MAZAN WOJCIECH_Proximal Relations - Dissertation

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Architectural Association School of Architecture Graduate School

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Dissertation, June 2020

MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design Projective Cities 2018/2020

Proximal Relations: Forms of Settlement, Dwelling, and Territory in the Opole-Silesia, Poland

Wojciech Mazan

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Proximal Relations: Forms of Settlement, Dwelling, and Territory in the Opole-Silesia, Poland

MPhil in Architecture and Urban Design Projective Cities 2018/2020 Architectural Association School of Architecture Graduate School Dissertation Supervisors: Platon Issaias, Hamed Khosravi, External Thesis Supervisor: Sam Jacoby Thesis Advisor: Mark Campbell

I certify that this piece of work is entirely my own and that any quotation or paraphrase from published or unpublished work of others is duly acknowledged.

Wojciech Mazan June 2020, London

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Contents

Abstract

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Acknowledgements

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Introduction

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CHAPTER 1

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1.1 Contemporary Condition of the Countryside

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1.2 Territory – the Opole-Silesia

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1.3 Settlement – Linear Form

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1.4 Forms of Dwelling – Elements

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CHAPTER 2

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2.1 Great Change and the Origins of Suburbanization

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2.2 Categorization of Subjects

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2.3 Single-Family House and Mobility

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2.4 Commodification of the Territory

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CHAPTER 3

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3.1 Origin of the State Agricultural Farms

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3.2 Settlements for Workers of the State Agricultural Farms — Separation from the Ground

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3.3 Housing Block and Village Proletarians

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3.4 The Aftermath of the Great Change

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CHAPTER 4

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4.1 Origins of the Interior Colonization

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4.2 First Planned Agricultural Settlements in the Opole-Silesia

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4.3 Kleinwohnung and Kleinsiedlung

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4.5 Silesian Longhouse

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CHAPTER 5

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5.1 Residents of the Landscape

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5.2 Towards the Assemblage of Fragments

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Conclusion

Bibliography

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Image sources

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Abstract The thesis is recognizing the contemporary Polish countryside as a product of the state’s explicit social and spatial experiments. The central aim of is to conceptualize the rural landscape as a close relation to settlements, territories, and dwellings. With a focus on a particular type of ‘linear settlement’, the thesis starts by tracing through its transformations, implications upon a territory and the introduction of distinctive dwelling typologies. This reveals a chronology of transformations enacted through a long history of the state’s endeavours to colonize rural areas. The reconceptualization of the ‘linear settlement’ from a contemporary perspective offers a new understanding of their instrumentality, away and beyond their romanticization, where the countryside is read as space of struggle and resilience, rather than an idyllic landscape. The thesis studies past and present patterns of growth caused by internal migration from urban towards rural Poland which consist of 93% of the entire country. The timeline in question spans over three periods: early capitalist (interwar, 1918-1939), socialist (post-war, 1946-1993) and late capitalist (post-transformation, 1993-today). Each one can be read through a historical event triggering a change, a strategy introduced by the state, which effectively resulted in an architectural object – a physical embodiment of these processes – being introduced as an element of a settlement and enabled as a trace upon the land of transformation. The thesis proposes a reading of the rural landscape through the focus on changing relations between forms of dwelling and labour, which have often been overshadowed by the concerns of administrative division and political influence. Ultimately, the proposal claims that the countryside is not only to be understood through disciplines of sociology, demography, anthropology, and geography, but it can also be understood through architecture and become an independent project of architecture. By reconceptualizing the close relations between the three ingredients of a rural landscape, the project challenges the urban-rural dichotomy and questions the categorization of land in the present Polish context. In effect, it attempts to broaden the discourse and allows to extrapolate arguments to the wider context of post-socialist Eastern Europe and the Global East.

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Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible if not for the engagement of the Projective Cities staff, thank you to: Platon Issaias and Hamed Khosravi for two years of constant debate, and willingness to always put the project first and support it within the realm of the AA and beyond; Sam Jacoby for asking hardest questions and directing the work towards new directions; Doreen Bernath and Mark Campbell for emboldening my writing and argument presented in this dissertation; Cristina Gamboa and Raül Avilla-Royo for challenging discussions in the last year.

During the second year, the work expanded in the form of the Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion at the Biennale Architettura 2022. I would like to thank for the support Zachęta — National Gallery of Art. This exhibition is undertaken as a collaborative endeavour of PROLOG +1. It is my privilege to work on this exhibition with friends: Mirabela Jurczenko, Bartosz Kowal, Barłomiej Poteralski, Rafał Śliwa, and Robert Witczak. Their support made it possible to develop these two projects simultaneously and enrich the dissertation through endless discussions about the Polish countryside. Moreover, I would like to thank Dimitris Chatziioakeimidis for sharing these two years in the programme, and for always having the time and willingness to support the work and discuss another aspect of these two projects.

My participation within the Projective Cities would not have been possible if not for the financial assistance of my parents, Teresa, and Maciej Mazan thank you for allowing me to embark on this adventure and always support me all the way. I would not have come to the AA if not for the financial help of the AA Postgraduate Bursary which generously supported me in both years of my studies, and the AA Travel Bursary. Additionally, my time at the AA was made possible by the Austrian Public Employment Service in the form of Bildungskarenz which allowed me to even consider enrolling at the AA. Finally, thank you to Kaja, whose love, flexibility, and understanding during these two years made possible for me to pursue this research. The dissertation is dedicated to you.

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Introduction The thesis is recognizing the contemporary Polish countryside as a product of the state’s explicit social and spatial experiments. The central aim of is to conceptualize the rural landscape as a close relation to settlements, territories, and dwellings. With a focus on a particular type of ‘linear settlement’, the thesis starts by tracing through its transformations, implications upon a territory and the introduction of distinctive dwelling typologies. This reveals a chronology of transformations enacted through a long history of the state’s endeavours to colonize rural areas.

The reconceptualization of the ‘linear settlement’ from a contemporary perspective offers a new understanding of their instrumentality, away and beyond their romanticization, where the countryside is read as space of struggle and resilience, rather than an idyllic landscape. Polish Rurality is a battleground where problems, hopes and paradoxes of socialism and capitalisms have unravelled; it is where notions of tradition and progress are not easy to discern, and where radical reforms have been met with enthusiasm and resistance.

Alexandra Kharitonova, ‘Great Plan for the Transformation of Nature’, in Countryside: A Report,

by Rem Koolhaas, Office for Metropolitan Architecture, and Samir Bantal, 2020; Stephen Brain, ‘The Great Stalin Plan for the Transformation of Nature’, Enviromental History, 15.4 (2010), 670–700.

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The thesis investigates the trajectory of the asymmetry between urban and rural, in other words it traces the growing inequality between the cities and the countryside exemplified in the exploitation of rural areas.

These processes are visible in three strategies of post-1917 Soviet Union which attempted to address the growing demand for food by centralising agricultural production. First, Joseph Stalin’s the Great Plan for the Transformation of Nature (1948-1953), it attempted to transform 1.2 million square kilometres of steppe belt through introduction of shelterbelts (forest stripes intended to work as windbreakers) which meant to work as protection from strong winds and allow for expansion of agriculture. Second, Nikita Khrushchev’s the Virgin Lands Campaign (1954-1965), which intended to appropriate 450,000 square kilometres of land for agricultural production through settlement campaigns in Kazakhstan, Siberia, and the Volga region. Third, Leonid Brezhnev’s the Siberian Rivers Reversal (1968-1986), which planned to transform course of Siberian rivers to improve irrigation and alter the microclimate.1 All these state’s planned programmes addressed the periphery on unprecedented scale, even though they were backed by the

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authoritarian state with its propaganda and power all three subsequently failed presenting the approach common within the Global East2 context, which the research investigates through the cases study of Poland.

The first chapter discusses the countryside of the Global East by instrumentalization of the Polish case. Problematic of marginalization, and classification of land is presented together with historical background and reason behind ‘dis-urbanisation’ and in effect internal migration towards the countryside. The section focuses on the linear settlement, it presents the theoretical foundation of recognition of this type of a structure. The analytical diagrams dissecting the contemporary condition of the settlement bringing forward a conclusion of the settlements’ dissolution, fragmentation of its parts. The following chapters problematize the process through reverse periodization and presentation of architectural elements responsible for these processes in the first place.

The thesis in chapters two, three, and four studies past and present patterns of growth caused by internal migration from urban towards rural Poland which consist of 93% of the entire country. The timeline in question spans over three periods: early capitalist (interwar, 1918-1939), socialist (post-war, 1946-1993) and late capitalist (post-transformation, 1993-today). Each one can be read through a historical event triggering a change, a strategy introduced by the state, which effectively resulted in an architectural object – a physical embodiment of these processes – being introduced as an element of a settlement and enabled as a trace upon the land of transformation. In the first period, discussed in chapter two, the standardized model of a farmstead played a major role, which was based on self-emerging typologies present in the context and reused their aesthetic. This new typology was produced to perpetuate the interior colonization of an agrarian land, to claim and secure its territorial alliance; this was process enacted by the newly emerged states after the First World War. Within the second period, presented in chapter three, the case study in focus is a dwelling model for workers of State Agricultural Farms, which introduced an unfamiliar form of multi-story housing block into the rural landscape. It was an apparatus to execute the state’s strategies to modernize the countryside and facilitate widespread

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Martin Müller, ‘In Search of the Global East: Thinking between North and South’, Geopolitics, 2018, 1–22 <https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.20 18.1477757>.

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nationalization, processes necessary for the post-WWII socialist states striving to solidify support of the rural population. The third, chapter four, is defined by the advent of the single-family house model as an isolated object, built from a pattern book, imposed on the countryside that strives for independence in all aspects. This paradox embodies in its core the characteristics of the Great Change,3 which was a period of economic, political, and social transformations demonstrating the immense success of the Solidarity movement and the failure of Lech Wałęsa’s presidency. The significance of these three periods is not merely historical; the thesis unfolds contemporary implications toward the typology of ‘linear settlement’ and the wider territory of important architectural objects produced in those periods. The thesis argues that their introduction can be understood as a dissolution of a settlement into isolated parts.

The examined area Opole-Silesia, as a part of the post-war Western and Northern Territories,4 offers a possibility to trace these strategies in a state of extreme acceleration: from the close connection between living and working encapsulated by the model of a farmstead, through the disconnection represented by the centralised model of State Agricultural Farms and their attempt to remove reproductive labour outside of a dwelling, to the total externalization of work to the city embodied by the single-family house of a newly emerged middle class. Therefore, at the core of this thesis lies the question: how will further ruptures of this relation influence patterns of growth and decline in the countryside, and what are the possibilities for an alternative project?

Term used and introduced by Piotr Sztopmka, see: Piotr Sztompka, Trauma Wielkiej Zmiany, Społeczne Koszty Transformacji [Trauma of the Great Change, Social Costs of Transformation] (Warszawa: Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 2000).

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Lands incorporated within the Polish state after the Second World War

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The last chapter presents a cross scalar strategy challenging the insufficient, makeshift planning strategy present in the contemporary countryside of Poland, which lead to the fragmentation of the community and the settlement itself. The section proposes to direct the focus towards the interactions between residents of the settlement, therefore it examines closely so-called spaces of social interactions within spatialities of territory, settlement, and dwelling. The objective is, that provision of this kind of spaces might be a trigger to creation of community bonds, and in effect it can lead to grassroot initiative which can using local government challenge the systematic planning problem.

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The thesis proposes a reading of the rural landscape through the focus on changing relations between forms of dwelling and labour, which have often been overshadowed by the concerns of administrative division and political influence. The relevancy of past models to contemporary context is revealed by close readings of the policy in place, spatial characteristics of a settlement and its network, landownership structure, technical infrastructure, domestic spaces and modes of production; these findings become central to the design project that seeks for alternative possibilities in the cotemporary context. Ultimately, the proposal claims that the countryside is not only to be understood through disciplines of sociology, demography, anthropology and geography, but it can also be understood through architecture and become an independent project of architecture. By reconceptualizing the close relations between the three ingredients of a rural landscape, the project challenges the urbanrural dichotomy and questions the categorization of land in the present Polish context. In effect, it attempts to broaden the discourse and allows to extrapolate arguments to the wider context of post-socialist Eastern Europe and the Global East.

Research Questions The thesis asks following questions: Disciplinary Question: How is the binary relation between urban and rural instrumental and relevant to understand the processes shaping the contemporary Polish countryside, and further rural areas of the post-socialist East Europe?

Urban Question: How present patterns of growth affect spatial and social structures of the linear settlements in the context of the Opole-Silesia, Poland?

How promotion of spaces of social interaction can help alleviate social and spatial fragmentation of the linear settlements in the context of the Opole-Silesia, Poland?

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Typological Question: How transformation of the current types of dwelling and proposition of alternative ones can harness internal migration towards the countryside, and in effect challenge the exiting forms of settlement and territory of the Opole-Silesia, Poland?

Aims and objectives To investigate problems presented in the multi-scalar questions, the main aims of the research are to: Precisely define the area of the Opole-Siles, not from the administrative perspective but rather from a spatial-functional.

Additionally, having the territory defined, to revalidate the settlement classification, and focus on the settlement model which is prevailing within the territory of interest.

Study form of dwelling, connected with them landownership structures, modes of production, and external forces leading to internal migration towards the countryside.

Moreover, the supplementary aims are to: Understand push and pull factors of the city and the countryside.

Study relation of new settlements with their context, meaning nearness to other centres, technical and social infrastructure, or attractive landscape, to evaluate the programmatic brief of the settlement.

Examine existing planning policies, ways of their preparation and implementation, to address the settlement model from a legislative standpoint.

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Objectives and Methods To fulfil presented aims, main objectives and corresponding methods are to: objectives

methods

Create a series of maps representing states

Literature and case study review, comparative

strategies towards settlement position,

analysis, data analysis – governmental database

landownership structure and organization of

review, GIS cartography, creation of primary

production within the territory of the Opole-

source database.

Silesia countryside to achieve classification of models.

Create set of maps presenting move of

Data analysis of governmental statistic

population from urban municipalities

databases, cartographic review, literature and

towards rural and urban-rural municipalities,

case study review.

to understand suburbanization processes ongoing in the territory, their reach, hence, to clarify the area of investigation.

Compile a comparative analysis of settlement

Literature and case study review, archival

model present and developing within the area

research, analytical diagrams.

in question.

Study plans of the domestic space and its

Literature and case study review, archival

relation to modes of production in rural

research, analytical diagrams.

context.

Understand the existing diagram and process

Literature review, interviews.

of implementation of planning policies in Polish context.

Select series of locations for possible design implementations.

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Literature review, archival research, field study.

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CHAPTER I

The Countryside and Forms of Power

A

B

C

D

Fig 1.1

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(A) Map of Poland presenting the subdivision in voivodeships and municipalities, marked in grey the area of the Opole Voivodeship, contemporary administrative body enclosing the historic the Opole-Silesia region. (B) Categorization of municipalities, in red urban municipalities, in orange urban rural municipalities, and in light orange rural municipalities. (C) The 7% of the country, urbanised areas defined as the urban municipalities. (D) The 93% of the country — rural areas, within this 60% is considered to be agricultural land.

Przemysław Sadura and others, Wieś w Polsce 2017: diagnoza i prognoza: raport z badania [Countryside in Poland in 2017: research report, diagnosis, and prognosis] (Warszawa: Fundacja Wspomagania Wsi, 2017).

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‘Rural Development’, European Commission European Commission <https://ec.europa.eu/info/ food-farming-fisheries/key-policies/common-agricultural-policy/rural-development_en> [accessed 24 May 2020].

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The low percentage is contradictory with the total amount of people involved in agricultural production, this is due to the methodology behind it, the 4,7% figure is based on recognition of agricultural production involving 9 and more people, see: Monika Borawska and others, Obszary Wiejskie w Polsce w 2016 r. [Rural Areas in Poland in 2016] (Olsztyn: Urząd Statystyczny w Olsztynie, Ośrodek Badań Obszarów Wiejskich, 2018), p. 22; additionally the total number of farmers in Poland in general is set around 2 million (one of the highest in the EU), yet their contribution to the gross domestic product remains below 5%, see: Katarzyna Kajdanek, ‘From the Milky Way’s Point of View, We All Seem to Be from a Village (Loesje)’, in Trouble in Paradise, ed. by Wojciech Mazan (Warszawa: Zachęta — National Gallery of Art, 2020), pp. 50–65, and Rocznik Statystyczny Rolnictwa [Statistical Yearbook of Agriculture] (Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny [Statistics Poland], 2020).

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Marcin Abramowicz and Marta Zaperty-Adamek, ‘Projekt Domu Amoniusz III [House Project Amoniusz III]’, Dobre Domy Flak & Abramowicz [Good Houses Flak & Abramowicz] <https://www. dobredomy.pl/projekt/amoniuszIII/> [accessed 28 April 2020].

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The area and the population percentage are presented as in Borawska, pp. 21–23. Population calculation is based on the Joanna Stańczak, and Agnieszka Znajewska, Ludność. Stan i Struktura Oraz Ruch Naturalny w Przekroju Terytorialnym w 2018 r. Stan w Dniu 31 XII [Population. Size and Structure and Vital Statistics in Poland by Territorial Division in 2017. As of December, 31] (Warsaw: Statistics Poland, Demographic and Labour Market Surveys Department, 2019), p. 11.

In the public discourse the Polish countryside is perceived by a series of misunderstandings which shape the collective imagination. This simplified image leads the public to a conclusion where everything that does not belong to a city is immediately understood and associated with agriculture and poverty.1 This perception of the countryside and its residents is a result of a continuous marginalization of the topics related to that realm in the post-socialist Poland since the last decade of the 20th century. Moreover, this condition represents a broader problematic of the binary division, where two reliant entities are juxtaposed and perceived as diametrically opposed bodies, it creates a distinction between urban and rural, centre and periphery, in other words between what was rendered in the post-transformation period (1990–91 – onwards) as desirable and repulsive. Nevertheless, during the last 30 years the Polish countryside had undergone a significant spatial and social transformation. The spatial change was accelerated by the accession of state to the European Union in 2004. Accessibility of the EU funds in the form of the Rural Development Programme for 2014–2020 made possible large-scale infrastructural projects that focused on provision of sewage network in rural areas, modernization of existing technical and social infrastructure, and alteration in machine stock of individual farmers, changing the existing rural landscape.2 In terms of the social aspects, the example of stereotypical perception of the countryside is the involvement of rural residents exclusively in the agricultural production.

However, this kind of labour is not the prevailing source of income for people living in rural areas, in 2016, only 4.7% of people working in the countryside were employed in sectors connected to agriculture, forestry, fishing, and hunting.3 This represents the ongoing change in modes of production transforming the countryside beyond the Polish case.4

The Countryside and Forms of Power

1.1 Contemporary Condition of the Countryside

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The other misconception is what do we even consider as the countryside?

In 2016 the study from the Statistics Poland presented that 93% of the Polish territory is classified as rural land. This means that the countryside is inhabited by almost 40% of the total population of the country which equals to 15.34 million.5 It is important here to acknowledge the method by which this high number is derived. The report is based

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Fig 1.2

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The map entitled Development of settlement in the Opole Silesia in the 12th to 15th century presents three important characteristics of the Opole-Silesia region. First, the colours represent the quality of the soil, dark brown equals best quality of the soil, and yellow shows the opposite.

Second, dark black lines mark the historical trading routes from the period between 12th and 15th century, which are still present within the territory.

Third, black markers present settlements located according to German law, and white markers show self-emerging settlements.

The Countryside and Forms of Power Fig 1.3 The map presents gradation of dispersed settlements, dispersion is defined as a presence of a household separated by 150 meters from a dense core of the settlement. This explains the intricate character of the map, where the light-yellow colour represents one house per one square kilometre, meaning that there is only one household that is categorised as dispersed, where the darker brown colour shows four and more structures recognized as dispersed per square kilometre. Additionally, white marks urbanised areas. In this, case the map and Kiełczezwska-Zalewska’s article both present the Opole-Silesia as a region with dense, unite settlements.

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Fig 1.4 14

Map presents a fragment of the Opole-Silesia region with imposed grid with 2 kilometres increments.

In Polish the Register is known as: Krajowy Rejestr Urzędowy Podziału Terytorialnego Kraju (TERYT), see ‘National Official Register of the Territorial Division of the Country’, Statistics Poland <http://eteryt.stat.gov.pl/eTeryt/english.aspx?contrast=default> [accessed 1 July 2019].

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Andrea Alberto Dutto, ‘Is the Po Valley a Type?

Hyphothesis on Amos Edallo’s Ruralistica’, Wolkenkuckucksheim, 24.38, 197–214.

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The Countryside and Forms of Power

on the territorial division established by the National Official Register of the Territorial Division of the Country (TERYT).6 The three-level administrative division of the country is based on: 16 voivodships, in other words provinces; 380 counties; and 2478 municipalities – the smallest administrative entities. Moreover, municipalities are subdivided into three groups: urban, urban-rural, and rural. To calculate the percentage the above-mentioned report takes into the consideration the land covered by the rural municipalities and part of the urban-rural municipalities with the exclusion of the city or town area. This means all the municipalities fitting the categorization are accounted as the rural land. In effect, the countryside is defined in opposition to the city, simply as everything that is not urban. This creates a problematic state, where the term is stretched to contain a vast repertoire of elements. Therefore, it poses a challenge, how to describe and analyse this heterogeneous entity.

Fig 1.1

In order to bridge that gap and provide a method to analyse the complex character of the countryside, the thesis draws on the understanding of the Ruralist Type presented by Andrea Alberto Dutto in his analysis of the work by Amos Edallo.7 In the handbook entitled Ruralistica, Edallo investigates a fragment of the Italian countryside, namely region of the Po valley. To understand this area, the architect conducts analysis in three scales: 1 : 200, 1 : 2000, and 1 : 25,000, these three architectural representations are in line with the division to dwelling, settlement, territory. Their operative task is to analyse the countryside as a cohesive entity, trying to understand influence of each on the general Ruralist Type, or in other words a rural landscape. Therefore, it follows the logic that all the element of rural landscape, their spatial organisation, hierarchy, modes of production and living have equal importance in producing the countryside. Therefore, the thesis adapts the tripartite division, and undertakes to understand the countryside through the close relationship of settlement, dwelling, and territory.

1.2 Territory – the Opole-Silesia The problematic encapsulated within the countryside is framed and

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Chapter 1

Fig 1.5

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The map entitled Typology of rural settlements in the Opole-Silesia at the beginning of the 19th century presents seven mentioned categories of settlement recognized by Halina Szulc at the end of 1960’s. Additionally it unveils a classification between regular (yellow and orange) and irregular settlement (blue).

The Countryside and Forms of Power

analysed through the close reading of the territory of the Opole-Silesia region. A province with a precarious geographical position, between states in power, and in effect with a long history of changing affiliation.

The constant alteration of administrative borders of the region is precisely the characteristic that allows to problematize this as a territory defined through its architectural qualities. Meaning that this territory has been influenced by reappearing shifts of population (voluntary or not), but what stayed mostly intact is spatial repertoire of settlements and forms of dwelling. Therefore, The Opole-Silesia can serve as a precedent of a territory defined through its architecture rather than imposed borders of administrative states, moreover the political history allows to understand the area as an arena where it is possible to trace forms of power in a state of acceleration.

Halina Szulc, Typy wsi śląska opolskiego na początku XIX wieku i ich geneza [Types of Opole Silesian Villages at the Beginning of the 19th Century and their Origin], Prace geograficzne, nr 66 (Wrocław: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1968).

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Maria Kiełczewska-Zaleska, ‘O Typach Sieci Osiedli Wiejski w Polsce i Planie Ich Przebudowy [On Types of Rural Settlement Network and on Plans of Its Transformation]’, Przegląd Geograficzny, 38.3 (1965), 457–80; Maria Kiełczewska-Zaleska, ‘Rozmieszczenie Wiejskich Osiedli Rozproszonych w Polsce [Distribution of Rural Dispersed Settlements in Poland]’, Przegląd Geograficzny, 42.2 (1970), 225–34.

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The focus is directed towards the southern part of the Opole-Silesia, bordered from north and east by the Odra river, from south by the mountain range of Sudety, and from the west by gradually changing condition of the soil. The quality of agrarian land is precisely what defines this area and what allowed for an emergence of a dense settlement network. There are two important characteristics of this network. First, according to the work of Halina Szulc, historically most of the settlements are classified as regular ones. Meaning that there was a planning process defining the subdivision of fields, size of the settlement, and position of the farmsteads. In other words, the regular structures in opposition to self-emerging ones were a direct result of the state’s power.8 The administrative body could give these settlements trading powers and permission to organize markets. Second, as presented by country wide surveys undertaken by Maria Kiełczewska-Zaleska, the settlements in that region are defined by their not disperse character, meaning that most of them kept rather dense structure, following the core of the settlement.9 This brings a conclusion that regular settlements operated as a defined framework, ones which long after its conception could facilitate the growth in a cohesive manner. Moreover, the settlement network follows the logic of the historical trading routes, therefore the importance of the infrastructure is present from the early emergence of these forms of settlement. Where the main road operates as a utilitarian core of the settlement and a framework followed by the patterns of

Fig 1.2

Fig 1.3

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Chapter 1

growth.

Fig 1.4

Fig 1.5

Fig 1.6-9

The density of the settlement network — proximity of the settlement between each other and compactness of the settlements itself presents a condition in which most of the territory of the Opole-Silesia is covered with settlement spread not further than 2-3 kilometres apart. The settlements operate as points defining the character of this territory. Therefore, analysis of exemplary of these settlements allow to discern powers transforming rural landscape. The territory of the Polish countryside in general, and the Opole-Silesia region in specific, is constructed by the eight settlement categories. Seven of them presented and recognized within the work of Szulc: a village with a main street, a green-village or an oval one, a village with a square, a village with a radial road pattern, a village with a chain pattern, a loose street village, and a manor.10 Since her work focused on the 19th century, and was mostly conducted at the end of 1960’s it excludes the most recent addition to rural landscape, the workers settlements of the socialist period, constructed to provide workforce for the State Agricultural Farms (PGR). This settlement type serves as the eighth, final category.

Additionally, the categories of the manor and the workers settlements present the increasing role of the urban shaping the rural, meaning, that both types can be read as tools of exploitation of the countryside, through means of land appropriation, both in contrast to the previous types show significantly different landownership patterns where large block fields play a major role. This centralisation of landownership transformed rural landscape, ‘(…) the settlement has ceased to be a mere form of coexistence to become a device to control people and extract surplus value.’11 In effect, the process of subjugation of the countryside to serve the needs of the urban was propelled.

1.3 Settlement – Linear Form As mentioned in previous section road infrastructure is paramount for the settlement network at large, and for the form of the settlement itself.

Therefore, this part proposes to narrow down the classification presented in the previous section and propose a unified frame in the form of a linear

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10 Szulc, Typy wsi śląska opolskiego na początku

XIX wieku i ich geneza [Types of Opole Silesian Villages at the Beginning of the 19th Century and their Origin]; and additionally her later work regarding the entire country, see: Halina Szulc, ‘Typy Morfogenetyczne Osiedli Wiejskich w XIX Wieku [Morphogenetic Types of Rural Settlements in the Nineteenth Century]’, Morfogeneza Osiedli Wiejskich w Polsce [Morphogenesis or Rural Settlement in Poland] (Wrocław: Continuo, 1995).

11 Pier Vittorio Aureli and Maria Sheherazade

Giudici, ‘Islands: Rethinking the Settlement Form from Property to Care’ (unpublished Diploma Unit 14, Brief, Architectural Association School of Architecture, 2019), p. 1.

12 Kiełczewska-Zaleska, ‘Rozmieszczenie Wiej-

skich Osiedli Rozproszonych w Polsce [Distribution of Rural Dispersed Settlements in Poland]’; Kiełczewska-Zaleska, ‘O Typach Sieci Osiedli Wiejski w Polsce i Planie Ich Przebudowy [On Types of Rural Settlement Network and on Plans of Its Transformation]’; Szulc, ‘Typy Morfogenetyczne Osiedli Wiejskich w XIX Wieku [Morphogenetic Types of Rural Settlements in the Nineteenth Century]’; Szulc, Typy wsi śląska opolskiego na początku XIX wieku i ich geneza [Types of Opole Silesian Villages at the Beginning of the 19th Century and their Origin].

13 It is worth to mention that the linear settlement

is of course one that occurs most within the Opole-Silesia region, but it does not end there, meaning that it is also the type that is most common within the territory of Poland.

The appendix ‘Atlas of Linear Settlement’ brings forward a quantitative argument through presentation of 200 examples of the linear type settlements from the southern part of the Opole-Silesia. In other words, the Atlas proves that this type of a settlement is one that is the most common within the area of interest, hence it performs as a structural element of this territory and beyond.13 Hence to be able to analyse changes occurring within the territory one has to first scrutinize the transformation of the settlement. The thesis is concerned with the contemporary condition of the countryside, therefore present landownership structure is important to narrow down, this reveals three conditions of the territory. First, where most of the land is owned by private entities. Second, where most of the land is in hands of the state.

And third a reminiscent of the socialist period in which we still see traces of production cooperatives. This subdivision of the territory in to three categories helps to narrow down to the area of intervention and conduct analysis within its borders. The thesis focuses on the first category, as it unveils processes of interest in the state of acceleration due to the landownership structure.

The Countryside and Forms of Power

settlement that combines, describes, and problematizes two categories, so-called main road, and oval villages. The decision to establish this combined category is dictated by two factors. First, the classification in road and oval villages proposed by Szulc is contested by KiełczewskaZalewska in her studies concerning the Polish countryside at large.12 As the thesis attempts to allow extrapolation of arguments towards the wider perspective of the country, it is objective to follow the broader categorisation and merge the two types in the category of the linear settlement. This is supported by the second factor – the relevance of the road itself, as the carrier of circulation within the settlement, and a space that all the households would face towards (as barns would face towards the outside fields). Additionally, the significance of the road network is underlined by the fact that regular patterns of growth of a settlement would follow the main road, it is only within the 20th century when change to that pattern is observed in the case of the workers settlements for PGRs.

Fig 1.10-15

The selection of the eight cases consists of four settlements from the

19

Chapter 1 Fig 1.16

Fig 1.17 Fig 1.18-19 Fig 1.20 Fig 1.21

category of a road village, and four from an oval one. The analyses investigate the historical emergence of the settlements and their contemporary landownership structure, infrastructural network, contemporary programmatic disposition, process of the dissolution, and phases of fragmentation. As a result, the relevance of the technical infrastructure for the type is presented, meaning that the road operates as a utilitarian core of the village, a structural backbone that serves as a space of circulation, but also as an apparatus of a settlement’s growth.

Therefore, the patterns of growth are recognized as the force that leads to transformation of the linear settlement.

This change is instrumentalize to understand and problematize a notion of dissolution of the settlement. The dissolution is defined as spread of the households outside of the initial core of the settlement. The core is defined as the border of the settlement recorded in Prussian maps in the middle of 19th century.14 The thesis argues that it is more productive to look at the fragmentation through a specific programmatic typology rather than through a simple factor of building density. This allows to trace the spatial fragmentation precisely, therefore the table below presents evidence regarding the eight analysed cases. Six out of eight have more households outside of the initial core than within its borders, remaining two still have between 37 to 32% of households outside of the core. name

core

%

dispersed

%

sum

Ścigów

C

24

24

75

76

99

Karczów

A

44

27

120

73

164

Brożec

D

57

28

146

72

203

Sidzina

G

77

31

171

69

248

Bąków

F

45

36

80

64

125

Łosiów

E

160

46

186

54

346

Lubrza

H

134

63

80

37

214

Meszno

B

42

68

20

32

62

Therefore, the process of dissolution leads to socio-spatial fragmentation and in effect to decline of interactions within the community.15 To analyse this process the thesis looks beyond present diagrams of growth of a settlement presenting the process of plot expansion,16 and it focuses

20

14 The archival maps are available on ‘Mapster,

Przegladarka Skorowidzów’ <http://igrek.amzp.pl/ mapindex.php?cat=TK25> [accessed 2 May 2020], the scans are provided by the Wydziałowe Archiwum Kartograficzne, Wydział Nauk Geograficznych Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu [Faculty Cartigraphic Archive, of the Faculty of Geography of Adam Mickiewicz’s University in Poznan] 15 Katarzyna Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku

[Suburbanization Polish-Style], Wydanie 1 (Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy ‘Nomos’, 2012), p. 126.

16 Tomasz Figlus, ‘Przemiany Struktur Przestrzen-

nych Osadnictwa Wiejskiego [Changes of Spatial Structures in Rural Settlements]’, in Ciągłość i zmiana: sto lat rozwoju polskiej wsi., by Maria Halamska and others (Warszawa: IRWiR PAN : Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar Spółka z o.o, 2019), ii, p. 732.

1.4 Forms of Dwelling – Elements

The Countryside and Forms of Power

on the elements through which this process occurs.

The following three chapters revolve around dwelling types: singlefamily house, a residential block, and a farmstead. 17 Each chapter trace the provenance of the existing elements – typologies that have through time propelled dissolution of the linear settlement. First, the conception and transformation of each of these architectural objects unravel social, political, and economic forces that shaped the historical development of the linear settlement. Second, the significance of each of these elements is framed through the recognition of dwellers as subjects imagining, inhabiting, and modifying the given architectural object. Their qualitative and performative impacts are analysed through diagrammatic analyses of domestic spaces with a special focus on the domestic intermediate spaces of circulation. The understanding of the subjects enables to challenge the existing dichotomy where the division is drawn according to the long-term residency within the settlement.

The thesis proposes to reframe the classification, to base it on the ability of the subject to transform the territory, in other words rural landscape.

Therefore, the project recognizes the close connection between forms of dwelling, production, and the capacity of residents to transform their surroundings.

17 The thesis uses the notion of the type as defined

by Antoine-Chrysostome Quatremère de Quincy in the Dictionnaire historique d’architecture (1825).

Therefore, the type is used as an idea, nature of an object, something irreducible, set of characteristics based on which other models, copies can be produced. See: Quatremère de Quincy, The True, the Fictive, and the Real: The Historical Dictionary of Architecture of Quatremere de Quincy, trans. by Samir Younés (London: A. Papadakis, 1999); additionally Sam Jacoby, ‘Type versus Typology Introduction’, The Journal of Architecture, 20.6 (2015), 931–37; Sam Jacoby, ‘Typal and Typological Reasoning: A Diagrammatic Practice of Architecture’, The Journal of Architecture, 20.6 (2015), 938–61.

The chapters unfold according to the appearance of exemplary case studies. The reverse chronological structure — from the late capitalist (post-transformation, 1993–today), through the socialist (post-war, 1946–1993), ending with the early capitalist (interwar, 1918–1939) — is instrumental to trace the historical evolution of the linear settlement and the process of its dissolution. The reason for constructing an understanding of the dissolution process in a reverse manner is evident in the way the last period dissects the transformation at the very core of the settlement, the form in which the linear type originated. The dissection process returns the settlement back to its purest form, in a scheme that enforces a comprehensive approach to all above-mentioned aspects and promotes most social interactions between residents. These qualities

21

Chapter 1

in turn inform the proposition in the concluding chapter of this thesis that further extends typological transformations distilled from cases studies. Therefore, the dwelling types studied in this section provide an analytical understanding of a linear settlement and set ground for a projective experimentation with its form.

22

23

The Countryside and Forms of Power

Fig 1.6.

24

A

B

C

D

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

A – main street – Złotogłowice, municipality of Nysa; B – oval type – Przylesie, municipality of Olszanka; C – chain pattern – Łąka, municipality of Nysa; D – loose street – Wielopole, municipality of Popielów;

Fig 1.6.

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

E – square – Księże Pole, municipality of Głubczyce; F – radial road – Podlesie, municipality of Cisek; G – manor – Starowice, municipality of Otmuchów; H – State Agricultural Farm – Pilszcz Osiedle, municipality of Kietrz.

25

Fig 1.7.

26

A

B

C

D

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

Juxtaposition of the eight types presents differences in the contemporary landownership structure. The discrepancies are reminiscent of the past strategies of the state towards the countryside. In the case of the main street settlement (A) and oval settlement (B) we see a narrow fief fields directly connected with farmsteads, whereas in the case of the manor (G) and the State Agricultural Farm (H) what is easy to be observed is a regime of big

Fig 1.7

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

block fields disconnected from the forms of dwelling. Therefore, the matrix indirectly represents the growing importance of the urban towards the rural, meaning that growing importance of the city reshaped the landownership structure of more contemporary forms in order to serve the needs of the city through surplus production.

27

Main Road

Fig 1.8

28

A

B

C

D

Secondary Road

Technical Road

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

The initial classification in eight types is derived from the inherent relation of the settlement towards the technical infrastructure. The matrix presents three categories of roads: in red main roads, in orange secondary roads, and in brown technical/ground roads. In all of the cases (A-G) we can see that the main road is crossing the existing settlement, this means that in most of the cases the settlement was located on already existing trade connection, therefore the settlement process was bound with the technical infrastructure. The only anomaly in this trajectory is present in the case of the State

Fig 1.8

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

Agricultural Farms (H) where the settlement is deliberately placed next to the road, this means that the main road does not serve as a core of the settlement and its beginning. Additionally, what is exemplary for the main (A) and oval (B) settlements is that the technical or secondary road frames the settlement. The road system provides the access to the back of the plots and at the same time it facilitates the connection between the farmstead and adjunct fields.

29

fig1.9

30

A

B

C

D

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

This matrix presents the figure ground of the settlements, the morphological types are easy to discern in this representation. The issue of density of the settlement structure, one of the factors which Kiełczewska-Zalewska took into consideration in her research regarding dispersion of the settlements, is clearly visible. What we can observe is that the main street (A) and oval street (B) settlement are characterized by denser structure of the building

Fig 1.9

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Taxonomy of Settlement types in Poland

whereas other types are more dispersed. Additionally, in the case of the manor type (G) and State Agricultural Farm (H) we can clearly see technical facilities for agricultural production. As mentioned before, this presents the shift in the type of the production represented by these settlements and their close relation to the needs of urban.

31

Church

State

Collective

Fig 1.10

32

Private

Municipality

Commercial Partnership

Part of Brzeg County

The area in the norther part of the area of the Opole-Silesia region. Is characterized by rather fragmented subdivision of fields, owned in majority by private entities. This condition is a reminiscent of the process shaping the countryside after the political transformation of the 1990s, where big block

Fig 1.11 0

1000 m

Part of Brzeg County

State Farms were privatized. It is also important to understand that from three presented regions part of Brzeg county would be characterized by rather low quality of soil in comparison to two remaining. This also contributed to the willingness of the state to sell out the land to individual farmers.

33

Church

State

Collective

Fig 1.12

34

Private

Municipality

Commercial Partnership

Part of Nysa County

The area in the southern west part of the Opole-Silesia region. The area serves as one of very few remaining cases where production collectives are still operating and are competitive on the market. As this region was entirely resettled after the WWII, there was no sense of belonging to the land present,

Fig 1.13 0

1000 m

Part of Nysa County

therefore it was easier for the state to enforce process of collectivization but also it was easier for the farmers to follow and not reverse it whenever the law allowed for it. Therefore, in this area there are still around eight production collectives operating trying to challenge land grabbing processes.

35

Church

State

Collective

Fig 1.14

36

Private

Municipality

Commercial Partnership

part of Głubczyce County

The area in the southern east part of the Opole-Silesia region. Is characterized by the best soil quality in the entire voivodeship and one of the best in the country. Because of this aspect the state kept vast amount of land and did not allows for its privatization at the beginning of 1990s. Within this

Fig 1.15 0

1000 m

part of Głubczyce County

area, during the socialist period, the state created one of the two flagship State Agricultura Farms in Kietrz.

This State Farm after restructuration and changing legal framework is still existing today.

37

Fig 1.16

38

A

B

C

D

Analysis of linear type of the settlement (main street category) A – Karczów, municipality of Dąbrowa; B – Meszno, municipality of Otmuchów; C – Ścigów, municipality of Strzeleczki; D – Brożec, municipality of Walec;

Fig 1.16

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Analysis of linear type of the settlement (oval category) E – Łosiów, municipality of Lewin Brzeski; F – Bąków, municipality of Grodków; G – Sidzina, municipality of Skoroszyce; H – Lubrza, municipality of Lubrza.

39

Fig 1.17

40

A

B

C

D

landownership structure (main street category)

The landownership structure of all the settlements from the linear category operates according to the same set of rules, as the provenance of the settlements is the similar and has its foundation in the previously mentioned category of a regular settlement. What is still possible to be observed in the

Fig 1.17 0

500 m

E

F

G

H

landownership structure (oval category)

contemporary context is the traditional division of the fief fields, which is transformed in some of the cases due to the presence of the manor or later by the State Agricultural Farms.

41

Main Road

Fig 1.18

42

A

B

C

D

Secondary Road

Technical Road

Road infrastructure (main street category)

The matrix presents settlements from two categories, main street category and oval street category. As mentioned within the general discussion regarding the classification the thesis ultimately recognizes both categories as one type of a linear settlement. The relation between the infrastructure

Fig 1.18 0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Road infrastructure (oval category)

and the settlement is clear, the main road creates the spine of the settlement, where secondary roads frame its perimeter. In terms of the shape the main road differs between the two, at the end it operates in the contemporary context in the same manner, as a utilitarian apparatus of circulation.

43

Housing

Agricultural Production

Fig 1.19

44

A

B

C

D

Non-agricultural Production

Services

Technical Buildings

Programmatic disposition (main street category)

The matrix presents the clear division in terms of modes of production between the core of the settlement and the fragments around it.

Within the core we can observe a presence of buildings that are able to facilitate agricultural production, whereas outside of the core we mainly see households with exception of the large-scale structures. The programmatic disposition inside of the settlements is directly connected to the phases of its evolution, therefore the core is occupied by the farmsteads where households are in close proximity of

fig1.19

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

programmatic disposition (oval category)

production facilities, and fragments are mostly created out of single family house.

Additionally, almost all services with exception of schools are located within along the main road of the village within its core.

The schools are often outside, following the secondary road as in many cases they were constructed during the socialist period and simply there was no space within the core.

45

Phase 1

Fig 1.20

46

A

B

C

D

Phase 2

Phase 3

phases of fragmentation (main street category)

Periodization into three phases of the settlement development allows to trace the process of dissolution clearly. The first phase is associated with patterns of growth that followed the initial strategy for the settlement. Within this period the main role is taken by the model of a farmstead, sometimes by a manor with adjunct function or a workers’ settlement created in one of the state’s programmes. The second phases

Fig 1.20

0

500 m

E

F

G

H

phases of fragmentation (oval category)

encapsulate the socialist period. Here we can discern the biggest figure added to the settlement structure, the State Agricultural Farms and associated with them workers settlements. The third phase presents the most contemporary period. Here, we can observe the advent of single family houses.

47

Household

Fig 1.21

48

A

B

C

D

Other Buildings

Phase 3

Dissolution of the linear settlement (main street category)

The last matrix presents the evidence underlining the problematic of the dissolution of the settlement. As above-mentioned table presents the settlements C, A, D, G, F and E have more than 50% of the total amount of household placed outside of the initial core of the settlement.

Fig 1.21 0

500 m

E

F

G

H

Dissolution of the linear settlement (oval category)

Where the settlement H and B are characterized by one third of the households build outside of the core. This allows to discern the process as a significant factor which contributes to the transformation of rural landscape.

49

CHAPTER 2

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

Chapter 2

Fig 2.1

52

A

B

C

D

Road accessibility

The maps represent the road accessibility of four different categories of cities. A – presents time spent to access a town of more than 5000 inhabitants, B – shows access to cities over 20,000 residents, C – presents time needed to drive to cities of more than 100,000 inhabitants, and D – focuses on the cities of 500,000 and more residents. In the case of the Opole-Silesia, the accessibility of cities from the category A is around 5 to 15 minutes, and from the category B less than 30 minutes. This demonstrates how dense is the settlement network from the point of accessibility.

In Polish: Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS), governmental agency responsible for collecting and publishing statistics regarding society, economy, and population.

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

The chapter focuses on the most contemporary element of the dissolution of the linear settlement caused by the ongoing process of commodification of rural land. This chapter concerns the late capitalist period of the thesis (post-transformation, 1993–today). This section is defined by the advent and proliferation of a single-family house within the Polish countryside. The single-family house operates as an imposed on the countryside object, one that can be characterised as an isolated element which strives for independence in all aspects. The relevance of the single-family house to the contemporary context of Polish rurality, and most importantly the nature of the transformation it triggers within a linear settlement of the Opole-Silesia, is possible to be discern by analysis of historical events leading to its appearance.

1

Joanna Stańczak, and Agnieszka Znajewska, Ludność. Stan i Struktura Oraz Ruch Naturalny w Przekroju Terytorialnym w 2018 r. Stan w Dniu 31 XII [Population. Size and Structure and Vital Statistics in Poland by Territorial Division in 2017.

As of December, 31] (Warsaw: Statistics Poland, Demographic and Labour Market Surveys Department, 2019), p. 20.

2

In other words the cities accounted for a drop in population of -0.9% and the countryside recorded a growth of 3.3%, see: Raport z wyników, Narodowy Spis Powszechny Lundości i Mieszkań 2011 [Report from Polish Census of Population and Dwellings 2011] (Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, 2012), p. 47.

3

Katarzyna Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku..., p. 223.

4

This results in the growth rates for the countryside on the level of 0.13% and for the cities on the level of -0.18% per year. For more precise information, see: Stańczak, and Znajewska.

5

The data presented by the World Bank shows a steady decline of rural population worldwide, from 66% in 1960 to 44% in 2018, see: ‘Rural Population (% of Total Population)’, The World Bank <https:// data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.RUR.TOTL.ZS> [accessed 14 July 2019].

6

7

Müller.

2.1 Great Change and the Origins of Suburbanization This emergence is a by-product of a shift in population – an increase of a number of inhabitants in the rural areas and a decrease of a number of residents in the cities. This phenomenon, attributed both to a net migration and a natural increase, is recorded by the Statistics Poland (GUS)1 since the end of 1990’s and persists today.2 The process of internal migration from the city towards the countryside is captured clearly in the statistical data of the Polish Census of 2011. It compares the data from the previous census conducted in 2002, and presents an increase of the rural population by 486,200 and a decrease in the population of cities by 204,500.3 As argued by Katarzyna Kajdanek, due to the lack of obligation to register the place of residence, this number is underestimated and should be multiplied by at least a factor of three.4 More recently as estimated in 2018, the number of inhabitants in the rural areas grew by 20,000 and the population of Poles living in the cities declined by 42,000 which shows that the process is still ongoing.5 This transfer of population from the urban towards the rural unveils a trend opposite to processes ongoing elsewhere.6 This phenomenon is not specific to Poland; it can be found in most of the post-socialist countries of Global East.7 The emergence of the single-family house type in the rural setting as a phenomenon in this region differs to the well-studied trend of suburbanisation in the so-called Global North. The process of

53

Chapter 2

Entrance

Fig 2.2

54

Single-family house and a garage

Majority of single-family houses in Poland are built according to the pattern book projects. This means that the client chooses (most likely online) a finished project and later adjusts its position on the plot. This process indicates that these houses must suit average need of a nuclear family. Therefore, they can serve as a tool to scrutinize what market projects as dream house for Polish middle class. Other than abundance of the square meters, what is striking is the presence of the garage. The position of garage entrance is dictated by two aspects. First, by placing it as an addon element glued to the

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory Fig 2.3

Single-family house and a garage

house it allows to push back the building further back inside of the plot, this is relatively important as Polish planning law specifies so-called building lines, border lines exactly determining the position of the building. Second, position closer to the border of the plot allows to dedicate less space for the driveway. As the result of these two characteristics, the contemporary single-family house is presented to the road mostly through the presence of the garage gate, the entrance is rarely in the same façade, most likely it is pushed further back.

55

7 8

6

4

3

5

1 2

11

12 13 9

10 14

15

Fig 2.3 (1) Garage — 40.4 m2, (2) Technical Room — 14.25 m2, (3) Bathroom — 8.3 m2, (4) Hall — 5.6 m2, (5) Secondary Room — 13.1 m2, (6) Living Room — 45.4 m2, (7) Kitchen — 11.4 m2, (8) Pantry — 2.2 m2, 56

(9) Hall — 13.0 m2, (10) Bedroom — 16.0 m2, (11) Bedroom — 16.0 m2, (12) Garderobe — 6.2 m2, (13) Main Bedroom — 15.2 m2, (14) Bathroom — 8.6 m2, (15) Bathroom — 6.1 m2,

8

Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku…, p. 249.

Michał Murawski, ‘Actually-Existing Success: Economics, Aesthetics, and the Specificity of (Still-)Socialist Urbanism’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 60.4 (2018), p. 919 <https://doi. org/10.1017/S0010417518000336>.

9

10 The difference between suburbanization in

Poland to the one occurring in the USA in the 1950s is in scale. Within the Polish context we never observe a scale of suburban neighbourhood like one in the USA as in example of Levittown. Additionally, the specific of the suburbanization in Poland brings a question, as if it is even suburbanization in many cases, as areas affected by the process are far from the urban.

11 Term introduced by sociologist Piotr Sztompka

to refer to transformation period of 1989-91, for more on the topic see: Sztompka.

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

suburbanization as presented by Kajdanek occurs in Poland in rather specific circumstances. The shift from the city to the surrounding it rural and rural-urban municipalities does not only affect big cities, ‘(…) new houses are also mushrooming around small (≤ 20,000 inhabitants) and medium sized (≤ 100,000 inhabitants) Polish towns.’8 Hence, in the contrary to the trends in Western Europe, suburbanization affects way larger spectrum.

As pointed out by Michał Murawski ‘(…) East Europe is the only region in the world where a consistent process of dis-urbanization is currently occurring.’9 The origin of ‘dis-urbanisation’ converges in time with the emergence of the single-family house as an alien type in Polish countryside’s linear settlements.10 Both are strongly linked to the Great Change11 – political, social, and economic transformation from the socialist to the post-socialist system in East Europe which took place between 1989-1991. The characteristics of dis-urbanisation in this context can be derived from the work of Vlad Mykhenko and Ivan Turok, in which they present a causal link between the Great Change and a decline in number of residents of the post-socialist cities. They argue that ‘(…) state-sponsored industrialisation boosted the urban population artificially.’12 The processes ongoing under the socialist system are described as ‘over-industrialisation’ which led to ‘over-urbanisation’.13 Therefore, the transformation from the socialist to the post-socialist and in effect to the late-capitalist system, indicates a change from centrally planned to free market economy, which has prompted a reversal disurbanisation. In other words, ‘It is not far fetched to say that socialism made East Europe urban. And as socialism unravels so too does the urban character of East Europe.’14 Therefore, the Great Change, which has triggered processes of dis-urbanisation and internal migration, serves as a point of delimitation; from here it is possible to trace a surge of the popularity of the single-family house in the countryside.

12 Vlad Mykhnenko and Ivan Turok, ‘East

European Cities — Patterns of Growth and Decline, 1960–2005’, International Planning Studies, 13.4 (2008), p. 314 <https://doi. org/10.1080/13563470802518958>.

13 Ibid, p. 314.

14 Murawski, p. 919.

2.2 Categorization of Subjects The dwelling type associated with the internal migration can be further problematized as an embodiment of a new wave of an internal

57

Chapter 2

Fig 2.4

58

The book ‘Buduję własny dom’ [Building My Own House] published in 1983 in Poland, was a response to the popular demand for a pattern book, an easy way to construct a house. During the preparation period authors received an immense number of letters, simply saying that future investors don’t want to live in concrete boxes, and future ‘houses of their dreams’ MUST have a pitched roof. Therefore, all 29 projects presented in the book, follow that desire.

15 Monika Arczyńska, ‘Polityka, Prestiż i Odreago-

wanie: Dom Jednorodzinny w Okresie Transformacji [Politics, Prestige and Rebound: A Single-Family House the Period of Transformation]’, in Polskie Las Vegas i Szwagier z Corelem: Architektura, Moda i Projektowanie Wobec Transformacji Systemowej w Polsce, ed. by Lidia Klein, Edition I (Warszawa: Fundacja Kultura Miejsca, 2017).

16 From 1998 to 2015 percentage of people willing

to live in the countryside grew by 10%, see: Katarzyna Kowalczuk, Kto Marzy o Życiu Na Wsi, a Kto o Życiu w Mieście? [Who Dreams to Live in the Countryside, and Who Dreams to Live in the City] (Warszawa: Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej, 2015), p. 1.

17 Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku…, p. 12.

18 Przemysław Sadura and others, Wieś w Polsce

2017: diagnoza i prognoza: raport z badania [Countryside in Poland in 2017: research report, diagnosis and prognosis] (Warszawa: Fundacja Wspomagania Wsi, 2017), p. 7-8.

19 Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku…, p. 15.

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

colonization of the Polish countryside; the single-family house as an object introduces a petit-bourgeois subject to the rural areas. Processes ongoing during the decade of 1990’s started a shift in the structure of the Polish society, from the one with a rather flat formation of the bygone social system and post-war condition, to the one with a clear differentiation of social classes exacerbated during the wild capitalist era at the end of the 20th century. The output of that division, with the newly emerged middle class, produced tools and protocols of class distinction through the introduction of a new dwelling type in the countryside.15 It became an artefact of a new social class: an aspirational target and a beacon to exercise freedom and possibilities not present before. The cause of the apparent willingness of a middle-class family to relocate and settle in the countryside,16 if analysed closer, is threefold: the housing shortage inherited from the socialist period, restrictive housing standards of the previous system, and simply more affordable land in the rural areas.17 All these conditions perpetuate the internal colonization of the countryside, one that is distinctive from its historical precedents because it is not a straightforward project imposed by an authoritarian state in power.

In this case it is rather a combined effect of past negligence, collective imagination, and forces of the market economy. The last has led to the commodification of the countryside, where the agrarian land is traded and changed from a productive to buildable area. Reclassification of the ground results in a subdivision of the agricultural fields into small size plots, which are functionally disconnected from the agrarian land.

The detachment of the dwelling from the productive ground, and the rupture in the relation between life and work, which historically was always closely bounded in the countryside, are precisely the characteristic of the type itself. Moreover, this condition challenges the persistent imagination of the countryside as a realm associated with agriculture and poverty.18 A new subject has entered the countryside, representing changing modes of production, and living in the rural areas. For the new subject, life has been externalised from the city to the countryside, and at the same time, labour has been externalised from the land that previous constituted the countryside.19 This new subject entering the countryside together with existing residents serve as elements of new classification, according to the nature of the separation between dwelling and production, as well as levels of proximity or remoteness.

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Fig 2.5 60

Thuja fence separating single-family house from the landscape.

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

The first introduced in this chapter is described as an observer, this group contains, residents relocated to the countryside but continue to work in the city, these that live in the countryside but moved their productive capacities outside, as well as visitors and tourists; and the second is presented as a participant, recognized as village proletarians20 working in agriculture, owners of family farms, residents working in forestry, fishery, mining, and agriculture. In other words, the categorization distinguishes between subjects that work within the settlement hence within their immediate landscape and those whose work is externalized to the city.

These categories portray their varying involvement in different ways with the territory of the countryside; the former, arisen due to the process of externalization of work and other social functions, is not an active contributor of the rural landscape; whereas the later in certain ways contributes actively to, thus maintains a dependency on the rural landscape. The intention to develop a new framework of categorisation, that which differs to the conventional distinction based on opposing newcomers with those who may have arrived earlier or depending on long term residency, is crucial in articulating the varying productive relation between different types of new subjects and the territory. At the end, this broad categorization allows me to challenge the above-mentioned and define subjects based on their relationship with the territory.

2.3 Single-Family House and Mobility

20 Michał Buchowski, ‘Property Relations, Class

and Labour in Rural Poland’, in Postsocialist Europe: Anthropological Perspectives from Home, ed. by Laszlo Kurti and Peter Skalnik, EASA Series 10 (New York–Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009).

The process is intensified in the Opole-Silesia territory, where the settlement network operates as a dense system of interconnected and interdependent neighbouring settlements. It results not only in the proximal relation between similarly sized settlements, but also between small villages, municipal towns, and cities. This territory is characterised by the closeness of evenly dispersed communities. The proximity structures both the physical and metaphorical relations between objects and subjects that move and occupy this area. Nearness in space characterizes the spatial problematic, where it is possible for the observer of the landscape to move the dwelling to the countryside and leave all other aspects of its existence in the city. However, the physical distance does not represent the proximal relation fully. To understand

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Fig 2.6 62

Single-family housing appearing within the linear settlement.

21 It is important to point here, that the method

to measure ‘efficiency’ of the infrastructural network through individual means of transportation is emblematic to the rhetoric present in understanding the countryside, in which mobility within the landscape is moved to the subject and any responsibility is removed from the state.

22 Konrad Czapiewski, ‘Mieszkalnictwo i

Infrastruktura [Housing and Infrastructure]’, in Atlas Obszarów Wiejskich w Polsce [Atlas of Rural Territtories of Poland], by Jerzy Bański (Warszawa: IGiPZ PAN, 2016) <https://www.igipz.pan.pl/ atlas-obszarow-wiejskich-zgwirl.html> [accessed 1 March 2020].

23 Important voice in this discussion is raised by

Olga Gitkiewicz in her recent reportage, see: Olga Gitkiewicz and Wydawnictwo Dowody na Istnienie, Nie zdążę [Sorry I won’t make it] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Dowody na Istnienie, 2019).

24 The fact that the central planned economy of the

socialist system was not able to sustain production of cars to the level of the demand, fetishizes the car even more. This condition renders the car as a luxury means of class ascension. According the report from 2019, vast majority of Poles (91,6%) plans to own a car and 86,9% declares already owning one, see: Busradar.pl, Raport Busradar.Pl: Transportowe Zwyczaje Polaków [Busradar.Pl’s Report: Poles’ Transport Habits] (Warsaw: Busradar.pl, January 2019) <https://www. slideshare.net/BusradarPL/raport-transportowe-zwyczaje-polakw> [accessed 1 April 2020].

With little or none public transport links between settlements as a result of post-transformation privatization and free market adjustments to communal transportation,23 commute time the levels of ‘urbanity’, i.e. permitted or deemed attractive to build, have become the new rhetorical measure of ‘efficiency’ of infrastructure in the region. The problem of transport exclusion in majority of the cases does not affect subjects in question, as the middle-class they are well equipped with cars. Therefore, it is precisely a car together with dense network of roads that makes the single-family type possible to exist in the countryside in the first place, in other words the forces creating the single-family houses in the countryside can be recognized as spatial and social mobility. In this context, the garage is an element of a house which allows to scrutinize its transformation from multifunctional farmstead interconnected with the landscape to isolated point of destination fenced off from the outside. In most of the cases the garage is incorporated within the ground floor, rarely disconnected and almost never not existing. It shows the class obsession with the car,24 to the extent that it enters the domestic space. The garage becomes the main entrance to the house, it strengthens disconnection with the surrounding landscape. Rendering the access road as mere infrastructural element, ignoring it communal potential. The garage operates as a buffer between the city (where most of the activities including work and education are performed) and the countryside (which is experienced only through the house itself ). It captures the problematic of internal colonization and lack of integration, or in other words crisis of proximal relations. Which here can be read on many levels from the family structure, through the position of the house on the plot and its aesthetic, to the location of new buildings in relation

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

the close association between settlements and towns, it is important to consider the variable of time; the condition of proximity in the territory the proximity can be defined as a time-space relation. It is clearly visible on the maps of road and transport accessibility of the entire country prepared by the Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization of Polish Academy of Sciences (IGiPZ PAN) in 2010.21 In the case of the Opole-Silesia, commute time by a car from any given point to a city of 5,000 inhabitants ranges between 5 to 15 minutes, and to a city of over 20,000 inhabitants is set on less than 30 minutes.22

Fig 2.1

Fig 2.2

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Fig 2.7 64

Outcomes of the insufficient planning, so-called fief urbanism.

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

to the existing settlement. At the end it is the introduction of the garage that distinguishes, on a performative level, the plan of a single-family house from a plan of a standard dwelling in a housing block from the socialist period, although they operate as containers for a nuclear model of a family.

25 As recorded by GUS, average size of the

single-family house in Poland oscillates around 140 square meters. Taking into consideration that according to housing standards of the socialist period five bedroom flat should fit between 60-72 square meters, we can observe the expansion of the domestic plan. See: GUS, ‘Budownictwo mieszkaniowe I-III kwartał 2018 roku’, stat.gov.pl <https://stat.gov.pl/ obszary-tematyczne/przemysl-budownictwo-srodki-trwale/budownictwo/budownictwo-mieszkaniowe-i-iii-kwartal-2018-roku,4,35.html> [accessed 1 June 2020]; ‘Małe Domy Dominują w Budownictwie Indywidualnym. Jak Małe Domy Budują Polacy?

RAPORT’ <//www.muratorplus.pl/biznes/wiesci -z-rynku/polacy-buduja-coraz-mniejsze-domy-powierzchnia-uzytkowa-juz-ponizej-133-m2-aa-keDQ -fsUY-TUUe.html> [accessed 1 June 2020]; Ignacy F. Tłoczek, Dom Mieszkalny Na Polskiej Wsi [House in the Polish Countryside], Wyd. 1 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawn. Nauk, 1985).

26 Arczyńska.

27 Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku…, p. 223.

28 One of the first pattern books was published

in 1984, it contains 29 projects, and claims that the presented designs are direct responses to the needs of the readers expressed in the letters to the editors, see: Artur Nadolski and others, Buduję własny dom [I Will Build My Own House] (Warszawa: Wydawnictwa ‘Alfa’, 1984). More recently, all the pattern book catalogues moved online, there is an abundance of website offering houses, future residents can choose from plethora of solutions (literally hundreds of projects), see: www.dobredomy.pl or https://www. extradom.pl/ 29 So, not only the observers are a new subject in

the village, they bring with themselves their own arborvitae repertoire, alien to the landscape that they occupy. Changing fauna, together with extensive fencing, hard surfacing the plots leads to transformation of the landscape.

30 Kajdanek, Suburbanizacja po polsku…, p. 16.

Another crucial difference between the spatial models for a nuclear family between socialist and post-socialist times is simply the amount of available space within the dwelling. The abundance of square meters, to the point of being excessive, in the plan of a single-family house prompted the dissolution of the family in to separate rooms, and members becoming isolated.25 The aesthetic of the single-family house is a product of the class imagination and the delusion of a noble heritage,26 (such as what is expressed through manorial characteristics of houses in the form of columns at the entrance. The residents of single-family houses tend to adjust and individualise their homes,27 which is contrary to the character of a structure build from a pattern books.28 Regardless, residents aim to manifest their independence in all possible ways: from the colour of stucco, roof, windows, to the elaborated fences in front and thuja shrubs or trees on the side,29 to the position that always marks the centre of the plot. Moreover, lack of spaces of social interaction and social infrastructure in the settlements perpetuates the focus on the domestic space.30 This singular plots with no interconnections between each other or with the landscape operate as independent elements in the structure of a linear settlement, objects that one can literally drive into and never experience the outside. This leads to an inherent bound between the house and circulation, yet residents tend to present a reluctant approach towards the road.

Fig 2.3

Fig 2.4

Fig 2.5

Where previously patterns of growth would suggest that new investment follows main street of the settlement, it is not true for the new wave of internal colonization. Observers of the landscape prefer to locate their houses (the only realm through which they experience the countryside) along secondary or field roads. This presents an interesting paradox, where an object that allows existence of these houses in the first place (a road) is also the one that bothers residents the most. Additionally, the background of most observes being connected with the urban,

65

Fig 2.8

66

Comparison between all the ‘rural territory’ the 93% of the country (top), and the area within the reach of the first category of Housing Special Bill (bottom).

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

means that they tend to perceive themselves through prism of class status superior to the participants of the landscape, this is not always true, but what is undeniable is the fact that cultural capital dramatically differs between urban and rural areas, in the favour of the former. The observers tend to emphasise their connection to the urban, the house becomes a token to present a ‘better’ life towards the decisively left, hence the residents put effort to treat their houses as visual emblems, as representation of their status to the outside. The force of ‘isolation’ responsible for the dissolution of the linear settlement model is also the same force of ‘connection’ to different set of urban values not matching those present within the rural context. This ulterior ‘connection’ to the urban, is another element of delineation between observers and participants of the landscape.

2.4 Commodification of the Territory The scale of this processes is connected to the misconception of the state of the development of rural areas. Contrary to the perception of these areas as underdeveloped land anchored in the past, in 2016 alone the majority of buildings in Poland were constructed in rural areas: 65,100 buildings were constructed in rural areas, and part of which 51,000 were structures related to housing. That number in total constituted 65.8% of all new build buildings in the country.31 This influx of construction activity towards the rural is burdened with problematic circumstances.

31 Borawska and others.

32 Currently in operation Koncepcja Przestrzen-

nego Zagospodarowania Kraju 2030 (Spatial Development Plan of the Country, 2030), document passed 2011.

33 Jerzy Bański, ‘Miejsce obszarów wiejskich w

planowaniu przestrzenny [Position of the countryside in spatial planning]’, in Ciągłość i zmiana: sto lat rozwoju polskiej wsi., by Maria Halamska and others (Warszawa: IRWiR PAN : Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar Spółka z o.o, 2019), ii, p. 756.

Fig 2.5

The existing planning policy in Poland is not effective enough to deal with the volume of new buildings. Polish planning system is divided in to three levels: country, regional, and local. On the country level the legislative power of the government is to prepare a strategy.32 Since 1945 all the strategies had as a goal to level the inequalities between urban and rural areas, all of them consequently failed.33 On the regional level the document bounds the territory of the voivodship, hence it is connected to the administrative division of the country, as well as on the local level, where the legislation is prepared for the area of a municipality.

Planning requirements on the local level are specified by two documents.

Firstly, broader one, the Study of Conditions and Directions for Spatial

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34 In Polish, Studium uwarunkowań i kierunków

zagospodarowania przestrzennego, mostly known as Studium – Study.

35 In Polish, Miejscowy Plan Zagospodarowania

Przestrzennego (MPZP) 36 Bański, p. 755.

37 Ustawa o ułatwieniach w przygotowaniu i reali-

zacji inwestycji mieszkaniowych oraz inwestycji towarzyszących [Bill to ease process of preparation and construction of housing and accompanying facilities], Dz.U. 2018 poz. 1496, 2018 <http://isap.sejm.gov. pl/isap.nsf/download.xsp/WDU20180001496/O/ D20181496.pdf> [accessed 2 July 2019].

Fig 2.9 68

Single-family house appearing within the field outside of the linear settlement.

introduce a Special Bill for a defined period, to deal with a defined problem. The bill is automatically recognized as the law of land overruling all secondary legislation for that time. The bill was signed by the President on 7th of August 2018 and went into operation on the 22nd of August. Almost at the same time in summer 2018, a joint study of over 30 researchers from the Supreme Audit Office (Najwyższa Izba Kontroli) and Polish Academy of Science (Polska Akademia Nauk), presented a report titled Studies of Spatial Chaos. Findings of the report unveil, that results of accidental planning or its lack cost Polish state around 84,3 billion Polish Zlotys (PLN) each year. For a comparison, the budget spending in 2019 were set at the level of 418 billion PLN, meaning the costs of the spatial chaos are equal to 20% of annual budget of the country.

39 In Polish, Narodowy Program Mieszkaniowy.

Beata Szydło, Uchwała Rady Ministrów w sprawie przyjęcia Narodowego Programu Mieszkaniowego [Act of the Government to admit the National Housing Plan], RM-111-119-16, 2016 <https://www. gov.pl/documents/33377/436740/Narodowy_Program_Mieszkaniowy.pdf> [accessed 2 July 2019].

Commonly referred to as Mieszkanie+ (Dwelling+).

40 For more on topic the see: Lech Mergler and

Marta Bejnar-Bejnarowicz, ‘Stanowisko Kongresu Ruchów Miejskich do projektu specustawy mieszkaniowej – Kongres Ruchów Miejskich [Position of the Kongres Ruchów Miejskich on the housing superbill]’, 2018 <https://kongresruchowmiejskich.pl/lexdeweloper/> [accessed 26 October 2019], and response of the National Chamber of Architects: Wojciech Gwizdak and Magdalena Wółkowska, ‘Response of the National Chamber of Polish Architects to the Housing Superbill’ <http://www.izbaarchitektow.pl/ pokaz.php?id=2862> [accessed 16 May 2019].

41 The calculation is based on the amount of the

inhabitants in the municipality present in the last published census by Statistics Poland.

42 The vague language of the bill allows for the lack

of explicit recognition of the rural territory. Words rural, countryside, territories outside of the city are not used even once to describe the two milieus.

43 The planning law in Poland is not well defined,

hence the easy way to bypass the definition of a single-family house is to propose a semidetached scheme that has two apartments in each part, in effect the entire building hosts four dwellings.

Development.34 Secondly, by the most detailed document describing rather precisely spatial characteristic of buildings – Local Development Plan.35 The problem is, that in 2014, in rural municipalities only 37,7% of the territory had prepared Local Development Plans and in rural-urban municipalities only 29,9%.36 The lack of clear regulations in place, hence absence of planning guidelines forces municipalities to issue building permits based on the closest neighbour.

Moreover, recent decision of the government to introduce the ‘Bill to ease process of preparation and construction of housing and accompanying facilities’37 so-called Housing Special Bill.38 It allows to build housing without compliance to the Local Development Plans, therefore it is only going to exacerbate the planning chaos overtaking Polish landscape. The aim of the Special Bill is to serve as a catalyst for governmental National Housing Programme.39 The goal of the programme is to ease the constant housing crisis present urban and rural areas. The crisis in an ongoing problem of quantity of available housing stock and more contemporary of its affordability. The exemplary notion characterizing the last decade is a willingness of the government to move the responsibility to the free market, firstly to the banks to offer credit to future residents and now to developer to build ‘affordable housing’.

During the process of preparation of the Special Bill and shortly before presidential sign off, the architectural community in Poland was highly critical and worried of the outcomes it might bring.40 To understand the outcry that the bill evoked, first we must discern the changes that it introduces. The bill differentiates between two domains. The first described as areas of less than 100 000 inhabitants, the second as the cities over 100 000 inhabitants.41 The unclear language of the Special Bill opens possibility to combine within the first group cities up to 100 000 inhabitants, towns, and remote settlement in the same category, even though not much can be found in common.42 The grouping, hence, seems to be an act precisely thought to conceal the rural areas within the broader category without mentioning it. The bill allows to create housing investment, understood as building with at least 25 dwellings, or a complex of at least 10 single family houses.43 For this territories it opens a possibility to locate the investment in the distance up to 1000 m from the closest public transport stop and, in the distance, not further

Fig 2.7

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

38 In Polish legislative system, government can

Fig 2.8

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Chapter 2

than 3000 m from nearest school and nursery. It allows for the buildings to be high up to 4 levels.44 The problem with presented parameters is that the bill only requires to fulfil it, but it does not reinforce it. Meaning that the fulfilment of the requirement might be provisional, based on the declaration from the municipality that this kind of social and technical infrastructure investment will appear in the future. Moreover, all the costs of building and later maintaining social and technical infrastructure are pushed on the side of the municipality. This is a worrying condition where in the larger context the legislation is passed to make building process as easy for developers as possible even with the cost of deregulating housing standards. 45 Therefore, as put forward by the statement of Kongres Ruchów Miejskich, ‘The bill will socialize the costs of implementing these investments and privatize profits’.46 At the end the absence of Local Development Plans and more currently introduction of the Housing Special Bill, leads to a process of liberalisation of planning law, and in effect only exacerbates the dissolution of a linear settlement and commodifies further the territory.

Fig 2.9

This chapter argued that appearance of petit-bourgeois class (mostly associated here with the category of observers) in the countryside propels processes of settlement and community dissolution through introduction of single-family house which are mostly located outside of the initial core of the settlement. This process strengthens the isolation between subjects present in a settlement which can be read through modes of production, formal aesthetic of a dwelling and its position towards a settlement. At the end, the effect of internal colonization through a single-family house is an increase of social and spatial distance between categories of subjects.

44 For the cities in the second group it gives a

possibility to locate the investment in the distance up to 500 m from the closest public transport stop and, in the distance, not further than 1500 m from nearest school and nursery. It allows for the building to be high up to 14 levels. At the time of writing the dissertation, the government put forward to the Parliament amendment to the bill which in effect is going to remove necessity to fulfil mentioned above distances for new development. It is to be seen if the amendment will pass. More on the subject see: Michał Wojtczuk, ‘Wraca “lex deweloper” [Lex Developer is coming back]’, warszawa.wyborcza.pl <https://warszawa. wyborcza.pl/warszawa/7,54420,24815137,wraca-lex -deweloper-pis-chce-jeszcze-bardziej-pojsc-na-reke. html> [accessed 27 October 2019].

45 Current building code introduced in 2017

changed §94. Previously the part of the bill described minimal width of bedrooms, relation of kitchen and living room in one-bedroom apartments, etc. Currently the section says ‘The dwelling should have a usable floor area of at least 25 m2’. See: Rozporządzenie Ministra Infrastruktury i Budownictwa zmieniające rozporządzenie w sprawie warunków technicznych, jakim powinny odpowiadać budynki i ich usytuowanie [Act of Ministry of Infrastructure and Construction chaning the act in reagards to technical requirements of buildings and its position], 2018.

46 Translated by the author, original text in Polish:

Ustawa uspołeczni koszty realizacji tej zabudowy, a sprywatyzuje zyski. From: Lech Mergler and Marta Bejnar-Bejnarowicz, ‘Stanowisko Kongresu Ruchów Miejskich do projektu specustawy mieszkaniowej – Kongres Ruchów Miejskich [Position of the Kongres Ruchów Miejskich on the housing superbill]’, 2018 <https://kongresruchowmiejskich.pl/lexdeweloper/> [accessed 26 October 2019].

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71

Single-family House and Commodification of the Territory

CHAPTER 3

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

Chapter 3

Fig 3.1

74

Housing for workers of PGRs before 1953. Architecture tries to mimic so-called socialist realism trend in art and architecture. The aesthetic dramatically changes after death of Stalin, post 1953.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

The chapter discusses the socialist period (post-war, 1946–1993) and the strategy of the authoritarian state towards the countryside. The chapter focuses on the historical and contemporary relevance of the housing blocks of workers settlements of the former State Agricultural Farms (PGR), understood as an element which contributed to the dissolution of the linear settlement in Opole-Silesia, Poland. In the case of the housing block and previously discussed single-family house the scale of intervention through which they were introduced to rural areas is comparable. Nevertheless the scale of the project’s resonance has different origin, in the case of the housing block it is the power of the state which allows for it to appear, whereas in the case of the singlefamily house it is exactly the opposite, meaning inability of the state to introduce an overall strategy for the countryside. What also differs is the actor introducing the element to rural area, in the case of the former it is the central government, through state apparatus, and in the case of the latter the actor is not singular, as each of the houses is brought to the countryside by its residents.

The previous chapter mentioned the legacy of ‘manorial details’ as relevant tool for new residents of the countryside to underline their class position.

The revival of these forms of details repurposed to modern building technology is indicative for the category of observers to distinguish themselves from the context. The architecture of the State Agricultural Farms operated as an apparatus with an objective to systematically eradicate the association with manorial estates on the aesthetic level (at least after 1953). Yet, there is a connection to be made between PGRs and manorial estates based on the form of production. Both operated as agricultural estates, managing large block fields, and using proletarians as workforce. Moreover, both forms of production operated internally within the structure of the linear settlement, maintaining unity between living, and working. Therefore, the linear settlements were able to keep cohesive residential structure as the socialist phase recognized the rural as productive realm, and life and work remained tied.

Fig 3.1

75

Opole-Silesia

Western and Northern Territories

Border of the Second Polish Republic

Fig 3.2 76

Map presents the area of the Western and Norther Territories in comparison to the border of the pre WWII state – the Second Polish Republic.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

3.1 Origin of the State Agricultural Farms

In Polish Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego or PKWN.

1

Dekret Polskiego Komitetu Wyzwolenia Narodowego z dnia 6 września 1944 r. o przeprowadzeniu reformy rolnej [Decree of the Polish Committee of National Liberation of 6 September 1944 on the Implementation of the Agrarian Reform], (Dz.U. 1944 nr 4 poz. 17).

2

Passed on 9 October 1991, Ustawa o gospodarowaniu nieruchomościami rolnymi Skarbu Państwa [Bill on the Management of Agricultural Property of the Treasury], (Dz. U. 1991 Nr 107 poz. 464).

3

In Polish Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej or TRJN.

4

In Polish mostly referred as Kresy or Kresy Wschodnie.

5

Namely Belarusian, Lithuanian and Ukrainian Republics.

6

In Polish Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne. Referred sometimes in the literature as Recovered Territories (Ziemie Odzyskane) which reflects the language of PRL’s propaganda, hence this thesis will restrain from the use of that term and keep the neutral nomenclature.

7

Few movements worth to mention here are: forced re-settlement of the German population from Western and Northern Territories to west, so-called ‘repatriation’ of Polish population from east, and internal forced-resettlement of population from south-eastern part of the country as part of Operation Vistula (Akcja Wisła), see: Figlus, ii.

8

Arguably due to their precarious position, between 1945 and 1949 the Western and Norther Territories were recognized as one province within the administrative division of Poland and were administered by the Ministry of Recovered Territories.

9

This chapter focuses on the rise, decline and failure of the housing model for workers of the State Agricultural Farms. That process can be read as an embodiment of nationalization and modernization projects undertaken by the government of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) in the aftermath of World War II. The socialist period in the Polish countryside can be framed by two events. It starts on 6th of September 1944, with an introduction of the decree by the Polish Committee of National Liberation,1 according to which the Agrarian Reform2 was enacted. And it ends on 31 of December 1993 with ‘efforts’ to restructure PGRs but in fact it resulted in total closure and liquidation of the State Farms and privatization of remaining housing stock.3 Recognition of this threshold dates, hence the definition of the period, enables to claim centrality of the agrarian project for the socialist state in which the main role was assigned to the State Agricultural Farms.

Within this period, at the end of WWII, during the Yalta Conference (4–11 of February 1945), Provisional Government of National Unity4 in cooperation with Soviet Union signed an agreement, as a result of which eastern border of the Second Polish Republic altered. So-called Easter Borderlands5 around 180,000 km2, or 46.2% of inter-war area of the country, were subtracted in favour of Soviet Republics.6 Moreover, as the aftermath of WWII and in the accordance to the agreements set during the Potsdam Conference (17 July–2 August 1945) western border also changed dramatically. Western and Northern Territories7 were integrated into the post-war state, around 102,800 km2, in other words 32.9% of the post-war territory of the country. These changes in the aerial configuration of the state exacerbated the post-war movement of population.8 The resettlements led to a dispossession of a large amount of communities and created rather loose relation of the settlers with a new land, in effect they reshaped patterns of inhabitation in the countryside. Lack of attachment was visible (and in matter of fact still is) in the state of acceleration within the Western and Northern Territories.

Inflamed by the precarious position of these lands, exemplified in the approach of the state towards it.9 And in the fact that only 54 years after their incorporation – in 1999, Poland and Germany signed an

Fig 3.2

77

Chapter 3

agreement settling the shape of their border, hence putting an end to the uncertain position of this area and its population.10 All this enabled the transformation the countryside’s territory to an area of centrally managed experiment, one that was undertaken through a widespread nationalization.

From 1945 onwards, there has been three processes through which this rural revolution was pursued. All three with significance for the area in focus of this thesis. First, parcellation11 which led to creation of small private farms between 7–15 hectares.12 In effect, this created rather disperse structure of agricultural fields and enforced unfavourable agrarian structure.13 Second, collectivization of 1948–1956 which violently ‘encouraged’ small farmers to join farms and create production cooperatives.14 Finally, the third, nationalization which was propelled and solidified by the Agrarian Reform of 1944 (with additional amendments later on), its prerogative was simple, to nationalize the land property of Nazi German citizen, Polish citizens with German nationality, Polish citizens that collaborated with Nazi Germany, and all property with no more than 50 hectares of arable land. 15 Knowing that the residents of the countryside consisted of 62% of the total population,16 enables to understand state strategies of nationalization on that scale. It was an endeavour to secure position of the state in the countryside, transfer of property to peasants was a tool to strengthen that position and in effect a way to gain their political support for a change of system. Therefore, the transformation of the territory can be understood as an apparatus to enforce post-war condition.

Liquidation of the large-scale manorial property led to a change in landownership patterns in rural areas, it simply shifted the balance from large landowners to the state. It was a catalyst and opportunity for the state to introduce in 1949 a model of the State Agricultural Farms following similar attempts undertaken in the rest of the socialist block.

This transformed the field structure, consolidating larger amount of it in the hand of the state, which can be argued from a managerial perspective ‘improved organisation of agricultural production’.17 Additionally, it serves as an origin of monocultural, industrialized, highly fertilised agriculture which we see today, with only difference that the land is

78

10 Still by 1970’s German maps would refer to these

territories as ‘Currently under Polish administration’.

The uncertain position of these lands was finally taken care of in the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to German, it respected the border between the countries on the Odra – Nysa river line, hence solidifying the alliance of the Western and Northern Territories to Poland.

11 As the aftermath of WWII structure of polish

society was flatten, therefore enfranchisement was such a significant political tool. Paradoxically this process pursued by the government created private property and capital relation within the social system.

12 Adam Czarnecki, ‘Urbanizacja Kraju i jej Etapy

[Urbanization of the Country and its Phases]’, in Ciągłość i zmiana: sto lat rozwoju polskiej wsi.,

by Maria Halamska and others (Warszawa: IRWiR PAN : Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar Spółka z o.o, 2019), i, 51–76.

13 Henryk Słabek, ‘Dzieje Polskiej Reformy Rolnej

1944-48’ [History of Polish Agrarian Reform 194448], Wiedza Powszechna, Warsaw, 1972, 124–126 14 In the case of Poland, this process was largely

opposed to the extent that during the destalinization period of 1956 the decline in number of production collectives was registered at the level of 85%, see: Dariusz Jarosz, ‘The Collectivization of Agriculture in Poland: Causes of Defeat’, in The Collectivization of Agriculture in Communist Eastern Europe: Comparison and Entanglements, ed. by Constantin Iordachi and Arnd Bauerkämper (Budapest ; New York: Central European University Press, 2014), pp.

113–46.

15 The limit of 50ha was set for the agricultural land,

in some parts of the Western and Norther Territories the limit was established on the level of 100 ha without distinction between agricultural or different type of land. See: Figlus, II. 16 Czarnecki, I. 17 Ibid.

18 From the total amount of PGRs in 1989 more

than 50% were located in the Western and Northern Territories, see: Wpływ Przekształcen Strukturalnych Rolnictwa Na Zagospodarowanie Przestrzenne [Impact of Structural Transformations of Agriculture on Spatial Development], ed. by Andrzej Stasiak and Włodzimierz Zgliński (Warszawa: Polska Akademia Nauk, 1997).

19 State Machinery Centres (Państwowe Ośrodki

Maszynowe), operated as a network of facilities scattered across the territory and which provided necessary machines for agricultural production. The centres were accessible for PGRs and production cooperatives, excluding individual farmers from ‘socialized’ equipment, in effect forcing them to reconsider their stance towards collectivization.

20 Stations for Seed Control (Stacje Oceny Nasion)

and their restructuration and proliferation across the territory (they were introduced on the country level) allowed for better control over crops.

21 Model of the State Farms replicates (to some

extent) the late-feudal scheme of manor farmlands which it replaced, where the land was centralized in the hand of landowner, and workforce was provided by peasants. More on the class division in the Polish countryside, see: Włodzimierz Wesołowski, ‘Procesy Klasotwórcze w Teoretycznej Perspektywie [Class Related Processes in Theoretical Perspective]’, in Ludzie i Instytucje: Stawanie Się Ładu Społecznego: Pamiętnik IX Ogólno-Polskiego Zjazdu Socjologicznego: Lublin, 27-30 VI 1994, ed. by Elżbieta Muszyńska and Irena Pielak (Lublin: Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, 1995), pp. 301–30.

Fig 3.3

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

not owned by the capital but it is in the hand of the state. The scale of the project and state’s assistance to realized it, can be read through the numbers, just by the end of 1950, there was 5690 PGRs, with majority located in the Western and Norther Territories.18 The State Agricultural Farms not only transformed the territory through consolidation of land, introduction of the State Machinery Centres,19 and restructuration of Stations for Seed Control,20 but also through introduction of a new form of a settlement. With it came a form of relation between modes of working and living. One in which the state is a major owner of the agricultural land, machines, infrastructure, crops, etc., and workers become village proletarians.21

Fig 3.4

3.2 Settlements for Workers of the State Agricultural Farms — Separation from the Ground Interdependency between the state and the workers was exemplified in the form and performance of the settlements. Their aesthetic was determined by an unfamiliar form of a multi-storey housing block. In the narrative of the state and in the reception of residents it emphasised notion of progress, in effect clearly demarcating new from old, and constituting a division between workers settlement and cores of existing villages.

Even though, there is a variety in the morphological configuration of these settlements, they operate following the same set of simple zoning rules. Firstly, production facilities were moved outside of the settlement, or totally externalized and concentrated within the territory. Secondly, housing together with social infrastructure were separated from leisure and allotment gardens. Within the housing zone, there is a clear compartmentalization of different housing typologies. Housing blocks for eight or more families were grouped together in parallel patterns, and smaller four family houses created neighbourhoods following access roads. Formal grouping according to the size of the housing unit, was also an exemplification of the employment structure of the local PGR. Meaning that the organisation of the masterplan resembled the hierarchy present in the Farm. Workers would be placed within eight family blocks and personnel responsible for management would inhabit the smaller size units. In effect this underlines the problem of separation and power

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Fig 3.3 80

Workers of the PGR Manieczki harvesting hop using machines from the State Machinery Centre.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory Fig 3.4 Project of a typical sched for machines reused across the Western and Norther Territories, prepared by the centralised office for agriculture project in Warsaw.

81

Buildings belonging to a PGR

Other buildings

Fig 3.5

82

Classification of the workers settlements in the Opole-Silesia. From the left, first category where a settlement is adjunct to an existing village. Second, where a settlement is integrated within a village. Third, where a settlement operates as an independent structure.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

distinction (an ‘administrative form’, rather than a ‘productive form’, of spaces) which should ideologically not be possible within the social underpinning of the State Farms. Therefore, even the initial architecture of the settlement unveils on of the overarching problems of the socialist agriculture in Poland, constant corruption, and willingness to propound personal interest over the interest of the community.

22 Anna Giza-Poleszczuk and Jacek Liwiński, ‘Spo-

łeczne aspekty likwidacji Państwowych Gospodarstw Rolnych: raport socjologiczny z badań ilościowych i jakościowych [Social Aspects of Liquidation of the State Farms: a Sociological Report, Quantitative and Qualitative Research]’, in Rynki pracy na obszarach popegeerowskich: raport z badań [Employement markets in post-PGR areas], by Jacek Liwiński, Urszula Sztanderska, and Anna Giza-Poleszczuk (Warszawa: Departament Analiz Ekonomicznych i Prognoz. Ministerstwo Pracy i Polityki Społecznej, 2008).

Three categories of workers settlements can be distinguished based on their relation to the road infrastructure and position towards the existing settlement network. The first category, where a settlement is adjunct to an existing village. It considers mostly middle-sized settlements with some of the additional social functions. The second category, where a settlement is integrated within a village. Focusses on small settings, merged within the fabric of a village. Due to the lack of social infrastructure the distinction is drawn mostly on the axis of aesthetic and modes of production. Finally, the third category, where a settlement operates as an independent structure, it recognizes large settlements with an evident provision of social infrastructure. In all the cases, the apparent closeness of these forms to the existing settlements is misguiding. Their relation is better characterized as a juxtaposition of two rivalling, opposing centres. One that circles around a church and the other that is built around social infrastructure provided by the state. This duality is exacerbated by the ideological agenda of the state, and willingness to reduce or at least oppose the role of the church in rural areas. Interactions between residents of old villages and new settlements can be described as tense, hostile and wary caused by the privileged treatment of village proletarians by the state.22 Furthermore, what characterizes workers settlements in opposition to the self-emerging typologies of settlements is their relation towards the main road. Namely, unlike the traditional settlements, the road is not treated as a core element of the settlement.

The infrastructure performs only utilitarian function of circulation and the settlement is not build along it but next to it. Therefore, these settlements in the morphological sense are free from the hegemony of infrastructure, the road is not anymore, an apparatus which propels the growth of the settlement (that function is overtaken by landownership patterns), the settlement with all its ideological background gained an independence from it.

Fig 3.5

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Workers settlements were the embodiment of the state propaganda to modernize the countryside, through so-called socialized modes of production and living. Therefore, there was a strong emphasis to equip them with social infrastructure, like schools, nurseries, rural community centres, common rooms, canteen, health care facilities, football fields, etc.23 Introduction of these type of functions can be considered as a project of reformation directed towards the countryside, and as a recognition of this area as an important part of the post-war country.

In this context we see for the first-time provision of institutionalized forms of care governed by the state. In effect, it is exactly here where we can trace a beginning of a clear separation between productive and reproductive labour in the context of the countryside. The separation – in other words change in proximal relations – externalized productive labour from the domestic space completely, and to some extend removed reproductive labour and care too, offering apparent emancipation for women. This process was aligned with the state’s strategy to govern the family, to reshape its model from a traditional multi-generational structure, to modern nuclear family. The change would allow the state to have more control over individual subjects, as both parents were meant to work, and children were supposed to be taken care of by institutions like nurseries, kindergartens, and schools. This allowed the state to have an authority over subjects from the very beginning; therefore, to have a possibility to shape them ideologically. To eradicate traditional values and enforce new order.

Yet, there is another level of division, one that happens between a dwelling and surrounding it soil. It can be read in two ways. Literally as a lost connection or lack of access to the surrounding ground due to the multilevel character of housing blocks. This results in confinement of domestic life within the walls of an apartment, in effect it isolates residents from the landscape, a condition that was not previously present in the countryside. More figuratively, as a break or lack of landownership relation between the settlers and the ground, and this is what precisely defines village proletarians as a group subject, a clear disconnection from the primal means of production in the context of the countryside – the ground. Understanding all these levels of separation produced by the PGRs, unveils the radical character of the model and settlement as a

84

23 Arguably the most impressive programme, not

exclusive to the countryside, was announced in 1958 and spanning between 1959–1965 plan to build 1000 schools for 1000 years anniversary of Christianization of Poland (which is recognized as the beginning of the first Polish state). The schools were built from social donation and imposed taxes (i.e. State Farms had to pay 2% of additional tax). The programme responded to the post-war birth boom and genuine shortage of education facilities, at the end within this programme the socialist state managed to build 1423 schools across the country, see: Anna Cymer, ‘Tysiąclatki – szkoły na rocznicę [Schools for 1000 Years Anniversary]’, Culture.pl <https://culture.pl/ pl/dzielo/tysiaclatki-szkoly-na-rocznice> [accessed 14 April 2020].

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

carrier of these ideas. At the end it displays multiscale transformation of the rural landscape propelled through a new project of a territory, a settlement, and a dwelling.

3.3 Housing Block and Village Proletarians Preceding forms of dwelling present within the territory the OpoleSilesia, always established a strong connection between a domestic and a productive space, in other words, between a house and a field. It can be said that all spheres of a farmstead were interconnected and operated as one unified system of overlapping spaces where the use and recognition was fluid without a clear separation. There was a close relation between work and living, animals and humans, machines and plants, this intertwined coexistence was what characterized the mode of living in the countryside. Therefore, transformation of the form of a dwelling from a farmstead placed firmly on the ground that its residents owned and could cultivate, to a floating unit that was confined in a block of flats standing on ‘no-man’s land’, with clinically determined plans, following norms of centrally planned economy, and emphasising the nuclear character of family is so estranged to the context of the countryside.

The typologies constructed for workers of the State Farms were mostly conceived as multilevel housing blocks. This introduced unprecedented density to the countryside. A form of dwelling which separated subjects from the ground, but more importantly disconnected them from a possibility of small-scale breeding and cultivation. This lack of forms of subsistence was compensated to some extent by an introduction of allotment lots. The two typologies mentioned before, namely eightfamily housing block and four-family house present aesthetically a reduce form of a block, striped away from any unnecessary elements, left only with utilitarian repertoire of windows, doors, chimneys, sometimes balconies or loggias. Formally these objects fit more a repository of elements belonging to the city rather than the countryside. This is true not only through an eye of a layman, but it is rooted deeper in the construction process. Due to the inefficiency of the construction sector of the socialist state, the idea was to use so-called ‘housing factories’ that

Fig 3.6

85

Fig 3.6 86

Eight family housing block for the workers of PGRs.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

were producing prefabricated elements for housing blocks in the cities also to resolve the housing shortage in the countryside.24 Therefore, this can be read through a power structure of centre and periphery which totalitarian state utilized in the attempt to modernize the countryside, in effect centralised power of administration exported elements of ‘urbanity’ to rural, i.e. the mentioned block but also the mode of production, therefore the proletarians themselves. Additionally, the multilevel character of the housing blocks allowed for more efficient and cost-effective introduction of amenities like electricity, gas, water, and sewage systems. All of them were considered as novelty in rural context.

This architecture can be read as a sign of a pragmatic approach towards the post-war context, were building materials were scare and housing demand high. Yet, it seems to be only a partial reading, these typologies can be problematized within a wider strategy of the state, as embodiment to advance political aims of homogenous country, socially and culturally.

24 Ignacy F. Tłoczek, Dom Mieszkalny Na Polskiej

Wsi [House in the Polish Countryside], Wyd. 1 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawn. Nauk, 1985), p.

141-150.

25 Ibid., p. 145.

26 Figlus, ii.

27 Tłoczek, p. 146.

28 Pier Vittorio Aureli and Maria Sheherazade

Giudici, ‘Barbarism Begins at Home, Territory and Primitive Accumulation’ (Diploma Unit 14, Brief, Architectural Association School of Architecture, 2016).

Introduced within the socialist period forms of dwelling were developed according to strict rules. The state dictated the maximum (not extendible under any circumstances) amount of square meter per category of the flat. Studio between 16–20 square meters, one-bedroom flat between 24–29 square meters, two-bedroom flat 36–42 square meters, threebedroom flat 46–52 square meters, four-bedroom flat 56–60 square meters, and five-bedroom flat 60–72 square meters.25 Two factors are here important to account for to fully understand the context. First, that even though the government set brackets for the size of dwellings, the unofficial ‘recommendation’ was to follow the lower side of the spectrum.26 Second, that most of build houses contained one and two-bedroom dwellings which simply lead to overpopulation.27 This brings me to the domestic space, the apartment as pointed by Pier Vittorio Aureli and Maria Sheherazade Giudici in its etymology can be recognized as an apparatus of separation.28 It is not different in this case, separation can be read here in many ways, here I will focus on separation of the family, or enforcement of its nuclear form instead of present before multigenerational structures. Therefore, closer analysis of the domestic space for both typologies is needed.

In the case of the four-family house. The plan of the building unravels

Fig 3.7

87

Fig 3.7 88

Four family housing block for the workers of PGRs.

29 The government of have designated two State

Agricultural Farms as flagship representatives of the model. One mentioned above in Manieczki, Wielkopolskie voivodeship the second in Kietrz, Opolskie voivodeship. Both were in the Western and Northern Territories on rather good quality soli, moreover both were received better financial support from the side of the government.

30 Tłoczek, p. 161.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

paradoxes of the socialist period. Starting from a decision to include two staircases, which in effect separate the building in two section, each occupied by two families. Overprovision of the vertical circulation is especially interesting in the context of scarce materials and willingness to build as cost-effective as possible, at the end it is not hard to imagine another version of this plan with centrally located core. The assumption might be that the designers wanted to offer families some sort of privacy, detach them from one another and provide a sense of single-family occupancy, yet that goes against the line of the government propaganda which presented the State Farms and their settlements as embodiments of ‘socialized’ forms of living. Or maybe the fact that the analysed house was constructed in one of the flagship State Farms allowed for this inefficient use of staircases.29 As mentioned before, all the dwellings constructed within this period had to adhere to the strict governmental standards regarding the area of the flat. The plan for a four-family house in Manieczki shows an attempt to overcome it, to challenge the limited space of the domestic and enlarge it by bypassing the law. Therefore, the staircase is recessed, creating sort of a loggia, as this space is not directly connected to an apartment, it cannot be count as its part. Nevertheless, as only two families were served per staircase it is obvious which loggia belongs to which flat, and at the end residents used it as additional pantry or storage space. The division in two segments served by separate staircases decreases possibilities of interaction between members of different families. But small area of flats and unfortunate overpopulation forced inhabitants to give spaces various functions. As provided by the diagram by Ignacy Tłoczek’s,30 only bathroom would serve a singular function, kitchen would be utilized as pantry, room to wash and dry, and sometimes as a learning space for kids; the dining room fitted with a table would be the main space for the family, but also room to meet guests, or a bedroom for parents; the small separate bedroom would rarely be occupied by one person or a couple, more often it would be shared by grandparents and children. This condition is also true in the case of the eight-family block. The difference which this example brings is the use of vertical circulation. One staircase serves four apartments, additionally its position next to façade allowed for sunlight access, this enforced informal use of landings filled with plants and footlockers. Moreover, the elevation of the first floor made it possible to create storage rooms

Fig 3.8

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in the underground level and brought a sort of porch like form to the entrance. These few steps and landing sometimes equipped with closely placed bench, became centres of social activity, for each segment.

At the end, crowded condition in the dwellings of the PRGs enforced many interactions between family members, the problem is that due to the small size of the apartments some of them resulted in conflicts.

These examples show the totalitarian approach of the state towards the family, exemplified in architecture, where unified projects were placed in the context without understanding it spatial and social conditions.

Hence it shows that standardization as an approach allows for wide scale modernization and improvement of facilities, but it also results in a mismatch between the project itself and subjects residing in the final building. It is hard to say, that in the scale of dwelling these projects offered any social, collective qualities, on the contrary it seems valid to say that this architecture defied the very goal it tried to achieve. At the end, collective characteristics can be found in the scale of the settlement in the form of social infrastructure, but not really within the scale of a dwelling.

3.4 The Aftermath of the Great Change To judge the radical project of modernization of the countryside, which was embodied in the State Agricultural Farms, one must see it over time and evaluate its contemporary remains. The notion of maintenance becomes an operative through which such an evaluation may occur.

Maintenance itself cannot be considered or judged only by its effects, buy by a sequence of unfolding interconnected events. Therefore, looking at the workers settlements of the PRGs it is impossible to omit the Great Change. Rural communities were affected heavily by the political, social, and economic transformation of 1989-91. In effect discourse within them and about them is shaped by a dichotomous relation between past and presence that manifests itself in topics like nationalization – privatization, housing upgrade – downgrade, work stability – scarcity, and collective – individual.

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31 The first Polish democratic parliament after

WWII, together with the government of Tadausz Morawiecki, and Lech Wałęsa as president.

32 Interesting enough, above-mentioned State Farm

in Kietrz, one of two flagship projects of the socialist state, was the only one that went successfully through the transition and operates within the state ownership until today, with rather successful results, but of course with reduced social infrastructure. See: Sławomir Draguła, ‘Kombinat Rolny Kietrz to niemal 60-letnia tradycja, 8,5 tys. ha ziemi przeznaczonej pod uprawę i 9 tys. sztuk bydła’, Nowa Trybuna Opolska, 2019 <https://nto.pl/kombinat-rolny-kietrz-to-niemal -60letnia-tradycja-85-tys-ha-ziemi-przeznaczonej-pod -uprawe-i-9-tys-sztuk-bydla/ar/13988547> [accessed 13 April 2020].

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

Analysing the term in a broader spectrum allows to better understand the nation-wide social consequences of the transformation from the socialist to the post-socialist system. Within the paradigm of the first system, the responsibility lied entirely on the side of the state.

Ideologically Polish People’s Republic was focused on the working class, with a special focus on the agrarian working class. Nationalized mode of production within the rural areas offered enough work for all new settlers of the Western and Northern Provinces. Those who moved were offered subsidized housing, within the state founded multifamily blocks arranged in settlements. This was considered by the most as a significant improvement of the dwelling conditions, a promise for betterment and sense of belonging. Additionally, a proper network of healthcare and educational facilities, meaning presence of social infrastructure was brought to the countryside. All this was undertaken with a huge effort to modernize the countryside. Nevertheless, the transformation period of wild capitalism that spans the entire decade of 1990s, and radical reforms exacerbated artificially hidden problems. In effect showing weakness of the totalitarian project of modernization, where without support of the central government it simply decayed. In a result of poor management, and inability to adapt to new economic condition the State Farms started to collapse, first one already in 1990 in the village of Zagórki in the vicinity of Słupsk. In 1991, parliament31 passed a bill that gave the PGRs two years to restructure and comply with the new reality.32 In effect at the end of 1993, total closure of the State Farms was conducted.

To understand the scale of the change, enacted by liquidation of PGRs, it is important to acknowledge that restructuration and privatization processes affected almost 4.7 million ha (it means 18.7% of total arable land of Poland), within this as of 1988, 3.8 million ha incorporated in 3433 PGRs (it is more than total arable land of: Denmark – 2.7m ha, or Benelux countries – 1.5m ha, or the Netherlands 2m ha, or Slovakia 4m ha, or Czechia 4.3 ha). Areas were PGRs were major owners (of the land) covered 45.3% of the entire territory of the country. And were inhabited by 38.3% of total rural population of Poland. | Former employees of PGRs consist of around 475 thousand people (in 1989). Liquidation of PGRs

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Sleep

Visits

Cooking

Rest

Eating

Kids learning areas

Washing

Personal hygiene

Pantry Markers representing age and gender of inhabitants of the dwelling Women Men

Youth

Girls Boys

Kids

Girls Boys

Fig 3.8 92

Diagram presenting the use of the dwelling in the workers settlement.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

(preluded by restructuration) led to immense reduction of jobs in short period of time. Between 1989 – 2000 job loss in state run agriculture lost around 346 thousand people, in this almost half (around 180 thousand) before 1992.33 Homogenous structure of employment in the State Farms, drastic measures undertaken by the government, and new economic reality led to massive unemployment in rural areas, to the extent that for the countryside of 1990s unemployment became the overreaching phenomenon. Additionally, the remaining housing stock in the settlements was subjected privatization through vicious right to buy scheme, in which former workers were encouraged to spend their allowance on the apartments within structures that were design to withstand 30-40 years, meaning that at them moment of buyout the buildings were close to their expiry date. In effect this process entrapped former workers in a cycle of poverty, prolonged unemployment, and negative equity in isolated settlements. Additionally, privatization of public local transport only exacerbated this condition, as most of the connection between remote settlements and centres where some work was possible to be found were simply not existing. This condition is maybe best described by one of the people responsible, it shows the naïve, optimism and lack of any planning that was unfortunately so characteristic for the beginning of the III Polish Republic. In words of Lech Wałęsa:

33 Urszula Sztanderska and Anna Giza-Poleszczuk,

‘Rynki pracy na obszarach popegeerowskich w świetle wyników badań [Employement markets in post-PGR areas in the light of research results]’, in Rynki pracy na obszarach popegeerowskich: raport z badań [Employement markets in post-PGR areas],

by Jacek Liwiński, Urszula Sztanderska, and Anna Giza-Poleszczuk (Warszawa: Departament Analiz Ekonomicznych i Prognoz. Ministerstwo Pracy i Polityki Społecznej, 2008), p. 17.

34 Wiadomości, wypowiedź Lecha Wałęsy, TVP1,

2 November 1995, 8.00pm.

We have left people there, in State Agricultural Farms and other places. We have left them on their own. We thought that capitalism and market economy is going to fix it by itself.

This is the mistake that we all have made, and I also did.34 The omnipresent ‘market’ did not fix anything in the case of the settlements of former PGRs, it only led towards their decline. The deteriorating state of architecture of these settlements in pair with their communities, was central to that time’s debate. In the case discussed in this chapter it is true that the collapse of the socialist system equals a collapse of the community. Almost 50 years of modernization of the countryside, was squandered and in many cases reversed in ten years.

Fig 3.9

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Fig 3.9

94

Arizona

In 1997, seven years after the first collapse of above-mentioned the State Farm in Zagórki, director Ewa Borzęcka visited the village with a film crew. Having as an objective to portray inhabitants for a documentary series broadcasted and financed by Polish Television. The result of the excursion was a short ‘documentary’ movie, highly biased piece, presenting a shallow understanding of transformation problematic and its social implication in remote areas. The title – Arizona – is simply the name of a cheap vine, widely consumed by people living in the village, in quite large amounts. The director seems to be fascinated by this phenomenon and captures long scenes of alcoholic gatherings. This played well with the narrative present in public debate at the end of 1990’s. Where working class was portrayed as loafers and losers, simply as those unable to adjust to better new capitalist condition of the III Polish Re-public.

Housing Block and Nationalization of the Territory

It shows that this scale of the project is only possible to be sustained by central government and its constant provision of financial means.

Degradation of architecture of housing blocks35 runs here parallel with degradation of communities which to reduce costs were closing or selling shared facilities. The responsibilities to uphold housing were pushed to local municipalities or residents, in effect the problem was removed from the centre of the discourse to its periphery. Socialist unified hosing block became a device for the state to house large amount of low skilled, physical workers around the State Farms. During the period of their conception they were perceived as indicators of progress, exactly the opposite is true in the later period, where their presence is associated with social stigma and failure.

35 In the contemporary context 13.8% of total inha-

bitable structures in rural areas is attributed to multifamily housing, and vast majority of this percentage is used by former housing blocks of PGRs. See: Agata Twardoch, System do mieszkania: perspektywy rozwoju dostępnego budownictwa mieszkaniowego (Warszawa: Fundacja Nowej Kultury Bęc Zmiana, 2019), p. 49-50.

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CHAPTER 4

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory

Chapter 4

The chapter focuses on the early-capitalist period (interwar, 1918– 1939) and the strategies of the Weimar Republic to colonize the Silesian countryside. The chapter discusses problematic surrounding a standardize, prefabricated and easy to construct model of a farmstead.

One that mimicked, reused and weaponized the aesthetic of already existing architecture, instrumentalizing vernacular aesthetic as a tool to merge with the landscape.

4.1 Origins of the Interior Colonization The interior colonization was devised to subjugate the territory and establish the state’s dominance over it. The strategies were directed towards newly incorporated provinces and operated through the establishment of new farmer or worker settlements. These processes intensified during the inter-war period (1919–1939), as the aftermath of the First World War left the borders of many states around Europe in a precarious condition.

In the case of the Opole-Silesia region it is important to trace the prehistory of these processes and look at their origin in the mid-18th century. At that moment of the annexation of Silesia in 1742 by Frederick the Great, the province was considered largely as an agricultural land, with an exception of Upper Silesia.36 To solidify the Prussian influence most of the political efforts were targeted towards subordination of the countryside. A strategy, that characterized as ‘interior colonization, intended to stabilize the border and the population.’37 This short definition distinguishes two necessary ingredients of colonization in general, namely a territory and a population. The territory or more specifically its subjugation and longterm alliance, operates within this construct as the sole aim of the state; whereas the population or its transfer is conceived as an apparatus to achieve it. The etymology brings even more insight in the character of the colonial project, colony has it root in Latin colonus, meaning farmer.

This root unveils the initial arena of these processes — the countryside, with farmers as actors and farming as process of territory subjugation.

The aim to subjugate the rural territory, with the etymological and practical connection with cultivation, exemplifies a colonial endeavour.

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36 This part of Silesia historically related to mining

and heavy industry; in fact, this is still true today.

37 Susan R. Henderson, ‘Ernst May and the Cam-

paign to Resettle the Countryside: Rural Housing in Silesia, 1919- 1925’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 61.2 (2002), p. 190.

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory

This intention to colonise through the proliferation of farmsteads as a strategic means of subordination is evident in the case studies presented within this chapter. Moreover, it is us useful to mention the distinction between colonialism and imperialism. Drawing from their etymology, one as mentioned has its roots in colonus – farmer, whereas the second has its origin in Latin imperium – command. This shows the distinction, that can be narrowed down to the initial aim and longevity of the project.

In the former the etymology allows to speculate on the long-term goal to secure the territory, to establish permanent allegiance to the state in power; where in the latter there is a kind of temporality that is connected with willingness to exploit the territory for a short term advantage.1 This presents itself even more clearly in the fact that political programmes of ‘interior colonization’ established by Frederick the Great with aim to create strong national and regional identity, and longstanding adherence through introduction of farmer colonies and transfer of population into the territory, were main factors contributing to the longest period of territorial stability of Silesia region, from its annexation within the Kingdom of Prussia in 1742 till the end of the First World War in 1918.

4.2 First Planned Agricultural Settlements in the OpoleSilesia

More on the etymological distinction between colonialism and imperialism and further on the theoretical understanding of colonialism, see: Margaret Kohn and Kavita Reddy, ‘Colonialism’, in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed. by Edward N. Zalta, Fall 2017 (Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University, 2017) <https://plato.stanford.edu/ archives/fall2017/entries/colonialism/> [accessed 23 April 2019].

1

2

Henderson, p 191.

David Gilly (1748–1808) was a German architect he became master builder at the age of 22 and became principal architect for interior colonization of Silesia at the age of 25.

3

4 Walter Kuhn, Siedlungsgeschichte Oberschlesiens [Settlement History of Upper Silesia] (Würzburg: Oberschlesischer Verlag, 1945), p. 204.

The extend of the interior colonization of Silesia, that started with introduction of a decree in 1773, is represented by the scope of the project, namely ‘around 70 colonies for miners and more than 200 colonies for farmers’ were constructed by 1818.2 Moreover, the clarity of intentions and instrumentality of architecture for this project is present in decision of Frederick the Great to appoint an architect. Responsibility of David Gilly was to design new settlements; 3 hence he became the architect of first planned agricultural settlements in Germany.4 During this period the Gilly carried out a series of studies, which allowed him to capture the vernacular character of Silesian architecture. From the local repertoire of forms the architect appropriated general aesthetic of a building and the functional layout. Following the analysis, he determined, that the archetypical Silesian longhouse operated as an elongated rectangle, covered with pitched thatched roof, and facades cladded with white

Fig 4.1

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Fig 4.1 100

David Gilly’s studies of vernacular form present in Silesia.

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory Fig 4.2 One of the settlements constructed during the discussed period.

101

3

2

3

1

4

Fig 4.3 102

(1) Flur, (2) Stube, (3) Kammer — 8.3 m2, (4) Wohnküche — 5.6 m2

Q

5

Henderson, p. 193.

Literally translating from German, it would be Living-kitchen, hence the nature of the spaces is coded within the name, as it operated as a multipurpose centre of the house.

6

7

Henderson, p. 192.

New colonies did not adjust their position to the existing infrastructural network, in other words the roads did not have the founding character in these cases. The location was a subject to another factor, the settlements were used as an apparatus to activate wasteland, to bring unused land in the circle of the state economy. These settlements were established in marshlands and wilderness. Therefore, this model of the colony drove the expansion and control of the state over previously unclaimed lands, leading in effect to denser settlement network. They operated as tools to transform the territory, with a goal to obtain the land and establish its long-term allegiance. The location process can be summarized in three steps. First, a recognition of new settlers in most of the cases German speaking residents or protestant settlers.7 Second, a strategic position in underdeveloped setting. Third, a connection of a new settlement with existing the infrastructural network. This explains the importance of traditional aestheticization of this architecture, as an apparatus to convey and orchestrate a long-lasting relationship of a new settlement to the territory. Hence, the appropriation of local forms served not only

Fig 4.2

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory

stucco and decorative wooden elements. The house was planned adhering to intuitive rules established in the territory ‘Its tripartite plan contained living quarters at one end of the building and a barn at the other.’5 Central position in the plan was occupied by a hall – Flur. It was an intermediated space of circulation, connected with both the front and the back of the house, which served as a connection between them, space to store clothes, tools and sometimes to work. Hallway provided an access to secondary rooms on the ground floor – Stube which served as a multipurpose room used according to temporary needs, Kammer – a room which can be read as an equivalent of a bedroom, and additional rooms to accommodate other residents (sometimes seasonal workers) or to store surplus on the attic. For the pragmatic reasons the centre of the dwelling is occupied by a hearth, and around it the most important space of the house – Wohnküche.6 It operated as the centre of family’s life, served as a kitchen, dining room, main working space or parent’s bedroom. Work of Gilly was based on intuition, willingness to catalogue and most importantly a need to understand the build matter of the territory to be able appropriate it through introduction of new typologies.

Fig 4.3

Fig 4.4

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Fig 4.4

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Colony Tempelhof (today Niwki) seen from the above. The colony is set in the middle of reclaimed forrest and roads are constructed afterwards to connetc the settlement to main infrastructural network.

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory Fig 4.5 Colony Tempelhof (today Niwki), the settlement plan representing the connection between plot and fiefs.

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as an innocent tool to merge with the existing landscape, but more as a way to forge presence of the state in power within the territory, to claim its presence through vernacular character of buildings. Additionally, the unified character of this architecture resembled the politics of the state which goal was to sustain long term dominance of the territory through homogenous ethnic structure of the population. Therefore, the strategy to subordinate the countryside through establishment of farming colonies, disconnected from the existing settlement network and inhabited by resettled subjects unrelated to the context was a project to build new national identity.

Fig 4.5

Emblematic for the colonies created within this period was their homogenous spatial structure. The settlements were comprised of typical houses, located on same size rectangular plots, along internal road.

Character of the spatial structure was resembled in its programmatic composition; the focus was directed only to facilitate the mode of production and nothing more. This translates to the state approach towards the countryside as subjected entity which served as a machine to deliver necessary food for growing urban population. It renders itself in the settlements simply in existence of houses and structures necessary to store surplus in other words these settlements did not develop any shared spaces for the entire community. There are possibly two adjunctive and resonating origins of that state. First, the multi-generational structure of farmstead, which was based on kinship relation. Therefore, it can be assumed that collective life was enclosed within the farmstead itself.

Second, that the settlement resembled the utilitarian approach of the state (agricultural production after all does not require any social spaces) therefore, the design did not accommodate any spaces that would serve the entire community. Therefore, the lack of the spaces of social interaction contributed to fragmented character of these settlements.

The architecture realized by David Gilly under patronage of Frederick the Great at the turn of the 18th century operates as a precedence, by which it is possible to better understand settlement processes occurring within the inter-war period in the entire region of Silesia. It allows to see similarities between Frederick’s approach, and one presented by socalled Weimar Republic.8 Ultimately the case study of the Opole-Silesia

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The Weimar Republic, that lasted from 1918 to 1933, refers to the German Reich during the Interwar period before Hitler took power.

8

4.3 Kleinwohnung and Kleinsiedlung

The Second Polish Republic (1918–1939) refers to the Republic of Poland in the Interwar period.

9

10 As mentioned by Hannan, Silesian identity is

product of its own borders. For more on Silesian identity and language, see: Kevin Hannan, ‘Borders of Identity and Language in Silesia’, The Polish Review, 51.2 (2006).

11 Henderson, p. 311.

12 Ibid, p. 188.

The aftermath of the First World War ended relatively stable period of Silesian history. Leaving the province between two newly formed, hostile to each other states, the Second Polish Republic9 and the Weimar Republic. The first, reconstructed after 123 years of partitions regained its independence, the second went through a shift from the constitutional monarchy into a republic. The creation of both fuelled nationalist resentments in the area and exacerbated the conflict.

Moreover, the Treaty of Versailles (1919) put the decision to the people of Upper Silesia to determine the division between Poland and Germany, that led to three Silesian Uprisings (1919–1921), in which Polish speaking Silesians attempted to separate the area and join it to Poland. At the end, as the effect of the plebiscite (1921) western parts of the Upper Silesia became Polish territory, and groups of German refuges started flowing towards Lower Silesia. Hence, Silesia once again proved to be highly unstable territory divided between different ethnic groups, with strong nationalist inclinations.10 In the German popular imagination the province was as a symbol of lost war and humiliation.

The economic downfall, leading to the hyperinflation of the 1919 and 1924 period, only increased unrest in the Silesia region.11 Depopulation was proceeding, due to the national hostility, quality of soil and food shortages. In that context the main objective of the Weimar Republic’s government was to initiate firm reforms, that led into creation of strong social programme. ‘This remarkable array of initiatives forwarded the possibility of radical social transformation by instituting immediate improvements in the quality of life for the working class.’12 Political aims were simple, to secure the affiliation of Silesia to Germany and consolidate the territory within the state borders. The way to achieve it for the centre-left coalition was to appropriate the interior colonization strategy of the Prussian state, to subordinate working class, to perpetuate so called Germanization of the area. Thus, the federal government

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory

as a territory that changed its alliance several times over the centuries, helps to understand strategies of the state as universal processes that shape territory regardless of administrative borders.

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Fig 4.6 108

One of the settlements constructed by Ernst May in Silesia.

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initiated a new campaign to resettle the countryside in 1919. In general, rural architecture became the political tool of the German state in the early 1920’s. Idyllic, vernacular settlements were so important for the imaginary of the state, that for the world’s fair in Gothenburg in 1923, Germany was the only country exhibiting rural housing and examples of farmers settlements from Bavaria and Saxony with photographs of Ernst May’s work undertaken in Silesia, in other words forms of interior colonization.13

13 Ibid, p. 189.

14 Nowadays Wrocław, Poland.

15 In German Schlesische Landgesellschat.

16 In German Schlesische Heimstätte.

17 In German Neues Frankfurt.

18 Additionally, his education at University College

London and subsequent apprenticeship in 1910 at Raymond Unwin’s office, responsible for the design of Hampstead Garden Suburb made him receptive to the ideas of the Garden City movement. To the point that his competition entry for the Masterplan of Breslau can be read as a particular take on the ideas of Garden City. See: Deborah Ascher Barnstone, ‘Tradition and Modernity: Urban Planning in Breslau’, in Beyond the Bauhaus: Cultural Modernity in Breslau, 1918-33, Social History, Popular Culture, and Politics in Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016), pp. 22–50.

19 Henderson, p. 189.

20 Within the magazine he published his projects

but also references in one of 1920 issues May republished David Gilly’s pamphlet on vernacular Silesian architecture. For more on the topic of the influence see: Henderson, ‘Self-Help Housing in the Weimar Republic’, p. 317.

In the case of German province of Silesia, majority of the rural settlements were developed by two construction companies from Breslau14 Silesian Agricultural Society,15 and Silesian Rural Settlement Authority.16 Both were responsible for the design, realisation, and crediting of the housing estates, which were aimed as tool to reinforce Silesia’s alliance to Germany and a way to deal with housing shortage in the post First World War context. During the first years of its existence, between 1919 and 1925, Ernst May (1886–1970) was the director in charge for the design in both Silesian Settlements Authorities. Even thought, he is mostly recognized by his work between 1926–1930 on the New Frankfurt,17 it is possible to trace some of the topics explored in Frankfurt to his early career in Breslau.18 At his arrival to Breslau in 1919, May was considered as an outsider, an emissary of the federal centre-left government in conservative catholic Silesia. Nevertheless, his passion for the traditional, premodern, rural architecture allowed him for a dialog with the representatives of the local government. His work as the director of the Silesian Rural Settlement Authority can be read as a smooth link between pre-war housing of Prussian kingdom and Modernism of late 1920’s. During his tenure at the Silesian Rural Settlement Authority, May was responsible for the competition of over 4000 units of housing in Silesia region.19 Within this period he focused on theoretical work connected with his practice which he published in the magainze Schlesische Heimstätte which he also edited.20 In 1924 issue he wrote in Typ und Stil:

Fig 4.6

It is above all when one builds small dwellings that the identical or related requirements which apply in each case form the first, rudimentary foundations for agreement on the general

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Fig 4.7 110

Colony Tempelhof (today Niwki), the settlement plan representing the connection between plot and fiefs.

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory

principles of building. The standardization of residential floor plans, which has been going on for decades, has been accelerated enormously by post-war conditions. Necessity has brought about what rational reflection could not.21

21 Translation according to Henk Engel and Jan de

Heer, ‘Cityscape and Mass Housing’, OASE, 2008, 34–57., original in: Ernst May, ‘Typ Und Stil [Type and Style]’, Das Schlesisches Heim, 2 (1924).

22 May introduced the idea of Kleinwohnung in the

early 1920’s in the context of rural Silesia and implemented it as experiments around minimal dwelling with vernacular form. In 1919 he presented a model of a 16 square meter cabin meant for newly-weds or small families. Later in career he came back to this problematic in his project in New Frankfurt where he tested the ideas in urban setting with a modernist approach. Worth to mention that formed in 1928 International Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM) have held its first conference year later with a title of Existenzminimum (the dwelling for minimum subsistence), taking the same problem as May further. On the issue of minimal dwelling in rural setting designed by May see: Henderson, ‘Self-Help Housing in the Weimar Republic’. On the topic of minimal dwelling in general see: Karel Teige and Eric Dluhosch, The Minimum Dwelling The Housing Crisis, Housing Reform (Cambridge, Mass. : Chicago, Ill: MIT Press ; Graham Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts, 2002).

23 Henderson, p. 190.

24 Ibid, p. 194 25 Ibid, p. 194.

In other words, he approached problematic of the typology through the prism of prefabrication and mechanization of the construction processes. In work of May we can find examples of incremental housing (e.g. 1920 model of ‘A’-frame house, for which the housing association provided foundations and settlers constructed the rest from prefabricated elements), but most importantly his practice during his Silesian period can be characterized by a strive for ‘modernization’ of traditional techniques in order to use them in contemporary building process, to make it more cost-effective, and accessible for settlers. All this effort was undertaken to mitigate the aftermath of the post-war crisis. Moreover, within his writing he explored issues of dwelling’s area standardization which morphed in the discourse around the idea of Kleinwohnung22 with a general aim to produce the most effective dwelling plan to accommodate working family. May’s approach towards the design can be characterised as ‘regionalism and modernization […] argued in vernacular terms.’23 He derived the architectural vocabulary of traditional forms from the studies of Silesian countryside and the work of above-mentioned David Gilly responsible for the first wave of interior colonization of Silesia. Work of Gilly was one of the first attempts to grasp the local character of the traditional Silesian longhouse, which he took further. Using vernacular language, the architect had to decide how to reuse elements of the local architecture. In most of the cases ‘May maintained and even exaggerated these features to maximize their primary function while simplifying their form.’24 Most prominent in the appearance of the traditional Silesian house was the gable roof. May have studied and produced a multiplicity of version for different typologies.

What combine all of them is a rational approach, in which his version of the traditional roof allowed for ‘maximized usable space inside the house while minimizing the structural complexity for ease of construction.’25 Settlements were characterized by the red tilled roof with eyebrow dormers operated as an envelope, covering an attic, the second floor and parts of the ground floor. The decision for this kind of formal play lied

Fig 4.7

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Fig 4.8 112

House in Oltashin by Ernst May.

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in rationalization, this allowed May to save on construction costs and insulate houses better during the winter. The walls were constructed out of mud-blocks, finished with smooth stucco and additionally with a black tar detail on the base. All that was the aftermath of the construction material shortages of the post-war landscape. Mostly the settlements were constructed by a double house typology. On the ground floor May designed two apartments, each for a separate family, and additionally on the attic a space for rent-paying boarders.26 The most prominent feature of the ground floor is the Wohnküche, type of a room taken from the traditional Silesian farmhouse. Operates as a multipurpose space for cooking, dining, working. Connected with parents sleeping room and secondary Kamer – sleeping room for children. Within the centre of the house, on the wall dividing the Wohnküche from the parents’ bedroom May located the hearth (traditionally the centre of the household activities), that move allowed him to heat both spaces, but also to create a niche27 for a small kitchenette. In terms of the performance typologies proposed by May operated as fluid spaces where different activities of homestead residents overlapped. This is best emphasised in the multifunctional character of the main space, it open to needs functional nature promotes interactions between home-dwellers.

Fig 4.8

The core of the settlement and its point of the origin was a group of houses circulating and oval green space. Curved roads and enclosed by them area or semi-circular common ground were a conceptual choice for May, to create a feeling of belonging for new settlers. He repeated this approach in other settlements, both for farmers and workers. Nevertheless, the settlements in programmatic terms were rather homogenous, offering only housing. Hence, we see here similar problematic to one present in Gilly’s settlements, where focus of the architect is placed on the domestic and production sphere of the household, with disregard towards the collective facilities. Nevertheless, the green oval (resembling the selfemerging type of the oval settlement) operated as space of circulation but also as a space that community can share.

26 Ibid, p. 195 27 Issue of the kitchen niche is brought forward by

Henderson and Barnstone, as a possible foundation towards the idea of a small kitchen in the New Frankfurt project.

Following ideas of standardization, ‘by 1924, May and his team [working at the Schlesische Heimstätte] had developed a catalogue of sixteen building types ranging in scale from a modest 52 square meters

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to as large as 144 square meters.’28 Nevertheless, most of the realized settlements were fitted with middle range of the houses of about 70 square meters. Small household were mostly grouped to create smaller settlements – Kleinsiedling. This choice allowed May to easier blend with the Silesian landscape, using the same strategy as his predecessor.

Trying to fit new settlements seemingly with the scenery by adaptation of vernacular aesthetic.

4.5 Silesian Longhouse The two above-mentioned case studies trace appropriation and transformation of the type of Silesian longhouse for the political gain of the state in power. The examples of typologies produced by David Gilly and Ernst May, almost 150 years apart, use the architectural aesthetic as an apparatus of interior colonization. Yet, looking even further in the past, maybe this colonial approach is not really an invention of Gilly and May, but it is an inherent quality of the longhouse type itself. Typologies present within the territory of the Opole-Silesia operated as U-shaped units, with a house being placed perpendicularly to the road (with gable facing the street), animal facilities on the other side of the yard and a barn closing it, creating a clear division between a plot and fields. The characteristic of the type together with qualities of the farmstead suggest a self-sufficient unit that can be used to conquer an unspoilt territory.

This is even more true looking at it through the perspective of so-called ‘medieval colonization’ of Silesia.29 Therefore, maybe, every form of sedentary living has to some extent characteristic of the colonial project.

Focus of Gilly and May was directed towards the dwelling part of the farmstead, where the other elements remained mostly unchanged.

Their transformations primarily aimed at the construction process, used materials and protocols to finance it, leaving the diagram of the domestic space intact. Solutions which they proposed were specific to their contemporary condition and used vernacular language of forms.

This approach where in principle the same layout of the domestic space is wrapped using different technologies specific for the time of the construction, yet always aiming to put an emphasis on the vernacular

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28 Barnstone, p. 35.

29 Szulc, ‘Typy Morfogenetyczne Osiedli Wiejskich

w XIX Wieku [Morphogenetic Types of Rural Settlements in the Nineteenth Century]’.

30 Kohn and Reddy.

Farmstead and the Interior Colonization of the Territory

aestheticization, in effect perpetuated the presence of the type within the territory through use of rather simple structures of settlements.

Therefore, the Silesian longhouse type materialised in different typologies structures the territory. Working class housing, especially for farmers was always in the centre of colonization strategy directed towards province of Silesia. Examples of projects by Gilly and May present an approach in which the architecture becomes a product of the political context, the projects operate as a tool to mitigate the precarious character of the territory, aiming to solidify it in one system within the state in power.

This violent process of subjugation was materialised through structures that aimed to blend with the context. Therefore, authentication through form became a tool to validate this process.

Colonization is an operative term to understand processes which shaped the early capitalist countryside. In its core the strategy of interior colonization has the notion of ‘civilizing mission’.30 This approach underlines the prevailing binary distinction between urban and rural, where former is recognized as ‘civilized’ and the latter as ‘uncivilized’. This unveils a problematic thinking in which for the countryside to function properly and be ‘useful’ for the state apparatus it must be transformed – ‘civilized’. This transformation is conducted according to the needs of the city, it is rarely responding to the problems of the countryside.

Hence it only enforces the approach to rural areas as to the inferior ‘other’. Therefore, projects of modernization directed at the countryside, are argued as a remedy to transform traditional communities and propel progress presenting mismatch in understanding these challenges.

Paternalistic nature interior colonization by default disregarded protocols of living and common practices present in the territory under the influence of the process. In effect, it neglected forms of communing inherent to the countryside forcing new social contracts, rather than trying to use existing ones. Here the conflict of modernization project realised by the authoritarian state is clearly visible. The notion of colonization allows also to better understand radical approach of the projects concerning the rural. In his critique of European colonization, Denis Diderot recognized and inverted the idea of ‘uncivilized’, he assigned it with colonist rather than (like his contemporary) with indigenous population. For him, this characteristic is directly bounded

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with their distance from the state of the origin.31 Meaning the further they get from the home state the more uncivilized, brutal, and vicious they became. This reasoning gives another approach to look at the interior colonization, it allows to see radical projects and their violent character in different perspective. Where the initial disconnection (the feature that colonization tried to level) of newly acquired territory allowed and exacerbated more brutal strategies to be applied.

31 Kohn and Reddy.

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CHAPTER 5

Finite Forms and Accidental Interactions

Chapter 5

Previous chapters are centred around the three architectural objects, that are instrumental to understand the contemporary process transforming the linear settlements of the Opole-Silesia, namely patterns of growth leading to their fragmentation. In this section of the thesis, the focus is placed on the relationship between the dwelling types, the linear settlement, the territory, and the subjects (observers and participants of the landscape). The dynamic between listed elements of rural landscape can be defined and problematize through the notion of proximity, which allows to reconceptualize their interrelation.

Dwelling and subjects. The analysis of domestic space unveils a tendency which leads to a specialization of rooms. A trajectory in which the multiuse character of spaces is lost, follows the chronological order from the oldest to the most contemporary, meaning from the farmstead, through the housing block, to the single-family house). In effect that creates a crisis in relation between subjects, as life becomes more and more alienated in separate rooms. Moreover, this also presents a lack of provision and focus on intermediate spaces of circulation, as each square meter must be appropriated to some function. Therefore, the spatial organisation and hierarchy of spaces – rooms between each other, rooms and surrounding the building plot, and finally the plot and the settlement can influence interactions between the subjects.

Dwelling and territory. In the countryside at large architecture can be read as a political apparatus of appropriation. In the case of the Opole-Silesia these strategies were accomplished through projects of unification and standardization, which serve as embodiment of different aesthetical approaches, introducing diverse and contrasting relationships with existing landscape. From projects aiming to imitate vernacular formal vocabulary of farmsteads; through strategies radically separating structures from the landscape by introduction unfamiliar silhouettes of housing blocks for workers; to uncontrolled schemes based on repetition of pattern book projects filling the territory with single-family houses.

Even though, the formal outcomes vary, what is similar is the violent character of colonization, where territory is recognized as something on which the order must be imposed.

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Dwelling and settlement. Constant development of the countryside leads to the growth of settlements through proliferation of new housing typologies. This process allows to trace patterns of growth where different architectural elements either follow the main road or try to avoid it occupying secondary links. This leads to rupture in settlement structure and isolation of its proceeding stages, leaving the settlement as a constellation of fragments. In effect what we observe is a continuous process of dissolution of the linear settlement into separate parts which morphologically are close to each other but are not operating as one system functionally or socially.

Subjects and territory. Levels of engagement with the territory have different intensity, defined through modes of production or their absence. These forms allow to clearly delineate groups of subjects based on their association with the territory, ability, and willingness to transform it. The classification distinguishes two categories: observers and participants of the landscape. Two groups coexist with an apparent adjacency due to the density of the settlement network at large. Meaning, that closeness of centres allows to divide spatial singularity (characteristic for the countryside) of work and living, externalizing the former to cities or towns and keeping the later in rural areas.

Subject and subject. Relations between observers and participants are exemplary of the entire process of the fragmentation of the linear settlement. Segments of the settlement adjunct to it — as an effect of continuous internal migration towards the countryside — can be presented as homogenous social structures. This characteristic exacerbates hostile relationship between mentioned groups. Additionally, residual provision of spaces of social interaction does not pose possibilities for interactions between observers and participants, solidifying the rupture between two groups, therefore constituting socio-spatial fragmentation.

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5.1 Residents of the Landscape The proposed classification of inhabitants as observers and participants of the landscape, is instrumental to look for alternatives to mitigate the fragmentation of the linear settlement, both in social and spatial terms.

The classification is based on the recognition of forms of production; hence it offers a new distinction into groups, one that is not replicating the existing rupture. Therefore, it escapes the questionable association – present in the body of Polish literature concerning suburbanisation – where newcomers, with their forms of living and working are linked with problems and ‘autochthonic’ residents and their modes of production and dwelling are associated with potentials. The key limitation of this division is that it perpetuates the physical separation through the theoretical framework. Moreover, it presents a disbalanced approach which favours existing inhabitants of the settlement over the new ones, focusing more on a search for solutions how to integrate newcomers into the existing social and spatial structure, rather than proposing a transformation in which both groups can recognize new order as one established for them. Therefore, to bridge the gap, and look for alternative modes of inhabitation the thesis proposes at this stage, to look beyond the dichotomic distinctions and focus on the space itself. Recognition and designation of the spaces allow to bring different groups of residents together, around a physical embodiment of commons. This helps to escape the prospect of ‘relating commons to groups of ”similar” people [which] bears the danger of eventually creating closed communities’1 as argued by Stavros Stavrides in conversation with Massimo de Angelis, in effect it allows to challenge the initial separation, escaping the notion of social enclave. The heterogenic character of presented by both classifications can be read as a potential for negotiation and a base for a transformation of the settlement based on the needs of all residents.

Approach present in this thesis tries to avoid spatial determinism, meaning that the framework does not claim ‘[…] that resident interaction and sense of community are cultivated via the organising power of space’.2 It follows the critique of New Urbanism presented by Emily Talen, in which she points out inability of architecture to claim that the space can create ‘sense of community’ or in other words that

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Massimo De Angelis and Stavros Stavrides, ‘On the Commons: A Public Interview with Massimo De Angelis and Stavros Stavrides’, E-Flux <https:// www.e-flux.com/journal/17/67351/on-the-commons-a-public-interview-with-massimo-de-angelis -and-stavros-stavrides/> [accessed 24 April 2020].

1

Emily Talen, ‘Sense of Community and Neighbourhood Form: An Assessment of the Social Doctrine of New Urbanism’, Urban Studies, 36.8 (1999), p. 1364.

2

Finite Forms and Accidental Interactions

spatial organisation can trigger collective behaviour of residents. The project offers more modest approach, in which it claims that recognized common areas have the capacity to operate as spaces of social interaction, precisely focusing on promotion of interactions between residents, rather than claiming the space can ‘create the community’. As the scope of the project is concerned with discipline of architecture not trying to claim the disciplinary ground of sociology and anthropology, the quality of space, and diversity is paramount aim, as these qualities can enhance frequency of social interactions, in effect leading (maybe) to creation of community.

Public spaces according to the Polish planning law are understood as ‘[…] an area of significance for meeting the needs of residents, improving their quality of life and conducive to establishing social contacts because of its spatial characteristic and position defined by the Local Development Plan for the municipality.’3 This broad definition is useful in the context of the countryside, as it aligns with the wide range of what can be considered as a public space. The thesis considers the spaces of social interaction as a multi-scalar tool, one which cuts across three spatialities of territory, settlement, and dwelling. Therefore, their reach can be understood from influencing a group of few houses, through the entire settlement, to the territory where it can influence cluster of settlements. This brings another factor, due to the complexity of this repertoire of spaces, not only the space itself is the concern of the project but also the threshold condition between them. At the end, the objective of the projective framework is to focus on an attempt to bring residents closer through promotion of interactions.

5.2 Towards the Assemblage of Fragments

Ustawa o planowaniu i zagospodarowaniu przestrzennym [Bill on Spatial Planning and Development]. Dz. U. 2003 Nr 80 poz. 717, p. 3.

3

The previous three chapters are focused on the types of dwelling that propel process of fragmentation of the linear settlement. This section of the thesis goes further, it proposes alternatives of how to facilitate the internal migration towards the countryside hence how to harness patterns of growth present in the context, and on strategies how to transform the types to challenge that process. The project operates in

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Fig 5.1 124

The image presents the territory with a path connecting settlements.

fig 5.2 The image presents the territory, a path connecting settlement with a town, together w with some equipment.

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Fig 5.3

126

The image presents the edge of the settlement, with the secondary road transformed from a technical one to access one. The road sets the limit of the settlement, a border within which the rural form can develop and densify.

fig 5.4 The image presents a path interconnecting two neighbouring plots, challenging the existing scheme where single-family houses operate as isolated faced islands.

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Fig 5.5

128

The image represents the interior view of the dwelling facing towards a shared courtyard. The observer is placed within the shared working spaces of the household, an area wihich promotes accidental interactions between inhabitants.

fig 5.6 The image shows the view from a shared space of a dwelling towards the border of the settlement.

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Fig 5.7

130

The drawing presents the strategy for the territory which provides secondary connections (outside of road network) between settlement (villages, towns, and cities).

Finite Forms and Accidental Interactions

cross-scalar fashion, meaning that it strives for transformation of rural landscape therefore it proposes a holistic strategy that has its projective elements across all spatialities with focus on how they affect frequency of interactions between residents of a settlement. To achieve that, the thesis introduces the notion of finite form, a framework which aims to foresee future patterns of growth and utilize them to reduce the fragmentation of the linear settlement. The finite form is understood as a set of guidelines and projective actions which aims for a defined structure of a settlement, one that follows a logic of an assemblage of fragments, creating a cohesive structure, rather than a closed system that is not able to expand. The focus is centred around planning protocols, which aim to deal with notion of proximity both in social and spatial terms. The objective of the framework is a provision of spaces for social interaction in all three spatialities. They can be recognized, for a settlement as: assemblies, streets, sidewalks, orchards, allotments, grazing fields, parks, etc. For a dwelling as: intermediate spaces of circulation, shared gardens, collective rooms. And finally, for a territory as: long distance paths and trails, together with their equipment, common fields and forests, and water retention systems. The projective conclusion of this part is summarized in the list of protocols categorized according to spatialities.

Settlement, here the focus is placed on the planning guidelines, which lead to transformation of existing landownership structure by either subdivision of existing plots or entrusting land within Community Land Trusts (CLT). This section proposes following actions within the framework: -

Transformation of the road infrastructure, the technical road on the perimeter of the settlement is changed to serve as a regular access road, in effect it establishes a threshold between settlement and territory.

-

Recognition of empty plots as possible areas for spaces of social interaction, additionally transformation of landownership structure by reacquisition of land by municipalities or CLTs.

-

Subdivision of existing plots which introduced ‘second row’ of housing accessible from the perimeter road. This follows set of

0

1000 m

131

Fig 5.8

132

The drawing presents the strategy for the settlement, presenting the provision of new typologies within the settlement and transformation of the technical roads into access roads which are bordering the settlement. Additionally, the plots adjunct to the main road are transformed by the community in Land Trusts and kept without building to allow access to secondary row of housing.

-

Introduction of secondary circulation (sidewalks and bike paths) between first and second row of housing.

Finite Forms and Accidental Interactions

planning guidelines and allows for densification of the settlement.

Dwelling, in this scale, the project introduces new housing typologies allowing to accommodate social structures beyond the nuclear family at the same time offering coexistence of the programme supporting living and working, with possibility of amenities related to wider community.

This section proposes following actions within the framework: -

Housing typology follows the low-rise logic, and the form encloses the shared space in the middle.

-

Emphasis on accidental interactions between household members undergone through focus on intermediate spaces of circulation, additionally a gradual organisation of these spaces where thresholds between room – room, room – plot, and plot – settlement are considered.

-

Building process as a tool to enhance neighbouring, in other words cooperative model.4

Territory, the framework here proposes to challenge the fragmentation in larger scale, the objective is to introduce network of local public transport connections together with secondary network that allow for links within the cluster of settlements. This section proposes following actions within the framework: -

Provision of secondary links between settlements and towns, in the form of trails and bike paths, one that can serve as an alternative to commute to school or work, but also as a space for social interaction

Worth to mention that in October 2019 the government started to work for the first time on the legislation framing the cooperative model within the planning and building law. Additionally, on the importance of the building process for social interactions see: Kajdanek, p. 127.

4

0

200 m

on a trans local scale, in other words serving recreational purposes.

This network goes together with its equipment in form of benches, markers, water fountains, sheds, bonfire places, etc. Therefore, the strategy recognizes the landscape itself as a common resource, rather than only area to commodify or productive land.

133

A

B

C

D

Fig 5.9

134

The planning strategy for positioning of new dwelling typologies. (A) The plot between two neighbouring plots, where the setback from the adjunct is set as 4m, distance from the access road as 6m and this line operates as a line on which the building façade must stand, and the building has no setback from the secondary path on the back. (B) The plot on one side adjunct to a neighbour and on the other side to an access road, the setback from the neighbouring plot is set as 4m, whereas the setback from both access roads is set as 6m and both lines operate as must-build borders, and the building has no setback from the secondary path on the back. (C) The plot facing a common area and (D) the plot at the edge of the settlement. The planning rules are set to keep cohesive urban structure of the settlement.

Access from a road

Access from a neighbouring plot

Access from a neighbouring plot

Access from a path

Z

A

B

C

D

E

F

fig 5.10 (Z) Possibilities of access to the plot. (A-F) Typological possibilities for the housing.

135

Fig 5.11 136

Matrix presents typological possibilities. Overlapping the possibilities of access, section and shape of the building.

137

138

139

Fig 5.12 140

The drawing presents the housing typology added to the settlement.

Elements to activate the territory in the form of water retention infrastructure.

-

Network of public transport, together with bus stops.

-

Strategies to acquisition land by the municipality or in the form of the

Finite Forms and Accidental Interactions

-

CLT on a wider scale than in the case of the settlement.

The framework for the finite forms allows to consider each spatiality as a relevant element of rural landscape, their closeness is what trigger the possible transformation of the countryside. Therefore, their active character allows to create a network within the landscape, and interconnected communities of resistance can propel the transformation and establish it as a long-lasting project.5

This argument follows Stavrides understanding of communities created around practice of communing, where he concludes: ‘If you believe that a single community with its commons and its enclosed parameter could be a stronghold of liberated otherness, then you are bound to be defeated.’ See: Stavros Stavrides, Common Space: The City as Commons (London: Zed Books, 2016), p. 15.

5

0

10 m

141

Fig 5.13 142

Structural system of the dwellig.

fig5.14 0

10 m

Additionall typologies.

143

144

Conclusion

The disciplinary question posed by this thesis at the beginning of the study concerns the binary relation between urban and rural and its instrumentality and relevance to understand the processes shaping the contemporary Polish countryside. The question is problematic at its core, where the assumption that juxtaposition of urban and rural is actually equal, whereas in effect the contemporary urban eclipses the rural, creating an unequal relation between the centre and the periphery, developed and underdeveloped, understood and misunderstood, and finally between superior and inferior. This condition is exemplified in the evidence provided by the thesis, according to which rural is increasingly influenced by the needs of cities with their growing population and infrastructure. The thesis shows the genealogy of this asymmetrical relation, tracing forms of power transforming the countryside. The research extends our knowledge of forms of dwelling, settlement and territory of the Opole-Silesia, Poland and in effect it informs a broader understanding of rural areas of the post-socialist context of East Europe.

The following conclusion can be drawn from the study, where the disbalance between urban and rural creates a condition in which the latter is exploited, transformed, and subjugated by the former. Therefore, to be able to discern the process shaping the contemporary countryside it is relevant to invert the dynamic, to consider rural-urban relation instead of urban-rural. Meaning, to place the periphery in the centre, to treat

145

Chapter 1

it as independent object of research that requires its own architectural methods of analysis. This notion is especially true in the context of Poland, and in matter of fact in the most European countries, where as stated by Dutto ‘the Urban lies within the Rural’.1 This simple revelation allows to underline the close relation between the two entities, it does not deny the relevance of neither of the realms it tries to bring balance, to present the countryside as a complementary part of a landscape and not as a subjugated body. Therefore, the thesis provides a framework for the analytical and projective parts based on the tripartite constellation of spatialities, it recognizes settlement, territory, and dwelling as operative elements of rural landscape. This close relation between the three elements operates as an exemplification of the argument of the thesis.

Namely, their interdependency is exemplary of the transformation processes possible to begin from whichever starting point settlement, territory, or dwelling. Additionally, at this stage a further question might be posed, one around challenging the urban-rural dichotomy and proposing new classification of land, for instance between territory of settlement (including cities and villages), areas for production, and land devoted for leisure. This type of division needs additional research, nevertheless the thesis leaves it open for later work.

The urban question presented by this study considers the problematic influence of the current patterns of growth on the spatial and social structures constituting the countryside of the Opole-Silesia. Firstly, the thesis determines that the internal migration from the urban towards the rural is exacerbated by the inherent characteristic of the territory in question. Namely the density of the settlement network (closeness between villages, towns, and cities) and good road infrastructure allow for rather easy penetrability of the region. However, it is important to state that this is possible with the use of personal transportation and rather challenging to achieve by public transport. This distinction between subjects with access to a car and those without access to a bus, creates a dichotomous state characterizing relation between subjects in the countryside. Secondly, the thesis recognizes the problematic of colonization of rural land as central to understand the broader context of the countryside. Therefore, to trace the effect of migration towards the rural the thesis moves beyond a distinction between long-term residents

146

Andrea Alberto Dutto, ‘Towards a Common Theory of the Countryside’, in Trouble in Paradise, ed. by Wojciech Mazan (Warszawa: Zachęta, 2020) to be published.

1

Conclusion

and newcomers and uses a categorization that distinguishes between observers and participants of the landscape. This allows to remove problematic classification based only on the fact of long-term residency and proposes to look at subjects based on their involvement with the surrounding landscape. The relevance of this categorization lies in its ability to reconfigure the understanding of the countryside’s inhabitants, moreover it allows for projection of proactive strategies revolving around the problem of how to make observers more engaged with the landscape.

Therefore, in its core the new distinction has an ability to challenge and reconfigure itself with external factors which can be moulded to fit the wider framework, rather than simply relying on the aspect of passing time. Thirdly, the influence of the patterns of growth is clearly visible in the scale of the settlement, where spatial and social rupture are occurring simultaneously. In the morphological sense, according to the evidence presented by the thesis, we can observe a fragmentation of the settlement, a process of its dissolution, exemplified by the occurrence of households outside of the initial core of the settlement. The condition of spatial structure of the settlements resembles the sociological status of the community. In this aspect we also see a crisis in relations between residents in the form of separation of activities between different groups, lack of grassroots initiatives or lack of interest and involvement in local politics.

To address the problem of the fragmentation of the structure and the community of the linear settlement the study presents a chronological account of the strategies targeted towards the countryside which contributed to that process. The problematic discussed in chapters two to four unveils an authoritarian approach towards the countryside, one in which the growing relevance of cities is paired with the extending exploitation of the countryside. These strategies reveal the countryside as a subjugated realm, a secondary milieu reduced to facilitate needs of the city. The research shows that the strategies directed at the countryside are primarily designed to serve the urban, therefore we can observe a rising relevance of large land agriculture or more contemporary spaces of logistics.

The study clearly delineates the fragments occupied by participants

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Chapter 1

and observers. The former mostly occupies the core of the settlement whereas the latter settles on the outside. The evidence from the suggests a paradoxical relation, where the core of the settlement has a higher density due to the presence of technical structures for agricultural production than fragments dispersed outside of it, yet the households are spread further from each other in the case of the core than they are in the dispersed fragments. Counterintuitive relation does not end there, the thesis shows that spaces of social interactions are easier to be located within the core of the village with larger distances between households than in separated fragments where single-family houses are relatively close to each other.

This exemplifies the crisis of proximity which propels social segregation of the community. Therefore, the design part of this dissertation addresses the problem from a perspective of spaces of social interaction.

The projective part supports the argument through a provision of a set of this kind of spaces across all spatialities. The cross-scalar nature of the intervention allows for different implementation according to the scale of the project, nevertheless there are two factors which determine the cohesive character of the strategy. First, the underling aspect defining all the spaces is their provenance from circulation. Meaning spaces of social interaction in the case of the territory are recognized as long distance paths between settlements, in the case of the settlement as secondary connections established through the framework of finite forms and in general the core of the village, and in the case of the dwelling they are set as intermediate spaces of circulation. The nature of this spaces is driven by the second factor, the attempt to promote social interactions.

The projective part of the thesis focuses exactly on the promotion of accidental interaction. This process follows the argument in which the thesis claims that the design of space can encourage interactions between residents and only than sense of a community might emerge.

It is important to underline that the thesis recognizes limitation of architectural design on the creation of cohesive community, and that architectural determinism is far from the aim of the design. What is in the centre of the strategy, is the provision of functioning spaces which might restore and strengthen neighbourhood relations. As above-mentioned the projective part operates between different scales of intervention,

148

Conclusion

where introduction of new elements allowing to experience the territory differently is equally important as reconfiguration of the settlement itself and transformation of existing housing typologies and proposal of new ones. The repertoire of tools to shape the strategy is simply architectural it spans from the planning regulation in the scale of the territory, through the local development plan in the case of the settlement to the design of intermediate spaces of circulation in the realm of the dwelling.

Afterall the general strategy to empower the community, to create a resilient neighbourhood centred around a rural figure of a settlement.

Because in this case, when the community is operating as an entity, an assemblage of fragments which are willing to produce a discourse about their settlement, the strategy might lead towards grassroots initiatives, self-assembly, and simply recognition of the rural landscape as a shared value. Here the role of the architect is identified as one of facilitator, a provider of the frameworks and spaces which can boost and spark the entire process. This notion is extremely important in the context which the thesis describes, as continuous commodification of the territory is currently ongoing, and problematic makeshift planning legislation is introduced. The thesis recognizes the regulatory structures that are possible to challenge the contemporary condition of the countryside as these based on individuals, therefore defined as participatory structures which might lead from individual to community, and the community itself can produce a framework needed for given landscape.

149

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CHAPTER 1

1.5

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1.2

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1.6

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1.7

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Urząd Geodezji i Kartografii and from Open Street Maps.

1.3

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Wiejskich Osiedli Rozproszonych w Polsce [Distribution of Rural Dispersed

1.8

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Settlements in Poland]’, Przegląd Geograficzny, 42.2 (1970), 225–34, map entitled

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1.13

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CHAPTER 2

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2.4

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Jonasz-Szatański, Stefan Waiss, Miriam Wiśniewska, Buduję własny dom, „ALFA”, 1.19

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Warszawa 1983. projects from left to right by: 1 - W. Rzepka, J.Ząbecki (Centralny

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Warszawie); 2 - A. Siwiński (Centralny Ośrodek SPółdzielczego Budownictwa Jednorodzinnego „Inwestprojekt” w Warszawie); 3 - E. Romański (Centralny

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w Warszawie); 4 - J. Jonas-Szatański, M. Wiśniewska (Instytut Architektury i Planowania Wsi Politechniki Warszawskiej); 5 - T. Kobylański, L. Koliśki, B.

3.3

Panstwowy Osrodek Maszybowy. Photo. Archiwum Grażyny

Winiarski (Akademia Sztuk Pięknych w Warszawie); 6 - E. Rutkowska (Biuro

Rutkowskiej. https://audiovis.nac.gov.pl/.

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3.4

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3.5

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Projektów Budownictwa Wiejskiego w Krakowie); 9 - ibid.)

2.5

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3.6

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at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia by 2.6

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at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia by

PROLOG +1, redrawn from the material from the State Archive in Wroclaw, Poland.

PROLOG +1, photo by Michał Siekarkowski 3.7 2.7

Archive of the Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion

Archive of the Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion

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at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia by

PROLOG +1, redrawn from Ignacy F. Tłoczek, Dom Mieszkalny Na Polskiej Wsi

PROLOG +1, photo by Michał Siekarkowski

[House in the Polish Countryside], Wyd. 1 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawn. Nauk, 1985), p. 145

2.8

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3.8

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Państwowe Wydawn. Nauk, 1985), p. 145.

2.9

Archive of the Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion

at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia by

3.9

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Program I, 1997), <https://ninateka.pl/film/arizona-ewa-borzecka>.

PROLOG +1, photo by Michał Siekarkowski.

CHAPTER 4 CHAPTER 3 Opening photo of the chapter 4 by Michał Siekarkowski from the archive of the Opening photo of the chapter 3 by the Author.

Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia by PROLOG +1.

3.1

Courtesy of the State Archive in Wroclaw, Poland.

4.1

3.2

Maps by the Author based on the sources available from Główny

Hans-Joachim Helmigk, Oberschlesische Landbaukunst Um 1800

(Berlin: Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1937), p. 183.

167

4.2

Hans-Joachim Helmigk, Oberschlesische Landbaukunst Um 1800

(Berlin: Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1937), p. 36.

4.3

Archive of the Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion

at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia

by PROLOG +1, redrawn from Hans-Joachim Helmigk, Oberschlesische Landbaukunst Um 1800 (Berlin: Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1937), p. 183.

4.4

Hans-Joachim Helmigk, Oberschlesische Landbaukunst Um 1800

(Berlin: Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1937), p. 196.

4.5

Hans-Joachim Helmigk, Oberschlesische Landbaukunst Um 1800

(Berlin: Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1937), p. 196.

4.6

Ernst May’s design for a settlement, from Schlesisches Heim, Breslau,

1925.

4.7

Ernst May’s design for the double house in Oltaschin settlement, plan

and elevation, from Schlesisches Heim, Breslau, 1922.

4.8

Archive of the Trouble in Paradise exhibition for the Polish Pavilion

at the 17th International Architecture Exhibition — La Biennale di Venezia by PROLOG +1, redrawn from Schlesisches Heim, Breslau, 1922.

CHAPTER 5

Opening photo of the chapter 5 by the Author.

All images within this chapter are by the Author.

168

169

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