A Utahn Abroad: Parley P. Christensen's World Tour, 1921-23

A Utahn Abroad: Parley P. Christensen's World Tour, 1921-23

BY JOHN R. SILLITO

POLITICALLY SPEAKING, UTAH TODAY IS one of the most conservative states in the nation, as its high vote totals for Ronald Reagan in 1980 and 1984 attest. Notwithstanding contemporary reality, a radical left-wing minority has always been a little-known yet real part of Utah's body politic. Still, most Utahns today are probably unfamiliar with that heritage and unaware that in 1920 a Salt Lake City attorney and political activist. Parley P. Christensen, was the presidential nominee of the leftist Farmer-Labor party and a selfproclaimed radical and champion of the Bolshevik regime in Soviet Russia or that he undertook a world tour that gave him a rare opportunity to engage in a series of conversations with the architect of the Bolshevik revolution, V. I. Lenin. The series of events that led to these meetings and this little-known chapter of Utah history began in the summer of 1920.

The weather in Chicago in July 1920 was hot and muggy, matched only by the heat in the convention hall. Inside, delegates from the National Labor party and the Committee of Forty-Eight met separately but hoped to merge into a new third party. A call to organize politically brought to Chicago an assortment of populists, reformers, labor leaders, and others seeking to "unite workers of hand and brain, from factory and farm" at a time when the American left seemed confused and leaderless. The Socialist party, which had dominated the American left for twenty years, was weakened by disagreements over American involvement in World War I and by governmental censorship and repression. Now the Socialist party was split over the question of the possibility of revolution in the United States. Although virtually all party members supported recognition of the new Soviet regime, the left-wing Socialists bolted the party, claiming to be the spokesman for American communism. In turn, the left-wing itself fractured, and two groups emerged—the Communist party and the Communist Labor party. Eventually these two communist groups merged to form the Communist Party USA, which still exists.

The diversity of those attending the Chicago meetings guaranteed heated debate if not discord. For three days the wilted and perspiring delegates worked at amalgamating and drafting a platform. Once this was accomplished—despite large defections among the Committee of Forty-Eight who disagreed with several platform demands—the delegates formed the Farmer-Labor party and turned to the business of nominating a presidential candidate. Most assumed the nominee would be Sen. Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin. When La Follette turned down the presidential nomination because he believed the platform was too radical, the field of possible nominees was wide open. Such well known names as Henry Ford, Jane Addams, and Socialist leader Eugene V. Debs were mentioned along with New York lawyer Dudley Field Malone.

One of those delegates favoring both amalgamation and the nomination of La Follette was Utah lawyer and political activist Parley P. Christensen, who was known initially by only a handful of his fellow delegates. But at one particularly tumultuous point in the proceedings, Christensen was selected to serve as chairman of the convention. His fair, firm handling of the chaotic, and at times acrimonious, discussions attracted the attention of his colleagues. Christensen, who stood well over six feet tall, was handsome, articulate, and genial, and he conveyed the impression of being in charge without seeming dictatorial. Moreover, he appeared at the convention each day in a freshly pressed white suit. When the time came to select a presidential nominee, in the words of one observer, "all eyes turned to the man clad in pristine white."

Though Parley P. Christensen was unknown nationally, the presidential nomination of the Farmer-Labor party was the zenith, not the beginning, of his political career. From 1900 to 1912 Christensen was an active Republican, serving as a party officer. Salt Lake County attorney, and unsuccessful aspirant for Congress on four occasions. In 1912, chafing because of the control of the Utah GOP by Reed Smoot and his "Federal Bunch," Christensen joined other insurgent Republicans in bolting the party and allying with the Bull Moose Progressive crusade of former President Theodore Roosevelt. Two years later, running on the Progressive ticket, Christensen was elected to the Utah House of Representatives where he championed the rights of labor and advocated reform of Utah's electoral laws, stressing the need for an open primary law.

By 1919, however, the Progressive party was defunct, and only a small band of adherents—primarily the Committee of Forty-eight— remained to carry on TR's crusade. Like them, only more leftist in his views, Christensen sought a new political alternative to the Republicans and the Democrats. It was this desire that led him to affiliate with the Committee of Forty-eight and later to help form the Utah Labor party in May 1919. These affiliations brought him to the Chicago convention, which culminated in his nomination.

As a presidential candidate Christensen waged a vigorous effort, crisscrossing the country and logging some 30,000 miles advocating suffrage for women, equality and civil rights for blacks, open ballot and media access to minor parties, demilitarization of our foreign policy, and breaking up monopoly capitalism, which he believed dominated American economic, social, and political life. Moreover, Christensen was a strong advocate of American recognition of the new Soviet regime in Russia. On election day the Utahn polled over a quarter-million votes, though he was on the ballot in less than half the states. What's more, Christensen opposed not only Republican Warren G. Harding and Democrat James M. Cox but also the best known American radical of his day, Eugene V. Debs, the leader of the American Socialist party. Debs made this, the last of his five campaigns for the presidency, from a jail cell in Atlanta where he was incarcerated for violating the Espionage Act.

Though Christensen's bid for the presidency failed, he believed that the Farmer-Labor party represented an idea whose time had come. And on election eve he pledged to do all that he could to make it a factor in American politics. His plans were changed in 1921, however, when he embarked on a world tour that deprived him of his opportunity to do organizational work for the FLP but provided him a unique opportunity to visit the world during the reconstruction period after the end of the "war to end all wars." As a result of that trip Christensen was one of a small number of Americans who visited Soviet Russia, saw the effect of the Bolshevik revolution firsthand, and met with its chief architect—V. I. Lenin. The trip proved to be an important turning point in the political career of Parley Christensen.

The series of events that led to his tour began in December 1920 when the former presidential nominee visited party headquarters in Chicago to attend meetings of the FLP national committee. Christensen served on a subcommittee with party chairman John H. Walker, national secretary Frank Esper, and Robert Buck, editor of the party newspaper, the New Majority, that was charged with the responsibility of formulating a program to make the party a permanent factor in national politics. The group recommended that the party establish yearly dues of six dollars and "hire men and women of good report and ability" to organize the party throughout the country. Christensen shared in the optimism that characterized these meetings and predicted a bright future for the party. Though his prophecy proved untrue, his participation demonstrated a tendency not always shown by political leaders to deal with the "nuts and bolts" affairs of a party as well as be its ideological spokesman.

In January, prior to returning to Salt Lake City, Christensen told party leaders that he intended to return to Chicago in the near future, take up residence, and open a law office. The former nominee believed that such a move would assist him in taking the active party role he envisioned.

In June, however, FLP officials announced that Christensen would head a delegation scheduled to visit Europe and the Soviet Union. Party leaders indicated that the trip would have a twofold purpose: to acquire firsthand information on conditions in these countries and to determine the steps necessary to reestablish trade relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. While it was not publicly stated at the time, apparently FLP leaders also viewed the trip as a way of building interest in their movement among Soviet leaders, particularly Lenin.

Christensen downplayed the significance of the Soviet visit itself, saying that the possibility of making such a trip had been in his mind for some time. Furthermore, he emphasized that the primary purpose of the trip was to study firsthand the general economic situation in Europe and particularly the Danish system of cooperative distribution of agricultural commodities. Arriving in Chicago in July, Christensen spent several days conferring with party leaders before leaving for Europe on July 9. Due to difficulty with the government in obtaining passports for the other delegates, he made the trip alone.

Christensen spent considerable time in Denmark studying, as he had indicated he would, the Danish cooperative system, and came away enthusiastic about what he saw. Comparing the efforts of Danish farmers with their American counterparts, Christensen noted:

The Danes are years ahead of us in the intelligent marketing of agricultural products. Whereas the American farmer gets less than half of what the consumer pays, the Dane gets nearly three fourths. This is due largely to the splendid government aid and advice available to both in the production and the distribution of the goods.

While traveling in Denmark he took advantage of an opportunity to visit the areas where his family had its roots. Journeying to the northern tip of the country, from which his family had emigrated some sixty years before, Christensen visited the family home in Hjorring where his father was born and reported that the house "was still standing, having been altered little in construction during the seventy-eight years since his father's birth."

While in Denmark Christensen became attracted to something which would hold a fascination for him for the rest of his life— Esperanto. Invented by the Polish linguist L. L. Zamenhof, Esperanto is a synthetic language, designed to facilitate communication and trade, and predicated on a belief that world peace and cooperation would come more rapidly without language barriers. Christensen was impressed with both the versatility and practicality of the language when he heard it used at a party "given by some of the working class people" in his honor. As he would frequently relate, there were nine nationalities represented, yet those in attendance were able to mingle and converse "fluently and easily all evening in Esperanto."

During the remainder of his life Christensen was an active practitioner and teacher of the language, maintaining contacts with numerous Esperanto organizations both in the United States and abroad." He lectured on Esperanto and proclaimed it "one of the most significant forces in the world in promoting international understanding." His commitment to Esperanto was an important aspect of his growing internationalist sentiment. Throughout the 1920 presidential campaign he had argued that citizens of the world were members of one family and that all barriers to international cooperation should be eliminated. This commitment would remain a fundamental aspect of his thinking throughout his later political career.

Christensen continued his travels through Europe, spending several weeks in Germany studying economic conditions before he arrived in the Soviet Union in November 1921. Always a strong advocate of the Soviet experiment, Christensen had written President Woodrow Wilson in December 1920:

During the campaign I addressed thousands of my countrymen of all classes and practically without exception they were friends of Russia. At every meeting I spoke of Russia, and the mere mention of the word was electrifying. And when I urged, as I always did, the recognition of Russia, the affirmative response was tremendous.

The experiences Christensen had in Russia confirmed his previously held view. Emerging as a forceful advocate of recognition, understanding, and assistance for the Soviets, Christensen was particularly vocal in calling for strong American-Russian commercial alliances. He was convinced that the Soviets were "anxious" to exchange furs and other goods for "food stuffs and other badly needed materials for the rehabilitation of the country." Like his commitment to Esperanto, Christensen retained his admiration for Russia throughout his life.

Perhaps the most significant aspect of Christensen's Russian visit was the interview he had with Lenin. While staying at a palatial guest home reserved for foreign visitors, Christensen received a telephone call advising him that he should stay indoors because a very important message was forthcoming. At eight o'clock that evening, word arrived that Lenin wished to see the American at his office the next morning. Accompanied by an interpreter, Christensen left for the meeting in the Kremlin. He later described the scene:

We went to the Kremlin through the Trotski gate .... The password was given and we walked up an incline over a one-time moat to the thick walls of the Kremlin where a soldier took our pass using a bayonet as a letter file.

We passed over the cobbled roads where .. . Czars . . . once trod, and passed the prized collection of ornamented cannon, prizes recalling Napoleon, to enter the white building with the squat dome over which now flies the red flag of the Soviet republic.

Without formality we passed along the corridors until we came to the elevator. I do not know how many floors we went up but we passed through an empty room [then] through a corridor to a door before which stood a soldier. We entered a big room, plainly but efficiently decorated.

At the end of the room a door opened . . . and Lenin himself came out and greeted me in perfect English.

We sat down before a real working desk. I sat at Lenin's left. I recollect the desk was a broad, flat-topped one, orderly with piles of magazines from various countries on both sides and a clear space in the middle.

The interview lasted over two hours, during which time the conversation ranged from American politics to the suitability of American northwest seed wheat for use in Russia. Christensen, his legal training surfacing, noted that Lenin asked such probing questions that he felt like "a man in a witness box." The interview was conducted in English with the interpreter being used only once or twice when Christensen used "some Americanism or colloquialism." Christensen was amazed at the Russian leader's knowledge and understanding of conditions and events in the United States. He was particularly surprised to discover that Lenin knew in great detail the activities of Eugene Debs and James M. Cox, in addition to Christensen's own presidential campaign. Indeed, as Christensen went to introduce himself, the Russian had remarked, "Oh, I know you, you and Cox were the also rans!"

At the end of the interview Lenin indicated that there were several other matters that he would like to discuss and invited Christensen to return for another session. At the second meeting the two men covered a whole range of topics, including trade relations, the famine in Russia, the situation in the Far East, and the failure of the revolutions in eastern Europe. Lenin believed that the Soviet Union could work harmoniously and in a mutually beneficial way with the industrialized nations to bring about a rise in the standard of living of the Russian people. Russia, he told Christensen, would supply the raw materials and the western nations would supply the tools, skills, and technical assistance. This made a vivid impression on Christensen, and he repeated these views at great length after his return to the United States.

During the series of meetings with the Russian leader Christensen displayed the sort of ease and good humor that might characterize a campaign stop in an American election. At one pomt some of the Soviet propaganda aides indicated that they would like to have Lenin pose for moving pictures but were afraid of overburdening him. Christensen expansively put his arm around the Russian revolutionary and exclaimed, "Now we are going down to have some pictures taken!" As they were posing, aware of the large crowd that had gathered, Christensen commented to Lenin, "You don't seem to be afraid of assassins," to which the Russian replied, "Not a bit." One of the Soviet functionaries present noted that Lenin had two bullets lodged in his body and quipped, "Trotsky says that old man has plenty of metal in his backbone!"

Throughout the meetings Christensen was impressed with the good humor and energy Lenin displayed despite the cares of state. Calling the Soviet leader "100% human," Christensen offered an interesting commentary on his host:

I swear his eyes are liquid blue. Around them are wrinkles. He is slightly stooped, like a student, but is otherwise virile and alert. His countenance is like the play of the sun mingled with the clouds. In serious moods he has the benigness [sic] of a philosopher.

But these moods were so frequently interrupted by humorous interpretations of the conversation that I had an almost constant view of a human, smiling character whose whole face, from the eyes, the wrinkles, and the mouth radiated mirth.'^

Although Christensen was obviously captivated and disarmed by the Russian leader, Lenin was not as taken by his American guest. In a speech to the Ninth Congress of Soviets a few weeks after the visit, Lenin commented that although Christensen was the candidate of the "Farmers-and-Workers Party," the Soviets should not be misled because it did not "in the least resemble the workers and peasants party in Russia." Continuing in that vein, Lenin commented that Christensen and the Farmer-Labor party were "openly and resolutely hostile to any kind of socialism, and recognized as being perfectly respectable by all bourgeois parties."

After leaving the Soviet Union, Christensen continued his travels, visiting the Middle East, India, China, Japan, Australia, and the Philippines. His world tour kept him away from the United States for nearly two years, during which time he traveled over 60,000 miles. Returning to this country in May 1923, Christensen called for an increasing share of the fruits of production for workers; organization, cooperation, and elimination of the middleman for farmers; and, opening up the world money supply for all people, freeing them from the "stranglehold" held by a few "money jugglers-'' As he left ship he told reporters in New York:

For two years I have been visiting with our brothers in foreign lands .... In the main it has been enjoyable and immensely prohtable. There lingers in my mind, however, a sad picture of gloom and despair

Hunger and want are on every hand, caused in the main by enforced idleness .... Not only the people but their governments seemed paralyzed There is less democracy in the world today than in 1914. Our war for democracy wrecked the world and while it more than doubled the millionaires, it quadrupled the breadlines.

The present system of waste, extravagance, and proht has wholly failed. It can not survive the supreme test put upon it by the war. We must .... produce for use and not for profit.

In reflecting upon his travels, Christensen clearly saw the danger facing the world unless the economic conditions in Europe were dramatically changed. Christensen strongly urged the calling of an international economic conference as the only possible way to avoid worldwide financial and economic collapse. At the same time, he perceptively noted the possibilities for confrontation that existed in the Middle East. Sensing a "restlessness" in the area, Christensen viewed the Zionist movement as an increasingly decisive factor in political affairs. In addition, his travels in Japan convinced him that although the government was liberal and democratic and essential to guarantee Asian stability, it faced great obstacles in maintaining its power.

Christensen returned from his world tour a more confirmed internationalist than when he set sail. In political terms, he believed that political parties based on an alliance between farmers and workers were not only the wave of the future but absolutely necessary. His views were strengthened by firsthand observation of such alliances in Great Britain and Australia where they seemed successful in implementing governmental reform and significant social and industrial changes. These experiences convinced Christensen of the need to expand the Farmer-Labor movement in the United States and to seek to ally it with similar worldwide movements. This view dominated his political thinking for another decade as he sought to broaden the basis for cooperation between laborers both urban and rural and to create a strong alternative political vehicle to the two major parties.

Christensen also renewed his calls for American recognition of the Soviet government, saying that the Russian people had a longstanding friendliness toward this country. Moreover, he saw recognition as desirable because it was in the best economic interest of both countries. Viewing the Soviet Union as an excellent market for American finished goods, he warned that unless the Soviets were granted recognition, they would be forced to manufacture the commodities they would otherwise purchase from the United States.

This strong support for Russia is important in assessing Christensen's actions when he returned to the United States. For the rest of his career he was a strong supporter of the Soviet government and an advocate of better relations between the two nations. In the 1930s, he openly lobbied the Roosevelt administration to be named ambassador to Russia, enlisting political friends like Rep. Thomas Amlie and Sen. Elmer A. Benson. In some respects his attitudes were not unlike those articulated by Henry A. Wallace a quarter of a century later. In both cases, their feelings toward the Soviet Union were colored by the idealized picture they had brought home with them after visiting the country.

After spending some time in New York and Chicago, Christensen returned to Salt Lake City because, as he put it, "I promised Mamma I would be with her on my birthday." The aged Mrs. Christensen, still spry and alert despite her blindness, welcomed her son home, and for the next few days the house was frequented by local reporters. Christensen reiterated many of the statements he made after his arrival in New York. Again proclaiming the need for American recognition of the Soviet Union because "justice . . . and our own interests require it," the Utahn noted:

And, too, the Russian people are friends of ours. They were so under the Czar and these friendships are now intensified. One frequently sees Lincoln's pictures in Russian homes. They feel that their republic had a birth similar to ours and America should take advantage of this favorable condition.

Even though Parley P. Christensen was the first Utahn to be nominated for president, his ties to the Beehive State diminished considerably in the 1920s. His worldwide travels had exposed him to new vistas, and he would no longer be content in practicing law in his small office in the Continental Bank Building. Increasingly, he looked for legal cases outside the state. In the mid-1920s he settled in Chicago where he was the Progressive party nominee for U.S. senator in 1926. During the next few years he used Chicago as his base of operations, returning frequently to Europe. Often he financed these trips by teaching Esperanto to his fellow passengers aboard ship who hoped to use the language to simplify communications with Europeans. In the mid-1930s Christensen settled in California where he served as a Los Angeles city councilman from 1935 to 1949 while actively involved in various left-wing movements in the state.

Although the last thirty years of his life were lived outside of Utah, Parley P. Christensen remains a native son who devoted his political life to attempting to improve the conditions of working people, promoting better relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, and advocating a more democratic political process with the creation of a new party reflecting the needs of the American working class. He was not successful in most of his quests for political office, but Parley P. Christensen was nevertheless an important witness to an interesting and challenging time in American politics spanning the period from the Armistice to the Korean War.

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