age of carpet weaving, that is the 14th to 17th centuries. The earliest carpet scholars from the Austro-German school of art history commented on the advantage of studying carpets in paintings in the late 19th century. The studies of European paintings by Wilhelm von Böde, Julius Lessing and Heinrich Jacoby led to a classification of rugs by pattern (for example Lotto, Holbein, Bellini, and so on). Notable too is the research of John Mills, who traced the history of carpets in Renaissance paintings. He focused

on Italian paintings that mostly contain Turkish and east Mediterranean carpets. This led to the adoption of ‘Turkey’ carpets as an enveloping designation for all oriental rugs.

Given Iran’s distant position relative to the Mediterranean trade in this early period, it is not surprising that Persian carpets generally do not appear in such paintings. This changed in the 16th century: on the one hand, the Safavids actively encouraged the Iranian carpet industry and promoted its export trade while, on the other hand, the rise of north European mercantile powers led to the import of Persian carpets by the maritime route. They appear in English and Dutch paintings from this period. Onno Ydema, who has studied the presence of Persian rugs in Dutch and Flemish paintings, notes that they are hardly depicted after circa 1700. 256

The largest body of evidence lies in paintings, with many textile depictions appearing in lacquerwork as well. 259 Media such as drawings and photography offer less information and are less relevant, because they really take on prominence in the late 19th century, beyond our period of study. 260 These visual forms all depict painted scenes of carpets in situ. A critical concern is to verify that rugs were depicted accurately. This is resolved by inspecting as many different artworks as available over a period of time and comparing them to surviving rugs, the latter task possible only after studying the carpets (as will be done in the next chapter).

3.2 Shah Sultan Husayn Distributing Nowruz Gifts,

by Muhammad Ali Ibn Muhammad Zaman, Isfahan, central Persia, dated 1133 (1720-1721). British Museum, London, 1920,0917,0.299 3.3 Felt with floral design (detail), Persia, 19th century. 1.80 x 4.10 m.

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, EA2002.6

The reliability of paintings was commented on by S.G.W. Benjamin, the first American envoy to Iran, who visited the Golestan Palace in 1883.

Looking at the early 19th-century portraits on the walls, he said, ‘The portraits are evidently characteristic likenesses, while the various court costumes of eighty years ago – silks, embroidered sashes, tunics of Cashmere shawls, and glittering decorations and armor – are represented with a fidelity that give great historic value to the painting.’ 261 It is to be assumed that the floorcoverings were depicted with similar precision.

Towards the turn of the 18th century, the occurrence of Persian carpets gradually diminishes in European paintings. This is partly due to Iran’s turbulent state in this period, resulting in fewer exports, but the main reason 3.3

64

Chapter 3

Carpet Depictions in Persian Art

65

3.9 Female Acrobat, Persia, circa 1800-30. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 719-1876

3.10

3.10 Shah Abbas II Receiving a Mughal Ambassador, attributed to Abu’l Hasan Ghaffari Mustawfi Kashani, Shiraz, south central Persia, circa 1780-94. Collection of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, IRM 93

The likelihood that the carpets in this group of paintings belong to the mina khani type is corroborated by their unmistakable representation in other paintings from the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

One of the best examples of a painted mina khani carpet appears in a unique oil painting presented

by Sir Gore Ouseley to the Royal Asiatic Society.

He acquired it in Iran between 1811 and 1814. 298 Its singularity lies in its being the only surviving painting on one canvas showing multiple figures under arches (3.11). It belongs to the same genre of oil paintings depicting female courtiers as the previous paintings that showed, in one way or another, mina khani-type carpets.

The entertainers are sitting on a mina khani carpet with stylised motifs. The various types of flower-head are marked out in different colours; it is possible to make out the small rosettes. The circles (and intervening lozenges) are closer to the actual carpet pattern and less stylised than the other painted depictions. The presence of two stripes on either side of the border reinforces the identity of the object.

From the same period in Fath Ali Shah’s reign is a book painting that depicts a mina khani carpet under his throne. 299 The carpet’s kelleh proportions match surviving ones from that period, as does the combination of a red field with blue border. Red and white flowers on leafy vines fill the blue-ground border. The border pattern has a striking resemblance to a common carpet border from that period which appears on mina khani carpets. The combination of this evidence makes it more than likely that the artists were depicting actual carpets.

Another painting from the same period depicts two dancers on a mina khani carpet whose arrangement of circles and flower-heads follows the general pattern. 300 An oil painting of a Qajar princely couple from the second quarter of the 19th century presents a mina khani pattern superimposed on a blue lattice ground. 301 On the one hand, the leaves draw out a lattice network, with a red-and-blue flower-head in each compartment, while on the other hand four such flower-heads are linked by a circular outline.

Both the circles and the spaces between them contain smaller blue flowers – which in turn

3.9

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3.9 Female Acrobat, Persia, circa 1800-30. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 719-1876

3.10

3.10 Shah Abbas II Receiving a Mughal Ambassador, attributed to Abu’l Hasan Ghaffari Mustawfi Kashani, Shiraz, south central Persia, circa 1780-94. Collection of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, IRM 93

The likelihood that the carpets in this group of paintings belong to the mina khani type is corroborated by their unmistakable representation in other paintings from the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

One of the best examples of a painted mina khani carpet appears in a unique oil painting presented

by Sir Gore Ouseley to the Royal Asiatic Society.

He acquired it in Iran between 1811 and 1814. 298 Its singularity lies in its being the only surviving painting on one canvas showing multiple figures under arches (3.11). It belongs to the same genre of oil paintings depicting female courtiers as the previous paintings that showed, in one way or another, mina khani-type carpets.

The entertainers are sitting on a mina khani carpet with stylised motifs. The various types of flower-head are marked out in different colours; it is possible to make out the small rosettes. The circles (and intervening lozenges) are closer to the actual carpet pattern and less stylised than the other painted depictions. The presence of two stripes on either side of the border reinforces the identity of the object.

From the same period in Fath Ali Shah’s reign is a book painting that depicts a mina khani carpet under his throne. 299 The carpet’s kelleh proportions match surviving ones from that period, as does the combination of a red field with blue border. Red and white flowers on leafy vines fill the blue-ground border. The border pattern has a striking resemblance to a common carpet border from that period which appears on mina khani carpets. The combination of this evidence makes it more than likely that the artists were depicting actual carpets.

Another painting from the same period depicts two dancers on a mina khani carpet whose arrangement of circles and flower-heads follows the general pattern. 300 An oil painting of a Qajar princely couple from the second quarter of the 19th century presents a mina khani pattern superimposed on a blue lattice ground. 301 On the one hand, the leaves draw out a lattice network, with a red-and-blue flower-head in each compartment, while on the other hand four such flower-heads are linked by a circular outline.

Both the circles and the spaces between them contain smaller blue flowers – which in turn

3.9

72

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Carpet Depictions in Persian Art

73

4 Design Migration and Attribution The fundamental thesis in this book is that carpet weaving in Iran did not decline terminally after the fall of the Safavids in the early 18th century, but continued steadily until the 19th-century Revival. Documentary evidence indicates that carpet production continued in many parts of Iran. Khorasan, Kerman, Azerbaijan and Kurdistan are singled out as the main weaving areas, while Afsharid, Zand and Qajar art provide further evidence. Numerous Persian paintings depict carpets in formal and domestic settings, illustrating general features of these carpets such as their small-scale, endless repeat patterns.

4.1 Kerman pictorial carpet (detail), south Persia, dated 1281 (1864-65). 1.43 x 2.45 m. Hadi Maktabi Collection, Beirut

82

Chapter 5.5 — Harshang Carpets

The most important source of evidence for the continuity of carpet production, however, remains the body of extant carpets that may be attributed to our period of study. The numbers alone – perhaps 1,000 identifiable examples – illustrate how rich carpet production was in Iran. They reflect a small proportion of what was eventually exported and a smaller proportion of what was actually produced. Above all, they establish that

carpet weaving did not come to a halt during the 18th and 19th centuries. On the contrary, the physical evidence indicates that, although a degree of decline may have set in, the carpet industry continued to flourish in the 18th century and steadily grew until it boomed in the late 19th century. The progression of design groups and dated carpets indicates that production was more or less uninterrupted, resulting in a re-evaluation of the accepted history of Persian carpets, especially the industry’s situation in the years leading to the Revival.

This chapter studies the surviving carpets and evaluates how well they match the evidence from historical accounts and painted media. The carpets serve as valuable links in connecting the two major periods of Iranian carpets, which as things stand would otherwise seem to be unrelated. The continuity of carpet weaving allows Iranian carpet history to be viewed as an organic whole that is uninterrupted from late Safavid to early modern times.

83

4 Design Migration and Attribution The fundamental thesis in this book is that carpet weaving in Iran did not decline terminally after the fall of the Safavids in the early 18th century, but continued steadily until the 19th-century Revival. Documentary evidence indicates that carpet production continued in many parts of Iran. Khorasan, Kerman, Azerbaijan and Kurdistan are singled out as the main weaving areas, while Afsharid, Zand and Qajar art provide further evidence. Numerous Persian paintings depict carpets in formal and domestic settings, illustrating general features of these carpets such as their small-scale, endless repeat patterns.

4.1 Kerman pictorial carpet (detail), south Persia, dated 1281 (1864-65). 1.43 x 2.45 m. Hadi Maktabi Collection, Beirut

82

Chapter 5.5 — Harshang Carpets

The most important source of evidence for the continuity of carpet production, however, remains the body of extant carpets that may be attributed to our period of study. The numbers alone – perhaps 1,000 identifiable examples – illustrate how rich carpet production was in Iran. They reflect a small proportion of what was eventually exported and a smaller proportion of what was actually produced. Above all, they establish that

carpet weaving did not come to a halt during the 18th and 19th centuries. On the contrary, the physical evidence indicates that, although a degree of decline may have set in, the carpet industry continued to flourish in the 18th century and steadily grew until it boomed in the late 19th century. The progression of design groups and dated carpets indicates that production was more or less uninterrupted, resulting in a re-evaluation of the accepted history of Persian carpets, especially the industry’s situation in the years leading to the Revival.

This chapter studies the surviving carpets and evaluates how well they match the evidence from historical accounts and painted media. The carpets serve as valuable links in connecting the two major periods of Iranian carpets, which as things stand would otherwise seem to be unrelated. The continuity of carpet weaving allows Iranian carpet history to be viewed as an organic whole that is uninterrupted from late Safavid to early modern times.

83

5.4 Kerman carpet, south Persia, late 17th-early 18th century. 1.52 x 2.16 m.

Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, VT 1009 5.5 Kerman carpet, south Persia, dated 1250 (1834-35). 4.24 x 5.14 m.

Rippon Boswell, Wiesbaden

5.5

recorded as having been opened up within the mosque. The presence of such a formidable work of woven art must have inexorably influenced Persian weaving schools from the Safavid period onwards.

repeatedly copied and with ever-increasing stylisation. 387 Numerous complete and fragmentary pieces of this type have survived, mostly bearing the characteristic ‘Vase’ technique of that region. 388

In Iran, a two-dimensional lattice is typically formed from serrated leaves or arabesques, with flowers at the vertices of compartments, and the cells of different colours. Early examples are decorated with standard elements of the design repertoire of ‘Vase’ carpets. Large palmettes and rosettes occupy the separately coloured compartments. The lattice itself is notable for the serrated leaves that are richly decorated in several colours. In later carpets, the leaves were

Kerman carpets in the 17th century appear to have been influenced by the Indian style. The red ground and flowering shrubs in (5.3), a ‘Vase’-technique carpet from the 17th century, illustrate this. It represents a type that continued into the 18th and 19th centuries. Yellow and green split-leaf arabesques lay out the curvilinear lattice. The variety and quality of drawing, seen in the diversity of the plants, also indicate the carpet’s professional workshop

5.4

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107

5.4 Kerman carpet, south Persia, late 17th-early 18th century. 1.52 x 2.16 m.

Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, VT 1009 5.5 Kerman carpet, south Persia, dated 1250 (1834-35). 4.24 x 5.14 m.

Rippon Boswell, Wiesbaden

5.5

recorded as having been opened up within the mosque. The presence of such a formidable work of woven art must have inexorably influenced Persian weaving schools from the Safavid period onwards.

repeatedly copied and with ever-increasing stylisation. 387 Numerous complete and fragmentary pieces of this type have survived, mostly bearing the characteristic ‘Vase’ technique of that region. 388

In Iran, a two-dimensional lattice is typically formed from serrated leaves or arabesques, with flowers at the vertices of compartments, and the cells of different colours. Early examples are decorated with standard elements of the design repertoire of ‘Vase’ carpets. Large palmettes and rosettes occupy the separately coloured compartments. The lattice itself is notable for the serrated leaves that are richly decorated in several colours. In later carpets, the leaves were

Kerman carpets in the 17th century appear to have been influenced by the Indian style. The red ground and flowering shrubs in (5.3), a ‘Vase’-technique carpet from the 17th century, illustrate this. It represents a type that continued into the 18th and 19th centuries. Yellow and green split-leaf arabesques lay out the curvilinear lattice. The variety and quality of drawing, seen in the diversity of the plants, also indicate the carpet’s professional workshop

5.4

106

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A sub-group combines a lattice structure with a variant of the mina khani pattern, like that seen in a Qajar painting.407 All the carpets have a yellow field and red rosettes within the cells (5.13).408 Thus, a mina khani design is achieved whereby sets of four flower-heads around a central flower are joined by thin tracery. This tracery is executed in straight lines so the mina khani compartments are rhomboid instead of circular.

Another such yellow-ground rug is younger but may nevertheless date to the late 18th century in view of the dated rug published by Martin. 409 The layered design appears clearer here. Two other similar carpets display marked stylisation, suggesting a dating somewhere in the first half of the 19th century.410 The secondary lattice is still visible in the first but is absent in the second.

Another distinct subset with a deep-indigo ground and clearly delineated blossoming shrubs includes (5.19). The border of leaves and flowerheads is similar to contemporaneous Khorasan carpets of herati type, discussed below.

There are reasonable grounds to conclude that lattice carpets were one of the major types of Iranian carpets woven from the 17th to 19th centuries. More examples have survived than from other design groups; moreover, extant pieces display considerable diversity in interpreting the lattice theme. Other carpet types, even if they survive in great numbers, do not display similar variety. The widespread production of lattice carpets is demonstrated by their having been woven in various provinces, as well as through the evidence of Persian painting.

Other surviving lattice carpets that resemble carpets depicted in Persian paintings of the period reinforce this, for instance those examples woven in the style of the lattice namads that are so prevalent in the paintings.411 Made in Hamadan, they have all the stylistic attributes of these felts, including the plain outer band, reciprocal border and regular lattice pattern. Such carpets offer valuable proof for the reliability of Persian painting and the accuracy of the carpets depicted therein.

5.13

5.14

5.12. Karabagh kelleh (detail), southern Caucasus, late 18th or early 19th century.

1.78 x 4.28 m. Rippon Boswell, Wiesbaden

5.13 North-west Persian kelleh, late 18th century.

2.77 x 5.36 m. Christie’s, New York

5.14 Khorasan kelleh, 18th century. 1.88 x 4.52 m.

Christie’s, London

5.12

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A sub-group combines a lattice structure with a variant of the mina khani pattern, like that seen in a Qajar painting.407 All the carpets have a yellow field and red rosettes within the cells (5.13).408 Thus, a mina khani design is achieved whereby sets of four flower-heads around a central flower are joined by thin tracery. This tracery is executed in straight lines so the mina khani compartments are rhomboid instead of circular.

Another such yellow-ground rug is younger but may nevertheless date to the late 18th century in view of the dated rug published by Martin. 409 The layered design appears clearer here. Two other similar carpets display marked stylisation, suggesting a dating somewhere in the first half of the 19th century.410 The secondary lattice is still visible in the first but is absent in the second.

Another distinct subset with a deep-indigo ground and clearly delineated blossoming shrubs includes (5.19). The border of leaves and flowerheads is similar to contemporaneous Khorasan carpets of herati type, discussed below.

There are reasonable grounds to conclude that lattice carpets were one of the major types of Iranian carpets woven from the 17th to 19th centuries. More examples have survived than from other design groups; moreover, extant pieces display considerable diversity in interpreting the lattice theme. Other carpet types, even if they survive in great numbers, do not display similar variety. The widespread production of lattice carpets is demonstrated by their having been woven in various provinces, as well as through the evidence of Persian painting.

Other surviving lattice carpets that resemble carpets depicted in Persian paintings of the period reinforce this, for instance those examples woven in the style of the lattice namads that are so prevalent in the paintings.411 Made in Hamadan, they have all the stylistic attributes of these felts, including the plain outer band, reciprocal border and regular lattice pattern. Such carpets offer valuable proof for the reliability of Persian painting and the accuracy of the carpets depicted therein.

5.13

5.14

5.12. Karabagh kelleh (detail), southern Caucasus, late 18th or early 19th century.

1.78 x 4.28 m. Rippon Boswell, Wiesbaden

5.13 North-west Persian kelleh, late 18th century.

2.77 x 5.36 m. Christie’s, New York

5.14 Khorasan kelleh, 18th century. 1.88 x 4.52 m.

Christie’s, London

5.12

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and titling of the ostads or masters. Ostad Hossein at times signed his name as with mashhur to indicate his fame. Ostad Reza Valdani Kermani signed his name in the Zell-e Soltan design rug in (7.3) as Ostad ghali baft, meaning ‘master of carpet weaving’. It is dated 1292 (187475). It is fascinating to note that a lavish Kerman carpet (6.9) was woven by the son of Ostad Reza, a rare occurrence of two carpets signed by a father and his son that gives us great insight into the inherited craft practices and workshop ownerships of the time. The cartouche of the carpet in (6.9) states that it was ‘commissioned by the Lord Vakil al-Molk [and] woven by Ostad Ghanbar Ali Kermani the son of Ostad Ghali Baft’, which is a very clear reference to the weaver of the carpet in (7.3) via his formal or ceremonial title. We know scarcely anything about workshop ownerships prior to the 20th century – the much maligned debate about Mohtasham ‘father’ and ‘son’ is a case in point – so it is highly valuable to learn that a master weaver’s son either inherited his father’s atelier or set up one of his own. Both are craft habits that are extensively documented in 20th-century Persian urban workshops.

From the shawl manufactory we went some little distance to that of the no less celebrated carpets. These are manufactured in a way reminding one strongly of the Gobelins tapestry made in Paris. The looms are arranged perpendicularly, and the workers sit behind the loom, but in this case, unlike the Gobelins, they have the right side of the carpet towards them.

The manufacture of carpets differs from that of the shawls also in this particular, that each carpet has a painted pattern, designed and drawn out by the master of the manufactory, which is pinned in the centre of the carpet, and which the workers can consult, if necessary, from time to time. Advantage, however, is rarely

7.5

The work of Ostad Reza Valdani Kermani, Ostad Ghali Baft [Master of Carpet Weaving], the year 1292 [1875-76]

One of the most celebrated of all Kerman masters was Ostad Abu al-Ghasem, who is affectionately known in the Tehran bazar today as Ostad-e asateed (the master of masters) (7.4).734 It is obvious from this discussion – and, indeed, from other instances of inscribed Kerman carpets – that the professional karkhaneh structure in Kerman, under the supervision of ostads, stood out. Its ateliers are mentioned in Persian, Indian and European sources. Between the Safavid and Qajar eras, a craft specialisation in carpet weaving must have developed there in the same way that other specialisations became rooted elsewhere.

Carpet weaving in Kerman developed into a mainstay of the local economy and the tradition was propagated across generations. This was part of a broader craft practice that also included felt making and shawl weaving.

240

Chapter 7

The excellence of Kerman’s woven products is partly due to the availability of some of the finest wool in Iran in its hinterland. The flocks around Kerman yielded excellent wool and kork. That carpet weavers formed a significant proportion of Kerman’s population is another factor. Keith Abbott, in 1850, estimated there were 4,500 weavers in the Kerman district.735 This impressive figure is large for that time when compared against a population averaging 20,000 in the 19th century. Weaving therefore accounted for the subsistence of a sizeable proportion of the local population. In fact, only a few thousand weavers were employed across Iran then.736 This could explain the higher productivity of Kerman, and why it attained a more celebrated standing in the 19th century.

Further insight into Kerman’s carpet industry is provided by Oliver St John, who visited the city in 1872 and left us a very useful account of its commercial workshops. It is significant because he describes organised production as it was before European intervention and Tabrizi mercantile investment changed the structure and methods of carpet production.

St John also praises the carpets’ originality of design and strong colours. His description of their patterns – ‘Not only flowers and trees, but birds, beasts, landscapes, and even human figures are found on the Karman carpets’ – evokes the contemporaneous signed and dated rugs.738 One such carpet is dated 1298 (1880–81) and displays flowers, trees and birds (7.4).739 Lush floral patterns also appear on another carpet woven by Abu al-Ghasem Kermani is dated 1289 (1872-3) the same year as St John’s visit. The celebrated master-weaver remained active at least until 1316 (1898-99).740 St John visited a karkhaneh that ‘was said to be without a rival in Persia, either for beauty of design or excellence of manufacture’, where he saw a grand carpet being woven for the Mashhad shrine. He was treated to sweets ‘laid out on a most beautiful rug that had just come from one of the looms’. The finest carpets in Kerman were made in the governor’s private karkhaneh (6.9).741 This is not so much evidence of official patronage as such, but should be seen as an endeavour designed to boost his revenue.

7.3

۱۲۹۲ ‫عمل استاد رضا ولدانی کرمانی استاد قالی بافت‬

of the ‘master of the manufactory’ and the multiple looms point to an organised production.

The other main point of interest is that cartoons were used to ‘spell out’ a carpet’s design to the weavers. This drawing was made by the ‘master’ of the workshop, the ostad who supervised the weaving. That being the case, the signed Kerman carpets are easier to understand. The ostad need not have done the weaving himself; he designed the pattern and oversaw its production.

7.5 Kashan Bazaar, from Voyage en Perse de M.M. Eugene Flandin, peintre, et Pascal Coste, architecte, 1840–41

7.6

7.6 Napoleon Receiving the Persian Envoy Mirza Mohammed Reza Qazvini at Finckenstein Palace, François Henri Mulard, 1810.

Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, MV 1724, Acq. 1810

taken of this facility of reference, for the boy who sits nearest the pattern reads out in a monotonous voice any information required concerning it. The carpets are made entirely on cotton, woven in by fingers into the upright web. Their manufacture is tedious and costly in the extreme, but they are beautifully soft and durable. The work is constantly hammered close together by a wooden hammer every few stitches.737 This lucid description of how weaving progresses raises some interesting points. First, the mention

Wealthy or powerful Iranians, as the preceding example shows, invested in and owned carpet workshops as private ventures. Even the royal family got involved in establishing carpet workshops, though this is not evidence of official Qajar patronage. The English traveller Arthur Cunynghame, in 1872, spoke of a certain Prince ‘Risali Kouli’ in whose private workshop ‘some of the best Persian carpets manufactured in this country are said to be produced… The Prince is rewarded by many hundreds of beautiful Persian rugs yearly, which, being sold in the markets of northern Russia, increase his revenues to an extent by no means inconsiderable.’742 A mid-19th century reference to Farahan shows that other officials were also involved in the carpet industry. J.P. Ferrier says, ‘There is a

Carpet Production and the Economy

241

and titling of the ostads or masters. Ostad Hossein at times signed his name as with mashhur to indicate his fame. Ostad Reza Valdani Kermani signed his name in the Zell-e Soltan design rug in (7.3) as Ostad ghali baft, meaning ‘master of carpet weaving’. It is dated 1292 (187475). It is fascinating to note that a lavish Kerman carpet (6.9) was woven by the son of Ostad Reza, a rare occurrence of two carpets signed by a father and his son that gives us great insight into the inherited craft practices and workshop ownerships of the time. The cartouche of the carpet in (6.9) states that it was ‘commissioned by the Lord Vakil al-Molk [and] woven by Ostad Ghanbar Ali Kermani the son of Ostad Ghali Baft’, which is a very clear reference to the weaver of the carpet in (7.3) via his formal or ceremonial title. We know scarcely anything about workshop ownerships prior to the 20th century – the much maligned debate about Mohtasham ‘father’ and ‘son’ is a case in point – so it is highly valuable to learn that a master weaver’s son either inherited his father’s atelier or set up one of his own. Both are craft habits that are extensively documented in 20th-century Persian urban workshops.

From the shawl manufactory we went some little distance to that of the no less celebrated carpets. These are manufactured in a way reminding one strongly of the Gobelins tapestry made in Paris. The looms are arranged perpendicularly, and the workers sit behind the loom, but in this case, unlike the Gobelins, they have the right side of the carpet towards them.

The manufacture of carpets differs from that of the shawls also in this particular, that each carpet has a painted pattern, designed and drawn out by the master of the manufactory, which is pinned in the centre of the carpet, and which the workers can consult, if necessary, from time to time. Advantage, however, is rarely

7.5

The work of Ostad Reza Valdani Kermani, Ostad Ghali Baft [Master of Carpet Weaving], the year 1292 [1875-76]

One of the most celebrated of all Kerman masters was Ostad Abu al-Ghasem, who is affectionately known in the Tehran bazar today as Ostad-e asateed (the master of masters) (7.4).734 It is obvious from this discussion – and, indeed, from other instances of inscribed Kerman carpets – that the professional karkhaneh structure in Kerman, under the supervision of ostads, stood out. Its ateliers are mentioned in Persian, Indian and European sources. Between the Safavid and Qajar eras, a craft specialisation in carpet weaving must have developed there in the same way that other specialisations became rooted elsewhere.

Carpet weaving in Kerman developed into a mainstay of the local economy and the tradition was propagated across generations. This was part of a broader craft practice that also included felt making and shawl weaving.

240

Chapter 7

The excellence of Kerman’s woven products is partly due to the availability of some of the finest wool in Iran in its hinterland. The flocks around Kerman yielded excellent wool and kork. That carpet weavers formed a significant proportion of Kerman’s population is another factor. Keith Abbott, in 1850, estimated there were 4,500 weavers in the Kerman district.735 This impressive figure is large for that time when compared against a population averaging 20,000 in the 19th century. Weaving therefore accounted for the subsistence of a sizeable proportion of the local population. In fact, only a few thousand weavers were employed across Iran then.736 This could explain the higher productivity of Kerman, and why it attained a more celebrated standing in the 19th century.

Further insight into Kerman’s carpet industry is provided by Oliver St John, who visited the city in 1872 and left us a very useful account of its commercial workshops. It is significant because he describes organised production as it was before European intervention and Tabrizi mercantile investment changed the structure and methods of carpet production.

St John also praises the carpets’ originality of design and strong colours. His description of their patterns – ‘Not only flowers and trees, but birds, beasts, landscapes, and even human figures are found on the Karman carpets’ – evokes the contemporaneous signed and dated rugs.738 One such carpet is dated 1298 (1880–81) and displays flowers, trees and birds (7.4).739 Lush floral patterns also appear on another carpet woven by Abu al-Ghasem Kermani is dated 1289 (1872-3) the same year as St John’s visit. The celebrated master-weaver remained active at least until 1316 (1898-99).740 St John visited a karkhaneh that ‘was said to be without a rival in Persia, either for beauty of design or excellence of manufacture’, where he saw a grand carpet being woven for the Mashhad shrine. He was treated to sweets ‘laid out on a most beautiful rug that had just come from one of the looms’. The finest carpets in Kerman were made in the governor’s private karkhaneh (6.9).741 This is not so much evidence of official patronage as such, but should be seen as an endeavour designed to boost his revenue.

7.3

۱۲۹۲ ‫عمل استاد رضا ولدانی کرمانی استاد قالی بافت‬

of the ‘master of the manufactory’ and the multiple looms point to an organised production.

The other main point of interest is that cartoons were used to ‘spell out’ a carpet’s design to the weavers. This drawing was made by the ‘master’ of the workshop, the ostad who supervised the weaving. That being the case, the signed Kerman carpets are easier to understand. The ostad need not have done the weaving himself; he designed the pattern and oversaw its production.

7.5 Kashan Bazaar, from Voyage en Perse de M.M. Eugene Flandin, peintre, et Pascal Coste, architecte, 1840–41

7.6

7.6 Napoleon Receiving the Persian Envoy Mirza Mohammed Reza Qazvini at Finckenstein Palace, François Henri Mulard, 1810.

Musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, MV 1724, Acq. 1810

taken of this facility of reference, for the boy who sits nearest the pattern reads out in a monotonous voice any information required concerning it. The carpets are made entirely on cotton, woven in by fingers into the upright web. Their manufacture is tedious and costly in the extreme, but they are beautifully soft and durable. The work is constantly hammered close together by a wooden hammer every few stitches.737 This lucid description of how weaving progresses raises some interesting points. First, the mention

Wealthy or powerful Iranians, as the preceding example shows, invested in and owned carpet workshops as private ventures. Even the royal family got involved in establishing carpet workshops, though this is not evidence of official Qajar patronage. The English traveller Arthur Cunynghame, in 1872, spoke of a certain Prince ‘Risali Kouli’ in whose private workshop ‘some of the best Persian carpets manufactured in this country are said to be produced… The Prince is rewarded by many hundreds of beautiful Persian rugs yearly, which, being sold in the markets of northern Russia, increase his revenues to an extent by no means inconsiderable.’742 A mid-19th century reference to Farahan shows that other officials were also involved in the carpet industry. J.P. Ferrier says, ‘There is a

Carpet Production and the Economy

241

304