Zhijun Lei - Dissertation

BRITISH PUBLIC MARKET A Social Welfare Facility

—— A Study of British Public Market

Fig 1 Grainger Market, Newcastle, 2020.

Source: Brian Blake

ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE GRADUATE PROGRAMMES COVERSHEET FOR SUBMISSION 2024 PROGRAMME MPhil in Projective Cities NAME Zhijun Lei SUBMISSION TITLE Dissertation COURSE TUTOR Platon Issaias Hamed Khosravi DECLARATION I certify that this piece of work is entirely my own and that any qutation or paraphrase from the published or umpublished work of others is duly acknowledged.

British Public Market: A Social Welfare Facility —— A Study of British Public Market

Zhijun Lei

Projective Cities

Architectural Association School of architecture

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Markets have been in existence since man began to buy and sell goods. During the Middle Ages, many markets were born that have survived to this day. Markets are undoubtedly one of the most lively places in a city. In Chinese, a market is often described as a place full of " 烟火气 ". The word paints a picture of a crowded, noisy, chaotic and dazzling scene that sums up the essence of the market. Markets are closely related to city life, and it can be said that they represent to a large extent the local customs of a party. Colourful fruits and vegetables, fresh seafood, fragrant food stalls, and all kinds of novelty and oddity are the reasons for people to stay in the market.

Before I started researching public markets in the UK, I visualised them as thriving institutions. London alone is home to a multitude of well-known markets, and they are very prosperous and very attractive. However, my research revealed a different reality. While these visitor markets are thriving, the 'real' markets are disappearing. The markets I am interested in, the ones I seek to fill with " 烟火气 ," are not, as a general rule, the tourist markets that often appear in the public eye. This is because they have become detached from life and turned into a mere commercial activity. An example is the Covent Garden Market.

Today's Covent Garden Market, though still labelled as a market, has long since departed from the traditional meaning of market, and it should be called Covent Garden Shopping Street.

I extend my heartfelt thanks to all who guided and supported me through the intricate paths of understanding the evolving dynamics of public markets in the UK. My supervisors provided invaluable insights and encouragement, urging me to look beyond the surface and appreciate the subtleties of market life that evade the casual observer. I am also immensely grateful to the local vendors and market goers who shared their stories and experiences, adding depth and color to my research. This thesis would not have been possible without the generous co-operation 6

of the various archival institutions in allowing me access to their records and ongoing operations.

To all, I offer my sincere gratitude for helping bring the vivid, lively atmosphere of the market into the academic discourse, enriching my study and providing a fuller picture of public markets' role in urban life.

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Fig 2 (opposite) Covent Garden Market, London, 1726.

Source: Pieter Angillis

ABSTRACT 1. Jon Stobart and Ilja Van Damme, ‘Introduction: Markets in Modernization: Transformations in Urban Market Space and Practice, c. 1800 – c. 1970’, Urban History 43, no. 3 (2016): 358.

Public markets play a significant role in the urban environment, not only as key points in the urban food distribution system, but also as important spaces for urban life. As physical spaces in the city, public markets play a role in the evolving chain of production and distribution, evolving in tandem with changes in wholesaling, retailing, consumption, and the political management of urban space, society and economy.1 This study aims to challenge the stereotypical view of public markets as mere places where goods are traded, and instead redefine the urban role of public markets through a multidisciplinary discourse that encompasses social, economic and political dimensions.

This study considers public markets as social welfare institutions and argues that the decline of public markets and the consequent exacerbation of social problems such as food deserts, urban inequality and urban isolation can be attributed to a diminishing awareness of the role of public markets as social welfare entities.

This research adopts a case study approach and its main objective is to investigate the impact of public markets on the distribution of food in cities and to explore the relationship between the way in which public markets are controlled, their changing role in cities and their spatial layout.

This study focuses on public markets in the United Kingdom, examining their urban distribution and spatial organization.

It intertwines issues such as food deserts, social inequality, and urban isolation with spatial and architectural challenges.

Historically, public markets have been a central element of urban life in the UK and a fundamental part of residents' daily lives. There was a time when Britain's public markets flourished as vibrant centres of community interaction and economic exchange. Today, however, the picture is markedly different, with Britain's public markets facing decline, with many being closed, threatened, relocated to areas outside of city centres,

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or undergoing gentrification. This paper has chosen to focus on public markets in the UK in order to explore the significant changes they have undergone and to identify more clearly the complex social issues behind these changes.

Furthermore, the main focus of this study is to reconsider the role of architects in the revitalisation of the public market as a social welfare facility. It endeavours to propose a new model for the location, leasing and layout of markets aimed at addressing the problems of food deserts, social inequity and urban isolation arising from the lack of public markets. The study seeks not only seeks to understand the architectural and spatial factors that have led to the decline of public markets, but also attempt to revitalise these spaces and restore their role as an integral part of the city’s social infrastructure. By reimagining public markets, the study aims to create more flexible urban environments that build sustainable cities, support diverse community needs, and contribute to reducing urban gaps. However, it is worth mentioning that the discussion in this thesis on the challenges faced by UK markets focuses on spatial aspects, primarily from an architect's perspective. Therefore, the solutions proposed in this paper inevitably have limitations; they merely represent an exploration of possibilities.

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

06

ABSTACT

10

INTRODUCTION

15

CHAPTER 1

27

CHAPTER 2

47

CHAPTER 3

95

CONCLUSION

149

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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INTRODUCTION

The Definition of Public Markets 0.1 Jon Stobart and Ilja Van Damme, ‘Introduction: Markets in Modernization: Transformations in Urban Market Space and Practice, c. 1800 – c. 1970’, Urban History 43, no. 3 (August 2016): 358, https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0963926815000206.

Before delving into this discussion, it is necessary to clarify the definition of the public market, which has played an important role in the urban fabric of the UK. From the Middle Ages to the present day, British cities have undergone enormous changes and public markets have endured through these changes. This endurance is attributed to the diversity of public markets, which has enabled them to adapt to changing environments and to function within dynamic production and distribution chains.

They have evolved in response to changes in wholesale, retail and consumption, as well as in the political management of urban spaces, social structures and economic systems.

It is worth mentioning that the public market referred to in this paper does not only include the low-cost market for low-income groups, but is a broader concept that can be described as the municipal market. Its goal is to provide a marketplace for fresh, healthy, affordable and conveniently accessible commodities (primarily food, but also fabrics, animal hides and skins, etc.) for urban dwellers.0.1

0.2 Cloin Stephen Smith, ‘The Market Place and the Market’s Place in London, c. 16601840’ (dissertation, London, University of College London, 1999), 17, https://www. proquest.com/openview/f09bcc1aeaca0cf ce08e69510c6632d9/1?pq-origsite=gschol ar&cbl=2026366&diss=y.

0.3 Stobart and Damme, ‘Introduction’, 358.

0.4 Ibid.

Fig 0.1 (lift) Vegetable market by the railway track Source: https://myblueflamingo. wordpress.com/tag/photography/ Fig 0.2 (right) Ambato market, 2009 Source: LAMA designs

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However, this diversity makes it difficult to define public markets precisely, as the concept encompasses a wide range of types: street markets, covered markets, open markets, municipal markets, specialist markets, commodity markets and exchanges, shopping arcades, bazaars, and fairs.... All of these types have something in common that allows them to be identified as public markets, but there is no such thing as a typical public market.0.2 As a result, any broadly applicable definition of a public market quickly encounters the specificities of time and place: markets, as tangible entities where buyers and sellers interact, are too diverse and regionally specific.0.3 Any precise definition would undermine the inherent diversity and specificity of markets0.4, which is at the heart of this paper's discussion. Therefore, the definition of a public market in this paper is intentionally broad, identifying it as an institution in which the public trades everyday necessities on a daily basis.

It is important to note that "public markets" in this context does not refer solely to low-cost markets for low-income groups, but is a broader concept closely related to municipal markets. These markets are envisaged as places that provide fresh, healthy, affordable and convenient goods to urban residents. While these markets are primarily food-based, they also include a variety of other products such as cloth, hides and skins. The objective is to ensure that all segments of the urban population have access to the necessities of daily life, not only to support sustainable economic development but also to improve the overall quality of urban life.

The Status of the UK's Public Markets 0.5 N Rhodes, ‘National Retail Market Survey, Retail Enterprise Network’ (Manchester: The Manchester Metropolitan University Business School, 2005).

0.6 ‘Market 21: A Policy and Research Review of UK Retail and Wholesale Markets in the 21st Century’ (Retail Markets Alliance, 2009).

0.7 Fabricio Pereira Prado and ProQuest (Firm), Edge of Empire: Atlantic Networks and Revolution in Bourbon Rio de La Plata / Fabricio Prado. (Oakland, California : University of California Press, 2015), 7.

0.8 Sophie Watson and David Studdert, Markets as Sites for Social Interaction: Spaces of Diversity (Policy Press, 2006).

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Given the close relationship between public markets and the urban environment, there has been considerable research on public markets in the UK. Interestingly, in recent years two very different views have emerged about the state of public markets in the UK. One view is that public markets in the UK are in decline.

Many traditional markets have closed, are under threat or have relocated outside of city centres. A 2005 national survey report noted that "markets across the UK ... are in decline" and that "the valuable economic contribution of markets is under threat ...".0.5 In addition, a government and industry report on rents confirms that the recession that began in 2008 has exacerbated the decline of public markets in the UK (Retail Market Alliance 2009).0.6 This phenomenon has been studied by a number of academics, for example Jane Jacobs has examined how the attractiveness of the Spitalfields market in East London for middle class residents has rapidly diminished.0.7 On the other hand, another view suggests that the UK's public markets are experiencing a renaissance. In particular, efforts to revitalise trade over the past decade have led existing markets such as Queens Crescent market and Broadway market to introduce new, sophisticated stalls offering international cuisine and crafts to attract higherincome residents.0.8 These markets are thriving.

This study argues that there is no contradiction between these two views. Indeed, as Sara Gonzalez and Paul Waley argue, "Traditional retail markets in the UK caught between a narrative of decline and revival. "0.9 More precisely, traditional public markets, which are inextricably linked to the everyday lives of residents, are in decline, while a new form of market - expensive and reserved for occasional enjoyment - is emerging. This paper considers the market as a fundamental part of residents' everyday lives, and therefore concludes that the public market in Britain is in decline.

0.9 Sara Gonzalez and Paul Waley, ‘Traditional Retail Markets: The New Gentrification Frontier?’, Antipode 45, no. 4 (2013): 1, https://doi.org/10.1111/ j.1467-8330.2012.01040.x.

Fig 0.3 Demolition of Norfolk Market Hall, 1960 Source: Sheffield Council

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The decline of public markets poses a number of challenges in urban areas, exacerbating problems such as food deserts, increased food miles, impacting on the livelihoods of small traders and reducing community cohesion. These problems can generally be categorised into three areas: Food Deserts 0.10 Carolyn Steel, Hungry City : How Food Shapes Our Lives / Carolyn Steel.

(London: Vintage, 2009), 103–54.

The trend towards shrinking public markets has exacerbated the phenomenon of food deserts, particularly affecting neighbourhoods, especially poor neighbourhoods, and limiting their access to adequate and healthy food. Carolyn Steel's research shows that areas with dense low-income populations are often unwelcoming to supermarkets, so local residents are forced to make ends meet without fresh food sources. This situation has a serious impact on the quality of life in these neighbourhoods, where nutritious options are becoming fewer and more expensive.0.10

0.11 Melanie Bedore, ‘Food Desertification: Situating Choice and Class Relations within an Urban Political Economy of Declining Food Access’, Studies in Social Justice 8, no. 2 (23 May 2014): 216, https://doi.org/10.26522/ssj. v8i2.1034.

0.12 Carlos JL Balsas, ‘The Role of Public Markets in Urban Habitability and Competitiveness’, Journal of Place Management and Development 13, no. 1 (2020): 35.

0.13 ‘E-Food Desert Index | CDRC Data’, accessed 16 April 2024, https://data.cdrc. ac.uk/dataset/e-food-desert-index.

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In addition, the problem of food desertification extends beyond low-income groups and affects the middle class as well. As highlighted in Melanie Bedore's study on "food desertification", the closure or relocation of public markets often results in a very limited range of food products being available in subsequent shops in many areas.0.11 Often, these products are easier to transport and store, higher in sugar, fat and salt (e.g. snacks) or rich in processed ingredients and syrups (e.g. soft drinks), leading to poor dietary choices and associated health risks.0.12 In addition, food deserts also affect the affluent. The E-food Desert Index (EFDI), published by the Consumer Data Research Centre (CDRC) in the UK and Dr Andy Newing of the University of Leeds, states that while food deserts are predominantly located in low-income areas, they can also occur in high-income areas.0.13 This may be due to high rental costs that prevent supermarkets and retailers from operating in these areas.

As a result, residents of affluent areas may also struggle to access a wide range of fresh and healthy foods.

The issue of food deserts is thus a multifaceted challenge that affects different socio-economic classes in cities. It highlights the critical role of public markets in providing accessible, affordable and nutritious food and underlines the wider implications of their decline for public health and the quality of urban life.

Social Equity The decline of public markets not only restricts access to basic resources, but also exacerbates social inequalities, leading to a growing imbalance in the distribution of resources and fuelling monopolistic behaviour that undermines social equity and stability. As public markets shrink, many poor producers and local traders lose their livelihoods, exacerbating economic disparities.

In their thesis The origin and development of markets: a business history perspective, Mark Casson and John Lee argue that easily accessible markets favour economic growth by introducing competition to challenge and dilute monopoly power.0.14 Conversely, the decline of public markets has made food distribution markets more difficult to access, thus contributing to monopolistic conditions that are detrimental to economic development. In addition, the decline in the number of poor producers and local traders has reduced commodity diversity.

This trend is inconsistent with consumer demand for commodity

0.14 Mark Casson and John S. Lee, ‘The Origin and Development of Markets: A Business History Perspective’, The Business History Review 85, no. 1 (1 April 2011): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.2307/41301368.

diversity, which in turn further accelerates the decline of public markets.

City Isolation The declining trend of public markets not only disrupts food distribution and exacerbates social inequalities, but also affects community cohesion by reducing interpersonal interactions and weakening residents' sense of belonging. In the UK, with the tacit approval of the authorities, supermarkets have become fullfledged urban developers. They have effectively replaced the civic role that public markets once played in cities. Unlike markets, 21

0.15 Steel, Hungry City, 103–54.

0.16 Ibid.

they have no civic role to play. They are business with one thing on their minds: making money.0.15 Supermarkets may replicate some of the food distribution functions of public markets, but they do not become true public spaces.

In supermarkets, there is an expectation of compliance with etiquette and spatial rules. Breaching these norms can lead to eviction, which contrasts with the inclusive and welcoming nature of traditional public markets. Carolyn Steel points out that traditional public markets represent a true public space that supermarkets can never replicate, providing "a common space with which people identify, in which they have a stake... they form the basis of the urban public realm..."0.16 This shift highlights a critical loss: the transformation of community-centred spaces of interaction into commercial entities that focus on economic transactions rather than fostering social bonds. Traditionally, public markets functioned as more than just places of commerce; they were also important community centres where social interactions were fostered, cultural practices observed and a sense of community enhanced.

The replacement of these markets by supermarkets signalled a shift towards isolated commercial spaces where efficiency and protocol overshadowed community interaction and participation. This evolution poses a major challenge to the social fabric of urban areas, potentially leading to what are often referred to as "urban isolation" - functionally functional areas that lack the social cohesion that characterises vibrant urban life.

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Strcture Focusing on the UK's public market, this study aims to reveal the root causes of its decline through detailed case studies. The thesis examines in depth three major issues arising from the deterioration of the market and their spatial manifestations, and further explores the potential role of architects in contributing to the future development of the UK's public market. The thesis is divided into three sections, each dedicated to a specific issue mentioned earlier. The first chapter analyses the phenomenon of food deserts at an urban scale and explores potential policy directions for the development of public markets in the UK. The second chapter focuses on the architectural scale, examining issues of market access and social equity, and proposes new directions for market development from a building layout perspective. The final chapter discusses the social attributes of markets in terms of the community scale and proposes a new and viable spatial model of markets that aims to enhance their social functions and promote their development.

AIM This study proposes a new model for the location, layout and leasing of public markets, aiming to address a range of urban problems such as unequal distribution of food, rising urban inequality and declining urban habitability due to the scarcity of public markets. Through a systematic review of historical market models and in the context of the current urban context, this paper delves into the role and impact of public markets in the modern urban framework.

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PROBLEM STATEMENT Public markets in the UK have experienced a significant decline in recent decades, with many closing, under threat, relocating outside of city centres, or experiencing gentrification. This trend has exacerbated social problems such as food deserts, urban inequality and urban isolation. Public markets are not merely commercial entities; they also function as community-oriented social welfare institutions centered around food distribution, aimed at alleviating urban inequality. Their existence greatly enhances the city's liability and community identity.

However, in the UK, as public markets have faded from the focus of government initiatives, they have also undergone a commercial transformation. This transformation has led to a decline in the functionality, inclusiveness and sociability of public markets, weakening their role as social welfare institutions and thus giving rise to a range of social problems. The commercialisation of the public market not only limits its ability to provide affordable and accessible food options for the city's diverse population, but also its ability to promote social equity and serve as a community hub.

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RESEARCH QUESTIONS Disciplinary Questions What are the roles and responsibilities of architects in market renaissance? How can they change the way markets are distributed and designed?

Typological Questions What types of markets are emerging with the new marketplace rental model?

Urban Questions How do markets integrated with other public functions affect local communities? What kind of spaces are created?

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Fig 1.1 St John's Market, Liverpool, 1892-1899 Source: Charles Trevor Prescott

CHAPTER ONE PUBLIC MARKET AND COMMERCIALISATION OF FOOD DISTRIBUTION

The Decline of the Public Market: The Birth of the Food Deserts 1.1 James SCHMIECHEN and Kenneth CARLS, British Market Hall : A Social and Architectural History / James Schmiechen and Kenneth Carls. (New Haven : Yale University Press, 1999), 126.

1.2 Ibid., 72.

1.3 Ibid., 130.

1.4 Ibid., 185.

Fig 1.2 (opposite) Huddersfield Market, 1970 Source: Vincent Dorrington

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The construction of public markets is intrinsically linked to food distribution. Cities are inherently not self-sufficient and need to rely on public markets to meet their daily needs, of which food is the most basic. Thus, public markets emerged primarily to provide fresh food to urban dwellers. Changes in public market buildings have had a significant impact on urban food supply.

In their study on market halls in Britain, James Schmiechen and Kenneth Carls note the differing views of scholars but emphasise that "...from 1820 the decline in the supply of food was halted and incomes rose: in the subsequent twenty-five years, the average skilled worker in England and Wales saw gradual improvement in the quality and quantity of food, particularly in the north. quantity of food, particularly in the north of England, where bread had come to replace oatmeal as the working-class diet staple."1.1 James and Kenneth suggest that there was a major change in the availability of food around 1820 with the advent of market halls; the first such building in Britain was built in 1822 (St. Jhon's market, Liverpool).1.2 In addition, they noted that the standard of living of the population at that time depended to a large extent on the size of the public market in the city. Cities with larger public markets provided their inhabitants with a richer source of food, which was often more affordable and fresher.1.3 Public markets in the UK have now entered a new phase of development. As noted earlier, there was a marked decline in public markets in Britain, with city centre markets in danger of disappearing altogether, which had far-reaching consequences for the distribution of food in cities. By the end of the 19th century, the British government no longer gave food supply the high priority it had given in earlier times.1.4 The appearance of the first supermarkets in the 1920s marked a shift in perceptions, with public markets seen as relics of the past and supermarkets and shopping centres seen as more 'modern' places to shop. As Carolyn Steel points out in Hungry City: how food shapes out

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1.5 Steel, Carolyn. Hungry City : How Food Shapes Our Lives / Carolyn Steel. London: Vintage, 2009, 103-54.

1.6 Steel, Carolyn. Hungry City : How Food Shapes Our Lives / Carolyn Steel.

London: Vintage, 2009, 103-54.

1.7 Steel, Carolyn. Hungry City : How Food Shapes Our Lives / Carolyn Steel. London: Vintage, 2009, 103-54.

1.8 Ibid.

lives, whereas food has always been a regulated commodity, it has now become completely free, with commercialisation flooding the process of food distribution.1.5 In continental Europe, the acceptance of supermarkets has generally been cautious, although policies vary from country to country. Once supermarkets were found to be a threat to local public markets and small businesses, many countries enacted laws to protect traditional town centres. In contrast, the UK did not implement similar legislation until 1996. As Carolyn feared, the fact that supermarkets have largely replaced traditional public markets as the main channel for food distribution in the UK suggests a major shift in urban business dynamics and consumer behaviour.1.6 While supermarkets have been effective in distributing food, they are fundamentally different from public markets. Supermarkets operate as commercial enterprises and do not serve the public interest or social welfare. Letting the decline of public markets and the commercialisation of the food supply run the risk of creating 'food deserts', making them an unavoidable reality for certain groups of people. Carolyn Steel in Hungry City highlights that 'Back in the days when residential streets had Back in the days when residential streets had corner shops and neighbourhoods local markets, food reached every part of the city through a fine-grained distribution network, supported by the wholesale trade. But those supply systems are long gone."1.7 Today, supermarkets largely control food distribution in cities. Carolyn is concerned about this shift, “Food was once the most highly regulated commodity in existence; now it is overwhelmingly in corporate hands. Supermarkets enjoy the same monopoly over food that markets once did, but unlike markets, they have no civic role to play. They are business with one thing on their minds: making money.”1.8

Fig 1.3 Hungry City, 2013 Source: Carolyn Steel

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Fig 1.4 Food deserts lack access to nutritious food like fruit and vegetables Source: Smile/Getty Images

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Fig 1.5 E-food Desert Index Source: UK Consumer Data Research Centre (CDRC) & Uniersity of Leeds

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Food Deserts A Growing Concern in the UK Definition and status of food deserts Growing recognition of the practical consequences of 'food deserts' has led scholars to examine the issue from a variety of perspectives, with many studies adopting different definitions.

Generally, 'food deserts' are understood to be areas where it is difficult to access fresh retail food. The term 'food desert' was first

1.9 Neil Wrigley, ‘“Food Deserts” in British Cities: Policy Context and Research Priorities’, Urban Studies 39, no. 11 (1 October 2002): 2030.

used in the 1998 Bring Britain Together report, which noted that some areas of the UK had become 'food deserts', exacerbating the difficulties faced by people on low incomes in maintaining a healthy diet.1.9 This thesis draws on data from the E-food Desert Index (EFDI), a multi-dimensional composite index published by the Consumer Data Research Centre (CDRC) in the UK in collaboration with Dr. Andy Newing from the University of Leeds:1.10

1.10 ‘E-Food Desert Index | CDRC Data’.

1) Proximity and density of grocery retail facilities 2) Transport and accessibility 3) Neighbourhood socio-economic and demographic characteristics 4)

E-commerce availability and propensity

These indicators are used to assess how easy it is to access food in an area and help map the electronic Food Desert Index. The results of the study show that there are significant areas of food deserts across the UK, with London in particular facing a serious 'food desert' problem. Similarly, Charles Booth's research shows that 53% of children in London live below the poverty line and that 13 areas within two London boroughs are predominantly food deserts. This research emphasises the urgent need for policies that focus on improving food accessibility and reducing urban food deserts to promote healthier communities.1.11

1.11 ‘Healthy and Sustainable Food for London, The Mayor’s Food Strategy’ (London Development Agency, 2006), 49.

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The challenge of food deserts 1. 12 Neil Wrigley, ‘“Food Deserts” in British Cities: Policy Context and Research Priorities’, Urban Studies 39, no. 11 (1 October 2002): 2029-30.

The concept of "food deserts" refers to the difficulty of accessing the food needed for a healthy diet in certain areas, which can make it more difficult for people to obtain a balanced diet. The issue of "food deserts" therefore touches on the subject of social exclusion and health inequalities. According to Neil Wrigley's study of British "food deserts": “Well-established consistent evidence exists in the UK, drawing on information from the government’s annual National Food Survey (NFS) – the longestrunning continuous survey of household food consumption and expenditure in the world—and expenditure in the world— and the National Dietary and Nutrition Survey, that food consumption varies significantly by socioeconomic status, age, gender and place of residence.” It is about social exclusion, “the 1999 NFS shows daily fruit and fruit product consumption being twice as high in high-income households, with high-income households devoting 12 per cent of their average weekly food expenditure to fruit and fruit products, compared with just 7 per cent in the case of low-income households.” Furthermore, according to Acheson's research, it is ironic that it costs more to buy a basket of "healthy" food in poorer areas than in richer ones.

And this phenomenon also has health implications, “Variations in mortality and morbidity across the UK mirror to a major extent these differences in diet with significant differences being observed across socioeconomic groups and by place of residence in standardised mortality rates (SMRs) from all causes, for specific disease such as ischaemic heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, breast and lung cancer and for specific morbidities such as chronic bronchitis, Musculo-skeletal disorders, asthma and stroke.”1,12

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Public Markets A Solution from the UK Governement

Fig 1.6 Ken Livingstone Mayor London Speaking Source: David Willis Alamy Stock Photo

There have been some efforts by the UK Government to address this issue. A Planning Policies Statement 6 of 2005 - Planning for Town Centres stresses that “covered markets can make valuable contribution to local choice and diversity in shopping as well as the vitality of town centres” and it recommends that local authorities should not only “seek to retain and enhance existing markets and, where appropriate,, re-introduce or created new ones” but also to “ensure that their markets remain attractive and competitive by investing in their improvement”.1.13

1.13 ‘Planning Policy Statement 6: Planning Fot Town Centres’ (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2005), www.odpm. gov.uk/stellent/groups/odpm_planning/ documents/ page/odpm_plan_036805. pdf.

Local authorities have implemented a number of relevant policies. For example, in 2006, Ken Livingstone of the City of London launched a food strategy aimed at addressing the challenges facing the city's food system. He recognised that the existing food distribution system in London was neither efficient nor environmentally friendly. The strategy aims to "deliver a food system that I consistent with the Mayor's objective that London should be a world-class sustainable city."1.14 Its key objectives include reducing food miles in London, supporting a vibrant food economy and improving food deserts in London. Strategic proposals include expanding direct sales between producers and

1.14 Ken Livingstone and Jenny Jones, ‘Healthy and Sustainable Food for London: The Mayor’s Food Strategy’ (London Development Agency, 2006).

··

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consumers, protecting small food suppliers through the planning system where appropriate, and creating food hubs to provide London with a healthier and more sustainable food supply network.

Limitations There are several reasons why these strategies ultimately failed to address the food supply problem in the UK. Firstly, a major factor was the lack of co-operation from the supermarkets in the development of the strategy. As stated in the document itself, the strategy was not supported by the supermarkets: 1.15 Ken Livingstone and Jenny Jones, ‘Healthy and Sustainable Food for London: The Mayor’s Food Strategy’ (London Development Agency, 2006).

The Strategy has already noted that just four major supermarkets account for 70 per cent of grocery sales in the UK. The scope for these retailers to achieve positive change is huge. Equally, if their involvement is not secured, the potential of the Strategy to make real improvements throughout the food chain will be severely constrained.1.15 Secondly, the policy also lacks support from central government.

The lack of supermarket involvement, coupled with the persistent lack of support from central government, means that the London Food Strategy has little chance of success. Despite its noble aims, the strategy will not solve the problem of food distribution in urban London.

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A Better Approach to Addressing Food Distribution Issues

Three cities that could be described as "food oases" have been selected as case studies for this chapter. Two of the cities are European, they are Paris and Barcelona, and one is a town in the UK, Saxmundham. Paris and Barcelona were chosen as case studies for two reasons: firstly, as European cities, Paris and Barcelona are highly referential as the development of their public markets is similar to that of the UK; and secondly, Paris, Barcelona and London represent three different attitudes towards the commercialisation of food distribution: totally against it, partially restricting it and not restricting it at all. Saxmundham was chosen because, against the background of the serious food desert problem in the UK, its experience as a "food oasis" can provide great inspiration for solving the food desert problem in the UK. Paris Paris and London have taken very different approaches to issues related to public markets. Paris is committed to protecting the market while very much limiting the commercialisation of the food distribution system. The Mayor of Paris, Bertrand Delanoe, has imposed restrictions on half of his 70,000 or so individual stalls in order to protect their rights of use. This was done to avoid these small, local stalls being swallowed up by larger chains. For example, local butchers and bakers cannot be taken over by mobile phone companies. Bertrand welcomes these small stalls and public markets because these small shops are a huge benefit to consumers and the community because they sell "real" goods and bring life to the city.1.16

1.16 Jackson Marie, ‘Can Paris Teach London a Lesson?’, 11 February 2005, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/ england/london/4244609.stm.

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Fig 1.8 Food retailing shops in Barcelona, with the influence areas of the market halls, 1932 Source: ACA:Industrialand CommercialTaxRegister

Fig 1.9 El Born Market Source: https://www.etsav.upc.edu/ewsems/barcelona/ba14.html

Barcelona Barcelona, the capital of Catalonia, proves that a city doesn't need to become folksy or old-fashioned to maintain a real community life. With its well laid out streets, Barcelona excels in this respect. The government has also enacted strict laws to prevent supermarkets from expanding as they have done in the UK. Although there are many supermarkets in Barcelona, they are prohibited by law from selling fresh food on the streets.1.17 As a result, supermarkets cannot compete with the city's public markets. Barcelona has 43 public markets where urban life thrives. After more than a decade of urban renewal, Barcelona has managed to maintain a balance between commercial development and traditional customs.

1.17 Nadia Fava, Manel Guàrdia, and José Luis Oyón, ‘Barcelona Food Retailing and Public Markets, 1876–1936’, Urban History 43, no. 3 (August 2016): 454–75, https:// doi.org/10.1017/S096392681500022X.

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Saxmundham 1.18 Steel, Carolyn. Hungry City : How Food Shapes Our Lives / Carolyn Steel.

London: Vintage, 2009, 103-54.

1.19 Ibid.

1.20 Ibid.

In the UK, some towns have had remarkable success in combating 'food deserts'. In 1998 the east Suffolk town of Saxmundham made a huge boost to the public market by imposing restrictions on supermarkets, transforming the town from a food desert to a food oasis. Lady Caroline Cranbrook organised a powerful campaign with the support of her MP. She engaged with every trader in the town and many local producers to illustrate the devastating impact Tesco could have on local business.1,。18 Through her efforts, people began to recognise that dependence on supermarkets undermined the diversity of the local economy, and it became increasingly important to support public markets and local production. Her work proved decisive; six years after the Commission decided in favour of her position, she visited the same vendors again. The results were encouraging. Not only have all of the town's 81 local stalls survived, but several more are opening, and the number of local producers has increased from 300 to 370.1.19 Considering the overall trend in the UK, this is unprecedented. Saxmundham was, in Cranbrook's words, "on the verge of becoming a food destination." . Saxmundham's local demographics dictated that most residents were willing to spend a little more on food.1.20 The successes of Paris and Barcelona show that the commercialisation of food distribution is not the only path to modern urban development. And the success of Saxmundham shows that even in the UK, where the commercialisation of food distribution is so well established, it is feasible to decommercialise to some extent. Moreover, all three cities have shown that most residents are willing to spend a little more for better food. This suggests that there is potential for improvement in the current state of food deserts in the UK.

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DESIGN PROPOSAL ONE LONDON FOOD STRATEGY

As noted above, the main reasons for the failure of past food strategies in the UK have been supermarket opposition and lack of central government support. Although central government encouraged local authorities to tackle food deserts, it did not provide direct practical assistance. As a result, opposition from supermarkets under a consistent central government policy has been the main reason for the failure of past food strategies in the UK. The starting point for this design is therefore to address the issue of supermarket opposition.

London was chosen as the location for this design because it has the most serious 'food desert' problem of any UK city and affects the largest population. This design aims to draw on the successes of Paris, Barcelona and Saxmundham to propose strategies to improve London's existing food distribution system.

Site Selection The main reason why London's previous food strategy was opposed by the supermarkets was that the newly proposed food distribution system conflicted with their interests. The design therefore starts from a map of London's 'food deserts' and selects areas with particularly high levels of food deserts. These areas are predominantly populated by low-income groups, making them less attractive to supermarkets; there are also areas where residents have higher incomes and supermarkets cannot afford to pay the corresponding rents. In short, these are areas that supermarkets "don't like", which should greatly reduce conflicts of interest.

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Comparatively severe food desert highly severe food desert most severe food desert Fig 1.10 London E-food Desert Index Data source: UK Consumer Data Research Centre (CDRC) & Uniersity of Leeds, redrawn by the author

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Operating Method After the site is identified, the design is based on the London e-Food Desert Index, which classifies the target area into three levels according to the severity of food deserts: comparatively severe food desert, highly serve food desert, most severe food desert. Depending on the level of food deserts, the corresponding public market policies are different. In the areas with the most severe food deserts, strict policies should be implemented to protect the local food distribution system. New market halls should be built in these areas to provide large quantities of fresh, healthy and affordable food. In areas with highly severe food deserts, food distribution strategies need not be overly aggressive.

Establishing markets around local public places (e.g. parks) will suffice. In areas with comparatively serves food deserts, the strategy should complement the existing food distribution system rather than create new markets, thus encouraging small food outlets to be more appropriate for these areas.

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Fig 2.1 Street Market, Mexico, 2021 Source: Alex Gonzalez

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CHAPTER TWO PUBLIC MARKET AND CONTROL

The Importance of Control

2.1 Mark Casson and John S. Lee, ‘The Origin and Development of Markets: A Business History Perspective’, The Business History Review 85, no. 1 (1 April 2011): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.2307/41301368, 13.

2.2 Gerald P. O’Driscoll Jr and Lee Hoskins, ‘The Case for Market-Based Regulation’, Cato Journal 26, no. 3 (2006): 469.

2.3 Mark Casson and John S. Lee, ‘The Origin and Development of Markets: A Business History Perspective’, The Business History Review 85, no. 1 (1 April 2011): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.2307/41301368, 9.

Market behaviour has historically been governed by a variety of rules relating to pricing, quality control and market access.

These rules have been enforced through a combination of legal frameworks, agreements and social conventions. Mark Casson and John Lee, in their study the origin and development of markets: a business history perspective, mention that although the visibility of these rules varies across markets, they are generally applicable to all market systems.2.1 The forces that influence these rules come from two main sources: economic factors, driven by the prices and quantities of goods and services in the market, known as market forces; and regulatory powers, which are enforced through laws, agreements and social conventions for a variety of non-economic motives.2.2 Market forces favour self-regulation but are not omnipotent and are particularly weak in the allocation of resources, and therefore need to be overseen by appropriate regulatory forces.

The balance between these two forces is essential for the stable development of markets, the promotion of fair competition, and the protection of the rights of buyers and sellers. Mark and John's study of the evolution of markets shows that "successful markets invariably require regulation by authorities to maintain a reputation for rational pricing and quality control."2.3 References to regulation in this chapter refer to regulatory powers that are driven by non-economic factors.

2.4 Casson and Lee, 9–11.

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In the UK, public markets have long been recognised as entities subject to a variety of regulations for a number of reasons. These provisions include not only measures to protect consumer interests, such as statutory inspections of goods to ensure their quality and price adjustments, but also the protection of the livelihoods of poor producers.2.4 While consumer protection is important, the protection of poor producers is also important for cities:

1) First, securing the livelihoods of the poor helps to reduce market entry barriers and increase competition, which in turn helps to reduce monopolistic behaviour. In accessible markets, monopoly power is challenged and weakened with the introduction of competition, thereby stimulating economic growth;2.5 2) Second, supporting poor traders enhances market inclusiveness and promotes social justice. Social justice requires inclusiveness, providing opportunities for all members to participate in society. Participation or non-participation may affect the distribution of benefits and burdens. Supporting poor

2.5 Ibid., 9–10.

2.6 John Farrington and Conor Farrington, ‘Rural Accessibility, Social Inclusion and Social Justice: Towards Conceptualisation’, Journal of Transport Geography 13, no. 1 (1 January 2005): 5, https://doi.org/10.1016/ j.jtrangeo.2004.10.002.

traders to participate in the market can effectively reduce poverty, narrow the gap between the rich and the poor, and promote a fair distribution of social resources, thereby enhancing social justice;2.6 3) Finally, markets that include poor traders increase the diversity of goods, fulfil consumer demand for diversity and attract a wider customer base. This diversity not only meets the different needs of consumers, but also enriches the cultural and economic fabric of the market.

Fig 2.2 Cheddar Market Cross Source: C Pooley

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2.7 William George Black, The Scots Mercat ‘Cross’: An Inquiry as to Its History and Meaning (William Hodge, 1930), 27.

2.8 James SCHMIECHEN and Kenneth CARLS, British Market Hall : A Social and Architectural History / James Schmiechen and Kenneth Carls. (New Haven : Yale University Press, 1999), 61.

2.9 Ibid.

The concept of market buildings emerged as a means of controlling market space. The earliest recorded market building in Britain is the market cross, which is recorded as having existed since at least the 12th century.2.7 Prior to the 19th century, many English towns and cities were in need of spatial reorganisation as a result of social disruption and economic growth, and James Schmiechen and Kenneth Carls, in their study of English markets, demonstrated that the first step in the spatial reorganisation of English towns and cities was usually the renovation of traditional market spaces.2.8 During this period it was common for English towns and cities to carry out this reorganisation through the construction of market crosses, such as Chichester Market Cross, and in fact market crosses played a dual role in municipal life at the time. James and Kenneth Carls in their study also referred to this view that at that time, market cross served as market building, which maintained order in the streets and solved the problem of food distribution, and as town hall, which symbolised public order and civic honour.2.9 As mentioned above, the market building represents a physical manifestation of managerial forces driven by non-economic factors, incorporating functional utility and symbolism into the market space.

As society and the environment develop, market control systems evolve to accommodate changes in social dynamics and environmental contexts. These changes are invariably reflected in market buildings, with far-reaching consequences for the size, layout and organisational scheme of market stalls. This chapter pays particular attention to public market buildings, which are the spatial manifestation of public market control.

By examining changes in the spatial organisation of public markets, this study explores the evolution of market control systems. The aim is to highlight the problems in current market management systems and to reflect on the role of architects in responding to these challenges. Through this research, we seek to understand how architectural interventions can contribute to a more effective and responsive market management that is

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aligned with the contemporary needs and future aspirations of urban market spaces. This research not only provides insights into the structural aspects of market architecture, but also delves into the wider implications of market control for economic stability and social equity.

Fig 2.3 Chichester Market Cross, 1724 Source: Historic England Archive

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Changes in Control over Public Markets The emergence and evolution of markets can be traced back to ancient times. Initially, markets may have been little more than gathering places where goods were regularly exchanged.

Over time, these sporadic trading activities evolved into early public markets. From the 12th century onwards, these informal, unregulated markets began to be gradually replaced by a formal system of chartered markets. As mentioned earlier, market buildings were widely constructed as a means of controlling traditional market spaces. As cities expanded and social environments evolved, these market structures changed. Using the development of Covent Garden market as a case study, this research concentrates on the spatial manifestations of market control and analyses in depth the process of its transformation.

In addition, the thesis seeks to discuss whether such control mechanisms are in line with the expectations and requirements of contemporary British society for public markets.

Fig 2.4 A view of the piazza in Covent Garden, 1649 Source: English School

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Fig 2.5 Piazza in Covent Garden, 1649 Source: English School

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2.10 John Richardson, The Annals of London : A Year-by-Year Record of a Thousand Years of History (Berkeley : University of California Press, 2000), http://archive.org/details/ annalsoflondonye00rich.

2.11 Ibid.

Covent Garden market was chosen as the main case study for this study not only because of its long history, but also because it is a very representative market for the U.K. The earliest documented reference to Covent Garden market dates back to 1654, when Thomas Cotton described it as "...about the new market in Covent Garden...".2.10 Its development spanned all eras of market building in Britain. Like most British public markets, the Covent Garden market originated in a square, so its development track is quite typical. This feature provides a generalised view of the evolution of market space in the UK. In the early 17th century, the 4th Earl of Bedford built a house and a church in Covent Garden. At that time, Covent Garden Square was a gathering place for the neighbourhood's residents, as well as a place for recreation and entertainment.2.11 Whilst it is difficult to pinpoint the exact time, historical illustrations show that vendors gradually began to sell their wares on the outskirts of the square. This informal, unregulated market behaviour continued until 1667.

In 1667, grant of letters patent on the authority of the royal prerogative, the 5th Earl of Bedford established a market in Covent Garden under the sign of market cross, selling a variety of fruits, flowers, roots, and herbs. It was from this time that the market began to collect tolls and was controlled by the Duke.

The first market lease document was signed in 1670 for a period of seven years at a rent of five pounds a year, reflecting the Duke's control over the layout of the market:

2.12 Robert (Architectural historian) Thorne, Covent Garden Market : Its History and Restoration / Robert Thorne. (London : Architectural Press, 1980).

“…did not intend that the market people should be at liberty to sit in any part thereof.”2.12 In addition, the Duke forbade the construction of any permanent buildings. Even in 1667, a rent of £5 per annum was not expensive. Therefore, the market fee levied at this time was almost negligible for merchants and was more of a symbolic gesture. It's safe to say the market at this time of year welcomes anyone to do business here. Although no drawings documenting

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Fig 2.6 General view of Covent Garden looking north, 1720 Source: Sutton Nicholls

the market during this period have been found in this study, written records indicate that the temporary market stalls were simply divided into two rows in the south of the square, one by the garden wall of Bedford House and the other in the centre of the square.2.13

2.13 Robert (Architectural historian) Thorne, Covent Garden Market : Its History and Restoration / Robert Thorne. (London : Architectural Press, 1980).

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Fig 2.7 Covent Garden, 1726 Source: Pieter Angillis

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Fig 2.8 Covent Garden, 1746 Source: Author

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Fig 2.9 Covent Garden, 1746 Source: Author

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In 1677 a second lease was signed for Covent Garden Market for 26 years at an annual rent of £80. At this stage market forces played an important role as the increased market rent excluded some trading activities from the market. However, it was also in this contract that the Duke and the lessee agreed to build the permanent shops under strict restrictions. The emergence of permanent shops signalled a major shift in the market space, signalling that the market no longer consisted of temporary buildings, but instead occupied urban space on a permanent basis. The market continued the previous layout of double rows of stalls.

As shown in the figure, control of market space is still in the developmental stage at this time and is not very tight. Despite attempts by market forces to raise the barriers to entry, there are still large areas of the market where trading can take place relatively freely. The presence of permanent, semi-permanent and temporary stalls suggests that the market at this time was welcoming not only long-term stable sellers but also short-term or seasonal sellers.

This diversity of occupancy reflects an adaptation to the different needs of vendors and consumers, accommodating a wider range of commercial activities within the urban landscape.

Fig 2.10 Covent Garden Piazza and Market, 1755 Source: Samuel Scott

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Fig 2.11 Covent Garden Piazza and Market, 1820 Source: Thornbury Walter

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Fig 2.12 Covent Garden, 1819 Source: Author

2 4 0

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20m

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Fig 2.13 Covent Garden, 1819 Source: Author

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As the market continued to expand, the market control model was challenged. It is clear from the images that during this period the market expanded to the north side of the square in a state of chaos. This expansion, fuelled by market forces, marked the first major development of the Covent Garden market as it succeeded in attracting more traders. Objectively speaking, this expansion increased the inclusiveness of the market; however, due to weak management mechanisms - manifested in the lack of uniform fee schedules and unclear functional zoning - the market fell into a state of disorder. This disorder has greatly hindered the normal operation of the market.

It is clear from the floor plan that this creates considerable wastage of space and reduces the efficiency of the market. The disorganisation not only affects the aesthetics and functionality of the market, but also the overall economic productivity as vendors and customers find it difficult to navigate the space efficiently. This period demonstrates the urgent need for structured management and planning of markets to ensure sustainable growth and functionality of the expanding urban market space.

Fig 2.14 Covent Garden Market,1850 Source: J. Robbins & Sons

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Fig 2.15 Covent Garden, 1831 Source: Author

2 4 0

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Fig 2.16 Covent Garden, 1831 Source: Author

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To save the market, the Duke hired Charles Fowler to rebuild Covent Garden market in 1827, and the new market building, completed between 1828 and 1830, symbolised the increased control over the public market. In response to the problems the market had previously faced, the Duke implemented a number of new controls. Firstly, a structured fee collection system was introduced, eliminating the previous confusion over fees. In addition, the construction of market halls has facilitated the rationalisation of market space. As a result, the previous chaos caused by loose control has disappeared and the market has resumed normal operation.

However, market managers neglected to control the size, layout and lease conditions of their stalls. As a result, market forces came into play in this area, and from then on the market began to favour long-term, stable sellers who could afford high rents. Short-term sellers who could not afford high rents were marginalised or even pushed out of the market altogether. This actually represents a form of economic risk aversion - given the stability of rental income, the market favours tenants who can secure long-term leases or pay higher rents. This practice ensures a stable source of income, reduces the risk of vacancy and income instability, and potentially improves market efficiency.

This is clearly the result of market forces at work.

However, this approach comes at a cost, sacrificing the most dynamic parts of the public market. This preference leads to the exclusion of low-income groups of traders, reduces the inclusiveness of markets and increases social inequality. It reduces the variety of goods available in the market, making it less dynamic and attractive. These changes highlight a significant shift in the fundamental role and character of public markets, transforming them from spaces that provide equitable business opportunities to more exclusive and economically driven entities.

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Fig 2.17 Covent Garden Market, 1910 Source: Popperfoto Getty Image

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Fig 2.18 Covent Garden Market,1922 Source: The Print Collector/Getty Images

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Fig 2.19 Covent Garden, 1871 Source: Author

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Fig 2.20 Covent Garden, 1871 Source: Author

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By 1871, the 8th Duke had remodelled Covent Garden Market by adding two metal roofs. This alteration left the area under the roof entirely occupied by sellers of market letting shops, exacerbating the exclusion of short-term sellers who could not afford the high rents and exacerbating existing market problems.

Indeed, this is likely to have been a factor in the replacement of the Covent Garden market with a more profitable leisure and retail street, which provides a more stable and higher income stream than a traditional public market.

The study of the development of market control mechanisms in Covent Garden shows that the current model of market control is problematic. It focuses only on fairness in terms of product pricing and quality, while ignoring the raising of market entry barriers and the exclusion of poorer traders. As mentioned earlier, such regulation is also a manifestation of social injustice, which can hinder economic development, reduce the diversity and attractiveness of markets, and ultimately lead to the decline of public markets. The original intent of public markets was to serve as social amenities, and their philosophy runs counter to economically driven market forces. It is therefore important for market authorities to recognise this difference and play a role in steering the direction of the market so that public markets can better fulfil their role. This includes maintaining inclusiveness and accessibility to ensure that they continue to be vibrant, diverse business platforms that benefit the wider community.

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A Better Way to Control An important criticism in studies of governance models of public markets is that they fail to take sufficient account of the impact of market forces on market access. This omission ignores the needs of short-term traders, especially those who cannot afford high rents, thereby reducing the inclusiveness of markets and the diversity of products. In response to this problem, some practices in public market management have begun to reform. This thesis selects two cases where management strategies were innovatively modified to address these issues and examines their effectiveness and feasibility.

Washington Centre Market Designed by architect Adolph Cluss and completed in 1872, the Washington Centre Market is a historic example of a public market in the United States. Although the focus of this paper is on the British public market, the case of the Washington Centre Market is still relevant for comparative analysis. Firstly, public markets in the US appeared later than those in the UK, but were heavily influenced by the UK's public markets. In addition, both the US and the UK face similar urban challenges and share the goal of building public markets, which is to prevent food deserts and provide citizens with fresh, varied and affordable food

2.14 Mark Casson and John S. Lee, ‘The Origin and Development of Markets: A Business History Perspective’, The Business History Review 85, no. 1 (1 April 2011): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.2307/41301368, 13.

choices.2.14 Secondly, the remarkable success of the Washington Centre Market, particularly in making arrangements for lowincome traders and consumers, provides valuable lessons for contemporary UK public markets.

As mentioned earlier, Washington Centre Market was established to address the high food prices and food hygiene issues facing Washington at the time. Unlike Covent Garden Market, Washington Centre Market facilitated short-term, low-income sellers. Unlike Covent Garden Market, Washington Centre Market facilitated short-term, low-income sellers.2.15 The interior stalls were equipped with state-of-the-art facilities and ornate

2.15 Helen Tangires, ‘Public Markets and Civic Culture in Nineteenth-Century America’, 1 January 2020, 178, https://doi. org/10.1353/book.72308.

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2.16 Helen Tangires, ‘Public Markets and Civic Culture in Nineteenth-Century America’, 1 January 2020, 178, https://doi. org/10.1353/book.72308.

fixtures; metal awnings over the main entrances on B Street NW and 9th Street NW provided shade for the outdoor vendors.

These vendors set up benches and stalls under the awnings. The market charges these street vendors a nominal fee to set up their stalls under the market canopies, and Cluss believes that the provision of adequate space for these vendors is an important feature valued by market owners and the public in general, and that savvy market operators are keen on this arrangement because it attracts a large number of buyers to the market.2.16

2.17 ‘Papers Relating to the Washington Market Company’ (U.S. Senate Committee on the District of Columbia, n.d.), 50,70.

In short, the market provides a controlled, hygienic, and enclosed environment for wholesalers, retailers, and bourgeois

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shoppers, as well as appropriate and convenient facilities for vendors and consumers of low-cost goods.2.17 This approach not only lowers the barriers to entry, but also enhances the inclusiveness and diversity of the market, which is a key reason for its continued vitality.

Fig 2.21 Original Caption: Photograph of the Farmers Line Outside of Center Market Source: The U.S. National Archives

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Fig 2.22 Original Caption: Plan of the Interior of Center Market, 06/1924 Source: Author

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Fig 2.23 Original Caption: Photograph of the Interior of Center Market, 04/21/1923 Source: The U.S. National Archives

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Fig 2.24 Washington Centre Market Source: Jessie Kratz

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Chester Market Built in 1967, Chester public market also addresses a range of issues relating to its historical and geographical context. For many centuries Chester has been one of the most important places in the Northwest of England, not least because of its location at the crossroads of the British Isles, an important gateway from the south of England to North Wales and the Irish Sea. From the medieval period to the 18th century, Chester was the capital of the region, and therefore a central distribution centre for the region's agricultural produce, contributing significantly to the city's prosperity from its early days to the present day.

Chester public market is located within the Forum Shopping Centre and was built to replace the Victorian market hall which was demolished the same year. Despite the mixed reviews of the Forum Shopping Centre, there is no denying that Chester Public Market has been a favourite with local residents for many years and has become an integral part of city life. The market is not only a place of commerce, but also a cultural and social focal point, reflecting the historical significance of the city and its ongoing commitment to meeting the needs of the community.

As with the plan of Covent Garden market, the typical market layout includes a repeating grid pattern, which provides a homogeneous environment designed to ensure that customers have equal access to each stall. In contrast to this traditional layout, the design of Chester market is not characterised by a repeating grid. As shown in the diagram, the market offers four different types of stalls: large shops, small shops, smaller stalls, and the simplest tables. Accordingly, the rents and lease terms for these different types of spaces vary.

This architectural strategy adopted by Chester market provides a direction to address market management issues. By establishing a multi-tiered stall rental system, this approach not only ensures a degree of economic viability for the market, but also effectively 82

lowers the barrier to entry. This in turn mitigates to some extent the preference of public markets for long-term traders who can afford higher rents. In addition, stalls of varying sizes are better able to accommodate a diverse range of products, thereby creating a more inclusive and adaptable market environment.

This design concept enhances the accessibility and versatility of the market, which supports the economic interests of the vendors as well as the shopping preferences of the consumers.

Fig 2.25 A sad time in the history of Chester Market Source: Joe Smoe

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Fig 2.26 Chester Market Source: Author

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Fig 2.27 Chester Market, 1970 Source: Stephen Smith

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Limitations The Washington Centre market and the Chester market have implemented different strategies to mitigate the consequences of market access driven primarily by market forces. The former facilitates access to the market for poor sellers, while the latter divides market stalls into different classes. Both approaches have been effective in lowering the barriers to entry into the market. However, despite these efforts to address the challenges facing the market, the core issues remain largely unresolved; the solutions offered are ad hoc and operate within the constraints of the existing market control systems.

At Washington Centre market, while short-term trading is allowed and its value is recognised, these vibrant trading activities remain marginalised in the architectural design of the market. Short-term traders have less status than long-term traders, and they participate passively in the market without the attention they deserve. Similarly, while Chester market's tiered rent system does lower barriers to entry and enhance market diversity, it is fundamentally unwelcoming to poor sellers. Their impact is therefore limited as they do not sufficiently integrate or prioritise the needs of the most disadvantaged traders.

In their own ways, these two markets highlight the persistent challenges of inclusiveness and equity in public markets. A true transformation of these spaces into more inclusive environments may require a fundamental shift in the underlying economic and governance paradigm, prioritising equitable access and fair treatment for all market participants.

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DESIGN PROPOSAL TWO LOW-BARRIER MARKET

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This section uses case studies to explore a potential market control mechanism that aims to truly equalise the treatment of sellers from different economic backgrounds. The mechanism ensures that both poor and wealthy sellers are equal in terms of architectural design, and that they are treated equally in terms of design to maximise their respective strengths.

The tiered approach to stalls adopted by Chester market is exemplary. Placing sellers of different economic status at the same design level does not mean providing exactly the same facilities, but rather providing reasonable and affordable facilities according to their means. The design therefore distinguishes between stall classes not only by rent, but also by the duration of the lease: annual, monthly and daily. This approach significantly lowers the market entry barrier and ensures, to a certain extent, the economic viability of the market.

In addition, unlike the Washington Centre market, this design integrates stalls of different tenure into the core of the market.

With the annual tenancy stalls at the centre, the market space is divided to introduce two sets of axial networks to enhance spatial diversity. Subsequently, the spatial sequence is reinforced by the use of monthly rental stalls. Finally, daily rental stalls are strategically placed in the remaining suitable areas to optimise space utilisation.

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Fig 2.28 Plan Source: Author

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Fig 3.1 Grainger Market, Newcastle, 2020.

Source: Brian Blake

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CHAPTER THREE PUBLIC MARKET AND SOCIAL ATTRIBUTES

Importance of Social Attributes 3.1 Henri PIRENNE, Medieval Cities : Their Origins and the Revival of Trade / by Henri Pirenne ; Translated from the French by Frank D. Halsey. (New York : Princeton University Press, 1969).

In the historical context, the concepts of public markets and cities are closely linked and are often considered self-evident. Cities are by nature not self-sufficient, so markets are a very important part of the city. It is because of the market that the residents of the city have the supplies they need to survive. Historian Henri Pirenne has proposed a classic explanation linking the existence of public markets to the origins and functions of cities. Henri argues that the history of urbanisation can be seen as a progression from trading centres to metropolises.3.1 However, our understanding of the relationship between modern public markets and cities remains limited. There are many questions that still need to be explored. What role do public markets play in the contemporary urban fabric? How do they affect urban life? This thesis explores the interaction between public markets and cities, examining their impact on urban space and social life.

3.2 Stobart and Damme, ‘Introduction’, 360.

3.3 Ibid. 358.

Fig 3.2 (opposite) Winter farmers market, CBC atrium Source: Bruce Reeve

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In historical and theoretical analyses of the urban typologies that emerged in the context of economic and political change in various parts of the world during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the notion of the "market" has tended to be considered in an institutional sense. It is seen as an abstract concept. This paper seeks to challenge this view by arguing that public markets are not just abstract concepts of commerce and exchange, but also tangible physical spaces in cities that influence all aspects of urban life.In a special issue discussing markets in modernisation, Jon Stobart and Ilja Van Damme point out that, in studies of the medieval and early modern periods, " elevated and analysis of urban market space and practice in to a centrepiece of causation. markets as physical , face-to-face places selling food, provisions, consumer goods and commodities are seen as taking a central role within the urban community."3,2 However, the role and significance of public market spaces have not received sufficient attention in post-nineteenth century studies. It seems that once modernisation dominated urban landscapes around the world, the spatial definition and specific meaning of the 'market' became less important.3.3

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Fig 3.3 Stret Market Source: https://www.coralhotelcrete.gr/location/activities/136-local-street-market

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This thesis challenges the view that "the space of public markets no longer matters". An important aspect of public markets is their public nature, which is often overlooked in contemporary discussions. Austrian economist Virgil Henry Storr has argued that market studies have traditionally focused too narrowly on exchange and competition, ignoring the non-economic social

3.4 Virgil Henry Storr, ‘The Market as a Social Space: On the Meaningful Extraeconomic Conversations That Can Occur in Markets’, The Review of Austrian Economics 21, no. 2–3 (1 September 2008): 135, https://doi.org/10.1007/ s11138-007-0034-0.

3.5 Ibid., 137.

interactions that take place in the market. Storr suggests that the market is both a conversation and an arena where meaningful conversations can occur."3.4 The market is a social space ...A variety of meaningful social relationships is buttressed by markets and would not exist if markets did not exist."3.5 He argues that a full understanding of the dynamics within markets cannot ignore the rich non-economic interactions that take place. These social attributes emphasised by Storr fundamentally define the public nature of markets. Ignoring the public nature of markets means that they cannot be fully understood.

Second, the role of the public market as a public space in the city is also crucial. Helen Tangires argues that the consistent and essential function of public markets is to serve as civic centres where people gather to discuss politics, exchange news, celebrate and socialise.3.6 In Public Markets and Civic Culture in Nineteenth-Century America, she argues that public markets foster an informal civic culture based on daily interactions that foster mutual respect among participants. This culture provided a uniquely open and honest atmosphere in which sellers and buyers, stallholders and itinerant vendors, importers and local artisans could negotiate their differences. Government officials also used the prominence of public markets to curry favour with the public.3.7 Thus, Tangires argues that public markets as urban public spaces not only favour community participation but also promote democratic participation.

3.6 Tangires, ‘Public Markets and Civic Culture in Nineteenth-Century America’, 48.

3.7 Ibid., 48.

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3.8 James Masschaele, ‘The Public Space of the Marketplace in Medieval England’, Speculum 77, no. 2 (2002): 418, https:// doi.org/10.2307/3301326.

3.9 J. Masschaele, Peasants, Merchants, and Markets: Inland Trade in Medieval England, 1150-1350 (Macmillan, 1997), 165–88, https://books.google.com/ books?id=Y0YJQQAACAAJ. 3.10 Masschaele, ‘The Public Space of the Marketplace in Medieval England’, 418.

More specifically, compared to other public spaces, public markets have one distinctive feature: inclusiveness. James Masschaele emphasizes the inclusiveness of public markets, pointing out that even in the Middle Ages, markets were not the only public spaces available. Narrow public spaces such as churches, cemeteries, altars, village greens, town squares, streets and harbours existed as well. Of all these public spaces, the marketplace was particularly special and important because the public space created by the marketplace was one of the few public spaces that transcended distance, time and social class.3.8 In terms of distance, even in the Middle Ages, successful fairs could attract residents from as far as ten miles away.3.9 In terms of time, unlike pilgrimage sites, public markets foster lasting relationships across lifetimes and generations.3.10 Socially, in the past, public markets were virtually the only place where the necessities of life could be purchased, attracting people of different occupations and classes to come together. Even today, public markets still have that potential.

3.11 S. Watson, ‘The Magic of the Marketplace: Sociality in a Neglected Public Space’, Urban Studies 46 (2009): 1577, https://doi. org/10.1177/0042098009105506.

Sophie Watson also discusses this inclusivity in her research.

Sophie believes that it is this inclusivity that makes the market "a significant public and social space for different groups in the locality as a site for vibrant social encounters, for social inclusion and the care of others, for 'rubbing along' and for mediating differences". for social inclusion and the care of others, for 'rubbing along' and for mediating differences."3.11 This chapter focuses on the public characteristics of public markets. It explores the functions and roles of public markets as public spaces in cities and analyses how these public characteristics have evolved over the course of the development of public markets and how these changes have been spatially manifested. Finally, the chapter discusses the problems and opportunities arising from these changes.

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Fig 3.4 Central Java, 2013 Source: Pasir Johar Semarang #1

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Fig 3.5 Public Market Source: https://sugbo.ph/2020

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Changes in social attributes in the marketplace The exact origins of public markets in the UK are not well documented, but historical evidence suggests that the earliest market buildings were known as 'market crosses' and that such market structures date back to at least the 12th century.3.12 Therefore, the starting point for the historical analysis of this study is the 12th century. Over time, the function and form of market buildings have evolved significantly. In order to systematically study this evolution, this research divides the

3.12 Black, The Scots Mercat ‘Cross’, 27.

development of market architecture into three main phases: the market cross, the market house-town hall, and the market hall.

Each phase reflects the gradual expansion of the role of market space in the socio-economic structure and the complexity of its functions. This phasing contributes to a deeper understanding of how public markets adapted and shaped public life and commercial activity in British towns and cities.

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Fig 3.6 Ayr Market Cross Source: William Miller

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Fig 3.7 Cheddar Market Cross Source: C Pooley

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Market Cross 3.13 SCHMIECHEN and CARLS, British Market Hall, 61.

The most basic form of market cross is a single shaft standing stone driven directly into the ground. More commonly, market crosses are topped with a cross. in addition, some market crosses are fitted with canopy around the central pillars to provide shelter from market activity. During the development phase, market buildings played a dual role in municipal life. As market facilities they maintained order in the streets and solved problems of food distribution; as town halls they symbolised public order and civic honour. Unlike modern market buildings, market crosses had a small footprint and could accommodate only a few vendors at a time, so transactions did not usually take place within the cross. Instead, market crosses usually served administrative functions such as weighing, charging and settlement.3.13 In later developments, some market crosses were constructed as two-storey buildings, with the upper storey used for administrative functions and the lower storey as market space, which heralded the emergence of the combined market house-town hall architecture.

3.14 The Scottish Historical Review (Edinburgh [etc.] T. Nelson [etc.]), accessed 9 April 2024, http://archive.org/details/ scottishhistoric17edinuoft.

3.15 The Scottish Historical Review.

Market crosses are more than just a market space, they are central public spaces in cities, often hosting important public events and serving as a focal point for civic life. For example, Aberdeen market cross is the best preserved market cross today, with the existing market cross dating back to 1686. As well as hosting regular fairs, it was used as a place for celebrations, punishments and the announcement of new laws. In those days there was a pipe in the centre pillar of the market cross which was said to have been used to dispense wine3.14 Due to the high volume of foot traffic, it was naturally a place for public punishment. In 1563 two Flemings were ordered by the Magistrates of Aberdeen to be taken to the market cross and have their right hands struck off, for cutting the cable of a ship in the harbour and stealing the 'cutt'.3.15 Parliament has also enacted laws here. At that time, it was a standard procedure to announce new laws at the market cross. Laws passed by Parliament were made known to the public through announcements made at market cross. In such cases,

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market activities and other activities often took place in the same place but at different times.

Fig 3.8 Market Cross, Wymondham Source: Godfrey Bingley

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Fig 3.9 Aberdeen Market Cross Source: Author

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Fig 3.10 Aberdeen Market Cross Source: RCAHMS

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Fig 3.11 Aberdeen Market Cross Source: Author

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Fig 3.12 Aberdeen Market Cross Source: Author

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Fig 3.13 Aberdeen Market Cross Source: Author

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Market House Town Hall As cities grew and the needs of municipal functions and market transactions became more complex, the relatively mixeduse space provided by the market cross could no longer meet the needs of the city. As a result, these functions needed to be relocated to a larger, more self-contained space, leading to the development of the market building to the market house-town hall stage. Typically, the market house-town hall is a multi-storey building with the ground floor used for market transactions and the upper floors used for municipal functions. Similar to the market cross, these buildings are generally unable to accommodate the entire market and only a few stalls can be set up within the building. In addition, due to technical constraints, the town hall located above the market often blocks most of the light, making the market area rather dim. During this period, the main function of the building was to serve the town hall rather than the market.

3.16 John Scott, Berwick-upon-Tweed The History of the Town and Guild (London: Elliot Stock, 1888), 227.

3.17 Ibid.

3.18 Historic England, ‘Town Hall, Berwickupon-Tweed (1290051)’ (National Heritage List for England, 2020).

The market house-town hall continues the idea of the market cross as the centre of civic life. Take the market building in Berwick-Upon-Tweed as an example, this building was constructed in 1760 in the heart of Berwick-Upon-Tweed. Much of its ground floor was designated for shops, and the arched windows along the street were initially open to vendors. A weekly egg and butter market was held in the square at the east end of the building.3.16 On the ground floor of the building was the hall, which was used not only for assemblies but also as a courtroom for quarterly meetings.3.17 There were also separate council chambers, committee rooms and offices on this floor, demonstrating the diversity of administrative functions within the same building. The top floor was the prison.3.18 In contrast to the original market cross, the later phase of the market building has undergone important changes in the spatial distribution of building functions, although there has been no significant innovation in the public functions undertaken. The multifunctionality that was previously concentrated in

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a single space was reorganised and functions were dispersed into different areas of the building to meet specific functional needs more efficiently. This spatial reconfiguration allows each functional area to serve the public in a more focused and efficient manner.

This architectural evolution not only reflects the increasing spatial organisation of market and municipal activities, but also contributes to the orderliness and efficiency of urban centres.

The design of the zoning has allowed for a greater fluidity of trading activities while providing dedicated space for municipal activities, which has contributed to administrative efficiency and quality of service. In addition, the market building's position as the centre of the city's public life was also visually and functionally reinforced through the clear demarcation of commercial and administrative areas. Overall, this phase of the development of market buildings marked an important step in the transition to a more complex and sophisticated urban fabric.

Fig 3.14 Berwick-Upon-Tweed market house-town hall Source: Author

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Fig 3.15 Berwick-Upon-Tweed market house-town hall Source: Berwick Museum & Art Gallery

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Fig 3.16 Berwick-Upon-Tweed market house-town hall Source: Author

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Fig 3.17 Berwick-Upon-Tweed market house-town hall Source: Berwick Museum & Art Gallery

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Fig 3.18 Berwick-Upon-Tweed market house-town hall Source: https://www.redbubble.com/i/art-board-print/Market-Scene-Northern-Town-1939-by-L-S-Lowry-byuzztop/133879915.8DB3C

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3.19 Donatella Calabi and Marlene (Translator) Klein, The Market and the City: Square, Street and Architecture in Early Modern Europe / Donatella Calabi ; Translated by Marlene Klein. (London : Taylor and Francis, 2016).

3.20 Manel Guàrdia, José Luis Oyón, and Sergi Garriga, ‘Markets and Market Halls’, in The Routledge Companion to the History of Retailing (Routledge, 2018), 102.

Market Hall The market house-town hall pattern continued into the 19th century, during which limited urban development and institutional continuity led to a long-term steady growth in the urban fabric and demand for food in most cities.3.19 Subsequently, the agricultural revolution and improvements in regional transport and in international trade and the correlative population explosion increased the demand for food and for many other manufactured goods. explosion increased the demand for food and for many other manufactured products.3.20 With the growing demand for market resources and services in the city, the existing market buildings are no longer able to meet the demands for food safety, shopping environment and hygienic conditions. This has led to the emergence of market halls.

3.21 SCHMIECHEN and CARLS, British Market Hall, 72.

Market halls are designed with a more singular focus, avoiding the conflicting functions of earlier buildings; the layout is more standardised, maintaining consistency and operability; and covered stalls and facilities such as water, lighting and heating are provided. These three features greatly improved the efficiency of the market and coincided with the Victorian philosophy of efficiency and order. This evolution of market buildings reflects wider social change and the growing need for specialised buildings to effectively manage a growing urban population and its complex needs.

The first modern market hall in the UK was built in Liverpool in 1822 as St. John's market hall.3.21 Like other market halls, it aims to cover the entire market, or at least a large part of it.

The interior was laid out on a grid with 62 standardised stalls, making for a simple and efficient market layout. In a similar way, Accrington market hall is the same. The grid layout, the standardised stalls, everything serves the efficiency of food distribution. These evolutionary features coincided with the need for cities to use market resources efficiently at the time. Coupled with the high priority given by local authorities to improving the public food supply, market halls were quickly embraced by

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many British cities. Along with the Victorian railway stations, exhibition halls and other buildings, the market hall is one of the great architectural achievements of the Victorian period, reflecting the efficiency and order of the era.

The market house-town hall is designed exclusively to facilitate market transactions and no longer allocates space for public functions (although, as mentioned earlier, it retains public attributes due to the inherently public nature of the market).

This shift in architectural style marked a significant departure from the multi-purpose market house-town hall, which focused exclusively on optimising business conditions. This specialisation reflected the evolving urban needs and economic priorities of the time , which prioritised market efficiency and trade facilitation in a rapidly industrialising society.

Fig 3.19 St. John's market hall Source: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:St._John%27s_Market,_Liverpool_-_1910s.jpg

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Fig 3.20 Accrington Market Hall Source: Author

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Fig 3.21 St. John's market hall Source: Architect, J. A. P.

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Fig 3.21 St. John's market hall Source: James Hamilton Hay

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From the earliest days of infrastructure to the point where space was no longer allocated for public functions, the public nature of public markets was increasingly ignored. Public markets became concerned only with the efficient distribution of food.

Particularly in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Sophie Waston noted that space within the public market increasingly returned to privatisation or thematization, signalling the retreat of the private sphere and increasing socio-economic divisions. The erosion of public attributes was the reason for the decline of the public market.3.22 The decline of the public market has reduced opportunities for interaction and communication in urban environments, thereby increasing social isolation and weakening community cohesion.

As Camillo Sitte argued in his influential and widely read City Planning according to Artistic Principles that “In our time public places (for a, markets, etc.) hardly serve any more for grand popular festivities, nor for daily necessities. Their only reason for existing consists in bringing more light and air to monotonous ocean of houses…”3.23 Public activities have retreated into clean, hygienic private areas, and spaces for genuine urban interaction have disappeared. This shift reflects broader changes in urban planning and social structures, where efficiency and cleanliness have replaced the traditional role of markets as spaces for community engagement and social exchange.

3.22 Watson, ‘The Magic of the Marketplace’, 1578.

3.23 Camillo Sitte, City Planning According to Artistic Principles / by Camillo Sitte ; Translated from the German by George R. Collins and Christiane Crasemann Collins., Columbia University Studies in Art History and Archaeology, No. 2 (London : Phaidon Press, 1965), 7.

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Solution 3.24 Stobart and Damme, ‘Introduction’, 367.

The importance of public markets in modern urban life has been recognised over the last two to three decades as scholars and architects have reassessed the value of public markets, notably

by Jon Stobart and Ilja Van Damme, who emphasise that public markets not only meet a wide range of consumer needs, but also touch on an emotional level, suggesting that public markets have the potential to potential to promote community cohesion and enhance urban vitality. Their study argues that by reintroducing and reviving public markets, modern streets and squares can be effectively revitalised as centres of social and economic activity3.24 At the same time, there has been a trend towards the renovation and renewal of existing public market buildings. Many of these projects go beyond the rehabilitation of old structures to include design innovations that emphasise the creation of open and inclusive public spaces. These renovations often include increasing transparency and visibility, providing flexible use of space, and improving the quality of public amenities and environments so that the market becomes not only a place to shop, but also a place for community gathering and cultural exchange. This rethinking of architecture and design reflects a trend towards valuing public markets as central to social and cultural dynamics in modern urban planning.

Bradford market and Halifax Borough market are public markets with a long history of providing an aesthetically pleasing and relaxing environment for shoppers with spectacular central fountains in the public lounge areas of the markets. These fountains not only add to the aesthetics of the market, but also serve as a central point for people to socialise and relax. At the same time, Burton-on-rent Market and Newcastle Market have paid particular attention to the provision of ample seating for shoppers to ensure that they have a comfortable place to rest during their shopping journey. These seats are often close to the main shopping aisles, allowing customers to rest and socialise between purchases.

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In more recently built markets, such as Birkenhead New market, designers have introduced cooked food sales areas in the lounge areas. These areas offer a wide range of hot and cold food, allowing customers to enjoy a diverse range of instantly prepared dishes. The cooked food area not only meets the immediate dietary needs of customers, but also adds to the attractiveness of the market, making it an integrated shopping and leisure destination.

Cafes, cooked food stalls and rest areas within public markets can be effective in providing space for strangers to sit and spend time together. These areas can extend the time that everyone spends wandering around the market, thus enhancing the communal nature of the space. These public spaces can offer the potential for the performance and comingling of differences. Sophie Watson further noted that these areas play a vital role as 'social glue', particularly by embracing socially marginalised groups, such as older people, thereby enhancing the inclusiveness of communities and a sense of belonging.3.26 This evolving approach to public market design reflects a wider recognition that public markets are not only economic centres, but also important social hubs that facilitate interaction, community and cultural exchange, contributing to the social fabric of urban environments.

3.25 S. Watson, City Publics: The (Dis) Enchantments of Urban Encounters (Taylor & Francis, 2013), https://books.google. com/books?id=sH2uWy8lD6sC. 3.26 Ibid.

Fig 3.22 Bradford market Source: Lockwood & Mawson

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Fig 3.23 Halifax Borough market Source: John Piper

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Fig 3.24 Burton-on-rent market Source: https://www.enjoystaffordshire.com/information/product-catch-all/burton-indoor-market-p1102481

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Fig 3.25 Newcastle market Source: https://tynesidetreasures.ncl.ac.uk/ms-penny-bazaar-grainger-market/

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Fig 3.26 Birkenhead new market Source: https://wirralgrowthcompany.co.uk/market/

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Cebada market Revitalising a market space by introducing new features can significantly increase its value and attractiveness. The Cebada market in Spain is a noteworthy example. Whilst the focus of this study is on market buildings in the UK, public markets in Europe, including those in Spain, have had a profound impact on market halls in the UK and have faced similar urban challenges and played similar roles to market buildings in the UK, making Cebada market a relevant case study.

3.27 Tom Wilkinson, ‘Typology: Market Hall’, The Architectural Review, n.d.

Tom Wilkinson praises the Cebada market in an article discussing the Market Hall. He describes, "...its rainbow saucer domes hovering serenely above a riotous melee of bars, snack restaurants and old-fashioned stalls. It is hard to imagine having more fun in a market..." He added: "It's hard to imagine having more fun at the market.3.27 This accolade reflects the essential experience that a public market should provide and demonstrates that the Cebada market is indeed well regarded and continues to serve local residents effectively.

In 2007, the Madrid City Council organised a competition whose guiding principle was to allow the demolition of the iconic Cebada market at a cost of €20 million - a plan that was both economically unviable and speculative. Fortunately, in 2017 it was decided not to demolish the market but to build a sports centre next to it.

Fundburo's programme for the renovation of the Cebada market goes beyond the addition of rest areas within the market. Instead, it envisages integrating the market with the sports centre. This approach not only extends visitors' stay in the public market, but also uses the public space within the market to attract more people, thus enhancing the market's role as a vibrant urban centre. This strategic integration of additional facilities reflects a broader trend towards making public markets more versatile and community-centred, which in turn promotes greater social interaction and urban vibrancy.

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Fig 3.27 Cebada market Source: https://www.esmadrid.com/en/shopping/cebada-market

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Fig 3.28 Cebada market Source: https://fundburo.net/portfolio/cloud-inc-2/

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Limitations Enhancing the communal attributes of public markets to promote more social interactions and increase the attractiveness of the markets can be achieved through two main strategies. Firstly, by increasing the number of functional facilities within the market, such as the provision of cafes, rest areas and recreational spaces, the length of customers' stay within the market can be significantly extended. These facilities provide a comfortable and relaxing environment where customers can enjoy leisure time while shopping, increasing opportunities for natural interaction and socialising between people. In addition, the creation of this environment helps to transform the market from a single shopping function to a multi-functional social place, adding to the charm and functional diversity of the market.

The second approach is to introduce new urban features outside the market, such as sports centres, libraries, community centres or children's play areas. These facilities can attract different groups of people, not just shoppers, but including residents seeking physical activity, educational resources or entertainment.

This blend of multi-functionality makes the market area an integrated community centre, increasing its importance and accessibility in the life of the city. In this way, the market becomes more than just a place to trade; it becomes an important node for community cohesion and urban vitality.

While the approach of enhancing the public attributes of public markets through the addition of cafés, rest areas and other similar functional spaces has been practised somewhat, it is not without limitations in its effectiveness. In essence, these functional spaces are added primarily to provide more comfortable or attractive places to enhance the social behaviours that already exist within the market, and this does not necessarily stimulate new forms of social interaction. While these spaces provide environments for rest and interaction, they may be limited to those who are already willing to engage in these activities, and they may be less attractive to those who do not regularly socialise in public 137

markets.

In addition, while the second approach does bring more visitors to the market area through the introduction of new urban functions such as sports centres and community centres outside the market, these additional functional areas and the market itself are largely independent of each other. For example, a sports centre may attract a large number of people seeking fitness, but this does not mean that these people will flow to the market to shop or engage in the social activities of the market as a result of the presence of the sports centre. Therefore, while this approach can increase the flow of people to the market area, it may not be effective in promoting organic integration and synergistic interactions between the market and the new functions, which limits the potential of this approach to actually enhance the comprehensive social functions of the market.

This analysis reveals the limitations of enhancing the public attributes of public markets through the addition of cafes, rest areas, and other spaces for leisure functions. While these measures can enhance the utility and external appeal of the market, making it appear more inviting and amenable to stay, the facilities themselves may not necessarily be effective in facilitating new and diverse forms of community engagement.

These amenities serve more of an existing pattern of visitors and consumption without necessarily introducing new participants or creating new social dynamics.

In order for public markets to truly function as social hubs, a more effective strategy may be to create a seamless transition between the traditional activities of the market and these added services. For example, this could be done by organising market days in conjunction with events such as cultural festivals, concerts or interactive games for children, so that people naturally engage in these community activities while participating in market shopping. This type of integration not only adds to the vibrancy of the market, but is also more conducive to engaging and encouraging community members of all backgrounds, 138

thereby promoting social interaction and community cohesion.

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DESIGN PROPOSAL THREE NEIGHBOURHOOD MARKET

Based on the case studies presented in this chapter, this section attempts to propose a strategy to better integrate markets with other basic social functions. The first step is to choose which social functions to integrate with markets. Given that public markets are lively places that generate noise and disturbance, it is important to consider these factors when choosing compatible functions. For this study, an open-air stage, a public space centred on a fountain, a sports field, and a multi-purpose event space associated with the market were selected.

Secondly, in the design that integrates the market with other social functions, special emphasis has been placed on removing barriers between the market and these functional areas, thereby achieving a more fluid spatial and functional connectivity. This design not only creates a visually coherent environment that seamlessly connects the market to surrounding public spaces such as the open-air stage, fountain centre and sports ground, but also ensures that the ambience of these spaces blends seamlessly with the bustling spectacle and activity of the market.

For example, through open views and accessible pathway design, the vibrancy of the market can naturally diffuse into neighbouring public spaces.

In addition, the design cleverly creates pathways into certain functional areas by requiring visitors to walk through the market area. This strategy not only promotes the physical interconnectivity of the market with other functional areas, but also increases the opportunities for natural interaction between the market and its visitors. For example, visitors arriving at the amphitheatre or fountain centre may be attracted to the market's merchandise or activities, resulting in an additional experience of the market's shopping and social activities during a visit that was originally planned to be only a viewing of a performance or a break. This design thinking effectively integrates market activities with participation in other public functions, making the market a natural part of people's daily lives rather than an isolated shopping destination.

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Finally, a multifunctional area was created in the centre of the market. This area functions similarly to the plaza around the market cross, with movable and immovable structures that facilitate the transformation of the space into a variety of uses.

With this multifunctional zone, the public market is better able to serve as the centre of community life, accommodating a variety of activities and enhancing the social value of the space.

This approach not only enhances the utility of the market, but also strengthens its role as a vibrant component of urban life, encouraging more frequent and diverse community interactions.

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Fig 3.29 Ground Plan Source: Author

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Fig 3.29 First Floor Plan Source: Author

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CONCLUSION

Public markets in the UK have proved to be an important part of cities, mitigating the unequal distribution of food, urban inequality, and the decline in urban liveability. Public markets in the UK are important social welfare facilities and play a vital role in the urban environment. However, they are currently at risk of decline, which could exacerbate the urban problems mentioned above. In an attempt to revive public markets, this study analyses the challenges facing public markets in the UK from an urban, architectural and community perspective, and proposes potential solutions from an architectural perspective. At the same time, this study will also expand beyond the strict design phase to discuss to some extent the economic and social aspects of public markets in the UK. It is worth noting that there are inherent limitations in the scope of this analysis, which is primarily conducted from an architectural perspective. Nevertheless, this approach can provide insights into addressing wider social issues such as urban food deserts, social polarisation, and urban isolation.

The proposed strategy is also categorised into three scales: 1) Urban Scale: this study focuses on the issue of food deserts in the UK arising from the decline of public markets and the commercialisation of food distribution in the UK. As the UK is facing a serious food distribution dilemma, by analysing the current state of the UK food distribution system in depth, this paper aims to reveal the problems in the existing system and the strategies to address them. In addition, the study compares the situation in the UK with other cases of cities with "food oases", in order to explore strategic measures to alleviate the problem of food deserts. Taking London as an example, the study also examines the possible direction of development of public markets in the UK, and proposes a strategy to reduce the conflict of interest between public markets and supermarkets, and to eliminate the sense of exclusion of the existing food distribution system from the new policy, which will help alleviate the serious food desert problem in London.

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2) Architectural scale: At the architectural scale, the study also focuses on social inequalities fuelled by the decline of the public market in the UK. The study argues that food, as a regulated commodity, should not be seen as merely a commercial product. Because it relates to all aspects of urban life. The architectural space of public markets is a tangible expression of this regulatory power, and changes in the spatial layout of market buildings directly reflect the evolution of regulatory power. By examining in detail the spatial layout of public market buildings in the UK and their changes, this study aims to identify where the current problems lie. Furthermore, by analysing those markets with successful layouts, this paper proposes a new spatial vision of the market that aims to lower the barriers to entry as a means of mitigating social polarisation.

3) Community Scale: At the community scale, this study examines the importance of public markets as public spaces in cities and how the decline of markets has led to a decline in the liveability of cities and the exacerbation of the problem of urban isolation. Historically, public markets have not only been the centre of urban life in the UK, but also a stage for social interaction, but these public functions have gradually disappeared with the decline of market functions. Through indepth analyses of specific cases and comparisons with existing models, the study finds that the traditional way of combining markets and public spaces is no longer suitable for current social and economic needs. Therefore, this study proposes a new relationship model that aims to redefine the interaction between markets and public space. This new model focuses on enhancing the public attributes of markets, for example, by adding elements such as cultural activities, community mutual aid programmes and environmental greenery, so that markets can become key spaces for promoting community cohesion and urban liability.

In addition, this new relational model emphasises the role of the market as a public gathering place and promotes openness and inclusiveness to attract a wider customer base.

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This study is an exploration of the possibilities for the development of public markets in the UK. Whilst this study has an architectural focus, it recognises its limitations in addressing aspects of urban problems. However, it represents a discussion of the role of architects in addressing urban issues as a whole.

Whilst architects often feel powerless in addressing many urban challenges, this does not mean that they are not influential. This study attempts to utilise architectural redesign to alleviate urban problems, emphasising that even under limited conditions, thoughtful design can make a definite difference.

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