VASAV VAKILNA_Beyond Urban Modalities - Dissertation

BEYOND URBAN MODALITIES

Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario

BY VASAV HEMANT KUMAR VAKILNA

Architectural

Association

School

of

Architecture

Graduate School Programmes Coversheet for Submission, 2019- 2020 Programme: Projective Cities, Taught MPhil in Architecture and Urban design Term: 5 / Dissertation Student name: Vasav Hemant Kumar Vakilna Submission title: Beyond Urban Modalities: Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario Course title: Dissertation Course tutors: Dr.-Ing Sam Jacoby, Dr Platon Issaias, Dr Maria Sheherazade Giudici, Dr Mark Campbell Submission date: 05/06/2020 Declaration: “I certify that this piece of work is entirely my own and that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of others is duly acknowledged.”

Signature:

Date: 05/06/2020

BEYOND URBAN MODALITIES

Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario

BY VASAV HEMANT KUMAR VAKILNA

MPHIL IN ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN DESIGN - PROJECTIVE CITIES AA - ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION - SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE

માતા િપતા ને અર્પણ For my mother and my father

ત્વમે ના અખૂટ પ્રેમ અને આિશરવાદ મારી પાંખોં ને વ્યાખ્યા છે

BEYOND URBAN MODALITIES Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario

ABSTRACT: This research is an investigation towards the current problematic housing scenario in England, and among that, questions specifically the long accepted tradition of rehousing its populace into suburbs and satellite towns. Within this, it studies evolution of the English Garden City as a typological entity and its elements. The Garden city is a prominent event in history of formalising urban planning and stands as both, a radical economic and realty model, as well as a design based solution to the socio economic problems of the late 19th century. This model in question has been adapted multiple times instances of housing based crisis, and is being considered as a viable solution towards solving contemporary housing and infrastructural problems in modern day London. The concept has evolved as a typological form at stipulated intervals throughout the 20th century, first as the ‘Garden City’ by sociologist Ebenezer Howard (planned by Raymond Unwin and Richard Parker), then as the ‘New Towns Movement’ post World War II, and finally as suburban sprawl post 1965. This research also studies other models inspired by this movement, the typological transformation of elements persistent in this model and the role of community as a design element, and both its intended and actual interpretation within this concept.

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BEYOND URBAN MODALITIES

Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:

In the long course that this study has taken to reach this stage, witnessing unexpected circumstances and scenarios, it is the blessings, support, guidance and efforts of many that has helped shape this to its current form. I, wholeheartedly, express gratitude to each and every person who has directly or indirectly been part of this study.

This piece of study is entirely dedicated to my father, my mother and my brother, without whom this study would not have been made possible. Your undying and inexplicable love, in forms more than one, is spirit to my heart and make possible my many endeavors. And to my family, whose love and trust inspires me to do more.

I would like to express my most sincere thanks to Dr Sam Jacboy and Dr Platon Issaias for their constant support, guidance, patience and understanding, and to the AA School for its support. I also thank Dr Maria Shéhérazade Giudici and Dr Mark Campbell for the tutorials and discussions, and to Spyros Efthymiou and Valerio Massaro for their guidance.

Henceforth, I extend my heartfelt appreciation : To the Dalal family, who welcomed me in their home as their own and made possible the many memories at 32 Mount Road.

To my fellows at 32 Basement, and Morwell St., who constantly supported, inspired, challanged me towards unending self development. I continue to carry these conversations with me.

To Edward Bottoms and Lt. Hugo Hinsley for answering my many questions and discussions around housing.

To Lt. Rodney Bickerstaffe with whom my discussions on housing, politics and literature lay the groundwork for this thesis.

Special thanks to my friend and guide through this dissertation, Raul Avilla.

Special thanks to Arpita, your constant support through the years reach far beyond this study.

To members of The Wall - Abhinav, Dhruv and Micky, with their help in redrawing and the many nights of wander.

To Nikhil, Smit, Sue, and Urvash for their aid in ways more than one.v To all my teachers who instilled in me the never ending seed of quest for knowledge and ways of seeing the world. And to you, dear reader, who also plays a character in my story.

And lastly, to the moon of my life, who’s perpetual presence through many forms has fueled my desire to keep rising.

-V.

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BEYOND URBAN MODALITIES Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario

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TABLE OF CONTENTS:

7

Abstract

9

Acknowledgements

15

Introduction

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Chapter 1: The Birth of A Diagram

PART-A:

101

Chapter 2: Translations From Diagram to Plan

123

Chapter 3: Establishing a Type

PART-B:

163

Chapter 4: The case of Aylesbury

277

Chapter 5: Conclusion

285

Annexure/Appendices

294

Bibliography and References

297

Epilogue

Research Questions Glossay Aim/ Objectives Methods Garden City: A reading Ebenezer Howard and the Socialist Movement Housing Manifesto Wolfson Economics Prize New Towns Movement Letchworth and the Digaram Scale 1: The Urban Plan Translations and urban artefacts Alternative Models Towards a Typology Scale 2: The Neighbourhood Neighbourhood Unit Scale 3: The Unit Typological Transformation

Establising a brief Aylesbury Design Proposals Garden City: A critique Towards a Manifesto

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Im. 1: An early 20th-century poster extols the virtues of the new garden city, 1903.

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Im. 2: An early 20th-century poster illustration for the then proposed Welwyn Garden City, Hertfordshire, 1920.

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Im. 3: Early Advert promoting Welwyn Garden City as a Satellite Town to London, 1921.

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Im. 4: Sketch Visualization from the book ‘Garden Cities of To-morrow’ representing the shift in quality of life within the imagined Garden City Concept, Ebenezer Howard, 1893

Through this discussion, following are some of the key research questions that will be investigated during the course of this dissertation: Disciplinary Question Why after over a century is the Garden City model still being considered a potential answer to the current housing crisis in the UK? Urban Question What are the opportunities that arise from the study of density and hierarchy of public: private spaces in the existing Garden City Model, and how do they assist towards designing the Garden Towns of the future?

Typological Question What are the architectural and urban elements arranged in Garden City diagram so as to make it a unique regional town planning model?

INTRODUCTION Ebenezer Howard revered as the father of planning in the UK. His ideas of the garden city movement in the late 19th century, and the English towns of Letchworth and Welwyn are not short of realized utopias in contemporary times. Although these ideas paved way for what we now know as modern urban planning, Howard’s idea of the Garden City is often interpret as a place where every house boasts a garden. Yet it is more complex than that. By coining the term garden city, he explicitly means ‘town country’, and states that as a part of his vision via his diagram of the three magnets in his book, tomorrow- A Peaceful Path to Real Reform. (Howard, 1902) it gains from being a broader economy based territorial concept, in the sense it means the entire city existing within a colossal garden (larger landscape and surrounding greenbelt).

The Garden City movement has been one of the pioneer movements of collective planning in the modern world, and a formalised effort of merging infrastructure, architecture and economy. It has emerged time and again in the past century as a viable and effective model in times of housing crisis and is by no means a coincidence. The rise and evolution of this concept emerging from late 19th century socialist groups to becoming a radical solution for post war housing crisis has been a rather interesting journey. Yet, the question persists whether or not it remains a viable model for the same operation in the contemporary times, and how much of it should be adapted.

The Garden city concept was also at the time, an interesting socio-economic model, in the sense that the speculative equity generated by the communal land ownership be invested back to appease value of the infrastructure. This dissertation would try to untangle the meanings of the model proposed by Ebenezer Howard, how it has been interpret over time and what is its role in the contemporary crisis.

The industrial English city was a major pollutant and infamous for its gruesome living conditions and class differences. London in specific, was named the big smoke for this reason and has been the foster ground for the growing slum and unhealthy conditions. As this created a need for a healthier living space and better laid out fundamentals, Sir Ebenezer Howard, a sociologist, with his book penned a long discussed vision of a systematically laid out plan of action of a unique marriage between the town and the country (Howard, 1901). His book gained widespread acclaim because of these cities can prove a successful model both architecturally and in its socio economic context.

However, an often neglected factor in the success of this new city would be dependent on not just the new place but the existence of a new kind of community which would both protect and regenerate the city and over time reap the benefits collectively, a novel anti-capitalist idea at the time. This Garden city movement thus can be directly related to the Socialist Movement in the UK at the time, and was endorsed by the working class (for whom this was primarily proposed). Among extracted concepts from the book were about urban sprawl, greenbelt, land use and zoning, civic center and an overall better per capita quality of life which can be achieved with architectural and economic intervention, only fully possible by activating the common strength of the community (Howard, 1901). The Garden city concept was also at the time, an interesting socio-economic model, in the sense that the speculative equity generated by the communal land ownership be invested back to appease value of the infrastructure.

RESEARCH AIM 18

To study the Garden City Model as a prospective solution towards addressing the current problematic housing scenario in contemporary UK and its feasibility in the 21st century.

OBJECTIVES

1.

To understand the formation of ‘Garden City’ as a town planning model the UK and its historical impact. Within this, to understand the formation of ‘neighbourhoods’ as agency towards formation of public and private spaces within the Garden City.

2.

To understand the significance of the term ‘Garden’ in the context of UK, and understand how this affects the terms Garden city, Garden Village, Garden town and Garden suburb in its urban, architectural and economic model.

3.

To analyse the present day condition present day New Towns in the UK based on the Garden City model, alongwith existing city neighbourhoods and London suburbia. Also study their physical impact on common notions of Satellite towns and how it began the typological transformation of first wave of Garden cities.

4.

To study the urban rural nexus between major cities and satellite towns in the larger urban plan laid up under the Garden city master diagram.

5.

To understand the relationship between built and open spaces within neighbourhoods that make up the Garden City and their hierarchical organization.

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METHODS

This is done via collection and analysis of primary and secondary archival material, and books, the history of architecture and economics surrounding the Garden City, in the UK and otherwise, and other relevant movements surrounding it. A more comparative and wholesome understanding is generated via study and analysis of relevant case studies that help in proposing a viable solution by way of design if the study is found successful in its questions. Through interviews and questionnaires to the local community in the existing Garden City, the living condition and the pros/ cons of living in such a space is determined. In addition, photographic documentation and observations of public life in case studies is conducted.

Further to this, engaging in a typological investigation based on studies and analysis of data collected resulting in design ‘test models’ and using them to further the research.

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‘New forces, new cravings, new aims, which had been silently gathering beneath the crust of inaction, burst suddenly into view’ - John Green, A Short history of English People, 1824

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PART-A Chapter I: BIRTH OF A DIAGRAM

In 19th century London, the idea of imagining a new lifestyle for the impoverished was favoured by many ‘civic artists’ of the time. This is when a new alternative way of interpreting the city, and its lack of greenery within attracted the critique of Ebenezer Howard. A social reformist, after several failed projects , his book To-morrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform comes as a radical way of looking at the city.1 Howard’s background as a reformist and social circle consisting of poets, writers, and politicians was well known then. A strong advocate of equality, Howard gave thought to the living conditions of the people living in the industrial slum, and as opposed to other ‘civic artists’, he was able to think of this problem in a wholesome manner. Howard believed that the vital organic connection between man and nature had been lost and must be restored by creation of a collective living environment. Howard combined economic and civic ways, with territorial scale represented by his diagram of the Town Country magnet. The term ‘Town Country’, would essentially give birth to the term Garden City, which it would now translate into, exaggerating the two polar ends. According to Howard, this marriage between these ends would result in a new kind of living environment and exemplifies this idea by way of regional diagrams, which are to be mere representations of his idea and not literal plans. Building on Henry George’s theory of rent capture such as land value tax to counter monopoly and common interests4, he suggests this generated value be vested back towards the collective interests of the residents. Against holding to traditional values in favour of nostalgia, Howard proposes future urban planning strategies and pens in down in his book. As the book is well received and garners appreciation, he seeks out friends and investors to sponsor the dream of his city, as the then prevalent government was not in support of this experimental model. With the funding of close people from circles, he forms the Garden City Association, and eventually, Letchworth Garden City takes shape from that. It is noteworthy that a collective and communally owned model is built on privately owned land from sponsors and investors as a way of exemplifying a prototype.3

Glossary of frequently appearing words throughout the dissertation: City – Population 100,000 and 300,000 Large Town – Population 20,000 to 100,000 Town – Population 1000 to 20,000 Village – Population 100 to 1000 Garden City: Planned cities with self-contained communities surrounded by greenbelts, containing proportionate areas of residences, industry, and agriculture. Population: 32000.

Garden Town: Population: 10,000 approx.

Garden Village: A traditional hamlet remodelled as a mix of garden and town.

THE PLANAn analysis of the Garden City movement in the UK provides many principles that can be extracted. One of the main ones would be the idea of traffic management. This is particularly ironic as the first Garden City was planned for just 8000 cars and would ideally be entirely walkable, as this movement preceded the mass production of automobiles. This would be done by way of typological elements such as the roundabouts, and street sections to include green spaces. Also layering of the street hierarchy such as the radial boulevards connecting the major thoroughfares to and from the central district was a primary characteristic of the Garden City idea. Today, of course, this system today fails to cover both the aspects as it’s neither entirely walkable nor has enough space for cars. However individual elements as the roundabouts and boulevards, with some dedicated pedestrian areas function well even in today’s Letchworth where every house owns at least one car.

That is quadrupling the original capacity.

Garden Suburb: A part of the suburban area of a central city, designed on Garden city principles.

Population of London – 8.788 million in 1,572 km², census conducted in 2011. img. 5.1(left): Garden Cities Network Regional diagram

by Sir Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of Tomorrow, 1901

1

CLARK, BRETT. “EBENEZER HOWARD AND THE MARRIAGE OF TOWN AND COUNTRY: An Introduction to Howard’s “Garden Cities of To-morrow” (Selections).” Organization & Environment16, no. 1 (2003): 87-97 2 3

George Henry, Our Land & Land Policy, National and state (San Francisco: White And Bauer 1871)

Macfadyen D. Sir Ebenezer Howard And The Town Planning Movement (Manchester: Manchester University Press1970).

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This was immediately adapted by other influential architects and planners of the era. For example, Daniel Burnham showed increasing appreciation for Howard’s strategies and applied them in his proposal for the Master Plan for the City of Chicago (Burnham, 1910). Perhaps the more excerpt of the plan would be regional zoning and centralization. This is however ironic as Howard’s model, at a territorial scale is about the decentralization of population, and the creation of a better lifestyle by way of a network of satellite towns. Although at a smaller town level, it is a centripetal model. The process of segregating spaces based on their land usage and functionalities was a novel and functionally sensible idea at the time. This was in opposition to the then prevalent trend of dense and congested neighbourhoods, with a lack of natural elements, and the dedicated thoroughfares in the larger English cities. As one can see in Howard’s suggestive diagram for the regional plan, of the concentric circles (boulevards) around a designated activity, which is also connected to several others by avenues and transport links, are suggestive of larger areas that are affected by the design within the master plan. The diagram itself however was not meant to be realized in entirety, which is also stated in the illustration itself.

Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker were prominent architects at the time, whom the First Garden City association formed at the time appointed as chief planners.

The duo, well-established practitioners at the time, approach the brief quite literally. As opposed to Howard, the duos were strong advocates of traditional architecture and gave the city its language and character. They interpret the plan in close resemblance to the diagram of Howard, which gives it its present day layout.

The two had very specific influences over the plan; in Parker’s case, this influence was the architectural language of the town and public spaces, inspired by his Arts and Crafts influence. In the case of Unwin, this was the overall master plan and zoning. He also founded the Hampstead Garden Suburb in 1906, which again differing from the ideas of Howard, was built in the suburb for affluent families.

Shortly after this, he wrote Town Planning in Practice: An introduction to the art of designing Cities and Suburbs.

Fig 5.2(left): Town Country Magnet diagram by Sir Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of Tomorrow, 1901 Howard’s Garden City proposal was based on the premise that human society and nature’s beauty were to be enjoyed together. The proposal adopted the “three magnets theory” which tried to explain the attractions of individuals to the city and the country, and various factors that contribute thereof; as shown in the figure.

Fig 5.3(right/top): Administration network diagram by Sir Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of Tomorrow, 1901 Fig 5.4(right/bottom): Garden City Regional plan diagram

by Sir Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of Tomorrow, 1901

This plan was characterised by many suggestions exemplified in Howard’s book.

It follows strong zoning and a concentric design centering all the conveniences at its core, embraced by the residential quarter surrounding it. Evidently enough, this city would have gardens and public parks at regular intervals, and numerous open places which are ample, both public and private. The industrial quarter is set on the north-east near to the primary thoroughfare for a better commute and each residential quarter has its share of open green spaces and a school and basic services. Although this was a better living condition for London slum dwellers in the time, today we can see that this plan is not without fault. In 2015, Letchworth hit the desired population of 32,000 and its desired density of 12 families per acre. As of the present day, this population is 34600. Nearly 50% of Letchworth’s present day population commutes to the city for occupational purposes, and

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almost every house owns a car, most owning two to three cars at once. Because of frequent commuting, the long highways, and vast open spaces, the city does not seem necessarily walkable and to most owning a car has become a necessity.

This comes in opposition to Howard’s original idea of this place being a selfreliant town of perennial nature, harbouring a healthy and sustainable lifestyle with active communication to the central city. In stark contrast, Letchworth and other such cities, have become sleeping towns and are primarily occupied by the ‘floating’ population reliant on the services of the city, creasing to form a strong denizen community. The book also gives certain set guidelines for a building which goes on to become regulations in the city. This is further illustrated in the analysis of the plan of Letchworth that follows.

The book suggests that each family should have a three-room house with a gathering room, a smaller front garden and a larger back garden which is adjacent to the neighbour’s back garden or the communal open space. Each family was to have their own parking space, and sewage and electrical facilities. They would have schools and healthcare in their neighbourhood, all conveniences in the central district, and the industrial sector in proximity in one corner of the city. This would ,also according to Howard, would be managed by the community and their elected municipal corporation, which would control the economic fluctuations and the mistrust and mishaps arising from the centralization of power.4

Ebenezer Howard, Economist

EVOLUTION ANDThe concept of Howard’s Garden City has been widely adopted, yet over the past century, this can be seen in sub-contexts of two major events, the first can be its IMPROVISATION inculcation in the New Towns movement. The work on Garden cities encountered

a hiatus of almost two decades, following the death of Ebenezer Howard in 1926, and the only two Garden cities formed by then were Letchworth and Welwyn.

Following World War II, the need for mass housing was an urgent issue, primarily following the Blitz in London. This paved way for the New Towns Act being passed in 1946 to relocate the population who lost their houses during the war.

Under the first wave of this three wave act, sites were identified for 10 new towns and they were built in the Garden City fashion.

Raymond Unwin, Architect

Although both see a different way of interpreting the same idea, this is an evolution of the same model and the change is noteworthy. The new towns see this idea of the centrally strong satellite town, which whilst not touching the greenbelt is still strongly connected and dependent on the central city through transport links. The town would be connected to other such small towns and would have amenities centrally located, with the industrial sector near the thoroughfares and ample amount of green spaces according to the Garden City diagram. However, the difference would be now in the language and interpretation of architecture and community. The need for mass production, industrialization, and the rising influence of modernists created a new kind of architecture which adapting the idea of Howard was very different in nature. The rise of housing estates5 and the change in family structure6 immensely changed the image of the Garden City in the new town spatially. This instead of being self-reliant became the distant town.

This can be exemplified with the idea of Stevenage, which was the first new town to be constructed.

5.5(left):Coloured Map of Hampstead Garden Suburb, Raymond Unwin Barry Parker, Architect

5.6(left):Map of Hampstead Garden Suburb, Raymond Unwin

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Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of To-morrow (London: Swan Sonnenschein& Co.1902) 5

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Owen Hopkins, Lost Futures.London (Royal Academy of Arts 2017)

Peter Willmott and Michael Young, Family and Kinship in East London ( London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1957)

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Tomorrow: A Path towards Real Reform

1899

Garden City Association/ TCPA

1904

Letchworth Garden City

1906

Hampstead Garden Suburb

1920

Welwyn Garden City

1928

-Death of Ebenezer Howard

1945

World War II

1946

New Towns Act

1967

Milton Keynes

32,932

2014

Wolfson Economics Prize

34,473

2017

New Garden Towns Proposed for 2022

4000

Data acquired from World Population Review

TIMELINE OF EVENTS:

TIMELINE OF POPULATION IN LETCHWORTH GARDEN CITY:

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1898

On the other hand, the rise of the English suburbia was another large scale approach of the same idea, which is widely reproduced and gave rise to a new lifestyle. This idea takes on the architectural and spatial model of the Garden City and implies this around the then existing greenbelt of major cities. This was extensively repetitive, and instead of being walkable, this too gave rise to the ownership of vehicles and regular commute. Each house was to have their front garden and the larger back garden with community open spaces and the traditional semi-detached house plan, the formation of amenities and public infrastructure has constantly been lacking, and these areas becoming another kind of dormitory village for commuters depending on the city. Ironically, the fact that this is built on the greenbelt is in direct opposition to Howard’s idea, who was a strong advocate against it and devised the Garden City idea as a way to interpret this future possibility.

Howard shared views with many reformists of the time and was an ardent supporter of the Socialist movement in the late 19th century7. The book posed as a model for the working-class people and the economy that he had envisioned for this new city made it a collective model. It can be deducted from the core structure of the book8 that major importance has been put on a collective lifestyle, communal ownership, and public-private interrelationship. It can be hence said that this model considers its users or the community of residents as an element for its very evolution. Yet this was lost in many interpretations as the physical model remained, and the economic model changed. Corbusier’s book ‘Towards a new architecture’, was republished in English in 1927, and was popular among young architects and students, who later on went on to take up key roles in the building of these towns and as members of the London County Council9. This building of new towns from a modernist perspective gave way to a new family structure, and need of different spaces. Further, as the suburbia in the UK was formed, these became sleeping towns and the essence of the archaic model was lost.

As referred to in the topic introduction, the urgency and need to cater to the current housing crisis is the elementary challenge of contemporary times. For this purpose, among the many solutions considered by architects and planners, have been the model of the Garden City. This being merged with the sustainability aspects and current technology might pose a viable model that can then be repeated. Howard specifically argued against the urban sprawl and protecting the greenbelt.10 Although, just building more satellite towns on the current existing greenbelts would be doing the same and would prove counterproductive as a measure. The winning entry in the wake of the Wolfson Economics Prize, 2014 has been as revered as it is reviled. Hence, given the situation the question persists, how is a model, devised more than a century ago, still a viable solution for the current socio-economic issues?

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Peter Hall, Cities of Tomorrow. (Wiley 2002)

Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of To-morrow (London: Swan Sonnenschein& Co.1902) 9

10

Bottoms, E. (n.d.). London: AA Archives.

Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of To-morrow (London: Swan Sonnenschein& Co.1902)

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WOLFSON ECONOMIC PRIZE, 2012

UK ELECTIONS

Fig 5.7: Existing imagery for city of Uxcester, Wolfson Economics Prize Fig 5.8: Existing plan of Uxcester, Wolfson Economics Prize

The context of the Garden City has recently resurfaced as organizations in the UK realized they are heading towards a housing crisis. In 2014, the Wolfson Economics organization decided to award its top prize to the entry who would provide a solution to this emerging crisis by way of creating a new Garden City.

The winning entry11 which will be discussed in detail later on in the discussion, proposed a new town of Uxcester as a response to this, and this provided drawings based on the diagram of Howard, again interpreting literally in plan form, his suggestive regional plan. It is perplexing as to why the Howards diagram keeps on being reinterpreted in opposition to his clear suggestions. The winning entry gives a working plan to house the population of 150,000 in the outskirts of this city, with the architectural model of the traditional Victorian garden houses and many cul-de-sacs. However, approaching this issue as a problem that can be solved by way of design has its flaws. For example, a very similar approach, namely that of identifying the housing crisis as less current houses, and attempting it to solve by way of provision of more quantity of houses in different forms is not far from the approach adopted during the Postwar Housing boom, and the rise of suburbia around London. Howard, although not addressing the housing crisis directly, was driven in his wholesome approach by providing suggestions towards the economics, management, infrastructure, and large scale territorial access. This approach provides not just one solution which can be overwritten, or become obsolete, but an entire system which corresponds not just specifics, but human lifestyle and its relation with nature itself. Of course, Letchworth today is with many problems, yet the idea behind the concept that formed it can be deduced, and ensure its fluidity and adaptability in response to the changing times, which can be seen in many new towns based on the concept.

In the 2017 UK general elections, an important factor perhaps was to address the growing housing crisis in the UK. It was interesting to note that three major contending parties, The Conservatives, The Labour Party, and the Liberal Democrats, suggested solving this on the lines of forming more Garden Cities.12 This was consistently addressed in speeches and statements before the elections.

The housing minister of the ruling party proposed 14 new sites to propose New Garden Villages and Towns by 2022. It is interesting to note how a century-old model can be the answer to one of the major issues in the contemporary UK, and that is being considered by opponents alike, although all parties have a similar approach towards solving the pressing need, they have radically different takes on interpreting the meaning of Garden Cities.13 11 12

URBED, 2014. urbed.coop/wolfson-economics-prize.

Manifesto, L. D, Liberal DemocratsManifesto (2017) 13

Manifesto, C. H. Forward Together (2017)

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Fig 5.9: Applied diagram on plan of Uxcester. Wolfson Economics Prize Fig 5.10: Proposed Plan of Uxcester, Wolfson Economics Prize

Designated zones around the city are planned as residential clusters serving 150000 residents combined and serviced by secondary roads connecting to the central city.. The commercial and residential is served by the central city. However this is another version of new town suburbia and will turn into sprawl as expansion overtake

The Residential cluster is traditional yet each enjoys access to surrounding green space.

However this would be overtaken by sprawl in the coming years if density is not regulated.

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LIBERAL DEMOCRATS:

Directly build homes to fill the gap left by the market, to reach our housebuilding target of 300,000 homes a year, through a government commissioning programme to build homes for sale and rent. We will ensure that half a million affordable, energy-efficient homes are built by the end of the parliament’ (Liberal Democrat Manifesto, 2017: 60).

‘Create at least 10 new garden cities in England, providing tens of thousands of high-quality, zero-carbon homes’ (Liberal Democrat Manifesto, 2017: 61).

LABOUR PARTY: Labour will invest to build over a million new homes. By the end of the next Parliament we will be building at least 100,000 council and housing association homes a year for genuinely affordable rent or sale’ (Labour Manifesto, 2017: 60).

We will prioritise brownfield sites and protect the green belt. We will start work on a new generation of New Towns to build the homes we need and avoid urban sprawl’ (Labour Manifesto, 2017: 60).

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CONSERVATIVE PARTY: ‘We will build better houses, to match the quality of those we have inherited from previous generations. That means supporting high-quality, high-density housing like mansion blocks, mews houses and terraced streets. It means maintaining the existing strong protections on designated land like the Green Belt, National Parks and Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty. It means not just concentrating development in the south-east but rebalancing housing growth across the country, in line with our modern industrial strategy.

It means government building 160,000 houses on its own land’ (Conservative Manifesto 2017: 71).‘So we will help councils to build, but only those councils who will build high-quality, sustainable and integrated communities’ (Conservative Manifesto 2017: 24)

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5.11(top): Excerpt from article showing Labour Party’s Claims for new Garden Towns 5.12(mid): Excerpt from article showing Conservative Party’s Claims for new Garden Towns 5.13(bottom:) Excerpt from article showing Lib Dem Party’s Claims for new Garden Towns

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Considering London as the Central City, some major new towns around its edge in the greenbelt show wedges being created in the future where sprawl is likely to expand.

It would result in the following cases.

The highways serving as high street and wedges for access to the central city as secondary roads.

The wedges become residential clusters and sprawl along the highways connecting to the central city.

Major Cities along the highway as they sprawl.

Population channelled to the enclaves.

Uneven distribution sprawl guided expansion

Evenly Distributed master plan with efficient usage of green belt.

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Possible approaches to urban housing in the future

Centralized and dense

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Scattered

Central city and urban rural nexus

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Commute corridor and Sprawl

Formation of Enclaves

Greenbelt Satellite Structure

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Residential wedges

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Fig:As intended, the designated population before saturation point was ideally of 32000 people, given the 10km2 radius of the city. A clear approach through regulating density is seen in this way of planning a community led model, which is 12 houses per 1 acre. The green to built ratio is at 1:6. The residential cluster is traditional in its Arts and Crafts architectural expression and each house accesses to vast surrounding green space.

THE IDEAL GARDEN CITY

This section begins by critically analysing the architecture and planning of the English garden cities in light of the utility that was to be obtained from them at the turn of the century. Afterward, a review of the evolution of the cities at three scales: urban centres, neighbourhoods, and individual units are done in order to examine their transformation through case studies.

As discussed earlier, and according to Howard, a Garden City describes a town designed specifically for both industry and healthy living. This is ideally of a size that makes possible a full measure of social life – but not larger – surrounded by a rural belt with the whole land being in public ownership or held in trust for the community. The definition highlights three important motivations that led to their development.14 First, the Garden City combined both industrial and societal life implying that the two would co-exist within the proposed unit. Second, the size of the population was restricted, and third, a rural belt surrounded the city. Ebenezer Howard, the inventor of the Garden City, proposed the urban plan as a long term solution to escape the detrimental effects brought about by industrialisation in the city centre.15

THE MAGNETS We have already established previously that at the turn of the century, England was rife with industries that led to urban problems of pollution, overcrowding, and poor life quality. Howard’s Garden City proposal was based on the premise that human society and nature’s beauty were to be enjoyed together. This was a radical shift from the inhumane slum-dwelling conditions was brought forward by the dark and satanic mills of Industrial England. The book proposes a “three magnets theory” which tried to explain the attractions of individuals to the city and the country. In theory, the first magnet represented the advantages and disadvantages of town life while the second represented the advantages and disadvantages of country life. The last magnet, which was a culmination of the town and country life, was referred to as the utopian town-country life incorporating both their advantages. The people in this diagram, are depicted through needles that would be attracted to each of these magnets.

The proposal has a basis in the idea that the combination of advantages arising from both the town and country life is what develops an ideal urban area. While the town offered advantages such as work opportunities, diverse employment opportunities, high wages, amusement features, and social opportunities, the country offered natural beauty, fresh air, health, low rents, bright sunshine, and abundant water.

As such, the town-country, which represented the Garden City, would offer both benefits by combining the natural scenery and the diverse employment and social opportunities that the town offered.16 However, let us consider a few counters arguments to this. Given that the very reason for the creation of such Garden Cities was that it was meant to escape the detrimental metropolitan life at the height of industrialisation its relevance as the stated utopia can be questioned in the current times. A different school of thought posits that, over time, the detrimental effects of industrialisation have been significantly reduced following advancement in technology. For instance, electricity is currently used as the main power source in industries unlike coal in the early 19th century which contributed to smog. The technological advancement implies that since industries do not result in detrimental impacts on the environment such as air pollution, the Garden City no longer needs to provide an escape from the town life as it did in the early 1900s. This makes us reconsider some of the architectural and urban features, such as the regulations on density in order to attain cleaner air quality and open parks which were meant to be a contrast to dense factories.

Additionally, talking about the urban diagram of the city, Evans posited that architectural diagrams did not necessarily result in real world plans owing to the challenges of translating them from diagrams. We will discuss this in detail this in Chapter 2. For now, let us evaluate a few primary case studies to understand this better.

Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of To-Morrow (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007).

14

15

Ibid.

16

Ibid.

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LETCHWORTH AND HITCHIN Letchworth was the first Garden City developed by Ebenezer Howard in 1903 under the supervision of architects, Raymond Unwin and Richard Barry Parker17.

Katie O’Sullivan notes that the estate of Latchford Manor was selected to serve as the site of the Garden City given: its ideal location being less than forty miles from London, low land prices, depressed agriculture, and a size of more than 4,000 acres.18 As such, given that it was the first of its kind, the Garden City served as a perfect example of translating theory to practice and in turn Howards vision for a socialist utopia. In theory, the city was developed as a self-sufficient, cooperative satellite town surrounded by ample green spaces. Additionally, with cooperative land ownership, Howard envisioned a sustainable city funded by its economic initiatives such as industries and sustained by its agricultural activities taking place within the rural greenbelt. This seems a very promising model given the conditions of the time, and in some cases, even certain cities in the present context.

However, as O’Sullivan notes, the highly utopian plans would fail to be implemented following the evolution of the industry, agriculture, and ideologies on cooperative land ownership over the years.19 First, the author argues that Howard’s plans for the city’s sustainability were weak in that, they made an assumption regarding the entry of industries within the Garden City. The proposal assumed that industries would easily transfer their operations to the Garden City given its proximity to London. However, in reality, the case was different as the metropolitan city offered lower costs for industries in addition to providing benefits of co-location with other industries.

Secondly, in the early 1960s and 70s, arguments were advanced against cooperative land ownership, with trends shifting towards capitalism and individual ownership of land. This was accelerated by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s Privatization agendas in 1979. The implication of such trends was that they made it difficult for the Garden City to be self-sufficient since based on Howard’s plan where the land was to be communally owned and developed. As such, any financial revenue gained from the Garden City would be re-invested in the city for further development.

ANALYSIS

The bubble zoning of Letchworth garden city serves as a model for new towns.

The Centralized commercial and railway in the City center with recreational spaces, and the residential on its periphery to allow growth and expansion in the future.

These neighborhoods each have primary schools and basic healthcare facilities, and each house has access to individual and public gardens, as well as the city center which is walkable. The total site area being around 10m2, the density of 12 units per acre has been increased to 60 in some new towns such as Stevenage with the postwar advent of the tower blocks and vertical segregation of units. The industrial zone is positioned near the highway to benefit from passing traffic and accessibility. The designated population before the saturation point was ideally of 32000 people, given the 10km2 radius of the city. A clear approach through regulating density is seen in this way of planning a community led model whence the green to built ratio is at 1:6. The residential cluster is traditional in its Arts and Crafts architectural expression yet each enjoys access to surrounding green space.

img 5.14 (left top): Letchworth Garden City comes the closest to Ebenezer Howard’s idea of the community-led, socio-economic town country model and it also the first and the oldest garden city

img 5.15 (left bottom): Urban Sprawl for Letchworth 1905 - 1953

17 18

Ebenezer Howard, Garden Cities of To-Morrow (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007).

Katie O’Sullivan, “Letchworth: The First Garden City’s Economic Function Transcribed from Theory To Practice”, Berkeley Planning Journal 28, no. 1 (2016): 164-174.

19

Ibid.

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Fig 5.17: Houses in Letchworth demonstrating front porch and communal gardens with traditional Arts and Crafts design.

Fig 5.18: Houses in Letchworth demonstrating front porch and street section.

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Fig 5.19: Low rise houses in Letchworth overlooking the wide road.

Fig 5.20: Houses in Letchworth in initial stages without the front porch.

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Fig 5.21: Residential quarter in Letchworth. Present day houses in Letchworth are intimate and tucked in serene neighbourhoods.

Fig 5.22: Central commercial and recreational area in Letchworth Garden City, one can see the many cars in the otherwise paved pedestrian area.

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Fig 5.23: Open public parking next to the central church and main garden in Letchworth. Cars are used for a 10 minute walk and parked in the central area for a day out.

Fig 5.24: Central Garden in Letchworth Garden City, with properly planned gardens used as a tertiary route used to cut through when cars go around it. Residential area is accessed from cardinal openings of this garden.

WELWYN GARDEN CITY

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Alongside Letchworth, we will also briefly discuss the second Garden City of Welwyn. The successful completion of Letchworth Garden City proved to Howard that the challenges of urban dwelling could be solved through the careful implementation of garden cities. As a result, in 1919, Howard proposed the development of new towns as a branching out of suburbia to facilitate low density urban living. The new towns, which would be limited in size, would have a limited population in addition to being surrounded by a belt of agricultural land, similar to Letchworth’s model.

Welwyn would be the first new town and the second Garden City developed.

Before the city was constructed, the Welwyn region was an area of woodlands and open fields. As such, Howard initiated the land acquisition process a year before development began. Louis De Soissons was contracted as the city’s architect soon after it was founded in 1920.20 The town would adopt a Neo-Georgian architectural style where residential areas were styled according to diverse styles. Additionally, an exclusive environmental legislation would be set up with a mandate to manage the Garden City’s environmental aspects.

Most of the facilities found in Welwyn Garden City were similar to those implemented in Letchworth. For instance, factory sites would be located in separate zoned areas while cultural facilities such as the festival hall were developed to facilitate the development of the community. However, a unique characteristic feature with the city was that residential homes were of mixed tenures, offering affordability for the low income workers commuting to the industries.

Despite the new town providing a solution to the urban overcrowding challenge, some of the ideologies advocated by Howard however failed resulting from the influence of economic and social pressures, similar to Letchworth. For instance, Howard had made a provision of only one shopping store at the centre of the town, the Howard Centre, based on the premise that all residents in the city would shop from the same store. However, economic pressure from other competitors would lead to the emergence of new stores at the town’s centre. Similarly, the social need for variety generated a similar result, more shopping stores. Secondly, Howard had intentionally left out street names in developing the Garden City and instead, planted apple trees outside each original house. However, with the new towns act in place, street names emerged in an effort to create harmony and order.

Currently, Welwyn has a population of 42,000 with careful attention being laid out on its landscaping aspects.21 This is already against Howard’s original principles.

While the town has maintained its Neo-Georgian styled residential houses, many departmental stores have however been developed. Further, recreation facilities ranging from golf courses, theatres, and sailing lakes are also a characteristic feature.

Consequently, the transformation of the Garden City into an urban dwelling centre serves a positive illustration of the influence of Garden City ideologies in STEVENAGE NEW TOWNdeveloping new towns.

The New Towns Act of 1946 led to the creation of Stevenage as England’s first new town. Wakeman highlights that the town adopted a superblock architecture where neighbourhoods would be separated by blocks of greenery.22 Additionally, its town centre had a completely car-free pedestrian shopping area with futuristic advertising and spectacular lighting incorporated into its design. Similarly, some residential areas were provisioned with terrace-housing to facilitate the landing of helicopters. Further, recreation facilities ranging from bowling alleys and theatres to public gardens and art centres were widely spread in the town. Other new towns that developed as a consequence, such as Milton Keynes, Poundsbury(which is also a case study and more recent Garden Town), Cumbernauld and Glasgow would adopt similar facilities in order to attract inhabitants to the given establishments.

Consequently, new towns served as a long term solution to the urban sprawl and overcrowding challenges that troubled the metropolitan cities.

20 20

Tony Rook, Welwyn Garden City Past (Chichester: Phillimore, 2001).

Welhat.gov.uk, “Welwyn Hatfield Borough Council Offices - Welwyn Garden City A Short History”, Welhat.Gov.Uk, last modified 2018, accessed April 28, 2018, http://www.welhat.gov.uk/article/1056/Welwyn-Garden-City-A-Short-History.

21

Rosemary Wakeman, Practicing Utopia (Chicago (Ill.): The University of Chicago Press, 2016).

In summary, it can be argued that the successful implementation of Letchworth Garden City generated a ripple effect in facilitating the creation of new towns.

Additionally, after successful development of Welwyn, the first new town, a solution to the metropolitan challenges of urban sprawl, overpopulation and air pollution was availed to the government.

As a result, new towns developed as a branching out of Suburbia where workers would easily commute to the city for work while at the same time enjoy a quality life in the new towns given that they combined both city and country life. However, an important observation made is that, without government support, the new towns would not develop. Halford notes that as at 2016, Stevenage appeared dull, with faded concrete. As a result, fewer individuals thronged its streets and shopping centres. A reason given is that government support for the town’s development significantly reduced and in effect, led to a sharp increase in the prices of houses. In effect, less individuals sought to migrate to the town, unlike in the 1940s when the city was being developed. However, the different examples of new towns modelled after Howard’s garden cities serve as an illustration of the transformation possible with the cities.

Emergence of Suburbs and Cul de Sacs/ The influence of Howard’s ideologies on garden cities not only led to the development Hampstead Garden Suburb

of new towns, but also the creation of suburbs and cul de sacs as observed with Hampstead Garden Suburb. Thompson notes that Hampstead Heath, the area where Hampstead Garden Suburb currently stands, was an open countryside, a predominantly large woodland region with long stretches of grassland.

With the development of the Hampstead Garden Suburb Trust, Barnett was able to purchase additional lands which facilitated the creation of a suburb. Umut and Zeynep highlight that the suburb was created by architects, Raymond Unwin was and Edwin Lutyens. The architects adopted some of the features in Howard’s garden cities such as a radial plan where a central feature such as a cathedral at the town centre.

Thompson notes that unlike the garden cities developed by Howard, the suburbs were somewhat different. First, roads were to be tree-lined and there were no dividing walls between plots, instead, low hedging was employed to serve as boundary marks.

At its central location, the suburb had a characteristic building of central focus such as a cathedral. Second, the housing provisions were to be made in consideration of the different social classes.

The implication of such a provision was that different types of households emerged to serve each economic class unlike in garden cities where uniformity was a major theme. Thompson notes that houses of the wealthy had a characteristic architectural style that communicated intimacy and grandeur. For instance, they were built of red and blue brick with sash windows in contrast to the simple cottages of the artisans that had low-reaching roofs adorned with white paint.

Summarizing, the development of suburbs and cul de sacs, was inspired by Howard’s ideologies on garden cities. However, since Barnett emphasised on the creation of different neighbourhoods connecting different social classes, the typology of the different houses varied significantly. For instance, houses in wealthier neighbourhoods had complex architecture and were located in spacious areas unlike those in poorer areas that were smaller in size. Further, the review of the suburbs reveals similar findings to that of new towns and the garden cities; the impact of economic and social pressures in the evolution of the different architectural forms. In all cases, it was found out that the architect was not anticipating any influence in the translation of architectural diagrams to real world plans. The impact of this is clearly seen through analysing the case studies in Chapter 1.

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ROAD NETWORK

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HIERARCHY OF GARDENS AT DIFFERNT SCALES

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ZONING CONCEPT OF PROPOSED PLAN (NOT TO SCALE)

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DIAGRAMS SHOWING THE RADIAL LAYOUT OF NEW TOWNS AND ITS TRANSFORMATION

Drawing from the understanding of the case studies, an exemplary design proposal in made in form of a master plan for an urban eclave. Proposed is a zoning diagram of 4 neighbourhoods, in a 4KM X 4KM area. Considering the site of already proposed Aylesbury Vale (further discussed in Chapter 3), the diagram is then superimposed over three selected areas where a high density mixed use residential enlave may be designated as future development.

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QUARTER ACRE MASTER PLAN (DETAIL VIEW)

Highway

Green and leisure

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Residential

Commercial and parking

NEIGHBOURHOOD MASTER PLAN: 4 X 4 KM WALKABLE AREA with limited vehicular access

Black -Residential

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Dotted Red: Vehicular Red: Service lane/ cyclists Green – Recreational heath

Yellow – Industrial Grey – Residential Green- Recreational

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Exemplary proposed Master Plan: The four neighbourhoods

Previous page: Satellite imagary of Aylesbury Town, Buckinghamshire with superimposed digarm identifying areas where neighbourhood enclave may be proposed.

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‘Make big plans; aim high in hope and work, remembering that a noble, logical diagram once recorded will not die.’

–Daniel Burnham, Plan of Chicago, 1909

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Chapter II: TRANSLATIONS FROM DIAGRAM TO PLAN

THE DIAGRAM

This chapter would generate a discussion on a twofold level. First, it expounds on the notion of translating architectural diagrams to plans. By translation, the implication is that the former moves to the latter without any alteration taking place between the two forms. As such, the chapter examines diverse case studies illustrating how architectural diagrams have either been translated into plans for cities and buildings on the one hand, and cases where such translation has failed on the other. Secondly, it generates an analytical discussion on the evolution of England’s garden cities into their current status either as urban plans, neighbourhoods and individual plans based on their original architecture and planning diagrams.

A diagram is an abstract depiction of the larger intentions. According to Robin Evans, to translate a given concept or aspect describes the act of transposing it from one form to another without there occurring any alteration between the given forms. For instance, in language translation, one dialect is transposed onto another without the underlying meaning of the given phrase or word changing. In such, instances, the phrases or words retain their meaning despite being presented in different languages. Similarly, in translating architectural diagrams to real world plans for cities, towns or buildings, the same aspect is anticipated. As such, the expectation is that real world buildings and cities would be directly transposed onto the architectural diagrams. However, through the cases of city plans considered in the previous chapter, it is revealed that such translation is significantly challenged unlike in the case of abstract concepts such as language or mathematical constructs. A reason for the observation stems from the fact that with architecture, the designs result in functional buildings, urban plans and artefacts which are significantly influenced by the ergonomics of people living in the developed spaces.

As such, the given artefacts evolve as a result of such influence while in the latter’s case, such influence lacks. For instance, while an architectural diagram would indicate that given city sections were zoned to only contain commercial activities, in the real world, the case might be different resulting from the influence of people inhabiting the given spaces. A second reason arises from the fact that architects, in most instances, are themselves not builders.

Consequently, they are limited to predominantly dealing with the virtual aspects of the artefact they interact with on a daily basis. For instance, two-dimensional drawings on paper or three-dimensional models that are computer generated. Resultantly, there occurs a challenge in transposing what they design into real world artefacts given that they lack the needed structural engineering backgrounds to understand what is buildable and what is not 22. Evans argued that drawings served as a function of projection, either based on perspective in divergent projection, or based on parallel projection in orthographic projection.23 As such, he acknowledged that architectural drawings would necessarily not result in the generation of architectural artefacts, and further add that drawings were mere representations of ideas of what would eventually become a reality.

24 As such, the implication was that, in some instances, the given drawings would evolve into aspects that were not previously anticipated.

22

Jonathan Hill, Building a Drawing and Drawing a Building, e-book, 2013, accessed April 24, 2018, http://arkitekturforskning.net/na/article/download/325/283.

23

Robin Evans, Translations from Drawing to Buildings and Other Essays (London: AA Publications, 2011).

24

Ibid.

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ZONING AND ALTERNATIVE MODELS

However, we consider a counter to this argument made by Emily Badger through diverse examples illustrating how the given diagrams were successfully translated into real world plans and in effect, transforming the lives of their inhabitants.

Badger also cites that other case studies reveal the challenging aspect of translating diagrams into functional artefacts.25 To begin with, the author cites the Radiant city proposed by Le Corbusier. She argues that Corbusier desired to solve the challenges of overcrowding and urban population by building upwards unlike Ebenezer Howard who proposed to build outwards. As a result, Le Corbusier’s proposal highlighted the development of numerous skyscrapers surrounded by areas of greenery in the city. Additionally, the proposal introduced zoning in the city into different sections, namely, commercial, business, and residential centres.

An approach much similar to Howard as previously discussed. In the design, vertical architecture, through high rise buildings, was to be interspersed with open green spaces for recreation purposes. Additionally, traffic corridors would result from the intersection of the given public spaces thereby creating a sense of order for motorists and cyclists. 26 Further, residential areas were separated from commercial zones thereby enabling inhabitants to enjoy peace and quiet away from metropolitan noise.

An analysis of Corbusier’s architectural diagram highlights two important aspects.

First, it reveals the extent to which architects are able to go to in their imaginative capacities. The proposal advocated for a highly utopian society that not only emphasised on order in the urban space, it as well advocated for social reform.

Secondly, given that the plan was not implemented in totality, an understanding is brought to the fore regarding the challenges of translating architectural diagrams to real world artefacts - this may also be seen in the case of Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker and is clearer when case studies (Letchworth, Aylesbury) are compared with initially proposed diagram (Three magnets diagram :Garden Cities of Tomorrow).Despite its failure in being implemented in totality, the proposal however introduced new ideas of reimagining urban space thereby influencing urban designs that were later adopted in other parts of the world. For instance, in the reconstruction of several cities in the USA, the zoning aspect was implemented resulting in cities with skyscrapers and highly structured zones where only specific activities would be located. These ideas can be traced to Howard’s book A second positive influence of Le Corbusier’s modernist principles in the Radiant city was the development of the Bijlmermeer in Amsterdam27. Bijlmermeer or Bijlmer in short, was an urban neighbourhood developed in Amsterdam by adopting modernist principles cited by Le Corbusier. The neighbourhood, made purely out of concrete, had residential areas in high rise buildings while the lower ground level areas were meant for recreation.

Similarly, industries and shopping areas were separated from the residential areas while at the same time, roads were elevated in order to allow inhabitants to have the lower ground for themselves. The neighbourhood was designed in a unique honeycomb shape in order to allow all apartments to receive sunlight on a daily basis. Despite arguments against the type of design being advanced later, the Bijlmer transformed the lives of its inhabitants in the early 1950s and 1960s. The project served as an example of how architectural diagrams when translated into actual city plans, would directly influence people’s lives.

6.1a(left, top): Aldo Rossi, Cemetery of San Cataldo, Modena, Italy, Proposed Plan,1971.

6.2b(left, bottom): Composition with Modena Cemetery (1972).

Copy made by Jesse Reiser, 1979.

The copy takes the drawing further in making a more comprehensive comment and overall a communicative post constructuion illustration.

25 26

Emily Badger, “The Evolution of Urban Planning in 10 Diagrams - Citylab”, Citylab.Com, last modified 2012, accessed April 24, 2018.

Kurt Kohlstedt, “Ville Radieuse: Le Corbusier’s Functionalist Plan for a Utopian “Radiant City” - 99% Invisible”, 99% Invisible, last modified 2018, accessed April 25, 2018.

27

Katie Mingle, “Bijlmer (City Of The Future, Part 1) - 99% Invisible”, 99% Invisible, last modified 2018, accessed April 25, 2018,. ‘

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6.2a(left,top): Segment showing diagrammatic zoning plan, Villa Radieuse, Le Corbusier, 1933 6.2b(left,bottom): The translated plan showing cellular type housing that would allow minimum footprint, Le Corbusier, 1967

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6.3(right,bottom): Perspective Drawing showing the central heath in radical proposal, Villa Radieuse, Le Corbusier, 1933.

An analytical review of the translation of Bijlmer’s architectural plans into the neighbourhood helps reveal the effects of unforeseen evolution. Bijlmer had targeted to develop a utopian society where distinct zones would help alleviate population pressures. For instance, vehicles would travel on raised roads leaving the ground for the pedestrians thereby eliminating chances of pressure arising from the conflict of the two. Additionally, shopping centres would be located away from the residential centres in order to enhance living. This idea is seen in Clarence Perry’s Neighbourhood Unit model analysed later in the study. (This trend is also widely seen in the Post-war Estate housing across the UK, further detailed in the appendix.) However, such a design led to unforeseen problems that Corbusier had not anticipated at all 28. For instance, the lack of shopping centres adjacent to the living quarters led to disillusionment among the residents who would have to travel long distances to obtain necessary amenities. Additionally, vacant buildings served as hideouts by burglars. The end result of such problems was that different facilities would develop where they were not planned for in order to overcome the problems.

Consequently, the review brings to the fore an important understanding, that the preoccupation of architects with diagrams rather than buildings negatively influences the ability to translate them into real world artefacts.

As a counter to this however, let us consider a non-European precedent to establish a wholesome argument. Despite the failure witnessed in the translation of architectural diagrams to plans in Corbusier’s Radiant city and Biljmer, there however exists numerous examples, throughout history, of both urban and rural centres that were a direct translation of the architect’s vision. Most notable among these is Rural Grid that resulted from the Land Ordinance of 1785. 29 Knepper notes that in 1785, Jefferson’s federal government was limited in raising funds through taxation. As a result, the government opted to survey and sell uninhabited land in the larger part of the U.S. that had been conquered after the war.

Additionally, the government was also interested in settling the larger part of the population with minimal conflicts.30 Consequently, architects and land planners laid a grid, ignoring the land’s geographical and topographical features, to divide the land into 36 one-mile subsections. The result was that the land was divided into distinct components that are still visible in the current day. The example helps illustrate that the possibility of translating hypothetical diagrams into real world plans is still high despite challenges arising along the way.

Following are the case studies considered for this purpose: Scale II, Neighbourhood I. Letchworth Garden City, First Garden City, built circa 1901 ii. Uxcester Garden City, Snowflake Plan, proposed, 2014 iii. Poundbury, New town and as Neighbourhood Unit, built circa 1993 iv. Forest Hill Gardens, built, started 1909

Through these, we identify certain elements that contribute towards the transformation of the Garden City. First is the form of the urban plan which has to change due to conflict between the architects vision and the serenity of Howard’s Diagram as a wholesome speculative model. Second is that each housing type, primarily the detached English cottage house commonly seen in this case, is left uncertain and subjective to each individual and more emphasis is played on the urban plan refinement. This becomes a major reason for potentially issues to arise due to the non systematic transformation of each unit and the neighbourhoods that form due to this. And lastly, as measures were kept into keeping a strict community owned and led model with vast open spaces, which are entirely walkable (each neighbourhood 1km2) and of less density (12 houses per acre), the essence is ultimately lost as the type transforms into denser versions of 21st century neighbourhood needs. As seen in the previous chapter through master plans, a similar pattern is exemplified here through case studies of neighbourhoods in these cities.

28 29

Ibid.

George W Knepper, Ohio and Its People (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2003).

30

Ibid.

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TYPOLOGY AND SOCIAL UTILITYSince we have discussed theoretically about the diagram and its translation through previous cases, it is imperative that the studies conducted by French architect, Jean Nicolas-Louis Durand, be mentioned. In this respect, it is important to understand the phrase “typology” as used in its context. At its root, the phrase is broken into two words, “type” and “logy”31. When type is applied in architecture, it describes both the images and the organisational devices that embody the salient features of a given set of forms. On the other hand, the ending, “logy” describes the systemisation of information inherent in different types of buildings into a doctrine or theory.

Consequently, from the two words, typology can be described as the comparative study of the physical or other characteristics of the built environment into distinct types.32 The examination of Durand’s studies on typology is relevant in the study based on the architect’s contribution to the design of buildings in the Renaissance period, before modern architecture concepts were adopted on a wide scale.33 Certain ideologies advanced by the theorist during the period which have significant influence in understanding the transformation of architectural artefacts are explained by Evers and Thoenes

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First, the authors highlight one of Durand’s major work published in 1799, an encyclopaedia of historical architecture, Recueil et parallèle des édifices de tout genre anciens et modernes, which translates to series and parallel buildings of all kinds, ancient and modern. In the encyclopaedia, the architect developed diverse examples of both ancient and modern architectural examples in an attempt to place the world’s architecture in a historical context. The encyclopaedia represented an imaginary museum of world architecture where drawings (plans, elevations and sections) were arranged in a uniform manner. In effect, Durand produced a systematic categorisation of the world’s architecture where each building’s drawing was accompanied by its name in addition to details of the author, location and sometimes its date.

Secondly, Evers and Thoenes further note important architectural principles highlighted by Durand’s typological studies. One of these was the proposition that social utility was the primary role served by architecture. Through the argument, Durand posited that various forms of architectural buildings were developed in an attempt to protect the individuals who inhabited them.34 Additionally, he also argued that two key factors, economy and convenience, had an impact on the nature of architectural forms. With the former, Durand argued that need to generate profit influenced the efficiency of the architectural design, clarity of the technical computation and the logistics of the execution of the building work. On the other hand, with the latter, the rationale of the building in terms of stability, health and comfort had an impact on the architectural forms. 35 31 32

Stefanos Polyzoides et al., Courtyard Housing In Los Angeles (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1992).

Yasemin Ince Guney, “Type and Typology in Architectural Discourse”, Journal of Balikesir University 9 (2007): 3-18.

33

Bernd Evers and Christof Thoenes, Architectural Theory (Köln: Taschen, 2015).

34

Ibid.

35

Ibid.

CONCLUSION

Through the systematisation of architectural diagrams, Durand emphasised on modular typology in which symmetry and simple geometrical forms were brought to the fore. Additionally, the architect argued that the form of buildings was also influenced by the properties of materials. As such, private buildings such as townhouses and apartments would significantly differ from public buildings and principle parts of cities such as temples and bridges respectively. 36 This analysis on Durand’s typological studies reveals several important findings.

First, it brings to the fore, the notion that the utility and function of a building has a direct impact on the architecture diagram so developed. 37 Consequently, the architectural diagrams of a cemetery and cathedral differ from those of a private establishment given that the two serve different utility. This helps us understand the nature of transformation an urban plan would in turn take. Secondly, the studies reveal the influence of the economy on the nature of architectural diagrams. Durand argued that profit generation instinctively influenced the nature of architectural diagrams developed and by extension, the real world artefacts that would be constructed. 38 In considering these case studies unto various areas, the following things are clear: Through Evans: A diagram translates to plan, however the essential quality for which it is conceived must not be lost during the process.

Through Corbusier: Alternative models must be considered which translate into various typologies of living enlisted within a master plan in order to realize the full potential of its uniqueness.

Through Durand: Utility and economy are important and the success of urban artefacts are measured by these means.

36 37

Ibid.

Bernd Evers and Christof Thoenes, Architectural Theory (Köln: Taschen, 2015) 38

Ibid.

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‘Every idea that is a true idea has a form, and is capable of many forms. The variety of forms of which it is capable determines the value of the idea.’

–Frank Lloyd Wright

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CASE STUDY A:

Ground Floor

First Floor

Ground Floor

First Floor

First Floor

Second Floor

Floor Plan

CASE STUDY B:

Floor Plan

CASE STUDY C:

Built vs Open 122

Built Open

Floor Plan

CASE STUDY D:

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Chapter III: ESTABLISHING A TYPOLOGY

In owning to the architects’ preconception with the Arts and Crafts style of building, the language and disposition of the spaces is non linear and traditional.

Looking at houses in letchworth as seen in Chapter 1, we notice a rigid and private layout which is characteristic to the traditional English Cottage. This goes against the intented vision towards communal engagement and interaction, and gives way to less flexible spaces which may not be suitable for future evolution or taste.

UNIT STUDY

Through previous discussion in Chapter 1 and 2, it is evident that more emphasis was laid on the diagram owing to the Town Country model as a more wholesome approach. However, the unit scale, which forms an integral part of the Garden City model is not paid much attention to and is left to the subjectivity of the architect, which does not translate accurately into the fabric This raises a few questions, 1) Why was the unit scale neglected in the otherwise comprehensive digram proposal of the Garden City Model by Howard? 2) What are the elements that define the housing typologies in Letchworth? 3) How does the unit scale transform typologically to remain relevant through the tranformation of the Garden Town Model into the future?

To understand and answer the third question, let us consider a few case studies of Houses in Letchworth Garden City.

SCALE III, UNIT Case Study A Case Study B Case Study C Case Study D Case Study E Throughout this chapter, we will understand the unit typology and its elements, and attempt to establish a new typology which demonstrates transformative qualities and relevance to the future of Garden Cities. We will also investigate the prototype unit thus gained through this and test typologically its various forms and modalities.

Selection Criteria: The case studies are selected based on the archival data through the Garden City Trust, Welwyn Garden City. Through these archives, differnt house types are selcted in order to understand the different predominent building styles in Letchworth Garden City at the time.

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Typical unit depicting 1:1 enclosed to open space ratio Enclosed Space

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Thus, by analysis of the case studies, we establish a Unit type, which may transform and evolve flexibly, and free of structural restrictions, able to morph through forms into various spaces. The relationship between the built and the encolsed, and its equal distribution is considered as the primary element of spacemaking. Thus the neglected element of the Garden City Model, the unit, takes center stage here and becomes the point of initiation. Hence, a part to whole approach is considered instead of Howard’s whole to part approach, whilst still maintaing key principles.

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The Prototype Unit shall be the center point of all design investigations. As established before and as the neglected element, we test through permutation exercise, whether the performance of this type affects the master-plan.

Through our analysis in chapter 1 and 2, and through the unit case studies carried out previously in this chapter, we obtain certain elements through which this design can be achieved.

Keeping in mind the core principles of the Garden City Model, and an equal enclosed to open ratio, the language used is in contrast to traditional houses seen in Letchworth. This allows us to achieve a relevant floor plan, which is free and flexible and although linear, is able to transform and transfigure into various possible forms.

Following aspects are taken into consideration for arriving at this prototype: Green to built Ratio, flexibility, open floor plan, HVAC quality, natural light gain, clear segregation of spaces, possibility for morphing, intermediate transitional spaces, possibility for increment and adaptive structural grid, freedom in expression and hierarchy of movement

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Through an investigative permutational exercise, various possibilities can be explored while keeping set parameters based on which transformation can be traced. These parameters follow range from various levels of arrangement and assortment, through which the transformative quality of the prototype unit may be determined.

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A second unit is fused and combinations thus arising demonstrate the possibility, or lack thereof for potential of private and series of communal spaces to generate. Alongwith various possibilities, some are also achieved which allow possibility of shared spaces between units, while some form situations of structural and restriction of movement.

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The study parameters in form of organizational diagrams are futher explored by doubling the numbers to ivestigate its performance. We hence achieve alternatives that go beyond the individual unit and initiate a middle scale between the unit and the cluster.

These are double and four unit models which are doubled, repeated and mirrored.

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Thus through the previous study, we put the alternatives in context by considering Howard’s one acre arrangement proposal.

The previous study is evolved to be affected through the quarter acre restriction, which instigates the following possibilities.

Here the key parameter remains to test possibility with threefold density to the orginal density. Hence an ideal situation is achieved by attempting to arrive to a 8 unit per quarter acre and 36 unit per 1 acre model. Typologically speaking and through various alternatives achieved, a further transformation may then take place through architectural detailing.

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The ground coverage to quarter and one acre is considerd along with one, two and three storey alternatives. These are done keeping in mind the land speculation that may arise due to increased or decreased value through these considerations. Some complicated forms are generated although they do not necessarily offer increased viability. The forms thus achieved in turn offer creation of many shared and private spaces, which may then be used as primary or intermediate courtyards.

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The selection criteria then depends on the difference between possibilities generated, which in turn may give birth to distinctive community spaces, transformative in quality. Among various subtypes. The linear, courtyard and staggering modalities are seen primarily. These shall be considered ahead, and used as test models through our investigation in the site specific design exercise. This is where its true transformative potential is seen. However various design and detailing decisions may considered due to it being affected by site specific conditions. This exercise sees a series of different combinations, 25 to be precise for each density pattern, understanding that an unlimited number of options may be possible. This is done keeping in mind clear parameters set towards the creation of these types and are exemplary in nature.

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Through this extensive exercise, we are able to see many transformative possibilities that arise through the evolution of the model. In the first alternative we see a clear linear formation. This offers opportunities for the creation of linear courtyards and stepped terraces to form, however, a more repetative pattern is generated which maybe broken through architectural detailing and zoning. A semi covered communal space is achieved below the stacked units underneath with shared activities in watch of the community may take place. This is a muted and simple form where various activities take centre stage.

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In the second alternative we see the fomation of a more complex arrangement of spaces and cluster formations are varied. We see immedeately a creation of an intermediate courtyard and a larger central open space. Repeating this twofold in order to achieve various site conditions may allow room for the creation of a larger central courtyard, if the systematic change and site specific architectural details are considerd. This alternative also demonstrates the connection between different unit spaces, and a non linear visual connection throughout the community through differnt vistas and structural frames. A challenge would be to connect spatially these opportunities and to resolve the vertical circulation serving the maximum number of residents.

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Lastly, in the third alternative we see the possiblity of a low density mixed used housing. Retaining the series of gardens and intermediate courtyard, this option also offers the potential for large scale parks on either end which can be transformed into community space, as well as vocational area if need be. A more traditional sense of community is achieved in this alternative and a non linear plan allows for interesting and serendepitous encounters through the central walkway. The private gardens all open in the central staggerd court, which safeguards the privacy of its residents while still maintaining the public face which is outward looking.

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PART-B Chapter IV: THE CASE OF AYLESBURY

Among the case studies considered in Chapter 1, the town of Aylesbury is selected as the ideal situation to test our investigations and base conclusions. It is situated in Buckinghamshire, 1 hr train ride from the central city of London, and centred neatly in the wedge formed by A-routes connecting London, Milton Keynes and Oxford corridor. As a more recent addition to the New Town status, although being a historical city, and enjoying a mixed cultural schema and flora fauna, Aylesbury is already being considered as one of the 11 key prospects in line to become the new Garden Town to address the housing shortage. As seen in an article published in the Mix News Team website:

PROPOSED

In the next 17 years Aylesbury Vale needs to build 33,300 new homes. Part of that could be building an entirely new town nearby.

This is from AVDC’s Vale of Aylesbury Local Plan, which sets out where development will be going(...) but it says we need 21,000 new homes, but we also need to build an extra 12,000 because councils to the south won’t be able to meet their housing targets, so we’ve got to take them. AVDC say they are going to challenge that figure, but they need to include it in the plan anyway.

Where will the houses go?

Most of the houses will be built around Aylesbury, which will grow by 50% - getting an extra 14,000 new homes.

GARDEN TOWN 2025 Considering this scenario, and that the already proposed densification for the town is set by the year 2025, the design exercises are set in the setting make strong arguments of the way this transformation is to take place. Further, a density ratio and model may also be considered for a systematic future expansion for the city.

However, this will not be considered only briefly in the following chapter in form of a manfiesto.

7.1: Satellite imagery for South UK, showing triagnular network between Milton Keynes, Oxford and London, with Aylesbury situated in the center, 2017 7.2: Archival image showing central street in town centre, Aylesbury, 7.3: Satellite imagery showing regional terrain for Aylesbury Vale District, UK, 2017

TRANSLATION TODuring the course of the design exercise, we will test the typological transformation of the selected alternatives, from previously established paramteres of design.

TANSFORMATIONHence we see the transformation, instead of a translation, from the diagram to

master plan, from master plan to neighbourhood and in turn to a unit scale. Now, as we look backwards, we see the shift from unit to cluster and from cluster to estate, eventually forming a connection with the larger fabric of the town. Let us consider the selected types to see this transformation.

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Residential precinct in South-East, Aylesbury, UK Site Plan: Layout with proposed Sites Grid: 0.5km x 0.5km

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Residential precinct in South-East, Aylesbury, UK Site Plan: Ground Figure with alternatives Grid: 0.5km x 0.5km

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The first project explores the linear typology, which is set in the center of the site.

This allows communal spaces to be formend on either of its longitudenal edges.

The vertical circulation marks the midpoint for this form, whereas the horizontal circulation is positioned as a linear strip towards the edge overlooking the school grounds, remaining paralled to the linear strip of gardens on each floor on the street edge.

In terms of details, the structural grid marks a clear segregation of spaces and visual frames are formed marking a sense of intangible enclosure. A hierarchical series of garden spaces can be seen which is interactive in nature, and creates clear boundaries through its structure, zoning, and vertical segregation. The horizontality and stepped structure marks the continuity of visual connection at all times, whereas the relationship between open, semi open and enclosed spaces alongwith the structural grid clearly demarcates a personal boundary. The curtains along the linear edges, as choice of its residents allow the choice of privacy or connection, and serves to aid the transitionary nature of an otherwise flexible unit space. The combination of two or more units would then result in a maisonette which aids an intergenerational family, or indivuduals sharing a living space.

Right: Ambient arragement, collage composition, Type 1

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The second project explores the courtyard typology, which is set in the center of the site. This allows large communal gathering spaces, or parks, to be formed on either of its edges. The central open courtyard marks the midpoint for this form, whereas the circulation is in form of independent staircases positioned at various junctions so as to promote interaction and to serve maximum number of units. A clear tripartite segregation is seen between the three courtyards, with the outer two being in connection with the street and the inner residential enclave, and the central courtyard for the private community use. To the north of the site is an elevated walkway proposed which overlooks a boat and a boat jetty. This also provides opportunities for different activities to take place varying in scales and number of people participating.

The units are stacked together in a non linear manner, whilst still keeping intact the stepped garden quality. This type of non linear staggering creates opportunities for many intermediate courtyards to be formed at various levels, and interactive spillover spaces to be formed. This provides us with three garden sub-typologies. Firstly, the individual garden which is connected to the enclosed unit. This can also in turn extend to become two gardens when arranged next or opposite to the neighbours house. The partition is kept minimum and enclosed via curtains. Alternatively, this may also house one extended family to form a larger common garden and maisonette type of unit with two bedrooms as seen earlier in the prototype unit. Secondly, The intermediate courtyards which form at various levels, and outside the entrance to a cluster. These promote by-the-way interactions between neighbours and can be maintained or activated through smaller group of residents. Lastly, the large gathering space which comprises of the central courtyard and the two parks on either ends of the estate. This allows possibility for a larger gathering of people, engaging not only residents but also the surrounding communities and host events and discussions is made possible.

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The last project explores the staggering typology, which is set alongside two ends of the site whilst forming and courtyard in the center. This allows large communal gathering spaces, or parks, to be formed on either of its edges. The central non linear courtyard marks a journey amongst private clusters and is for the private use of residents, whereas the circulation is through outwardly linear staircases serving a cluster of 8 units managed by the group of neighbours. This creates a clear private smaller porch for the cluster of residents in the entrance. The private courtyard in the center may only be accessed through the units. As a an urban zoning decision, the area towards the East side is left open without intervention whilst being sensitive to the adjoining cemetery, whereas towards the West, and elevated podium marks common community space for larger gatherings, and also allowes direct acess for residents of surrounding neighbourhoods to access activities taking place here.

The units are arraged as a closed cluster, mirrored to one another and thus forming the central street. However, due to lower density as compared to other case studies, the non linear and staggering walkway offers various activities to take place in a more private setting. Compared to other cases, the demarcation of the spaces is more defined in this case, and the choice of activity clear and segregated. This eventually forms a more traditional form of spaces and mimics the street hierachu of open to enclosed and then the private opening, often seen in row house typology.

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“Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”

-Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities

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Chapter IV: A CONCLUSIONThe Garden City Model, besides other things, can be considered as an archaic model

for socialist urban planning utopia. It has played a major role in spear heading many movements throughout the 20th century and has provided inspiration towards the urban planning models for various small and large scale attempts at comprehensive urbanism. This ranges from precedents though Europe to as far as the USA and as diverse as Asia. However, the question of the phenomenon having a recent revival finds its answers in some key arguments. This is under the umbrella of acute housing shortage throughout the UK, and various modalities towards the same are being considered as large scale solutions. Firstly, even though the air and infrastructural quality of the industrial times is a thing of the past, the living conditions, availability and accessibility of housing remains a struggle for many to this day. The congestion of city life with unaffordable speculation adds to the factors. As a contrast, the town country approach, which still considered a lucrative condition for many seeking a family life, is a more accessible model given the economic and social conditions that it offers. A stronger connection to and from central cities and alternative modes of work opportunities make this a desirable way of living. Secondly, against suburban sprawl, a satellite town offers different opportunities and flexibility towards the choice of lifestyle and the choice of a self-sufficient condition which suburbia takes away through its proximity to the city. Thirdly, the architectural qualities, including the streetscape and local fabric, open communal spaces and a central high street offer a detached yet more inclusive environment for its populace, while also keeping the key issue of affordability and sustainability. The concept has far transcended from being an aspirational getaway for the collective psyche of the people, and has proved to be a logical lifestyle decision considering the future of cities.

THE GARDEN TOWN REVIVAL

DENSITY

img. 8.2(left): Watercolour rendering showing proposal for Uxcester Garden City, as an anchor enclave for Oxford, URBED, 2014.

However, the creation of new Garden Towns in the designated greenbelt area does not prove to be a viable solution. Considering a more wholesome approach, community participation, use of environmentally sustainable building materials and the evolution of the architectural language based on the current need of the populace, the already existing typology of New towns can transform to offer a viable option which has the potential to address emerging concerns of future living. Bodies such as the local council, the Garden City Trust, must be supportive of this transformative quality of the New Town typology and through regulations and policies, pave way for a symbiotic morphosis.

Through this research, the transformative quality and its evolution over the years has been systematically observed. However, keeping in mind the type is not necessarily a replicative process but an elemental evolution of the entity, we can consider certain elements that may play a fundamental role in the process of its typological transformation- singularly or as a transfiguration of various models.

Borrowing from the discussions in chapter 1 and 2, and through the design investigations, we see that density is a key driver in imagining the Garden City of tomorrow. However, the study of the present ground situation illustrates that the ideal density- which has been achieved in recent years- of 32,000 people in a 10km2 distance is sparse. Enough community engagement is not offered and the walkability of the urban area is severely affected, causing dependency on a motor vehicle to rise. Moreover, the 12 house per acre density initially proposed does give a better living condition for the individual house, yet fosters isolation and community detachment. For this to progressively evolve, the density must be increased, which we have seen through the design exercise typical precedents.

Alternative styles of architecture can be employed to address this issue of density.

To arrive closer to this a threefold density of 36 houses per acre is proposed and can be achieved through different variations in design typology. The central area

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consisting of the high street and a figurative nexus in the otherwise radial plan, must have medium- high density mixed use housing (G+3). This instigates the interaction and resource value and a more active communal life may be achieved through this, which at present is not seen. In the residential areas which enjoy proximity to a park, school, public/institutional building, or a major cross road, medium density housing (G+2) must be considered. And through purely residential enclave, a low density housing should be considered (G+1) as illustrated in an exemplary manner through design precedents. We have also seen a non-definitive way towards employing an architectural style, and seen various alternatives coexist as artefacts in the Garden City Model, from English town house to post-war housing estates to singular detached houses and residential use apartments. This signifies that the a correct way to address housing is not only innovative design of a certain style, but the wholesome approach towards building of a garden town which can be guided by Garden City elements in Howards manifesto, and its possible transformations. Through measures of density, walkability, and the concept of a neighbourhood unit with a sustainable and community led approach to building and ownership.

THE BURNHAM PLAN

img. 8.2(left): Watercolour rendering showing proposal for Plan of Chicago inspired by Ebenezer Howard’s Garden City Model under the City Beautiful Movement, Plan of Chicago, Daniel Burnham, 1909.

Through the research we have also seen that architectural design cannot solemnly address the issue of housing shortage. Hence, an approach employing and combining various faculties pertaining to urbanism, architectural design, community engagement and long term and short term policy making is ideal.

As seen in Ebenezer Howard’s proposal for the Garden City Model, all but one of these faculties are considered. This would be on the subject of architectural typology, which is missing as a discussion throughout the book. As an economist, and his reliance on the qualified architects of the time for the specifics of design and build of the housing typologies in the city, much of the essence of his original ideals is seen lost as the design has been translated.

This is in counter to another comprehensive city design proposal which has been previously discussed to have adopted a similar large scale reformation approach.

The plan of Chicago of 1909 by Daniel Burnham, which discusses the reformation of the masterplan of the then existing Chicago, addresses its infrastructural and socio-economic issues in depth, and through many scales attempts to provide an alternative way of reform. This is done on three scales. Firstly, at a regional level where the entire master plan is considered and infrastructural grid and the peripheral grid was laid out. Further to this, the flow of the river was reversed in order to counter the issues of seasonal flooding, and strong connection lines were laid out to connect the city with the surrounding suburban concentrations and promote smooth influx of its populous. Secondly, at the neighbourhood level, where large pockets of the city were studied and their individual demands were addressed at social and infrastructural scales. The city centre was given clear definition and neighbourhood formations and detailing were carried out. It is notable that the then popular neo-classical architectural style was widely used in giving ‘beautiful’ imagery to the local city fabric and the cityscape, although no emphasis was put on the specifics of detailing the individual blocks and their typology. This creates problem areas at the individual block level where tension points arise. Thirdly, at the Mall area and river front on the Far East side of Chicago, where extensive detailing was done both at urban and architectural scales to solidify the image of the city and apply grandeur at the same time being mixed use and as a congregation point.

Howard’s proposal as an urban plan, although talking about a different type of issue with the town country model, is similar to Burnham’s in that it sets out to be a wholesome manifesto of employable investigations in order to layout a grand plan. Although, it should be noted that the Chicago Plan was funded by the authorities whereas the Letchworth Garden City was entirely sponsored through private equity of a congregation of landowners persuaded by Howard to achieve

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his ideal community owned status.

Drawing from the following discussion, a compilation can be made in the form of a manifesto for the design of future Garden Towns through certain regulatory and design parameters. These may not be seen as set rules, but as exemplary guidelines that aid decision making process.

TOWARDS A MANIFESTO 1.

DENSITY The density in a Garden Town of the future should be medium to high density, with limited ground coverage to be set out by the local authority. An exemplary ratio between built footprint and private open spaces should be at least 1:1. The minimum density should be 36 houses per acre in the urban nexus, and at least 24 houses per acre in residential and mixed use zones. Further to this, designated communal areas which offer a transformative and adaptive spirit to the space must be incorporated and large open parks/ plazas may be used for community gatherings.

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BIPARTITE PLAN To build a new Garden Town from scratch may not be an ideal approach towards catering to housing shortage, however, certain merits can be seen in the idea of visiting an appraised and beneficial model. For this purpose, a two-part plan may be considered.

First at the urban level, in an already existing Satellite Town/New Town which is designated to evolve into a Garden Town status. Here, the possibility of adaptive reuse, and retrofitting maybe considered as an alternative and low-cost way to offer affordable mixed-use, high density housing. This deters the idea of speculation towards unbuilt land and add value to the already existing green belt.

Secondly, in form of a live/work residential enclave, as an anchor alongside a Satellite Town/New Town, where designated sprawl is already proposed. A design diagram must be developed with clear zoning, drawings on the principles of New Urbanism and the Neighbourhood Unit, whilst retaining the key aspects of the Garden City Model.

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COMMUNAL OWNERSHIP The resident community must retain the land ownership rights. In existing Garden cities and towns, local and central authoritative bodies such as the Garden City Trust (GCT) and the Town and Country Planning Association (TCPA) may come into perspective as key guideline setting body along with the local and central authorities to create wholesome derivatives for forming changes in the community.

These must be lead with research and with clear parameters into housing and the future morphosis as a key agenda. Common public areas such as parks, gardens, plazas etc. should be communally owned and maintained and the permeability of shared spaces must be given importance. This promotes further community engagement and a self-sustaining goal is achieved. This collective ownership also deters speculative opportunists in creating large scale infrastructure which is not profitable to the resident community along with generating work opportunities for the whole.

4.

ENVIRONMENTALLY COHESIVE Looking towards the future, certain ideas must come during building and maintaining communal and private areas. This includes use of environmentally friendly materials of construction, spaces where work can be carried out from (online and physical work), aiming to store and use natural and renewable sources of energy and waste management, and shared ownership of common property and equipment. At a larger scale, mass solar panels and rain water harvesting must be considered. These may be free of restrictions towards its architectural expression, and flexibility in this matter must be attained so they can morph into more symbiotic forms as future urban artefacts and continue to remain not only relevant but useful.

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WALKABILITY The entire neighbourhood must be walkable to and from the city centre. Accessibility and safety must be ensured and pedestrianised routes and walkways should be given more importance. Designated areas for parking and service lanes may be kept open for vehicular access, however, these must remain either at the periphery along the arterial routes or, when this is not possible in an already existing town, time bound restrictions towards vehicular traffic may be opted. An ideally walkable distance of 300mt2 between blocks must be maintained, and extensive layout for cycling lanes must be promoted.

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TRANSPORT Transportation must be strengthened to and fro not only from the central city, but also across the larger regional boundary. It must become more efficient and reliable through which lack of dependency on personal vehicular usage may be encouraged. Along with this, local public transport maybe developed such as the likes of BRT system, which helps to activate pockets of neighbourhoods otherwise ignored.

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BUILT TO GREEN RATIO The ratio of open spaces to built spaces must remain equal, if not high, and importance should be given, both architecturally and in zoning, to the series of open gardens and parks. A hierarchical and systematic laying out of small and big gardens give both, a pause point to divide spaces intangibly as well as becoming vivid podiums to encounter various human activities and for life to exist.

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EPILOGUE

As we seek to establish a divisive typology and witness its transformation, the possibility of another logical diagram emerges. The criteria here, drawing from previous discussions is not whether it adheres to a style, or if it is laid out in the same way it is conceived. But it is of transformation, and of flexibility.

The need is of a diagram which can metamorphosize into forms that the generation of tomorrow may demand. The idea of one timeless urban artefact is not only archaic but utopian, and against striving for such utopias, we must instead strive for an ever evolving artefact, one that is able to shelter and to expose; to secure and to connect. In this the idea remains, of not building the garden in a house, but instead to set the house in a garden, and in this case, a series of gardens that add layers to otherwise linear living trajectories.

A shift towards considering a more comprehensive approach combining architecture and urbanism though the social, the economical and the ecological is not merely desired but the need of the hour. In this manner, we may slowly continue towards a precedent for communities looking towards a wholesome living. As we move towards uncertain times, and continue to demand heavily from our resources, we must also aim to give back simultaneously, and in being inspired we must also remember that we too, will be precedents.

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Annexure/Appendices Liberal Democratic Party UK: Housing Manifesto, 2017 Source: Liberal Democratic Party website, redirect Pg.60 6.5 Building more and better homes The housing crisis in Britain has become an emergency. For far too long Britain has built many fewer homes than we need; unless we build enough to meet demand, year after year, we will find that housing costs rise further out of reach. That is why we have set an ambitious target of increasing the rate of housebuilding to 300,000 a year – almost double the current level. These new houses must be sustainably planned to ensure that excessive pressure is not placed on existing infrastructure. We will: 1. Directly build homes to fill the gap left by the market, to reach our housebuilding target of 300,000 homes a year, through a government commissioning programme to build homes for sale and rent. We will ensure that half a million affordable, energy-efficient homes are built by the end of the parliament.

2. Create at least 10 new garden cities in England, providing tens of thousands of 61 Liberal Democrat Manifesto 2017 high-quality, zero-carbon homes, with gardens and shared green space, jobs, schools and public transport.

3. Set up a new government-backed British Housing and Infrastructure Development Bank with a remit including providing long-term capital for major new settlements and helping attract finance for major housebuilding projects.

4. End the Voluntary Right to Buy pilots that sell off housing association homes and the associated high value asset levy.

5. Lift the borrowing cap on local authorities and increase the borrowing capacity of housing associations so that they can build council and social housing.

6. Scrap exemptions on smaller housing development schemes from their obligation to provide affordable homes, and strengthen the hand of local government to prevent large developers reneging on their commitments.

7. Require local plans to take into account at least 15 years of future housing need – focusing on long-term development and community needs.

8. Create a community right of appeal in cases where planning decisions go against the approved local plan.

9. Enable local authorities to: - Levy up to 200% council tax on second homes and ‘buy to leave empty’ investments from overseas. - Enforce housebuilding on unwanted public sector land. - Penalise excessive land-banking when builders with planning permission have failed to build after three years. - End the Right to Buy if they choose.

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Labour Party UK: Housing Manifesto, 2017 Source: Labour Party website, redirect A NEW DEAL ON HOUSEBUILDING

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We’re currently building far fewer homes than the country needs, and this makes renting or buying a home more expensive for everyone. The Conservatives promised to ‘get Britain building’. But since 2010, new housebuilding has been lower than under any governing political party in peacetime since the 1920s. Last year the numbers of new homes built fell again. Not only is the overall number of homes being built still far too low, the number of new affordable homes to rent and buy has fallen to the lowest level in 24 years.

After seven years of failure it’s clear that the Conservatives have no credible plan to build the number of homes we need. They’ve cut investment and outsourced responsibility for building new homes to big developers. Labour will draw a line under the failure of the past seven years and shortcomings of the last 40 years, and put building new homes at the heart of government. For the first-time ever we will establish a fully-fledged Department for Housing to spearhead our New Deal on housing. It will give a clear direction to housing as a national priority and give housing a full place at Cabinet. Ministers will be challenged at each step by a new OBR-style Office for Housing Delivery – an independent auditor of housebuilding projections, delivery plans and progress against government targets.

We will set the new Department for Housing a target of building at least one million new homes in England over the course of the next Parliament.

We will set a further target that by 2022 we will reach and then sustain housebuilding at a level of 250,000 homes a year with at least 100,000 of these genuinely affordable homes to rent and buy. We will bring more land forward for development at a lower price, by setting a new role for the Homes and Communities Agency as the government’s main housing delivery body with a new remit to support the preparation of land for new homes, starting with public sector land, and to commission homes directly. The Agency will also more actively support development by aggregating opportunities for private investment.

We will start work on a new generation of new towns and garden cities within the next Parliament, delivered by New Homes Corporations based on reformed new towns legislation. Labour’s new towns programme is one of the biggest successes in postwar policy, building 32 new towns which today are home to over 2.5 million people. We will consult widely with local areas on the best location for new settlements, and explore the potential for urban extensions to existing towns and cities.

We will ask more of all parts of the housebuilding sector to deliver the homes we need. We will begin the biggest council building programme for over 30 years, removing counterproductive government restrictions that stop councils building homes. We will back housing associations to build more with increased investment through our New Deal on affordable homes. And we will give commercial house builders a decade of certainty by extending Help to Buy to 2027 in return for a wide-ranging agreement on housing output, speed of delivery and high standards in the design and quality of new homes.

Conservative Party UK: Housing Manifesto, 2017 Source: Conservative Party website, redirect Pg.11

Revive our towns and cities People across the UK are rightly proud of where they come from, and of their local areas. But too many communities feel let down. Violent crime and anti-social behav-iour are ignored amid a backdrop of boarded up department stores, shops and pubs. Great towns and cities are being held back. We as Conservatives want to give you freedom – low taxes, oppor-tunity, the chance to realise your dreams. But we also want to give you security – safe and pleasant streets, and the ability to take pride and comfort from the community around you. This is why, in his first months as Prime Minister, Boris Johnson has set out an agenda for levelling up every part of the UK – not just investing in our great towns and cities, as well as rural and coastal areas, but giving them far more control of how that investment is made. In the 21st century, we need to get away from the idea that ‘Whitehall knows best’ and that all growth must inevitably start in London. Because we as Conservatives believe you can and must trust people and communities to make the decisions that are right for them. A new deal for towns. Our new Towns Fund will help communities make sure their towns are safe to walk in and a pleasure to be in. We want there to be things to do, great places to shop and eat and transport to be easy. Above all, we want the town’s future to be in the hands of the people who live there. Regenerating towns: The Towns Fund will go to an initial 100 towns to improve their local economy – and they and only they will make the choice about what improvements their local area needs. Thriving high streets. We will cut taxes for small retail businesses and for local music venues, pubs and cinemas. Giving young people a future. As well as our investment in schools and technical education, we will invest £500 million in new youth clubs and services. Safer streets, safer towns. A new Safer Streets Fund will invest in preventative measures like new CCTV or community wardens. New civic infrastruc-ture. We have announced the largest cultural capital programme in a century, of £250 million. This will support local libraries and regional museums. We will work with local universities to do more for the education, health and prosperity of their local areas. Community ownership. We will es-tablish a £150 million Community Ownership Fund to encourage local takeovers of civic organisations or community assets that are under threat – local football clubs, but also pubs or post offices. We will set up a fan-led review of football governance, which will include consideration of the Owners and Directors Test, and will work with fans and clubs towards introducing safe standing. And we will help communities that want to create ‘pocket parks’ and regenerate derelict areas.

Community spirit. Through the Cultural Investment Fund, outlined above, we will also support activities, traditions and events that bring communities together. We will support local and region-al newspapers, as vital pillars of communities and local democracy, including by extending their business rates relief.

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A Walk through the Garden

PHOTOGRAPHIC DOCUMENTATION, Letchworth Garden City, 2017

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SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM, NEW TOWNS, UK: Periphery

Letchworth Garden city

Stevenage

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Welwyn Garden city

Milton Keynes

Harlow

Aylesbury

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Oxford

Luton

SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM, NEW TOWNS, UK: Road Layout Primary roads

Letchworth Garden city

Secondary roads

Railway line

Stevenage

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Welwyn Garden city

Milton Keynes

Harlow

Aylesbury

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Oxford

Luton

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If you do not see the light, you be the light. પ્રકાશ ના અભાવ આડે, સ્વયં દીપી ઉજાસ કરો

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Typological Transformation of the Garden Town Model in Contemporary UK Housing Scenario

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BY VASAV HEMANT KUMAR VAKILNA