RETHINKING INFORMALITY: Strategies of Urban Space Co-Production

RETHINKING INFORMALITY Strategies of Urban Space Co-Production JOTA SAMPER + CATALINA ORTIZ + JAVIER SOTO Medellin - Comuna 8

ABOUT THIS BOOK

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his work is the product of an international collaboration between the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s School of Architecture + Planning, the Architecture Department, the School of Planning at Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the planning council of Comuna 8.

The goal of this project is to envision, plan and design prototypical criteria and design alternatives as relevant proposals for decision makers in the community. The project also aims to make institutions and other stakeholders aware of various alternatives for the growth of informal settlements in the City of Medellin’ Comuna 8 (District 8).

Copyright ©MIT School of Architecture and

Planning and Univesidad Nacional de Colombia.

All rights reserved

Faculty Jota Samper, MIT Catalina Ortiz, UNAL Javier Soto, UNAL Karen Johnson, teaching assistant, MIT

MIT students Claudia Bode Kate Mytty Adriana Akers Alison Coffey Carmela Zakon Luxi Lin Cate Mingoya Callida Cenizal Emily Royall

UNAL students

César Augusto Mazo González Hendys Paola Guzmán Tenjo Johan Stiv García Cardozo Juan Sebastián Galeano Villa Laura Andrea Vahos Osorio Ana María Palencia Rivera Carolina Tabares Usma Daniela Idárraga Ossa David Puerta Carmona Javier Ricardo Trujillo Parra Iván Darío Castrillón Escobar Manuela Aldana Sánchez Samuel Barrios Miranda

Published by MIT School of Architecture and Planning ISBN 978-1-942846-41-3

CONTENTS 04 Acknowledgements 05 Foreword 06 Introduction 12

REFRAMING PLANNING (UNAL Planning)

16 Conceptualization

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35 Articulate

40 Strengthen

47 Integrate

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MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING (MIT)

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106 Housing

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Income Generation

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Risk Management

158 Mobility

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DESIGN (UNAL Architecture)

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Middle Hillside Corridor

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Habitat Enclave

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Intervenciones Puntuales

Coproduction Negotiated of Space

Public Space

229 Conclusion

Acknowledgements W

e are grateful to Rubyselen Ortiz Sanchez and Jairo Maya Planning leaders at the Council and Local Management group of Comuna 8 for joining us throughout the process and their feedback.

To Eran Ben Joseph, Director of the Department of Urban Planning, MIT; and MIT DUSP Practicum Committee for their support for the workshop; To Edgar Arroyo Castro, Dean of the School of Architecture, UNAL; Edgar Meneces, Dean of the Department of Architecture, UNAL; Pedro Torres, Director Area Cirrucular in Architecture and Urbanism, UNAL; To Juan Sebastian Galeano Villa, David Puerta Carmona, Samuel Barrios Miranda, Cesar Augusto Gonzalez Mazo, Jose Abraham David Ramirez, Ryan Catalani, and Bailey Sincox for their help with the translation to Spanish; To Alison Coffey for the compilation and production of the publication in Spanish; To Shaoyi Liang and Maria Sanchez Estefania Castrillon for graphic design; And Marco Aurelio Londo単o, Carlos Andres Escobar Gutierrez and Jose Alexander Brown Caicedo for support in providing information.

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INTRODUCTION

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Introduction

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his book summarizes the result of the workshop “Rethinking informality: Spatial Strategies for Comuna 8, Medellín “ This workshop is an international collaboration between MIT’s School of Architecture + Planning, the Architecture Department, the School of Planning at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia in Medellin and the planning council of Comuna 8 . The goal of this project is to envision, plan and design prototypical criteria and project alternatives as relevant proposals for decision makers in the community. The project also aims to make institutions and other stakeholders aware of various alternatives for the growth of informal settlements in the City of Medellin’ Comuna 8 (District 8).

The workshop is the result of the work of three methodological independent but link studios two in the Universidad Nacional one with a planning focus and the second with an architectural focus and a third in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning (DUSP) at MIT that mix architects and planners. The goal of this diversity is to enrich the discussions and also the scope of the exercises. The workshop is a pedagogical platform for transnational applied knowledge. With a twofold goal (1) First to produce applied products that engage ethically with the needs of local communities on current urban problems around the issues of informality and (2) second to develop skills in the students that engage in the creation of projects adjusted to the needs of these communities.

In the 1990s, at same time that the United States was bombing Baghdad, Medellín was the most dangerous city in the world. Since 2003, the city has undergone an internationally renowned urban transformation, part of a controversial nationwide peace process.

Implemented under three consecutive mayor administrations (03-07, 08-11, 12-

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14), the city—now perceived as a totally different place with a homicide rate 10 times lower—is seen as an example of how to engage with conflict and violence thru spatial and urban policies. Today the city’s spatial practices had become the model to intervene in cities were large concentration of informal settlements and conflict intersect.

This workshop wants to look at the challenges of growth management of cities in the global south, its goal is twofold: on one side is an interest in the creation of predictive models of city growth, as tools to inform design and planning decision making process; secondly (and more importantly), the project is interested in generating urban development strategies that use the inherent qualities of the informal development in the cities in the south as a way to direct growth in ways that is sustainable an equitable.

Given today’s preponderance of urban informality across the global south, which accounts for up to one-third of urban development in the world (Davis 2006), a new practice-oriented perspective on how we intervene in this prevalent geography is needed. This workshop tries to contribute to the nascent practice of contemporary spatial interventions on spaces of urban informality (Hernández 2010). It does so in a way that tries to merge the large bodies of practice of community involvement in spaces of poverty (Perlman 2010; Betancur 2007; AlSayyad 1993; Rojas et al. 2010) with the innovative physical approaches of design urban practice (Brillembourg 2004; Echeverri and Orsini 2011; Castro and Echeverri 2011).

Today the city of Medellin is starting the next generation of urban projects in informal areas that have made the city internationally renowned , a main feature of this new generation of urban projects is the key interest on controlling urban growth into protected areas and into high environmentally sensitive and risk slops of the Andes mountains. The new project called the “Metropolitan Green Belt”(Cinturón Verde Metropolitano) have mixed responses in Medellin while having support for all state agencies, communities at the urban perimeter have different feelings about the development of the project. The planning council of the Comuna 8 (Consejo de Planeación y Gestión

de la Comuna 8) is one of those community groups. They have been working with the help of the school of planning at the Universidad Nacional on a new proposal that challenges the vision of the city planning Department (Departamento Administrativo de Planeación DAP). The goal of this workshop is to combine the recommendations of this advancing work with new field research to propose concrete project spatial strategies that will be implemented by our community partner. The premise of the work was (1) to maintain the community on site and (2) the designed interventions are frame as inclusive and concerted between multiple state and community actors. Finally all actors including the community agreed in that five key issues were the most important to address: risk management, housing, food security, mobility and public space.

This conflict between informal urban communities and the state is not unique to the Medellin case, the entire geography of informality in the “global south” and of urban regeneration in the “global north” are filled with such conflicts. What makes this case unique is that happens in the context of a historical favorable record of the city of Medellin of implementing new prototypes and strategies of intervention is such risk environments and with incredible levels of success measured by the number of awards that such projects have achieved.

Ultimately this context of creative implementation and critical review offers several possibilities. First, it generates a critical review (using our community partners interest) of such (award winning) projects.

Second, it becomes an ideal scenario to introduce new models of urban intervention in informal settlements that can in the future be actually implemented by new partnerships between the city and community.

Differently to studio and workshops that see communities as “clients” the work presented here place our relationship

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with the community under the notion of “interlocutor” (Simone 2008, 17; Sletto 2012), in Simone’s interlocutors are those who “open up the possibility of some alternative kind of communication that itself may generate new ways of working” (Simone 2008, 20–21) Sletto’s argument that in the context of this kind of academic endeavors the notion of interlocutor “permits us to escape simplistic assumptions of rights and privilege to speak, to instead consider more fully the potential of disruptive studio engagements to advance the radical agency of new speakers, including residents, civil society representatives, and also students and city planners, who may emerge to foment what Simone refers to as alternative ways of working.” (Sletto 2012, 229).

The workshop was divided in two sections the first (Part I) on site in Medellin during nine days in February 2014 was a collaboration with community partners students and faculty from both institutions in which a hands on workshop environment produced quick ideas and prototypes of possible strategies that were presented to community leaders.

The feedback from the community in that session serve as a guidance for the rest of the workshop. The second section at MIT in Cambridge and in the Universidad Nacional in Medellin during the spring semester combined seminar, discussions and studio formats. Short informal talks will introduce concepts, analytical techniques and site planning models. Short exercises as well as a major project will provide practice in various site planning and design techniques. The three groups meet again and present result at the end of the semester in Cambridge. The final product was presented to the community in the form of a book in Spanish along with an exhibition of the projects in the Parque Biblioteca La Ladera in Medellin, Comuna 8 in August of 2014.

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This book present specific recommendation for the local government of Medellin and for the community of Comuna 8 to respond to the challenges of the planning process and as a search for more just and concerted proposals. The report is divided in three sections: the (1) first REFRAMING PLANNING is devoted to the conceptual underpinning and the definition of negotiated co-production of space as a strategy for territorial planning. The (2) second MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING has the goal of to understand the logics of growth of informal settlements and specifically the ones located in the edges of the city of Medellin (through mapping), to be able to see prospectively how those logics will play in the future (through forecasting) and finally to propose strategies that intervene on those possible futures (acting). This section propose project on the five issues defined by the community (risk management, housing, food security, mobility and public space.) and the (3) third DESIGN propose urban and architectural interventions in the mid hill section of Comuna 8 with three public building projects. We hope, this process will illuminate and contribute to the generation of better interventions and planning practices in the areas of concern to both the affected communities and the city as a whole.

Bibliography AlSayyad, Nezar. 1993. “Squatting, Culture, and Development : A Comparative Analysis of Informal Settlements in Latin America and the Middle East.” Journal of Developing Societies.

Betancur, John J. 2007. “Approaches to the Regularization of Informal Settlements: The Case of PRIMED in Medellin, Colombia.”

Global Urban Development Magazine, WORLD BANK – IPEA INTERNATIONAL URBAN Research Symposium, 3 (1). http:// www.globalurban.org/GUDMag07Vol3Iss1/ Betancur.htm.

Brillembourg, C. 2004. “The New Slum Urbanism of Caracas, Invasions and Settlements, Colonialism, Democracy, Capitalism and Devil Worship.”

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN 74: 77–81.

Rojas, Eduardo., Inter-American Development Bank., Cities Alliance., and Taller “Programas de mejoramiento de barrios : análisis comparado de lecciones aprendidas y nuevos enfoques.” 2010. “Building Cities : Neighbourhood Upgrading and Urban Quality of Life.” In . [Washington, D.C.] : InterAmerican Development Bank; [Cambridge, Mass.]: Cities Alliance ; David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies : [Distributed by Harvard University Press].

Simone, AbdouMaliq. 2008. “Emergency Democracy and the ‘governing Composite.’”

Social Text 26 (2 95): 13–33.

Sletto, Bjørn. 2012. “Insurgent Planning and Its Interlocutors Studio Pedagogy as Unsanctioned Practice in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic.” Journal of Planning Education and Research, 0739456X12467375.

Castro, L., and A. Echeverri. 2011. “Bogotá and Medellín: Architecture and Politics.”

Architectural Design 81 (3): 96–103.

Davis, Mike. 2006. Planet of Slums. London; New York: Verso.

Echeverri, Alejandro, and Francesco Orsini.

2011. “Informalidad Y Urbanismo Social En Medellín.” Càtedra UNESCO de Sostenibilitat de La UPC 12: 11–24.

Hernández, Felipe. 2010. “Beyond Modernist Masters Contemporary Architecture in Latin America.” http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-30346-0495-6.

Perlman, Janice E. 2010. Favela : Four Decades of Living on the Edge in Rio de Janeiro. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

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UNAL Master

REFRAMING PLANNING

Objectives

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o understand the territorial relationships and complexities of managing urban growth in metropolitan environments. By recognizing the challenges of planning discipline to address the sociospatial impacts of urban growth process and the provision of public infrastructure in formal and informal settlements. Here we propose a set of territorial strategies to catalyze and coordinate the transformation processes of the central area and the Comuna 8 based on the interdependencies between the urban dynamics of the study area.

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Negotiated Co-production of Space Tools for collective land management

César Augusto Mazo González Hendys Paola Guzmán Tenjo Johan Stiv García Cardozo Juan Sebastián Galeano Villa Laura Andrea Vahos Osorio

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Conceptualization Transcending the binary framework in urban planning and informality

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thought process stemming from binary entities is considered to be an epistemological obstacle to approach the complexity and uncertainty in urban processes. The limitations and insufficiencies of public policy in solving territorial problems are derived from the theoretical and practical assumptions of urban planning and informality. Thus, these need to be challenged and reformulated in the Latin American context in order to generate new narratives about territorial dynamics and their intervention strategies.

This initial analysis requires one to think about territory and its transformational relationships from a renewed perspective of social-spatial dynamics. A classic approach, applied to different contexts, suggests that particular historical urban development that responds to local realities is incomplete, lacking and not adjusted to an ideal. This approach limits the possibility for analysis as a local and coherent process of a particular context. Starting from this idea, the workshop proposes a conceptual framework, through which a contextualized review of urban processes in Latin America will provide a new scope with respect to territorial planning and management and the stakeholders involved.

Planning The study of cities today has been marked with a paradox; the greatest portion of urban growth in the twenty-first century takes place in developing countries while the greatest portion of theories or approaches

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regarding how cities function come from cities in developed countries. In other words, city models belong to the first world and most of the problems related to cities are found in the third world (Roy, 2010).

This mismatch produces an array of myths which have become common place in the characterizations of urban planning processes and management, where the judicial systems that regulate informality are produced. This becomes the first reference point in the challenge that this workshop addresses.

Myths and realities of planning When the city is planned and managed in developing countries, one can generally find differences between the governments and the communities. These differences are characterized by differing positions on priorities for intervention, which visualizes some of the myths regarding planning.

Planning myths compose the idea that it is done exclusively by the state through an objective and rational intervention that seeks consensus. It is also thought to include: clear limits between what is legal and illegal and what is public and private, a monopoly of knowledge and of territorial control that functions under a single definition of order.

The myth creates the illusion that planning is able to predict, that there is an absolute legitimacy by the state and full trust among the different territorial actors (Roy, 2010).

The reality of planning is different; territorial control is divided and in dispute, interventions are based on political interests and the planning process is actually based on conflicts being starting points for reaching agreements. Additionally, there is a vast array of ideas about what is considered “order�, a heterogeneous knowledge of the territory and porous borders, for example, between what is legal and illegal or public and private.

Due to this, planning must begin with anticipation. Planning must be thought of in a environment of weak governability where the state is not considered to have a strong or

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legitimate presence in all spaces (a recurring reality in Latin American contexts). Planning must also have the fundamental objective of being a participatory process that is more than a legitimization process, but rather a negotiation among the territorial actors involved. This must be considered parallel to official knowledge and institutional power.

Through planning and its legal apparatus, the state has the power to determine what is informal and what is not. In doing so, it determines which types of informality may live on and which ones will disappear. In consequence, planning is also a political struggle, where the power of the state is reproduced through the capacity of building and rebuilding its classifications of legitimacy and illegitimacy which, through the discourse, will ultimately establish the deserving and the non-deserving (Roy, 2010).

Urban Informality Informal settlements are more than just a contingent form of urban development, as is generally thought. These settlements make up a structural part in the historical development of cities, especially in Latin America, due to the fact that they belong to an urban consolidation process that has historically

tended towards formalization processes (Fernandes, 2011). This preconception induces a series of myths that have a definitive influence in the treatment of urban consolidation processes by approaching them in a pejorative manner, with problems to solve and not as processes that are in an early stage and on the path to consolidation.

Myths and Realities in Urban Informality The myths that are associated to the concept of informality imply that the process appears where there is absence of the state and that is an exceptionality of urbanization made up of people that are excluded from the market. It is also believed that informality is the equivalent of poverty, a spontaneous chaos and that it is exclusive to the global South as a manifestation of underdevelopment. Closely linked to these myths about informality are the concepts of deficiency, marginality and conflict. In practice, informality is the prevalent mode of urbanization, which functions in a unregulated market and is produced by state action or inaction. Furthermore, one must understand that informality is truly not associated to socioeconomic conditions as it is common in the global North as well as South with some singular organizational patterns that are more a manifestation of the unequal growth of global capitalism (Watson, 2012).

Although the inhabitants of informal settlements can present a wide variety of socioeconomic traits and in some settlements can generate fluid dynamics through their informal economies, the recurrent theme is of deficient economic conditions, informal economy and low sustainability (Fernandes, 2011). In terms of legal characteristics, apart from being the determining aspect of informality, there is a diverse field due to the all of the potential variations since the violation of legality can be done in many ways, for example: through the violation of private, public and communal property laws,

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the violation of urban, environmental and construction codes and regulations, lacking the requirements for formalization and legal dispositions (Fernandes, 2011).

Quite differently from settlers or settlements, high-end informality generally enjoys high quality infrastructure and its inhabitants are guaranteed ownership of their properties.

Informality, at first sight, seems to be a land use issue, which is what is normally addressed through attempts of restoration of urban and landscape “order” and through inclusion in formal markets (Roy, 2010).

According to Abramo (2012), the market is the main structuration vector in formal residential land use in big Latin American cities. Contrary to the informal market, the regulating institutions of this market are already inscribed in the official legal-political system of order.

Its three main traits being: the territorial immobility of the real estate asset, its high individual value and its long devaluation period. The formal real estate market generates recognition of neighborhood and equality among its neighbors in the same territory, which has generated hierarchies, stratification and in the same way, segmentation. In the end, the generation of new real estate models that are ever more exclusive and innovative (generating higher levels of quality of life) promote a city with a diffuse structure. This movement of residential substitution produces an increase in density, making families consume less urban space due to the higher land costs (Abramo, 2012).

In some cases, informality is given through a “silent invasion of the common” (Bayat,

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2000), by using spaces, that are not apt for urban use according to formal planning, in nonconventional ways and in this way achieving structures that are adapted to the environment and reinforce the social networks of the local inhabitants (Sletto, 2012). Informality exists in spite of planning, not thanks to it. Still, planning mechanisms permeate everyday processes in communities, inducing them to validate interventions that are designed by formal planning, which in many cases opposes the most critical needs of the community.

In the face of the horizon of informality, two new phenomena emerge: “insurgent planning” and “interlocutors”. The former is the social process through which informal residents are considered subjects that are in the capacity of planning their own territories hand-in-hand with other efforts. The latter concept refers to the actors that allow new and pedagogical relationships and links between the state and residents of informal settlements, as well as academic actors, urban planners, international agencies, etc. (Sletto, 2012).

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Context

The historic urbanization process in the Valley of Aburrรก shows that a large part of the city has been urbanized informally. This tendency has been consolidated during the last 50 years through accelerated urbanization due to migratory processes from the countryside to cities by people with low economic resources and by a real estate market that has does not supply this influx of demand with accessible options. This tendency in the eastern hills of the city has made urbanization in the mid-slope and high-slope areas of Comuna 8 to be of mostly informal origin.

In this particular context, Comuna 8 has experienced considerable demographic growth due to the coming together of basic variables such as the birth rate, along with others that correspond to the local context of the city, such as forced displacement. According to the DANE (National Administrative Statistics Division), in 1993 the Comuna had 103,034 residents and in 2014, Comuna 8 has a population of 153,156 showing a growth of 50% in the last 20 years.

This accelerated growth influences quality of life directly since the appearance and consolidation of informal settlements and their level of quality are directly related to the amount of time the people have lived in the territory. Many of the inhabitants, as was mentioned beforehand, are associated to the forced displacement. According to the official

Source:Jota Samper, Joost de Bont

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Source: Resultado y Balance Politico Consula Popular Comuna 8

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Medellin Model At the local, national and international levels, a lot has been said about Social Urbanism and how it has evolved to consolidate an image of state interventions of what is known today as the Medellin Model. This concept is known for a series of physical interventions of an iconic and monumental nature, such as the Metro and its integrated system of buses, bicycles, tram and cables, the Integral Urban Projects – PUI, the Library Parks, the green belt, the Articulated Life Units – UVA and the Medellin River Park, among others.

These territorial interventions are oriented towards the concretion of a city model, which responds

increasingly to external variables that are not in line with the will of the territory’s own inhabitants and are closer to the demands of the city’s internationalization.

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quality of life survey for Medellin in 2011, more than 70% of the inhabitants of Comuna 8 belonged to strati 1 and 2, while 97% of the population could be found among strati 1, 2 and 3. Along with socioeconomic status, another variable that is related to population growth of lower-income residents of the Comuna is home ownership; the last cited source also indicates that more than 40% of the population does not have a legal formalized home. While the majority of this portion of the population rents, about 9% of the total population of the Comuna are settlers that reside through usufruct, antichresis or squatting.

Territorial Problems After performing an exploration of primary and secondary data and a visit to the area of study, which was accompanied by members of the local community, a matrix with the territorial problems was created (p. XX-XX ).

Comuna 8’s panorama reflects needs in terms of socioeconomic conditions, quality of life and housing situation. The municipal government is inclined towards an intervention of the urban border that prioritizes urban containment through the city’s green belt project (Jardín Circunvalar) and that is accompanied by a strategy rooted in strong investment in the Metro and Metrocable transportation system.

These interventons are framed within the “Civic Pedagogical Urbanism” slogan, where the Metropolitan Green Belt project, mainly the city’s component of that larger green belt, is made into the area’s main project. Furthermore, the government seeks to establish an intervention fringe in order to contain the urban ‘stain’ and

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to have territorial balance in the urban-rural transition by including a series of public space projects. At the same time, the mobility and infrastructure interventions are focused around the implementation of three new lines that will be linked to the city’s Metro system: a 4.3 kilometer tramway that will connect A Line’s San Antonio station in downtown Medellin to the Alejandro Echavarría neighborhood; the first Metrocable, the M Line, will connect the area around the Miraflores Sports Park to the Trece de Noviembre neighborhood; the second Metrocable, the H Line,

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will link from the last tramway station up to the Villa Turbay and La Sierra neighborhoods, with an intermediate station in the Las Torres sector of the San Antonio neighborhood. From the community, mainly from the Committees of Public Utilities and the Displaced, the community actors performed a referendum in order to try to define the concrete proposals for the fringe interventions in Comuna 8 and the implications that these had on what was defined in the POT of Medellin. Apart from requiring democratic participatory mechanisms for the concertation of territorial actions, where

and the Librar Park La Ladera. In terms of oversight and for vote counting, various institutions from Medellín were present as well, such as the Medellin human rights office, the Medellin Observatory for Human Security, Corporación Región, the Popular Training Institute, the Inter-neighborhood Committee of the Disconnected, Corporación Jurídica Libertad, Moravia Concertation Committee and the people’s defense office.

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the referendum is proposed as a mechanism that is recognized by the institutions, the demands of the community manifest a need for neighborhood improvement programs, risk mitigation, dignified housing and a guarantee of permanence in the territory by the local communities. The referendum took part in 10 voting booths located around the Comuna: Villa Turbay School, Esfuerzos de Paz 1 Youth House, Villatina’s social site, Sol de Oriente home garden, Altos de la Torreo Cedepro School, Golondrinas school, Llanaditas communal site, Julia Agudelo School, Casa de la Cultura, Las Estancias

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The proposal contained the following points:

1. Guaranteeing permanence of the territory’s inhabitants 2. Reclassification of risk zones and development of a risk mitigation and management plan.

a.Conduct a study of risk zones identified in Llanaditas, Golondrinas, El Pacífico, Altos de la Torre, Villatina La Torre, Esfuerzos de Paz 1 and 2 and Union de Cristo b.Survey affected homes and develop a risk management plan for the homes that are identified in non-recoverable risk areas

3. Improve neighborhoods through participatory planning.

Implement the neighborhood improvement projects identified by the authorities. The community considers these improvements a historic debt since this category of urban improvement was developed in 1999 but there has not been a single project in this area to date.

4. Construct dignified housing

a.There is housing deficit of 8,000 houses in Comuna 8, the highest of Medellín’s comunas. The development of a Land Trust would benefit the community when constructing new houses. Several potential land parcels have been identified for a Land Trust: the Girardot battalion grounds, the Universidad de Antioquia property between the Alcázares de Sucre and the Normal Municipal School soccer field, the parcels next to the Claret homes in the high parts of Villa Turbay and La Sierra. b.The purchase of land by the city and changing of zoning would also encourage the development of appropriate housing within Comuna 8.

5. Extension of land parcel ownership and home legalization.

a.To encourage home legalization, the team recommends the implementation of the existing Urban Regularization and Legalization Plans (PRLU) within the Comuna. This would include legalizing the following neighborhoods: Llanaditas, Golondrinas, El Faro, Altos de la Torre, El Pacífico, 13 de Noviembre and La Primavera. b.The three components of regularization include: • Parcel ownership, or in other words, the formalization of a title deed • Settlement regularization, which mainly refers to developing and implementing risk management • Construction recognition through the adherence of houses to earthquake resistance building codes

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6. Extension of public utilities.

Public utilities like water should be extended and guaranteed to all precarious settlements within the urban perimeter.

Other public services and infrastructure, such as phone lines, natural gas and garbage collection should also be extended.

7. Creation of access roads

The monorail should be rejected; instead, there needs to be a greater emphasis on human and non-vehicular mobility in the high slopes of Comuna 8.

The prioritized projects are: • Access road to El Faro • Connecting arteries between Golondrinas and Altos de la Torre • Connecting arteries between the Las Mirlas road and La Sierra • Widening of the road between Pinar del Cerro and Sol de Oriente • Connecting arteries between Esfuerzos de Paz and Villa Liliam • Second stage of the 8th and 9th boardwalk in Las Estancias • Parallel streets for Calle 52 and Enciso Los Mangos •Bridges between Comuna 8 and Comuna 9 over the Santa Elena stream

8. Inclusion of settlements within the perimeter.

The urban perimeter should be extended to include El Faro, El Pacífico, Pinares de Oriente and Alto Bonito in Villa Turbay as residential land within the urban perimeter; these neighborhoods should be formally recognized as part of Comuna 8.

9. Development of food security zones

The creation of a food corridor around Pan de Azucar would help generate a regular food source. This could include a mixed garden involving fruit trees planted by the community.

When the Green Belt is launched, the trees in the Green Belt would then belong to the community.

10. Launch of consultation mechanisms for approval of the POT and the Metropolitan Green Belt

The consultation committee would be composed of Social Institute of Housing (ISVIMED), EDU, the Administrative Planning Department (DAP) and the Metropolitan Area. In addition, the City Council would sign an agreement that would forbid the possibility of leaving the decision of POT and the Green Belt exclusively in hands of EDU.

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Results of community voting

Results by neighborhood

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After analyzing the most evident problems within the Comuna, the greatest point of tension surges when the visions of both actors are compared.

The main actors of this scenario demonstrate that there are different ways of thinking about and producing proposals, solutions and interventions.

In a methodological sense, the government and organized community’s proposals become the main resource to trace a path and to identify with greater clarity what this workshop’s challenges are in establishing issues, negotiations and agreements.

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Challenge Divergent intervention priorities There is tension between the differences of intervention priorities of the State and those of the Community. This tension manifests itself in four dimensions: biophysical, social, spatial and institutional. Each dimension highlights certain challenges and also opportunities.

To address this tension, while also keeping in mind the priorities suggested by the community -- risk, public space, housing and mobility – it is necessary to analyze the characteristics that exist at different heights on the slope of the Comuna.

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Within the updated definition of risk zones that will be adopted in the new MedellĂ­n master plan (POT), 3,200 homes in Comuna 8 will be classified as located in recoverable risk zones while 1,800 homes will be in non-recoverable risk zones. These numbers are lower than the numbers indicated in the previous master plan. As a result, the rights and responsibilities by the state and the community in these areas must be adjusted to fit a new reality.

Additionally, 70% of the homes in Comuna 8 are in strati 1 and 2, while 43% of homes are not inhabited by their owner and 84% of

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households do not have a member that is considered formally employed. In terms of community security, Comuna 8 urgently needs a solution; it has the third highest number of homicides in Medellin, and second highest number of disappearances and intraurban displacement.

While the authorities have recognized some of the needs of the community, they have not recognized all of the community’s needs. The divergence in the perspectives of the community and the authorities means that some of the needs that the community sees as critical are not recognized by the authorities. As

result, the distance between the two actors grows. The underlying opportunity is to develop concrete proposals over points of agreement and create opportunities for shared understanding of the different perspectives about the territory through a coproduction approach. In a broad sense, coproduction would help to create a relationship between decision makers and stakeholders that is based on trust, respect, equality and a mutual understanding of each other’s objectives.

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Divergent priorities of intervention

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STRATEGY : COPRODUCTION NEGOTIATED OF SPACE T

he concept of coproduction rejects the idea of producing something in a transactional business-like manner.

Coproduction, as a concept, tries to move away from the obstacles that normally exist between service providers and clients. Ideally, it aims to be a joint process that goes further than the sharing of information in order to generate inclusion and commitment by all parties involved. It is important to identify that the label of coproduction does not apply to any and all efforts of participation, but rather to relationships that imply the provision of resources by all parties to produce a final product or service. In much the same way, the involvement of the user in the evaluation and design of services, representation on committees and panels, referendums or consultations and simple communication are not coproduction exercises.

There are different approaches to coproduction, including one that has been developed by American political scientist Elinor Ostrom which has left a seed in the contextual strategies of countries in the developing world. Even though the concept of coproduction has evolved, especially in contexts related to NGO’s, Ostrom makes important contributions that are still valid today. Its approach, from the provision of public services, allowed her to identify how synergies that were generated were complementary; the State provides the resources and the technical experience while the community provides knowledge about their local environment, time and abilities. It is precisely the community’s role as the provider of this local perspective that empowers the community to have control about the detailed information of their territory. Social cartography is a clear example of this resource.

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Organizations such as Slum Dwellers International (SDI), apply a coproduction strategy, but with a slightly different interpretation. While the vision that coproduction is a joint production of public services between citizen and state, SDI also recognizes the political capital that this strategy can give entire communities to be able to negotiate with the state. This is increasingly common in contexts where the state has been weak and unable to provide services (Watson, 2012). The needs of public services like potable water and the generation of facilities and public space require large financial investments that communities are unable to provide. This generates the need to negotiate with the state to produce joint solutions stemming from a shared objective.

Mitlin highlights some of the benefits of the implementation of coproduction as a strategy in SDI´s programs around the world.

It is important to note that coproduction bears a distinct difference from rightsbased movements, such as the right to the city movement, by defining itself as a strategy based on needs. In previous related efforts, communities have been relegated as secondary by waiting for the state to implement the rights they demand and for the city to provide development (Mitlin, 2008).

Accordingly, coproduction then becomes an alternative for insurgent movements (Watson, 2012).

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BENEFITS OF THE COPRODUCTION STRATEGY DESIGN BENEFITS.

It is more effective than lobbying the state for improvements in service provision and state intervention in shelter markets because it enables real delivery problems to be considered by those who suffer the consequences of poor quality programmes and policies.

There are lots of problems in the professional models and they need to be revised, but the urban poor design through experience not through abstract conceptual models.

RELATIONAL BENEFITS.

A practical engagement with the state avoids the confrontation often associated with the claims of civil society groups that tends to provoke a defensive reaction from the state. A practical engagement builds strong positive social relations and, in many cases, there are further opportunities for collaboration.

INCLUSIVE BENEFITS





POLITICAL BENEFITS

In terms of local organization. The emphasis on the practical and nonconfrontational encourages low-income women to play a central role in the local process.

This participation secures one objective of the SDI process, to provide a collective entity through which this disadvantaged group can strategize to address their needs.

The scale and nature of a mass movement based around women’s engagement with their practical development needs is a latent political promise and a threat; politicians are drawn into the process in part because they want to secure the electoral support of this group.

EMPOWERMENT AND Engagement in this process has proved effective in encouraging those POVERTY REDUCTION BENEFITS

involved to feel positive about their work and gain growing confidence in their skills and capacities. In so doing, it addresses the insidious nature of poverty and inequality in which low-income and otherwise disadvantaged citizens are treated as less worthy than others.

Source: Mitlin 2008

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STRATEGY

To achieve the objective of facilitating a negotiated coproduction of space in Comuna 8, a series of tools have been created to foment joint territorial management. The strategy is made up of three components: The tools that make up these strategic components are actor maps, planning instruments and platforms, the design of a technical academic program that is specialized towards planning and a series of maps that locate physical intervention opportunities to adequately integrate the territory and the physical interventions.

Accordingly, some architectural prototype designs are generated that illustrate possible scenarios and opportunities for construction within the territory.

Adapted from Governance International

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1. Articulate Articulate community and state planning systems in a binding manner.

2. Strengthen Strengthen the capacities of the territorial actors.

3. Integrate Integrate the territory and the physical interventions performed

This allows the identification of the multiplicity of actors, focal points in alliances and decision-making, and the formal capacities that actually influence the territorial planning process.

Being able to recognize and understand diverse territorial actors, with special attention to the relationships among them, is key in facilitating the creation of articulations that will potentially solve structural problems.

Additionally, the aim is to provide coproduction strategies and methodologies within the territory through the needs and projections of the people that live within it day to day. As a whole, this creates dialogue with a city model that needs to be more inclusive and coherent In order to truly understand the territory and its challenges, it is necessary to understand that the state and the community are not wholly homogenous entities; there is a dynamic of relationships that is intensely diverse.

With this in mind, the workshop proposes an analysis of actors, instances and instruments.

The identified actors were grouped as follows:

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1. Articulate

Community Actors

This actor is made up of the social organizations that, through the community, have acted in terms of themes, needs and proposals around day to day realities. Some are representatives within official processes, such as the Community Action Committees (JAC) and the Local Action Committees (JAL), while others are consolidated around thematic objectives; the Environmental and the Neighborhood Emergency Committees. Another group, with a much stronger dynamic, includes groups that present territorial realities; Thematic Work Committee, Victims and Displaced Population Committee and the Housing and Public Works Committee. The latter also deals with proposals and solutions, through the assertion of rights, such as the formulation of proposals and possibilities of articulations, dialogue and negotiations with different actors. These committees are also part of a city-wide program, the Inter-neighborhood Committee, which accompanies and strengthens them, through spaces for the consolidation of popular proposals.

35

STRATEGY

Public Institutions

This group of state actors, that have contacted, negotiated or physically intervened within the territory of study, are identified according to their institutional origin in the face of territorial planning problems. There are decentralized public entities such as the Metro, the Municipal Administrative Planning Department (DAPM) and the Public Works Enterprise of Medellin (EPM) and there are other public actors that are directly linked to different deputy Mayor’s offices, such as the

Current Map of Actors

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Urban Development Enterprise (EDU), Social Housing Institute of Medellin (ISVIMED) and the Emergency and Disaster Risk Management Administrative Department (DAGRED).

These institutions act for the state, in terms of presence and interventions, through city plans that are approved and executed partly by the municipal administration, with a marked influence in resettlement due to high risk and urban constructions.

Private Actors

Among the private actors present in the territory, the transportation guild is highlighted

In much the same way, each of these is connected to planning channels where different points of view, needs and proposals are brought up. For the private actors, the Territorial Advisory Council is the channel through which state actors and the POT are articulated.

The community actors act within the Local Planning and Management Council, where relationships with state actors are made. In theory, these councils are articulated to the review and adjustment of the POT process in order to consolidate the city model through a participatory process. The reality is that these

relationships are not binding. Considering that territorial actors have the instruments that would allow the consolidation of planning and development proposals, such as community actors with their Local Development Plans and the city with its Municipal Development Plans and the POT, these are not properly articulated among them, which breaks down and complicates the harmonic and coherent development at the different territorial scales.

With a coproduction strategy in mind, new relationships and engagements among territorial actors are proposed based on the premise of what actors exist, their interests and power relationships.

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due to the imminent operation of the integrated public transport system. The three groups of actors (private, public and community) have relationships among them due to the dynamics of the territory; mainly those related to mobility and transportation, housing, risks and threats, use of public space and territorial interventions.

The previous actor map shows not only the new potential components of the groups, but the new relationships sought among them, as well as the instances and instruments needed. The groups of territorial actors are still the same ones that were illustrated in

37

STRATEGY

the first map, yet this proposal established a different relationship among them. Fundamentally the idea is that the instruments relate to each other, keeping in mind that the Local Development Plans should be the ones that influence and are given feedback through the Municipal Development Plans and the POT, so that they may be included in the proposals made from neighborhood realities, community projections and the results of zonal planning processes. This promotes convincing and influential participation that is also qualified and defended by the community planning instances.

Potential Map of Actors

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The proposal also includes the strengthening of The Right to the City Committee as a channel for dialogue and interlocution, understanding it as an emerging planning instance that has the capacity of congregating community proposals and the support of NGOs, such as Corporacion Juridica Libertad which works with legal issues. International cooperation may also be considered through leveraging and strengthening of community alliances at the zonal level. When this emerging channel is recognized as an interlocutor of the territorial planning process, it would be articulated to

also on playing the role of qualifier of diverse territorial actors, which would guarantee long term processes that feed territorial planning.

The role of academic actors is much greater in the strengthening strategy that is proposed within this document where academia becomes the focal point.

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the other two planning channels; The Territorial Advisory Council and the Territorial Council.

This would allow a dialogue and a coproduction of the vision and interventions to be had in the territory, with the minimal guarantee of providing spaces for encounters, dialogue and negotiation.

Strengthening of the private and public actors is also proposed. The public institutions can be assisted by different dependencies which have integral approaches to different problems that are present in the Comuna and that are unrelated to urban interventions, such as social, educational, security and nutritional problems, among others.

Academic

The academic actors would not only be focused on the accompaniment of territorial interventions or the study of the impacts, but

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STRATEGY

2. Strengthen

T

he intention of this strategic component of the proposal is to train the local community through the implementation of educational tools in the short, medium and long term. In doing so, continuous analysis of territorial transformations is generated and strengthened, while providing tools to consolidate community-based proposals.

As a whole, the community strengthens its planning and management of its own territory while engaging in processes at the city scale.

This instrument is devised in a way that will bring together the formal educational process and collective community training, through three phases:

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CO - PRODUCTION

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STRATEGY

Neighborhood Lectures, Extracurricular Activity

Integrated Curriculum

Who?

The second phase seeks to promote a more solid and constant process, within the formality of the public school system, by integrating curricular subjects of certain areas.

Public schools, community and students

How?

The students, teachers and residents of Comuna 8 that are interested in territorial issues meet at the local public schools that agree to participate to participate in lectures led by social organizations, NGOs and the academic sector. Some examples would be local transportation employees that would be affected by the expansion of the city system, or families living in environmental risk zones.

Simultaneously, this program would give anyone who has not received their high school diploma to finish their secondary education through the Special Integrated Lecture Cycles (CLEI).

When?

Neighborhood Lectures would be monthly for the duration of an academic semester, with the possibility of maintaining this process in the long run.

Why?

This first phase intends to examine urgent territorial problems and to create concrete products that will transcend these situations, such as risk and emergency management protocols as well as maps of risk and territorial tensions.

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Who?

Secondary school students of the Comuna 8, teachers, administrative personnel, higher learning institutions, municipal institutions, community organizations and NGOs.

How?

This phase seeks the inclusion of territorial issues and territorial planning and management within the official social science and natural science curriculums. Students will develop competences and discussions around the needs of the Comuna, as well as participate in exercises that would feed the Neighborhood Lectures, which during this phase, serve as the community socialization spaces for the students.

When?

The Integrated Curriculum would be done in a small time span - shorter than one school year - in order evaluate its pertinence and possible extension to the rest of the school year.

Why?

This phase seeks to consolidate a commitment to territorial planning and management of one’s own Comuna in the formative processes of children and young persons. As concrete products, this phase will produce a territorial research proposal and micro-intervention proposals for actual territorial problems.

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Vocational Degree

Who?

Educational institutions, 10th and 11th grade students, teachers, Local Planning and Management Council, community organizations and NGOs, municipal institutions.

How?

Environment Regulatory Plan with territorial planning principles and to produce base documents for community instances and social processes in the Comuna (Local Planning and Management Council, The Right to the City Committee and the Interneighborhood Committee).

This phase is developed through the construction of a curricular grid, which opens up the possibility for high school students of attaining a technical vocational degree in Territorial Planning, as long as they have participated in the Neighborhood Lecture and the Integrated Curriculum and want to delve further into the strengthening of community planning and community coproduction processes with other institutional actors.

When?

This phase is designed to last the full two years of other technical degrees, and should begin after completing the previous phases.

In order for this to be possible, the high schools must incorporate this proposal as a technical vocational emphasis, allowing the students to be formed in the subject and to give feedback to the participants of the integrated curriculum and thus, the Neighborhood Lecture spaces.

Why?

The main purpose of this phase is to build continuous planning processes within the community that, in the long run, will facilitate the construction of increasingly qualified proposals on the part of the community actors. This will in turn promote coproduction processes. As a whole, this phase would be a big step in increasing and strengthening the community’s capacities through the knowledge and proposals that are projected for the Comuna. Within four years, there will be a graduating class of students who, accompanied by academic, technical and professional actors, will be able to propose punctual interventions, reform the School

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STRATEGY

The formative educational component has the following proposed content:

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1.

Learning the legal framework of land use planning

2.

Getting to know our Land Use Management Plan - POT

3.

Interpreting territorial dynamics

4.

Proposing collective territorial management and construction strategies

1.1.1 1.1.2 1.1.3 2.1 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3 2.3 2.3.1 2.3.2 2.4 2.4.1

Legal precedents of land use planning in Colombia Territorial development – Law 388 of 1997 Principles of land use management

Past POTs Environmental guidelines in land use management Main Ecological Structure Land classification: Protection and Restricted Development Rural planning units Urban management Real Estate dynamics Territorial management instruments Municipal, Local and Neighborhood Intervention Projects Practical Exercise and “Neighborhood Lectures”

3.1 Environmental dynamic 3.1.1 Climate change and Risk Management 3.1.2 Ecological Structure 3.2 Sociocultural Dynamic 3.2.1 Neighborhood inhabitants to the city 3.2.2 Governability, conflict and community organization 3.3 Settlement and habitat dynamics 3.3.1 Urban growth stages of the Comuna 3.3.2 Informal neighborhoods and integral neighborhood improvement 3.3.3 Urban borders and limits 3.4 Structuring systems dynamics 3.4.1 Mobility 3.4.2 Public spaces and facilities 3.4.3 Public works 3.4.4 Food security 3.5 Economic dynamic 3.5.1 Employment 3.5.2 Consumption 3.5.3 Investment 3.5.4 Management 3.5.5 Land uses and economic activities 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4

Community model of territorial occupation Community territorial management (Coproduction) Territorial information, follow-up and monitoring system Communicative strategy

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STRATEGY

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Integrate T

his component of the strategy proposes an integration of GIS as a tool for territorial planning and management.

The possibility of using GIS has allowed territorial planning and management processes to strengthen their interventions through the identification of issues, possibilities and opportunities in the territory using fairly simple technical criteria. To consolidate the coproduction proposal that is developed in this project, the team proposes thematic maps that illustrate the Comuna’s areas where housing, mobility and public space projects could be implemented; while at the same time improving the quality of life and permanence within the territory. The three maps were made to show opportunities for interventions in housing resettlement, mobility and recovery of public space through linear parks. The purpose of this tool is to highlight, not only important areas, but negotiation criteria. The final synthesis map reveals areas with the greatest importance for interventions and negotiated actions in the territory.

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STRATEGY

Resettlement Opportunities

H

ousing is one of the most pressing issues for the community and for the municipality in terms of the Comuna’s physical and social transformation. This issue is approached by the project through resettlement since it is important for the Comuna to visualize its capacity of not only containing the people within its borders, but of being a receptor of groth processes for the city through adequate planning and interventions.

This map was made with the following in mind: One and two story constructions, according to the cadaster office’s data from 2013, are adequate redensification targets as solutions to resettlement processes that are necessary in the Comuna today. One story buildings offer the most opportunity, while two story constructions presented a lesser opportunity for resettlement. Constructions with three stories or more were not considered in order to maintain feasibility within current construction codes.

Tendencies of densification near Metro Cable constructions permit the forecasting of similar phenomena in the Comuna. We have set a 100 meter radius of potential redensification and resettlement nodes around Metro Cable and Tram constructions.

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CO - PRODUCTION

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STRATEGY

Resettlement for redensification

A

fter performing spatial analysis with the criteria areas with high, medium and low opportunities for redensification and resettlement were highlighted. Additionally, after careful calculations it was found that light densification of one story constructions that are within the areas that were found to have a high potential for redensification would quantitatively solve the housing deficit within the Comuna.

API

Tratamientos POT 2014

CN2

Oportunidad de Redensificaci贸n API MIE

API API

API

MI

API

MI

CN2

CN2

CN3

MI2

API MI2E RU3

50

CN5

CN3

MI2

Baja Media Alta

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API

Tratamientos POT Oportunidad de Rede

CN2 API API API

Baja Media Alta

MIE API

MI

API

MI

CN2

CN2

CN3

MI2

API MI2E RU3 CN5

CN3

MI2 MI2

MI2

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STRATEGY

Opportunities for Inter-neighborhood and Integrated Transport System – SIT Accessibility

S

ince mobility issues are a latent preoccupation of communities, municipalities and public and private entities, an approach that considers coproduction is crucial.

A mobility map is constructed as a tool that will highlight the current and the projected situations, where existing bus routes and projected SIT routes are taken into account to create a 50 meter buffer on each side of these. This produced certain gaps in coverage that would come into play once the bus routes that are scheduled to be canceled are gone and the new SIT routes start operating.

These areas are great options for alternative proposals in community transportation.

With the same logic, areas with accessibility challenges in the high part of the Comuna are highlighted, since this is an issue that affects quality of life. The designation of these areas was confirmed with satellite imagery and site visits.

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STRATEGY

Prioritization of Linear Parks for Public Space

O

ur approach to public space was based on the proposed project that was found to be important and approved in municipal and local plans; Linear Parks. The objective is to provide intervention criteria, in addition to the existing social and environmental criteria that speak of the importance of these areas.

The prioritization of linear parks as public space was performed considering the size and shape of the watershed to which it belongs, whether it provided water for community aqueducts or not and if there were constructions within the buffer zones or not. These criteria allowed identification of the Castro Stream Linear Park as a priority for intervention, due to the fact that if it is not intervened it could become a high-risk factor in the event of torrential rains. Its mismanagement could be responsible for the loss of water as a resource from this stream.

It is important to note that the resettlement urgency for 5600 homes in the Comuna, it is necessary to create a minimum of 28000 square meters of public space that can be satisfied with public space.

Green Belt Santa Elena River Cerro Pan de Azucar High Risk Areas No recuperable

Priority 1 Priority 2 Proirity 3

STREAM

LA CASTRO EL Ă‘ATO CHORRO HONDO LA LOQUITA LA ARENERA

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SIZE (HECTARES) 436,417 356,444 135,642 91,751 32,271

CONSTRUCTIONS 1079 224 1384 1046 792

AQUEDUCTS 2 0 0 0 0

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STRATEGY

Synthesis: Integration of Areas

T

he synthesis map is the product of the overlap of the areas identified to have the best opportunities for interventions in each of the addressed topics.

Posible Intervention Criteria

Green Belt Santa Elena River Cerro Pan de Azucar High Risk Areas No recuperable

56 Priority 1

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STRATEGY

Risk Constructions in Non-recoverable Risk Zones

D

ue to changes in the definition of risk areas from the review and adjustment of the POT in 2014, the number of homes in non-recoverable high risk areas decreased to 1708 from 7682 homes that had this designation since the POT was approved in 2006.

Floors 1 2 3 4 5

Total Constructions in Recoverable Risk Zones

1 2 3 4 5

Total

POT 2006 POT 2014 5724 1231 1672 414 273 61 12 2 1 0 7682 1708 2797 2356 1301 842 296 172 28 8 1 1 4423 3379

Batall贸n Girardot La Mansi贸n Villa Hermosa

San Miguel

La Ladera LLanaditas Los Mangos Enciso Trece de Noviembre Sucre

El Pinal

Cerro El Pan de Azucar

La Libertad

San Antonio Villatina

Risk Areas POT 2006

Villa Turbay

Villa Lilliam La Sierra Las Estancias

River Area of Risk Recuperable Area of Risk Non Recuperable 58

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Areas POT 2006

Areas POT 2014

Comuna No Risk Area of Recuperable Risk Area of Non Recuperable Risk

Risk Areas POT 2014 Risk River Moderate Risk Areas landslides High Risk Landslides 59

STRATEGY

Conclusions

T

he cartography that resulted from the POT redefinition of 2014 shows a new panorama for negotiation in relation to the interventions in infrastructure that are being executed, in which the main change and the best chance for the reconstruction of relationships between the implicit planning actors is the qualification of risk. In addition to the reclassification of homes into the neighborhood improvement urban treatments from being in areas of non-recoverable risk , there are multiple paths for new intervention policies in terms of risk mitigation, redensification and formalization of irregular settlements.

With the table of needs in mind, the project shows advances in terms of the “where” stemming from the changes in the POT. This leads to other questions such as the “how” and the “when”, while making clear that the city government’s argument of having the absolute necessity of resettling the homes within these areas becomes invalid.

With risk being the structuring problem among the community’s priorities, the needs in terms of housing can also be approached since these were directly linked to the policies related to the definition of risk areas.

Consequently, new zones for investment with new housing subsidies are opened, as well as increasing the demand for expansion in coverage and formalization and tenure security.

Although this and other themes still present divergences in viewpoints, the workshop provides tools that will allow a coproduction scenario. This means that the underlying question is still the possibility of reaching an inclusive and articulated planning system among territorial actors. The principal aim, within the base of the new tools that are being presented, is the strengthening and showcasing of the community actor because the harmonization of his actions along with the possibilities within the institutional framework being to make up the balance of

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coproduction.

In terms of the materialization of negotiated coproduction of space, the proposal of the workshop is that, apart from the community, academia and private actors get involved; which is why the Right to the City Committee is the instance where this concrete idea is proposed.

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Bibliography

Fernandes, Edesio. Regularization of Informal Settlements in Latin America. Policy Focus Report.

Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. 2011.

Roy, Ananya. Urban Informality, Toward an Epistemology of Planning. Journal of the American Planning Association, Spring 2005, Vol. 71, No. 2.

Abramo, Pedro. La ciudad com-fusa: mercado y producción de la estructura urbana en las grandes metrópolis latinoamericanas. vol 38, No 114. Mayo 2012, pp. 35-69, Artículos, ©EURE. Watson, Vanessa. Planning and the 'stubborn realities' of global south-east cities : Some emerging ideas. Planning Theory published online 24, May 2012. http://www.sagepublications.com Sletto, Bjørn. Insurgent Planning and Its Interlocutors : Studio Pedagogy as Unsanctioned Practice in Santo Domingo. Journal of Planning Education and Research published online 30 November 2012. http://www.sagepublications.com Mitlin, D. (2008) "With and beyond the state – coproduction as a route to political influence, power and transformation for grassroots organizations" Environment and Urbanization Vol 20, No 2, Octubre, pag. 339-360 Empresa de Desarrollo Urbanos de Medellín (EDU). PROYECTOS EDU 2012 – 2015.

TRANSFORMANDO INTEGRALMENTE EL HÁBITAT. CAMACOL OCTUBRE 29 DE 2012 RESULTADOS Y BALANCE POLÍTICO CONSULTA POPULAR PROPUESTAS COMUNITARIAS BORDES COMUNA 8 AL POT MEDELLÍN. 18 de mayo de 2014.

Plan de Desarrollo 2012 – 2015. Medellín un Hogar para la Vida. Alcaldía de Medellín, Consejo Territorial de Planeación de Medellín.

http://www.medellin.gov.co/transito/ http://www.minuto30.com/ https://www.metrodemedellin.gov.co/ http://www.worldhabitatawards.org/ http://rethinking-urban-fringes-in-medellin. blogspot.com/ http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/news/ dpusummerlab-2013-pamphlet

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MIT Master

MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING Objectives

T

his section objective is to understand the logics of growth of informal settlements and specifically the ones located in the edges of the city of Medellin (through MAPPING), to be able to see prospectively how those logics will play in the future (through FORECASTING) and finally to propose strategies that intervene on those possible futures (ACTING).

Ideally, this process will illuminate and intervene in areas that are of concern to both the affected communities and the city as a whole.

Public Space Discovering the drivers that shape Comuna 8 and its physical space.

By Claudia Bode and Kate Mytty

ACTING FORECASTING

Mapping Public Space

MAPPING

Discovering the drivers that shape Comuna 8 and its physical space

By Claudia Bode and Kate Mytty

C

omuna 8 is defined by its environment and physical context, as well as by how people use the space. Environmentally, it has a wealth of streams and changing topography; the combination of which create an incredible landscape that can also expose residents to environmental risk. Recently, the Medellin planning department updated the risk maps that show environmental risk as categorized into irrecuperable and recuperable risk; from the city’s perspective, these areas indicate which houses must be moved or stabilized for safety. These risk areas influence where public space is built and the type of public spaces built.

Medellin is a city famous for its violence, along with its urban planning examples. Violence pervades different areas of Comuna 8. In our mapping process, we wanted to explore what areas are safe and which areas are not safe.

Like the risk group, we used the number of homicides as one point of information on insecurity or human-driven risk. It is certainly not the only factor and could be extended to include factors like crime, police calls, and gang activity. How people use space informs the design of public space. Public space becomes where people are exposed to human-driven risk.

Given the environmental and human-driven risk, the City of Medellin has several big plans at the Comuna 8 level and at the city level that will directly and indirectly impact Comuna 8. In our mapping, we sought to understand how each of the city-driven changes would impact Comuna 8’s future.

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One large change in Comuna 8’s future is the city’s proposed Green Belt (Cinturon Verde); designed to contain the growth of the city, it has huge implications for Comuna 8 in displacement and growth boundaries.

Throughout the public space sections, you will see two of the key aspects of the Green Belt on every diagram; the Sendero Vida (walking path) and the Sendero Bici (bicycle path).

Community borders and neighborhoods as drawn by Comuna 8; their drawing is slightly larger and has more neighborhoods than the city’s drawing.

PUBLIC SPACE

Streams Comuna 8 has a wealth of streams. The stream beds are often related to risk and steepness.

Here you see where the streams are located, alongisde the cityidentified risk in both a plan view and 3D view.

Irrecuperable Risk Recuperable Risk Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

Topography Comuna 8 lives in the tall hills of Medellin.

This diverse and changing topography defines the land and its use. The steep topography has historically led to landslides and at times, may also decrease accessibility.

Topography lines Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

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ACTING

Amenities & Transportation

MAPPING

FORECASTING

The location of amenities and transportation point to areas in the community that have more foot traffic -- potential nodes of activity. A gap in amenities and transportation can also point to a lack of activity or potential spaces for intervention.

Police Stations Schools Churches Libraries Medical Facilities Buses, Cable Car and Tramline

Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

Risk Risk is driven by environmental context and people’s actions.

This map shows the environmental risk mapped by the city and recent homicides; both are one way to understand risk.

Public space design must recognize risks associated in a space and respond appropriately.

Homicides (2010 - 2014) Homicides (2004 - 2009) Irrecuperable Risk Recuperable Risk Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

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PUBLIC SPACE

Urban Plans Driven by the City Medellin’s planning department is known for implementing Proyectos Urbanos Integrales (PUIs) in the spaces with the greatest risk (environmental and people-driven). The city has big plans for Comuna 8 and its surroundings. If they are all realized, Comuna 8 will likely see more foot traffic and also the displacement of many houses.

Proyectos Urbanos Future Tramline and Cable cars

Sendero Vida Sendero Bici

The Green Belt

$500 million project 74 kilometers = $6.75m per kilometer

A large park centered around a walking and biking path that will surround the entire city on its hillsides. The city aims to control growth and protect the environment.

If the GB continues as planned, it will lead to hundreds of displaced houses within Comuna 8 and greater foot traffic.

Image: Rendering by city design firm

River Road Park

$1 billion project 23 square kilometers = $43m per square kilometer

A large park on each side of the river; one goal of this project is to protect the environment.

Similar to the GB, this project will also display many people in the process of bringing new public space to the city.

Image: Rendering by city design firm

Metrocable

$25 million project Roughly 500,000 people currently use metrocables each year

Two cable car lines and one tram line will be built in or around Comuna 8. This will connect residents into the city center faster and likely also attract people to Comuna 8 and the Green Belt.

Image: http://www.lecturaalsur.com/2012_08_26_archive.html

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ACTING FORECASTING

Diagramming Public Space

MAPPING

How do Public Space Drivers translate into a conceptual roadmap that aids in the design of future public spaces in Comuna 8?

The physical space of Comuna 8 is shaped by many factors: topography, streams, amenities, bus routes, existing public space, risk and the Greenbelt, among others. Mapping these elements provides a window into the hidden workings of this community; however, they are also important in determing the shape of public spaces to come. By layering these forces it is possible to forecast not only growth patterns but to develop a roadmap for the development of future contextually sensitive public space.

The diagram which resulted from these mappings is a conceptual roadmap rather than a prescriptive code. Rather than specifying exact dimensions for urban elements, the diagram allows the citizens of Comuna 8 to categorize future public space interventions in the category of either a node (large of small) a connection (large or small) or a Greenbelt activation. Each intervention can, in turn, respond to one or many of the drivers that were mapped out. Who’s to say a market can’t simultaneously address landslide risk? Why can’t a stream cleanup program address violence due to conflict?

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Both Comuna 8 and Medellin City Govnerment hope to control growth up the hills. However, continuing patterns of violence and displacement all but ensure that growth will continue. An analysis of settlement patterns and topography shows that new settlement is likely to occur where the slopes of the mountains are less steep, in many places crossing the line of the Greenbelt.

The City of Medellin’s planning department developed the Manual de Diseno y Construccion de los Componentes del Espacio Publico. The guide provides overall public space goals and specific measurements for elements like streets, sidewalks and trees. Yet, when applied to the hillside context of Comuna 8, that guide is unsuitable for the environment.

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Greenbelt: Walking Path Greenbelt: Bike Path Large Nodes Small Nodes Connectors

The public space diagram above consists of large and small nodes, large and small connectors and activation of the Greenbelt, and is based on an analysis of the mapping presented in the previous section.

The diagram is meant as a conceptual tool that helps to link together the multiple public space strategies suggested in our Public Space Guide.

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72 Homicides 2010-2013 Homicides 2004-2009

Homicides

Bus Routes Schools Health, Police, Food, Religious Amenities

Social Amenities

PUI Projects Transportation Projects

Planned City Projects

Greenbelt: Walking Path Greenbelt: Bike Path Large Nodes Small Nodes Connectors

FORECASTING

Public Space Diagram

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Topography

Quebradas Non-recuperable Risk Recuperable Risk

Environmental Risk

Homicides 2010-2013 Homicides 2004-2009

The final Public Space diagram is shaped by the many public space drivers we identified by mapping Comuna 8. These include topography, physical risk, conflict risk, streams, amenities, transportation routes, planned city projects and the location of the Greenbelt. For instance, the metrocable stations are natural locations for large neighborhood hubs, and the smallest streets wind through the areas of the Comuna which are currently not well serviced by transportation routes.

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Creating Public Space

MAPPING

How can the information gathered translate into practical strategies for the development of future public space in Comuna 8?

The development of a public space diagram is the beginning of a strategy which integrates multiple drivers and multiple goals. However, it is not enough to simply outline a conceptual framework for the design of future public space.

The ”Public Space Guide to Comuna 8” is the tool which turns mapping and forecasting into action. It is simultaneously a educational tool, an aid for the Comuna when they negotiate with the City, an an inspiration for their own grassroots public space design development, and a roadmap which should allow them to categorize their interventions into broad categories.

In addition to the diagram and its drivers, the Guide contains examples of various kind of possible public spaces which fit into each category, descriptions of the actors and resources needed for various kinds and scales of interventions, inspirational examples of public spaces around the world, and various strategies or “tactics” for DIY urbanism.

The hope is that the Guide can serve as an example of a different kind of more contextually appropriate design manual.

Given the environmental and human-driven risk, the City of Medellin has several big plans at the Comuna 8 level and at the city level that will directly and indirectly impact Comuna 8. In our mapping, we sought to understand how each of the city-driven changes would impact Comuna 8’s future.

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PUBLIC SPACE

Diagram of the proposed nodes and connections throughout Comuna 8

Large Nodes Small Nodes Connectors Sendero Vida Sendero Bici Cinturon Verde

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ACTING

Examples of Nodes and Connectors

FORECASTING

We developed a series of examples of nodes and connections. The goal was to provide inspiration and a foundation for Comuna 8 to build from. These are a few of the examples that build on our plan.

MAPPING

01 Mini Node Small Plaza/Marketplace Small community plazas can be located in high-traffic areas and contain a variety of social spaces for a variety of demographics, as well as places for income generation

02 Mini Node Stream Crossing Program

Encouraging youth to take ownership over small areas of nearby streams; creating small public spaces where these streams cross roads

03 Large Node Metrocable Plaza

Leveraging future Metrocable stations as multi-functional social spaces that include various programs identified by the Comuna.

04 Small-Scale Connector Fringe Mobility and Access to Services Mobility corridors in the most marginalized areas bring easier access to needed services, as well as connect residents to the rest of the Comuna and Medellin.

05 Large-Scale Connector Node-Node_Greenbelt Connections

The streets or paths that connect the major neighborhood nodes can be highlighted as safe, welcoming, active corridors that encourage movement within the Comuna

06 Greenbelt Activator Node-Node_Greenbelt Connections

Leveraging the future Greenbelt as an opportunity for new Comuna-centric public and income-generation space

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End Product: Public Space Guide A preview of the end product: a Public Space Guide that serves to start a converstaion on the specific needs and goals of public space in Comuna 8.

Included here are the cover and some of the page spreads.

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GUÍA DE DISEÑO: ESPACIO PÚBLICO EN LA COMUNA 8

Housing Comuna 8 Will Need 23,000 New Units of Housing by 2035. The Greenbelt Threatans to Cut Off Access to Buildable Land. Is There a Solution?

By Cate Mingoya and Luxi Lin

ACTING FORECASTING

Housing Comuna 8

MAPPING

Comuna 8 Will Need 23,000 New Units of Housing by 2035. The Greenbelt Threatans to Cut Off Access to Buildable Land. Is There a Solution?

By Cate Mingoya and Luxi Lin

W

ith an annual population growth of 5%, high rates of homelessness and a public works program slated to displace over 7,500 families for the construction of an urban greenbelt (figure 1.0), Comuna 8 needs a strong and sustainable strategy to create over 23,000 units of housing as quickly, cheaply, and safely as possible. Three out of every five new residents in Comuna 8 are desplazados, Colombians displaced from the countryside by violence or geological risk.

Comuna 8 is a region that is both defined and highly constrained by its topography.

The population is growing but there is limited space for residents to build safe and stable homes on the steep and shifting slopes of Mt. Pan de Azúcar. In addition to increasing their distance from the jobs and opportunities contained in the city center, as families build father up the mountain’s slope, they risk losing their homes and lives to landsides. As these extremely low-income families settle into the city, they build their homes on vacant land found along the edges of the summit. The displacement caused by construction of the greenbelt will impact one of the highestneed populations in the city: low-income residents who are deeply dependent upon existent social ties and community structures

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for safety and stability. We believe that within the plan for the greenbelt, there exists an opportunity to harness previously untapped economic potential through a city-wide, grassroots expansion of the rental market and a city-led effort to encourage upgrading of existing homes along the edges of Mt. Pan de Azúcar.

Our goal has been to identify points of resolution between Comuna 8’s housing needs and the municipality’s goals of growth management and ecological preservation. We have worked to develop a series of solutions to ease the housing crisis and incorporate growth management

“Comuna 8 needs more than 23,000 units of housing by 2035 to meet demand”

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strategies into the city’s development plan.

Encouraging densification and expansion of the rental market through grassroots upgrading and development is an efficient, sustainable and stable solution to meeting the 23,000 units of housing needed by 2035. Additionally, we believe Comuna 8’s growth can and must be directed inward to avoid sprawl and the demolition of Mt. Pan de Azúcar’s forest.

Our January site visit and the community development plan released by the Comuna 8 planning council allows us to better under stand the deeper system of values involved in housing. We view housing as much more than a number of units; housing is a process where in families develop and expand their homes to respond to changing family

Figure 1. City of Medellin. THe city plans to constrain growth with an urban greenbelt

Figure 2.0 Comuna 8 is both defined and highly constrained by its topography

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ACTING FORECASTING MAPPING

arrangements; it is a physical structure that responds to topographical and geological features; it is an important activity space in which families may start small businesses, engage in religious activities or develop a vision for their community; finally, the investment in and development of housing is an economic decision that responds to local and regional changes in employment and opportunity.

Any development of sustainable housing must be held accountable to a set of values that ensure safety, justice and opportunity for residents. In consultation with our international partners at the National University of Colombia in Medellín and Comuna 8’s published community plan, we compiled a set of 7 values by which we can evaluate the strength of past, present and future housing interventions and predict their impact on community wellness. In

scope

Activity Space land invasion start-up shelter progressive consolidation densification

eat/sleep/study/work produce/have fun/ interact

Process

Housing Physical Structure material structure topography

Economic Decisions

Figure 3.0 Scope through which we view housing; much more than a number

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external factors: title/tenure/ public infrastructure internal factors family size/entrepreneurship ability to access money to build

choice is vital to ensuring families have access to the social networks and services they need to thrive.

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addition to the number of units, Comuna 8 must focus on consolidating their homes in areas geologically suited to development. New homes must be large enough to provide adequate space for all members but flexible enough to grow and improve as members enter and leave the family. Housing must be accessible to all income types and provide an residents an opportunity to harness the economic potential of their homes. Finally, location

housing deficit

Figure 4.0 Breakdown of housing need in Comuna 8

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ACTING FORECASTING

Growth Patterns and Socioeconomic Development

MAPPING

To better understand Comuna 8’s housing needs, we examined the area’s historic growth patterns from the 1970’s to the present. We divided the city into four sections based on similarities in topography, grid structure and elevation. Each 100m x 100m sample reveals the number of new units built per zone per decade; most notable in this analysis is the explosive growth in region four between the 1990s and the 2000s. A closer look at building heights, construction typologies, material use and commercial activity indicate that residents of zones 3 and 4 are lower income, run home business requiring low-tech infrastructure and build their homes out of more fragile materials than residents of zones 1 and 2 (See figure 6.0). This confirms the observations that as the slope steepens away from the city center, residents are poorer. It is these lowincome residents who are fueling much of the growth along the edges of the city and who must be targeted in a growth management strategy.

values

Intervention Evlauation To better understand the range of options available to residents and the municipality, we used values important to the Comuna to evaluate four potential growth management interventions: high-rise housing, unchecked growth, the greenbelt intervention strategy proposed by the EDU and a strategy of city-wide mixed typology intervention.

number of units promote density adequate space per person ability to expand accessibility economic opportunity location choice

Figure 5.0 The seven values listed above give us a criteria by which to evaluate the social sensitivity of housing interventions.

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HOUSING Figure 6.0. An analysis of Comuna 8’s growth patterns from 1970 to the present reveals an explosive growth in zone 4 in the 2000’s.

Low income residents settle at higher elevations, build their homes with lower quality materials and run business requiring little infrastructure.

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High-rise Housing:

Unchecked Growth:

The current method of housing low income and recently displaced residents is in highrise public housing. While this strategy can make a significant dent in the number of housing units needed, it does not offer residents the ability to expand as their families grow or effectively utilize their housing as an economic space. The standard unit size in high rise government housing is 35 m2 regardless of household size, which compared to the 80m2 built by residents in informal communities is insufficient space for many families. While high-rise housing may appear to efficiently address densification, a close look at the floor area ratios of government high-rise buildings in northern Comuna 8, shows that they are only slightly denser then their 1-3 story building counterparts in southern Comuna 8 (see figure 7.0). If all buildings in our informal settlement sample were increased to at least 2 stories high its density would exceed that of the government high-rise buildings.

Regarding accessibility, the requirement that residents have a legalized job to obtain a unit in a government high-rise excludes 84% of Comuna 8 residents, making this option highly inaccessible. Overall, high-rise buildings meet only 28% of the values of Comuna 8 residents, making this the least effective strategy in the developmment of high quality housing.

How would Comuna 8 grow if the intervention strategy were to not intervene? In this scenario we anticipate that residents of zones 3 and 4 would naturally consolidate their homes- an occurrence seen in zones 1 and 2 over the past 40 years (see figure 6.0). We would also expect to see significant expansion up the Pan de AzĂşcar Mountain and into the municipality of Santa Elena. While this strategy may begin to address the issue of density, it fails to meet sustainable growth goals and provides little opportunity for workers to easily access jobs in the city center. Additionally, the current system of expansion is open only to those who can afford take possession of and build on increasingly scarce unclaimed land, a strategy that currently leaves nearly 8,000 residents homeless. Without careful oversight and planning, unchecked growth will fail to keep up with population growth and will continue to push community members into geologically unstable regions. The strategy of unchecked growth meets 67% of the values established by the community.

Figure 7.0. The floor area ratio (FAR) of informal settlements is comperable to that of high-rise government housing. If the densities are nearly the same, which development strategy is better for residents?

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City-Wide Mixed Typology

The city plans to relocate residents from the proposed greenbelt zone into a consolidation zone. The greenbelt intervention strategy, through building upgrading and the construction of lowrise apartments, allows some displaced families the choice to move into lowrise buildings or into any available, recently upgraded home. However, the displacement of individuals caused by developing the greenbelt and accessory transit projects, adds more than 7,600 units to the existing deficit of 8,000 units; only a fraction of these 15,600 needed units are provided in the consolidation zone. Additionally, the planned sites of consolidation are in high geological risk zones, limiting the safe terrain upon which families may settle and densify.

A city-wide mixed typology strategy meets 90% of community values by encouraging densification in geologically mitigatable regions across the comuna and catalyzing the development of affordable, low-rise rental units by the private sector. Renting is a strong cultural fit with the city – in 2013 the InterAmerican Bank Identified Medellin as having the second highest number of renters in the world— and a focus on densification will not only increase the number of rental units on the market, but will also allow homeowners to harness the economic potential of their property. A combination of upgrading, densification and new building construction will densify, provide needed units, create a pleasurable visual diversity, stoke economic activity and provide

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Greenbelt Intervention:

Figure 8.0 As residents arrive, they build their homes farther up the mountain.

Comuna 8’s population has begun to spill over into the neighboring community of Santa Elena.

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Figure 9.0. In absence of a growth management strategy, sprawl would continue to spill over into neighboring communities such as Santa Elena (Figure 8.0). Under the proposed greenbelt intervention, expansion up the mountain would be stopped and residents consolodated at lower elevations.

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Figure 10.0. The numer of new 80 m2 units created by increasing 20% of Comuna 8’s buildings to 4 stories.

If Comuna 8 upgrades 20% of its buildings to four stories, the housing crisis will be solved.

families with a superior alternative to current methods of housing development.

Our exploratory research indicates that if we were to bring just 20% of Comuna 8’s

in the mapping section of our investigation, densification is a naturally occurring process, if it is expedited, the housing crisis will be solved.

existing buildings to four stories, we could create over 24,500 new units. Not only would the comuna surpass the number of units needed by 2035, they would also exceed the quality of the status quo. As explored

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“A city-wide strategy of mixed typologies

typology goals

actors & agencies Number of Units

densify provide units equity in unit size

world bank ISVMED EDU

provide units flexible size economic activity

comuna 8 residents santa elena residents

highrise housing

unchecked growth densify provide units mixed use space utilize unused land

world bank ISVMED EDU

greenbelt intervention densify provide units visual diversity mixed use space economic activity flexible size

comuna 8 residents local philanthropic organiztions international governments international NGOs world bank ISVMED EDU

mixed typology

Figure 11.0. Evaluation matrix assessing each intervention strategy against Comuna 8’s housing values.

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Densify

Adequate Space

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ce

will create the highest quality homes�

total Ability to Expand

Accessibility

Economic Opportunity

Location Choice

28%

67%

53%

90%

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The building history of Comuna 8 indicates that the process of densification occurs naturally over time. We identified that if 20% of existing buildings were increased to a height of four stories, Comuna 8 would create an additional 24,500 units of housing.

The question is, how can the city and the community catalyze the natural process of densification to occur over the next 5-10 years instead of the next 40? We propose several solutions:

MAPPING

Grassroots Densification

1 The Comuna 8 planning council develops a group procurement program wherein households looking to upgrade or build rental units above their homes may purchase materials together in bulk to lower costs.

2 The municipality subsidizes building materials and access to building expertise across Comuna 8. Owners who accept subsidies and building assistance sign a contract making their extra units available to the rental market as low-income housing for a fixed period.

3 The municipality, the Comuna 8 Planning Council and local philanthropic organizations identify areas well suited for densification and reach out to building owners about available resources.

financial difficulty may be able to supplement their rent with labor such as childcare or maintenance services while landlords can still rely on formalized legal institutions to safeguard their property. Putting local community members in the position of live-in landlords tightens the social fabric for the populations most at risk.

Growth Management at The Greenbelt From our contact with the EDU, the City of Medellin and the Planning Council of Comuna 8, we have identified growth management as a top priority for all parties. While the greenbelts plans have been carefully developed by the city, we believe that there is room to integrate existing persons and structures into the greenbelt, and that the result will be better housing, increased economic opportunity, and a continuation of the strong relationship between informal settlements and the city. Our strategy of legalization, upgrading and development ensures the ecological preservation of Mt. Pan de AzĂşcar, expedites the development of high quality housing, and prevents the displacement of many residents living within

4 The municipality modifies applicable sections of the zoning text and map to facilitate the construction of safe, multifamily developments.

While the municipality is an important ally in the development of this grassroots densification strategy, public and private groups such as CONFAMA, international foundations such as Citi Group, and local philanthropic organizations such as Corona are well poised to offer financial and technical assistance In addition to its developmental elasticity, the process of grassroots densification creates space for flexible arrangements to emerge that will soften the transition from informality to formality. For example, instead of paying a set and inflexible rent to a management company or government agency, landlords and their tenants are able to work together to identify the most logical payment solutions. Tenants running into 118

Figure 12.0 Development of the greenbelt will demolish nearly 8,000 units of housing. Consolidation plans place families in areas highly susceptible to landsildes.

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Figure 13.0 Homes in zone four of Comuna 8.

the path of the greenbelt.

The city of Medellin has a long and strong history of positive interactions with residents of informal settlements- we believe that the city has much to gain by incorporating residents into the greenbelt strategy. We propose that the city legalize and title all homes built in the greenbelt and transition zones that meet zoning standards in regards to safety management.

Any homes that are not legalized due to safety concerns will be demolished and ISVMED will work to relocate these families nearby. Some homes will need to be removed due to safety concerns, or major logistical difficulties in constructing the Greenbelt, however, the EDU should work to integrate homes into the greenbelt whenever possible. This legalization and integration allows residents to capitalize on the value of their homes and will award them the rights to sell their property to the highest bidder.

Through partnerships with the EDU, the city of Medellin, CONFAMA, and local and international philanthropic organizations, those families residing along the greenbelt will have the opportunity to upgrade their homes and harness the economic potential of their property in a manner similar to the grassroots densification strategy. With increased traffic to the greenbelt we can expect two types of economic growth. First, the public works programs along the green belt will increase property values, allowing the most vulnerable low-income populations in Comuna 8 to sell their homes at a higher value. Second, the increase in visitors to the greenbelt creates an opportunity for entrepreneurs to open businesses such as snack stands to feed hungry pedestrians or bicycle rentals for active families seeking to peddle along the greenway.

In order to develop the area in line with the vision of the greenbelt, surrounding homes will need to be upgraded. The current condition of small wooden and plastic homes does not match with the 119

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“Who decides what for whom is a central issue in housing... when people are in control of decisions about the design, construction and management of their housing, the process and product will affect thier social well being.”

- henry sanoff clean, modern style envisioned by the EDU. Here the government organizations such as CONFAMA, ISVMED and the city have the opportunity to intervene and expedite the “economic decision” of families to upgrade their homes. In addition to the group procurement program for building materials, the government should provide further subsidization of materials and loan building expertise to facilitate the development of homes to greenbelt standards.

The city may also choose to temporarily displace families to upgrade and develop existing structures into affordable, highquality rental units. In exchange for a higherquality unit, a family may give their property to the government for development. The government retains the property values that will increase over time and the residents receive an affordable, safe and beautiful home.

Encouraging local and internationally renowned architects and developers to compete in designing aesthetically pleasing alternatives to current housing structures is a way for the city to support low-income families while honoring the greenbelt as a public attraction. The increased presence around these scenic views and architecturally pleasing structures will also reduce conflict risk as more eyes and a deeper institutional presence fall upon the street. Updated facilities will provide opportunities for small businesses to emerge- cyclists riding along the greenbelt will to stop at locally owned and operated restaurants and snack stands and purchase crafts and souvenirs in residentowned gift shops, this will serve as an economic boom to one of the poorest regions 120

in the Comuna.

Low-rise Buildings.

The strategies of densification and upgrading are anticipated to reach the widest swath of the population, offering nearly 26,000 units of rental and owner housing over the next 20 years. Living above an already established home, however, may not be the best strategy for all family types at all times. University students and single young professionals are two examples of groups that might require a different type of housing. We believe that the private market, with public support, is positioned to fill this gap by constructing low-rise buildings for low to moderate-income families. The low-rise typology of these structures will take advantage of densification while maintaining neighborhood character.

Living in a low-rise building also removes the anonymity that can pose a security risk in larger structures. How can the city of Medellin encourage developers to build low-rise housing and keep that housing accessible to low-income families? We suggest a strategy of utilizing existing municipal structures in zoning and permitting to incentivize the development of low-rise, low-income housing. Medellin can grant vacant, buildable land to developers in exchange for a contract ensuring the units, or a portion of the units, will be rented below market rate for a period of time to be determined by the city. Additionally, the city’s permitting process can be harnessed to provide incentives for developers to build: a “fee-bate” system in which building fees are waived for low-rise affordable housing, or permit expediting process to move affordable projects to the beginning of the queue may

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ACTING

Grassroots Densification Strategy

MAPPING

FORECASTING

Where Can This Strategy Be Effective?

If 20% of buildings in Comuna 8 were brought to 4 stories, we could exceed the number of housing units needed by 2035. The strategy of grassroots densification is appropriate for all zones in the comuna, with particular strength in zones 2 and 3.

How Does This Process Differ From Traditional Development?

Traditional methods of construction in Comuna 8 begin when families build rudimentary structures onto a vacant plot of land. Upgrading and expansion occurs as families grow and can afford to invest in their homes. Bulk purchasing of building materials can lower material costs and expedite the building process. Densified buildings can create a source of rental income for homeowners.

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Who Has Property Rights?

Community members purchase materials in bulk to reduce costs. Technical assistance, further subsidies and loans from government and philanthropic agencies can expidite the process of development

Landowners would retain ownership over their homes and its air rights. They can choose develop and rent or to sell their air rights, allowing newcomers to build.

Who Leads This Process?

What Would the City Look Like?

Grassroots densification is a communitydriven stretegy that can be enhanced by partnerships with government and philanthropic organizations.

Only 20% of Comuna 8 would need to densify to create a housing surplus.

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How Can Residents Afford to Densify?

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Growth Management at the Greenbelt

MAPPING

FORECASTING

Where Can This Strategy Be Effective?

Displacing residents living within the greenbelt zone wastes an opportunity to stimulate the economy, create jobs and maintain positive relationships between the government and informal settlement dwellers. A process of legalization, upgrading and community development would successfully integrate the most vulnerable residents of Comuna 8 into a groundbreaking public works program. All residents whose homes are not registered will not recieve utility services and may be relocated.

How Does This Process Differ From Traditional Development?

Traditional methods of construction begin by building a rudimentary structure on a vacant plot of land.

Upgrading and expansion occurs as families expand and can afford to invest in their homes. Growth management at the greenbelt catalyzes this process

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through government and philanthropic investment in the community. This process of expedited upgrading and densification allows residents to more fully participate in the blooming tourist economy of the greenbelt.

When mitigatable homes are legalized, homeowners retain the rights to upgrade, vertically expand, sell their property and receive utility hookups.

Who Leads This Process?

A strong partnership between the Mesa de Desplazados, the EDU and the municipality is necessary. The process of upgrading can be enhanced by private support.

Who Has Property Rights?

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What Rights do Legalized Homeowners Have?

Depending upon the strategy, either the homeowner or the government retains land and air rights with the ability to vertically expand and either rent or sell units at or below market rate.

What Would the City Look Like?

Upgrading housing along the border of the greenbelt opens up the opportunity for creative architecture as a type of public art.

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Low Rise Development

MAPPING

FORECASTING

Where Can This Strategy Be Effective?

The development of low rise buildings in zones 1, 2 and 3 will provide additional housing options for families and add diversity to the landscape.

How Does This Process Differ From Traditional Development?

Generally the private market does not build affodrable units because of the low profit margins.

Extra help from the municipal government through the granting of land parcels, changes to the zoning text or maps or the granting of density bonuses at other, more lucrative, building sites will entice the private sector to build and manage affordable housing.

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Who Has Property Rights?

In exchange for developing and managing low-rise affordable housing, the government can offer land grants, zoning text changes and downtown density bonuses to developers.

Over time, ownership of the building can shift to Comuna 8 residents.

Depending upon the arrangement, various parties from developers to investors to cooperatives can own the building and property.

Who Leads This Process?

What Would the City Look Like?

Engaging the private sector in low-rise development requires communication between the government, private developers and the residents of Comuna 8.

Low-rise buildings provide visual diversity to the cityscape.

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How Can the Government Stimulate Private Development of Affordable

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Income Generation Comuna 8 suffers from severe food insecurity and a lack of income generating opportunities.

Addressing these two issues together will bring about multiple benefits for the district.

By Carmela Zakon

ACTING FORECASTING

Towards a Sustainable Local Food System

MAPPING

Comuna 8 suffers from severe food insecurity and a lack of income generating opportunities.

Addressing these two issues together will bring about multiple benefits for the district.

By Carmela Zakon

C

omuna 8 is one of the poorest districts in Medellin, and with 52 percent of working age adults unemployed, many residents are unable to satisfy their most basic material needs.1 The average monthly salary of employed persons is $627,570 COL, 30 percent less than that of the city at large.2 While none of the neighborhoods in Comuna 8 are well off, there are some notable patterns of stratification by income within the territory. In general, the areas located closer to the central city have higher incomes than households located higher upon the hillside of the territory.

Directly related to the high poverty rate in the Comuna is the level of food insecurity experienced by residents. The average household sets aside $326,000 COL a month for groceries, about half the salary of a working adult.3

However, 71 percent of the population remains food insecure-lacking enough sustenance to meet their nutritional needs.4 Compounding this issue is the shortage of healthy, nutrient-dense items such as vegetables, fruits and whole grains which can be more expensive and more sparsely available than highly processed products. A recent study on food access in low-income areas of Medellin found that families often reduce their consumption of fruit, vegetables and meat to stretch their food budget. Other families cope by reducing the number of meals they eat per day or letting the children eat while the adults go hungry.5 Due in part to poor diets caused by lack of access to healthy foods, low-income people are more likely to suffer from adverse health conditions than other income groups. A recent health survey in Medellin found that 37 percent of those living in Comuna 8 are overweight, and an additional 17 percent can be classified as obese. This obesity rate is 70 percent higher than that of El Poblado, Medellin’s wealthiest district.6 The interrelated challenges of low employment, limited incomes and food scarcity must be addressed in tandem to elevate the social, mental and physical needs of the population.

1 Encuesta De Calidad De Vida Medellin 2009. Rep. Medellin: Departamento Administrativo De Planeación, 2009.

2 ibid

3 Jaramillo, Alonso. Caracterización De La Seguridad Alimentaria Y Nutricional De Los Hogares De Medellin.

Rep. N.p.: Alacadía De Medellin, 2010. Print

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4 Jaramillo, Alonso. Caracterización De La Seguridad Alimentaria Y Nutricional De Los Hogares De Medellin. Rep. N.p.: Alacadía De Medellin, 2010. Print 5 ibid 6 ibid

With the goal of making fresh, local produce available to low-income residents, the Corbin Hill Food Project was founded in 2009 as a partnership between small-scale farmers and communities in Harlem and the Bronx, New York. The farmers deliver produce to the city that is distributed weekly as farm shares at community organizations, churches, schools, hospitals and other locations accessible to their client base. The contents of each “share” vary based on what is in season, but always includes a wide variety of fruits, vegetables and herbs. Members can also participate in an egg or bean share at an additional cost.

Different size shares cater to member’s unique needs: a medium share feeds 1-2 people, while a large share is suitable for up to 4.

Recipes accompany each farm basket, helping participants find new ways to prepare various items in the share.

FOOD SECURITY AND INCOME GENERATION

Corbin Hill Food Project (New York, NY)

Membership is kept flexible and affordable in order to meet the needs of both farmers and participants. New members can sign up online or in person and submit payment a week prior to distribution. Food stamps are encouraged as a form of payment and their “Money Match” program uses grant funding to offset the full cost for members within 200 percent of the federal poverty guidelines.

Green City Growers Cooperative (Cleveland, OH)

Green City Growers Cooperative produces leafy greens in a 3.25-acre hydroponic greenhouse using a float bed growing system.

The operation produces three million heads of lettuce and greens and three hundred thousand pounds of herbs every year. The product is sold wholesale to grocery stores and food-service companies throughout the city as well as individual customers through a local farmer’s market. The hydroponic system allows for a year-round, quality-controlled output.

Green City Growers Cooperative strives to build wealth for its worker-owners who hail from low-income communities in Cleveland.

A portion of profits are split amongst workers and the rest is invested back into the company.

The endeavor began with 25 employees and plans to expand over time. It is a part of the Evergreen Cooperative network of cooperative businesses focused on green products that meet the procurement needs of local businesses and universities.

131

ACTING MAPPING

FORECASTING

Medellin’s greenbelt project will have a significant impact on development in Comuna 8. The district’s exponential population growth will likely intensify, as the new infrastructure development attracts new settlers. While the city’s goal is to curb housing starts, the new investment coupled with housing restrictions will likely raise land values in the consolidated zone and encourage continued informal development within the newly restricted areas.

The sustainable stewardship of the Pan de Azucar mountain is a shared value of the city government and the communities in the effected territories. A collective of residents displaced from their rural homelands due to drug violence have established a flourishing network of community gardens in the Pinares de Oriente

A community member at the garden site in Pinares de Oriente Local gardeners gathered at current site

132

area, along the territory’s upper periphery.

With support from the Universidad National, this group has been able to develop garden plots for 40 families. In addition to these individual plots, there is a chicken coop and other livestock that increase the garden’s productivity. Those who do not have plots at this location have grown crops close by in a more informal manner.

The current formalized community gardens have been successful at providing sustenance for farmers, a social and cultural resource for the community and sustainable ecosystem management. Such agriculture projects should be expanded to their maximum potential to serve the area’s needs. The continued development of agricultural projects will further ecological sustainability more broadly, serve as an enhancer to open spaces, and provide a natural buffer to unregulated housing development in high-risk areas. In addition, by creating new productive and distribution capacities, this effort can lead to increased incomes and employment of residents.

FOOD SECURITY AND INCOME GENERATION

“The continued development of agricultural projects will further ecological sustainability more broadly, serve as an enhancer to open spaces, and provide a natural buffer to housing development in high-risk areas”

The city’s urban development body, EDU’s, current effort to establish agriculture projects in some of the regions proximate to the current greenbelt construction is a positive step towards building a comprehensive local agriculture system. In its first phase, 4,000 square meters have been cultivated with the participation of local gardeners. In order to amplify the impact of such projects in Comuna 8, attention should be focused on increasing the land area where these projects occur and establishing a formalized business model that will maximize the project’s income generating potential. These undertakings will help ensure that the benefits of local urban agriculture have reverberating impacts throughout the district.

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ACTING FORECASTING MAPPING

In order to establish an urban agriculture system that builds upon existing resources and provides maximum benefit to workers and the community at large, special attention must be directed at strategic land management and business development.

Location Land designated for urban agriculture projects should prioritize accessibility and the full use of undeveloped areas. Securing land alongside the periphery, adjacent to the current garden plots will help regularize the sporadic agriculture growth and ensure that mobility challenges are minimized. Over time, this land area should expand up the mountainside to maximize its productive capacity.

Land Management Urban agriculture is an invaluable community resource that necessitates sustained access

to cultivatable land. In order for urban farming to eventually lead to profits, it must be conducted at a scale that is large enough to provide for its consumer base.

As alternate appropriations of the land is a constant threat to the objectives of this endeavor, a community body should be put in charge of managing the use of designated farm land indefinitely. The establishment of a community land trust would accomplish this goal, thus providing job security to farm workers and a much needed food supply for the broader district.

Model: Brooklyn Queens Land Trust (NYC) Facing the threat of evic/on by rent-­‐seeking commercial developers, community gardeners joined forces in 2004 to protect their respec/ve spaces . Garnering support from government officials , they established a system to manage and eventually own the land at various sites. To date, the land trust has conserved 34 urban gardens throughout the city.

Urban Agriculture Expansion Location & Management

134

Techniques

Distribution

Capacity

Programing  

In central location consistent time of day

  

Hot food Baked goods Arts and crafts

    

Marketed to Comuna residents (with relevant subsidies) Payment: in advanced or at pick-up Pick-up at designated site Flexible membership terms Variations: egg share, fruit share, bean share



Local schools, markets, restaurants

A model like th Brooklyn Queens Land Trust could be established in Comuna 8, with an agreement between the local planning council and the city government. Specific guidelines around land use and management responsibilities should be determined collectively and a paid community staff hired to uphold this agreement

A production-style hydroponic greenhouse systems would require substantial initial infrastructure funding. Given the city’s development of exceedingly more costly recreational projects as part of the greenbelt expansion, this investment, which will have a direct impact on resident’s wellbeing should be of top priority.

Land Cultivation

Consumers

The existing individual garden plots are effective at ensuring that some of the most needy individuals can provide sustenance to their families. However, when considering the immense food need throughout the district, alternative sustainable production models could promote more widespread benefits.

Considering the dire food access problem within the Comuna, the bulk of the food produced should be directed at local residents. As the farm develops greater output over time, more and more residents can be served. In addition, the farm business can capitalize on the broader regional market through an emphasis on specialty crops that have higher profit yields. There are several types of crops that may be chosen based on consumer demand. This can also take on the form of a packaged product that is developed from the farm’s harvest such as a jelly or sauce.

A farm structure in which workers collectively cultivate the land can help maximize space, promote shared resources and create a more structured production system. Additionally, the introduction of alternative farming techniques such as hydroponics can be highly beneficial, especially when land is scarce or soil quality, poor. Hydroponics is a system in which plants are cultivated in nutrient-rich water, which reduces maintenance, eliminates the need for weeding and produces higher yields.

FOOD SECURITY AND INCOME GENERATION

Scaling

Distribution System The effective distribution of agricultural output is an essential component of a sustainable local food system. The table above shows

135

ACTING FORECASTING

“In order for the farm share model to have the greatest impact on the food need of the district, subsidies administered through relevant city agencies will be critical to guaranteeing

MAPPING

affordability for all income groups.”

potential distribution outlets in relation to projected future scales of agricultural production. The institution of a weekly farm stand may be possible for the current community gardeners. As households with the highest levels of food deprivation will tend to reside closer to the upper boundary of the territory, this region should be a primary distribution site.

A farmer’s market model of product distribution would necessitate more agricultural output than required for a farm stand, and a greater variety of products.

The workers could institute the market on a weekly or bi-monthly basis in a central location in the district, attracting different sectors of the community to participate. In addition to selling the farm’s harvest, this venue would serve as a space where other micro-enterprises can promote and sell their products. Arts, crafts and baked goods are just a few of the potential types of vending that could take place. Each enterprise benefits from the scale of the market attracting a larger consumer base than each could garner separately.

Worker Cooperative Business Benefits of Cooperative Business: ¥ Helps ensure local ownership and equitable distribution of profits ¥ Reduces operating costs of individual members through bulk buying of inputs, sharing of information and technology ¥ Increases marketing and distribution capacity

136

Establishes partnerships, promotes and handles delivery functions

Handles administrative and financial aspects of cooperative

Works land, using safe and skilled farming methods

Creates value-added food products with portion of farm output

Cooperative Business Model A worker cooperative, in line with the objectives of the district’s local development plan, would ensure that employees are also owners of the business, having an equal vote in decisions and an equitable distribution of profits. Within the structure, employees will specialize to carry out the various functions required to run the operation. A management team would be responsible for handling the cooperative’s funding, profits and payments in addition to other administrative functions.

Farmers are those who work the land directly and utilize new technologies to maximize output. Workers in product development create value-added products from the farm’s output such

as jellies, dried fruits or other packaged items. The distribution team sets up sites to deliver products, establishes relationships with local farmers to increase the quantity and diversity of crops available for distribution and identifies retailers in the wider region to market specialty items.

Support and Training Although urban farming has tremendous social, ecological and health benefits, creating a financially self-sustaining enterprise requires time and careful strategic planning. In order for this endeavor to get off the ground, multiple stakeholders must contribute by providing their resources and knowledge. The table below identifies potential partners and their roles.

FOOD SECURITY AND INCOME GENERATION

A farm share has the potential to reach the greatest number of residents in the districts.

Under this model, a portion of the farm’s harvest is delivered to households every week for a fixed cost. The amount that a family receives can be adjusted according to both size and need. While this system requires a high output that will take time to establish, in the interim, workers can secure partnerships with proximate rural farms that can provide this service to residents. In order for the farm share model to have the greatest impact on the food need of the district, subsidies administered through relevant city agencies will be critical to guaranteeing affordability for all income groups.

Conclusion Comuna 8 has great need in the areas of food security and employment. In order for the district and the city to reach their respective development goals, resources must be leveraged strategically. Securing the ongoing use of farm land and establishing a cooperative business structure will be key to building a local food system that is locally controlled and ecologically sustainable.

Resources and Partnerships Entity

Role

Banco de las Oportunidades

Funding for business start-up costs

Universidad National (UNAL)

Helps workers establish institutional partnerships

MANA (Mejoramiento Alimentario y Nutricional de Antoquia)

Subsidizes cost of farm produce for families with children

Unidad Productiva Asociativa (UPA)

Trains and supports workers in the development of cooperative business

Fundación Solidaria La Vistación

Provides agricultural training and education

UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Grants funding for farm development and training in alternative technologies

Cedezo

Provides training in business management and growth

EDU

Helps establish land management responsibilities and funds position of local resident

137

GUÍA DE DISEÑO: ESPACIO PÚBLICO EN LA COMUNA 8

Risk Management The intersection of environmental and security risks in Comuna 8 requires an integrated, holistic approach to risk management.

By Adriana Akers and Alison Coffey

ACTING FORECASTING

Risk Management

MAPPING

The intersection of environmental and security risks in Comuna 8 requires an integrated, holistic approach to risk management.

The Comuna 8 Planning Council is involved in managing the district’s growth up steep slopes.

Here a marker indicates the Comuna’s selfimposed growth line.

By Adriana Akers and Alison Coffey

M

anaging risk in Comuna 8 requires an understanding of how environmental and conflict threats converge. While risk policy has historically focused on environmental risks, the risk experienced by Comuna residents is multifaceted, including a high threat of violence. The City and Comuna have an opportunity to collaborate on comprehensive solutions that address both types of risk moving forward.

The 1987 Villa Tina Landslide left 500 people dead in one catastrophic event - representing the largest death toll of any landslide in the recorded history of the Aburrá Valley. The event remains imprinted on the historical memory of the Comuna.

The Aburrá Valley’s steep slopes are highly vulnerable to geologic movement and heavy annual rains. Comuna 8 has suffered two of the valley’s ten largest landslides in history, including the Villa Tina landslide of 1987, which left 500 people dead. Since then, smaller events have continued to threaten the lives and livelihoods of Comuna 8 residents. A history of precarious settlement on Medellin’s hillsides means that today 284,000 people are at risk of landslides, flooding, and other environmental events.1 Current homes in risk are shown above. The City’s Greenbelt Plan intends to relocate residents to the consolidation zone (marked in yellow), an area with a disproportionate amount of environmental risk that may intensify with any future densification.

Armed conflict also plays out in the Comuna, generating high risk of exposure to violence and forced displacement.

140

News articles like this one describing the chronic violence in Comuna 8 are common. Violence is an everyday concern for residents.

Map of the environmental risk zones as defined by the City of Medellín. Orange indicates “mitigable risk”; red indicates “unmitigable risk”.

1 in 10 2 of 10 500

0

400

RISK MANAGEMENT

2014 ENVIRONMENTAL RISK ZONES

homes in landslide risk areas major landslides in the Aburrá Valley took place in Comuna 8 deaths in Villa Tina Landslide (1987)

800 Meters

2013 HOMICIDES Map of homicide locations in Comuna 8 in 2013. Homicides are distributed throughout the territory but some clustering is evident in the southeastern areas of the Comuna.

60 39/100k 789

0

400

homicides in 2013 homicide rate in 2013 homicides 2004-2013

800 Meters 141

ACTING MAPPING

FORECASTING

THE GREENBELT PLAN AND INHABITED RISK AREAS

Homes in Mitigable Risk Zones Homes in Non-mitigable Risk Zones Greenbelt Consolidation Zone Greenbelt Transition Zone Greenbelt Environmental Protection Zone

0

400

800 Meters

This map depicts the three zones of the Greenbelt Plan alongside building footprints for homes that are located in mitigable (orange) and unmitigable (red) risk zones. This map shows that densification is currently planned for areas that already involve a substantial amount of environmental risk.

While conflict has ebbed and flowed with the implementation of different security strategies, levels of public investment, and negotiated agreements between armed actors, Comuna 8 experiences a high risk of conflict relative to Medellin as a whole. The Comuna’s 2013 homicide rate of 39 per 100,000 is nearly four times above what the United Nations classifies as an epidemic level.2 In recent years Comuna 8 has also experienced the second highest rate of forced inter-urban displacement in Medellin.3 142

Homicide data from 2004-2013 shows that the geographic distribution of violence shifts year after year as gang territories and battlegrounds are redefined. However, one area in the southern part of the Comuna has seen consistent violence throughout this period. This area is a zone with a marked absence of institutional presence, reinforcing hypotheses that institutional presence often has a pacifying effect on conflict.

Total Homicides

Cluster analysis of homicides demonstrates how conflict hotspots have shifted over time.

Important influences on the number of homicides and their geographic distribution have included eras of unchallenged hegemony of a given gang, when stability largely prevailed, or the arrival of new armed groups and the breakdown of Medellin’s peace process in 2008, when homicide rates increased.

0.5

0.5

Miles

0.5

Miles

Miles

0.5

Miles

Oficina de Envigado Hegemony

0.5

Recorded Homicide Recorded Homicide LowLow Homicide Density Density

High Density High Homicide Density

0.5

RISK MANAGEMENT

MOVEMENT OF HOMICIDE HOT SPOTS, 2004-2013

Miles

Peace Process Breakdown

0.5

Miles

0.5

Miles

Miles

0.5

Miles

UrabeĂąos Arrive

0.5

Miles

Pacto de Fuzil

OVERALL HOMICIDE CONCENTRATIONS (2004-2013)

0

400

800 Meters

A heat map of all homicides between 2004-2013 shows that the overall highest concentration of homicides is located in the southeastern portion of the Comuna. When mapped against state institutional presence (i.e. public facilities), there appears to be a correlation between the absence of state presence and higher rates of violence.

143

ACTING FORECASTING

375

750

1,500 Meters

Blocks

BLOCKS

Homicides Risk (Non-mitigable) Risk (Mitigable)

DENSITY

Number of Floors 1 2 3 4 5

TOPOGRAPHY

6

Topography (m) 1025 - 1500 1500 - 1600 1600 - 1700 1700 - 1800 1800 - 1900 1900 - 2000 2000 - 2100

STREAMS

Stream

Plazas de Vicio

AERIAL

MAPPING

0

0

25

50

100 Meters

Examining fine-grain spatial details of the five most concentrated homicide clusters reveals a correlation between homicide clusters and street intersections, relatively densely inhabited areas of the Comuna, and along divisive geographic features such as streams and ravines. These spatial details are important to consider when designing interventions.

0

144

200

400

800 Meters

RISK MANAGEMENT

Examining spatial details of environmental risk areas reveals a correlation between risk and steep slopes (independent of absolute elevation), informal non-gridded settlement areas, and areas adjacent to streams. These spatial details are important to consider when designing interventions.

145

ACTING MAPPING

FORECASTING

Geographies of environmental and conflict risk shift over time. The impacts of climate change and development pressure on unstable soils will influence where environmental risk becomes most acute.

Territorial gang disputes as well as state security and social interventions can impact where violence flares up and interrupts daily routines.

SCENARIO 1: GREENBELT GROWTH BOUNDARY

Conflict Risk

The Metropolitan Greenbelt and the Urban Integral Projects (PUIs) will likely play an important role in how Comuna 8 grows and how environmental and conflict risks are distributed. Our forecasting examines two scenarios that take into account how risk may evolve as a result of these interventions. We operate under the assumption that areas of future population growth may experience increased landslide risk because building construction creates physical pressures on unstable soils. These areas will also likely see increased violence, because conflict tends to follow settlement.

Future Concentrated Conflict Current Public Presence Future Public Presence Future Population Growth Area Greenbelt Growth Boundary

Scenario 1 envisions a complete realization of the Greenbelt Plan, including its goals to prevent future growth up the valley slopes and to relocate all homes beyond the boundaries of the urban consolidation zone. In this scenario, the consolidation zone would be the site of all future development in Comuna 8. We predict that in this context, conflict in the current violence “hot spot� would be dispersed due to the insertion of new PUIs in the area. Conflict would likely move into adjacent areas that are slated for densification in the consolidation zone.

Because the consolidation zone also contains a significant amount of environmental risk areas, landslide risk may further intensify unless the City initiates massive mitigation investments.

0

400

800 Meters

Environmental Risk

Current Non-Mitigable Risk Current Mitigable Risk Future Non-Mitigable Risk Future Mitigable Risk

146

RISK MANAGEMENT

SCENARIO 2: UNRESTRAINED GROWTH

Scenario 2 imagines that the Greenbelt Plan will be unsuccessful in its goals; in this scenario, growth would continue in its usual pattern up the hillside. If this were to occur, conflict hot spots would likely move up the hillside with development. Environmental risk would likely increase with new settlement pressures on the fringes of Comuna 8, creating new risk where it is not currently severe. This business-as-usual scenario may increase exposure to risk across a wider geographic area, but result in fewer intense concentrations of risk than in Scenario 1.

These scenarios represent two extremes in the spectrum of how the Greenbelt and PUIs could influence the distribution of risk.

Both scenarios point to a pressing need for proactive risk management interventions in the fringe area just north of the current conflict hotspot, where the neighborhoods of Villa Tina, San Antonio, and La Libertad intersect.

147

ACTING FORECASTING

INTERVENTION: SAFE CORRIDORS NETWORK

MAPPING

The complex social and economic underpinnings of urban armed conflict mean that built environment interventions alone cannot eradicate violence in Comuna 8. However, comparative case studies and local analysis has shown that institutional presence can create “buffer zones” of safety. Additionally, it is widely accepted that built environment factors like mixeduse development and lighting can also reduce violence in dangerous areas. With this in mind, we propose a Safe Corridor Network that incorporates these findings.

The Network would create a series of safe paths connecting key destinations to commercial centers, local institutions, and residential areas in order to reduce residents’ exposure to risk as they go about daily routines. The Network integrates environmental remediation and design elements that improve public safety and leverages the City’s current investments in PUIs, metrocables, and environmental risk management to also address conflict issues.

NETWORK CONCEPT The Safe Corridor Network creates a series of safe paths between key activity centers and residential areas to reduce residents’ exposure to risk as they go about daily routines. The network incorporates both environmental remediation interventions as well as design elements to enhance public safety.

INSTITUTIONAL MIXED-USE PRESENCE

EVENING ACTIVITY

Height & visibility Linked to public space

Multipurpose buil Activate public sp

ANCHORS

MAJOR STREETS

PATHWAYS

0

148

400

800 Meters

Eyes on the street Walkability

RISK MANAGEMENT

SAFE CORRIDOR TYPOLOGY

INSTITUTIONAL MIXED-USE EVENING LIGHTING LANDSLIDE INSTITUTIONAL LIGHTING LANDSLIDE MITIGATION PRESENCE MIXED-USE EVENING ACTIVITY PRESENCE

MITIGATIONSlope reinforcement

ACTIVITY

Height & visibility on the street Multipurpose buildings 30 feet apart LANDSLIDE INSTITUTIONAL MIXED-USE Eyes EVENING LIGHTING to public space Eyes on theWalkability Activate public space Slope reinforcement HeightLinked & visibility street Multipurpose buildings Sightlines to nodes 30 feet apart MITIGATION PRESENCE ACTIVITY Stream setbacks Linked to public space Walkability Activate public space Sightlines to nodes

Slope reinforcement Height & visibility Eyes on the street Multipurpose buildings 30 feet apart Anchors ANCHORS Stream setbacks Linked to public space Walkability Activate public space LANDSLIDE INSTITUTIONAL MIXED-USE EVENING LIGHTING Sightlines to nodes ANCHORS Terracing

ANCHORS

PRESENCE

Height & visibility Linked to public space

MITIGATION

ACTIVITY

Eyes on the street Walkability

Multipurpose buildings Activate public space

Terracing

Stream setbacks Terracing

30 feet apart Sightlines to nodes

Slope reinforcement Stream setbacks Terracing

ANCHORS

Mayor Streets MAJOR

MAJOR MAJOR STREETS STREETS STREETS MAJOR STREETS

PATHWAYS

PATHWAYS Pathways

PATHWAYS

PATHWAYS

The Safe Corridor contains three physical typologies, each of which exhibits different physical and social elements: • Anchors act as activity centers that insert concentrations of state and community institutions into high-conflict areas.

• Major Streets serve as main access routes between anchors and incorporate mixed-use development to extend eyes on the street across the territory.

• Pathways, located on narrow pedestrian roads or staircases, connect dense residential areas to commercial, institutional, and social corridors within the network.

149

ACTING

CASE STUDIES

MAPPING

FORECASTING

VIOLENCE PREVENTION THROUGH URBAN UPGRADING (VPUU) Khaylitsha Township, Cape Town, South Africa

Slope reinforcement and retaining walls

Source: VPUU

Violence Prevention through Urban Upgrading (VPUU), a project in Cape Town’s Khaylitsha Township, addresses insecurity through a three-pronged approach focused on Institutional, Social, and Situational (built environment) factors. VPUU’s network of “Safe Node Areas” helps residents navigate crime-prone areas. After a participatory crime-mapping exercise, VPUU installed “Active Boxes,” or tall buildings staffed by community members that can act as points of refuge should criminal situations arise. The design was in-

PHYSICAL formed by principles of “owned space,” natural surveillance, visibility, visual connection, mixed-use development, and 24 hour activity.4

PRINCIPLES Physical Network 24 hour Institutional Presence Height & Visibility Community Staffed Source: VPUU

150

Violence Prevention

RISK MANAGEMENT

ng

MOBILITY SAFE PASSAGE PROGRAM

SO

Chicago, USA

Source: NY Times

Chicago’s Safe Passage program aims to help students reach school safely by forming a network of community vigilance in areas of armed conflict. The program stations community members

Safe Passage Chicago, USA

trained in conflict diffusion and armed with cell phones and high-visibility vests along school routes that traverse gang territories.

The Chicago Police Department supports the program with intelligence and logistical coordination, but community members play a critical role in the network. According to Chicago Public Schools, Safe Passage has contributed to a 20% decline in criminal incidents around schools, a 27% drop in incidents among students, and a 7% attendance increase over the past two years.5

C R

PRINCIPLES Human Network Conflict Mediation Eyes on the Street Community Protagonism Source: Chicago Tribune

151

ACTING

PILOT CORRIDOR SITE

FORECASTING

VILLA TINA, SAN ANTONIO, LA LIBERTAD

MAPPING

When planning Safe Corridor Routes, initial analysis should consider the location of current and planned institutional presence, environmental risk areas, and homicide data or other indicators of insecurity.

The location of existing local institutions such as schools, churches, and community centers, as well as planned investments like Metrocable stations and other PUIs, can help determine the location of Anchors. A high concentration of institutions and services is ideal for these sites in order to keep violence at bay.

PLANNED INSTITUTIONAL PRESENCE

0

80

ENVIRONMENTAL RISK

160 M

Mitigable Risk

Non-mitigable risk

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF LANDSLIDE IMPACT (1984-2013)* Deaths

Homes Damaged

Homes Destroyed

14%

21%

26% 46%

22%

51%

11%

5% 64% 23%

Villa Tina

San Antonio

La Sierra

Villa Tina La Sierra Las Estancias Llanaditas

*Excluding the 1987 Villa Tina Landslide. Source: DesInventar

152

Comuna 8

Focus Site

16% 1% Villa Tina San Antonio La Sierra Las Estancias El Pinal

Pathways connect residential areas to Major Streets and should be prioritized in areas of high density that require improved lighting, visibility, and environmental risk mitigation. While intervention possibilities can be limited in tight spaces such as footpaths and staircases, minor design elements that enhance perceptions of safety can easily be incorporated.

HOMICIDES (2004-2013)

POTENTIAL SITE CORRIDOR

RISK MANAGEMENT

Major Streets connect the Anchors. Ideal sites have significant mixed-use or commercial development to ensure that they are well populated at all hours. Streets being widened or upgraded with PUIs are also good candidates, since investment can be leveraged to incorporate components of mixed-use development and design elements such as wider sidewalks, small public spaces, and street furniture into already-planned street improvements. More “eyes on the street,� including street activity, and evening usage will contribute to more secure mobility.

INSTITUTIONAL M PRESENCE Height & visibility Linked to public space

ANCHORS

MAJOR STREETS

PATHWAYS

Deaths

Homes Damaged

Homes Destroyed

14%

21%

26% 46%

22%

51%

11%

5% 64% 16%

23%

Villa Tina

San Antonio

La Sierra

0 0.01250.025

0.05

1% 0.075

Miles 0.1

Villa Tina La Sierra Las Estancias Llanaditas

Villa Tina San Antonio La Sierra Las Estancias El Pinal

TEMPORAL DISTRIBUTION OF HOMICIDES (2004-2013) Focus Site

Comuna 8

21-23h 8%

0-2h 14%

21-23h 18%

0-2h 10%

3-5h 9% 18-20h 17%

6-8h 11%

15-17h 9%

12-14h 11%

9-11h 11%

18-20h 33%

3-5h 9%

6-8h 11%

9-11h 9% 15-17h 9%

12-14h 11%

153

E W

ACTING FORECASTING

INSTITUTIONAL PRESENCE

Height for visibility: neighborhood average + 2 stories

EYES ON THE STREET

MAPPING

This example Safe Corridor Anchor demonstrates the need to cluster institutional presence (both state and community-based); the importance of situating public space adjacent to institutions to enhance security in open areas that may otherwise be vulnerable to gang activity; possibilities for incorporating more mixed-use development on the first stories of homes; and parameters for adequate lighting. Through all sections of the Corridor, environmental mitigation measures take place where needed.

Abou

Public space and street furniture tied to commerce and institutions

EVENING ACTIVITY

Evening programming in institutions: continuing ed, afterschool, community meetings, etc.

ENVIRONMENTAL

LIGHTING

Combine new lighting with risk alert system

154

TIRE RETAINING WALLS

Mi

La co

RISK MANAGEMENT

Augment transit hubs and other destinations with additional institutions to create anchors

ut 180 ft between institutions

ixed-use development

Balconies and front porches

ate-night ommercial

Metro station open until 11p

Maximum 30 ft between poles

STRUCTURAL SUPPORT ON STEEP SLOPES

155

TRANSFER

ACTING MAPPING

N IO AT M

TRUST

LOCA LK NO W LE

IN

G

FE

&

BA

& GE D

ED

CK

IC A

Comuna 8’s Local Development Plan outlines several projects that would meet the Comuna’s development goals. Each of PP OR these also contributes to risk reduction and T Holistic Risk Management: Community should be incorporated into the Anchors Integrating of Holistic Risk Management: institutional presence in the Safe CorridorIntegrating Community Holistic Risk Management: IntegratingPresence Community Priorities with Increased Institutional Network.

LS

U

Priorities with Institutional Presence Priorities with Increased Increased Institutional Presence Comuna 8’s Local Development Plan outlines several projects that would meet the Comuna’s development needs

and goals.8’sEach ofDevelopment these also contributes to the reduction of environemntal andthe social risks, and should be incorpoComuna Local Plan outlines several projects that would meet Comuna’s development needs Comuna Local Plan outlines several that would meet Comuna’s development needs rated into8’s the anchors ofalso institutional presence in theprojects Safeof Corridor Network. and goals.

Each ofDevelopment these contributes to the reduction environemntal andthe social risks, and should be incorpoand Each of these contributes to the in reduction environemntal ratedgoals. into the anchors ofalso institutional presence the Safeof Corridor Network.and social risks, and should be incorporated into the anchors of institutional presence in the Safe Corridor Network.

Center forEnvironmental Environmental Center for Education & Risk Mitigation Center for Environmental Center forserves Environmental This center as an Mitigation educational community center and a base for risk Education & Risk Education & Mitigation mitigation work inRisk the Comuna.

Through partnerships local schools, This center serves as both an educational community center and a base for with risk mitiEducation & Risk Mitigation gation work within Comuna.

Through partnershipscenter with local the center will encourage environmental stewardship and knowledge This center serves asthe both an educational community and aschools, base forthe riskcenter mitiThis center serves asthe both an educational center and aschools, base forthe riskcenter mitiwill encourage environmental stewardship and popular knowledge about environgation work within Comuna.

Through partnerships with local about environmental risk.

Thecommunity center will employ residents of Comuna 8 gation work within the Through partnerships with local the center mental risk. Through anComuna. institutional relationship with the City, theschools, center employ will encourage environmental stewardship and popular knowledge aboutwill environas environmental risk technicians who will act as intermediaries between will encourage environmental stewardship popular knowledge about environresidents of Through Comuna 8 asinstitutional environmental riskand technicians, who local interlocumental risk. an relationship with the City,act theascenter will employ Comuna 8 and municipal agencies. mental risk.

Through an institutional relationship with the City, the center will employ tors between the population of Comuna 8 and municipal agencies, as well as the site residents of Comuna 8 as environmental risk technicians, who act as local interlocuresidents of Comuna 8 asinterventions. environmental technicians, act asaslocal coordianators for population future tors between the of Comuna risk 8 and municipal who agencies, wellinterlocuas the site tors between the of Comuna 8 and municipal agencies, as well as the site coordianators for population future interventions. coordianators for future interventions.

Food Cooperatives & Food Cooperatives & Urban Agriculture Systems Food Cooperatives & Food &urban gardens should be expanded.

Urban Agriculture ComunaCooperatives 8’s current system Systems of Urban Agriculture Systems Comuna 8’s current system of eco-huertas, or urbanas gardens, shouldgrowth be expanded Gardens provide food security, serve a natural boundary, and Urban Agriculture Systems across the territory.

Gardens provide sustenance for residents experiencing food Comuna currentto system of eco-huertas, or urban gardens, should be expanded can be8’sused discourage settlement on high-risk land that is unfit for Comuna current system eco-huertas, or urban gardens, should be expanded insecurity, serve as aGardens naturalofgrowth boundary along the fringe, and can be used across the8’sterritory. provide sustenance for residents experiencing food to development.

Asongathering sites, they stregthen community networks, across the territory. provideland sustenance for residents experiencing food discourage settlement high-risk unfit for development.

By serving gatherinsecurity, serve as aGardens natural growth boundary along the fringe, and can beasused to cultural memory, and keep more “eyes on the street.”

Incorporating insecurity, serve as a natural growth boundary along the fringe, and can be used to ing sites, they stregthenoncommunity networks, cultural memory,By and keep more discourage settlement high-risk land unfit for development. serving as gatherdiscourage settlement oncommunity high-risk land unfit for development.

By serving asfurther gather“eyes on the street. ” Incorporating yields into awill food cooperative willmore ing sites, they stregthen networks, cultural memory, and keep garden yields into a foodgarden cooperative further address issues of ing sites, theystreet. stregthen community networks, memory, and keep address of economic security. “eyes onissues the ” Incorporating garden yieldscultural into a food cooperative willmore further economic security. “eyes onissues the street. ” Incorporating garden yields into a food cooperative will further address of economic security. address issues of economic security.

Arts & Culture Institute Arts Culture Institute This educational center Institute intends to train residents in the arts and promote cultural Arts && Arts &AsCulture Culture Institute initiatives. a gathering space and point of coordianation programing This educational center intends to train residents in the artsfor andcultural promote cultural

This educational center intends to activate train in and the arts and promote This educational to train residents in theresidents arts andcultural promote cultural in the territory, it center serves intends tospace stregthen social public spaces, provide a initiatives.

As a gathering and point ofties, coordianation for programing cultural initiatives.

As a gathering space and point of coordianation for initiatives.

As a gathering space and point of coordianation for cultural programing space for exchange between residents of Comuna 8 and residents of other districts in the territory, it serves to stregthen social ties, activate public spaces, and provide a in the territory, it serves to stregthen social ties, activate and districts provide Medellin. cultural programing, it strengthens social ties, spaces, activates publica spaces, space for exchange between residents of Comuna 8 andpublic residents of other space for exchange a between of Comunabetween 8 and residents of other districts in Medellin. and provides spaceresidents for exchange residents of Comuna 8 and in Medellin. other districts.

156

ORDINATION E CO SIT

CAPACITY

TEC H N

INCORPORATING PRIORITY PROJECTS

IN FO R

OR

A key component of increasing institutional presence in Comuna 8 is ensuring community agency and protagonism. Wherever possible, institutions should be staffed and managed by community members. Coordination and partnership with municipal agencies will provide technical support and capacity to Comuna 8 staff, who will then play an important role in disseminating that knowledge and capacity to other community members. In turn, community members can provide improved field monitoring and feedback to local coordinators who they trust, resulting in more efficient and effective local management.

FIEL D M O NIT

FORECASTING

COMMUNITY AGENCY

RISK MANAGEMENT

STAKEHOLDERS AND IMPLEMENTATION STAGES Collaboration between local, municipal, academic, and private sector groups is necessary for successful implementation. At every stage of the process, representatives of Comuna 8 must play an active, protagonist role.

Comuna 8 Planning Council Mesa Ambiental Mesa de las Desplazadas Mesa de Jovenes Mesa de Educacion Mesa de Convivencia Comites Barriales Junta Administradora Local

Univ. Nacional Univ. de Antioquia Univ. Pontificia Bolivariana EAFIT Vocational Schools

Alcaldia EDU Personaria de Medellin Secretaria Ambiental DAGRED

Empresas Publicas Financing Institutions Real Estate Developers Contractors

FIELD SITE ANALYSIS

COMMUNITY PLAN

Deepen site analysis Identify community priority sites Propose intervention details Share findings

Participatory monitoring Convene consensus-building & evaluation process Establish terms of implementation Community employment & project ownership

Co-design research Support analysis process

Bridge community & city decision-making

Provide technical analysis & data

Planning collaboration & integration

IMPLEMENTATION

Project management Ombudsman oversight

Joint financing Contracting

ENDNOTES 1. URBAM Universidad EAFIT & Harvard Graduate School of Design. Re Habitar La Ladera: operaciones en areas de riesgo y asentamiento precario en Medellin. 2013.

2. Sistema de Información para la Seguridad y la Convivencia - SISC de la Secretaría de Seguridad.

3. Personeria de Medellin. Informe Sobre La Situacion de los Derechos Humanos en la Ciudad de Medellin. 2012. Accessed: http://www.personeriamedellin.gov.co/documentos/INFORME_ D1.pdf 4. “VPUU,” accessed May 23, 2014, http://www.vpuu.org.za/index2.php 5. “Safe Passage,” Chicago Public Schools, accessed May 23, 2014, http://www.cps.edu/ Pages/safepassage.aspx 157

GUÍA DE DISEÑO: ESPACIO PÚBLICO EN LA COMUNA 8

Mobility Lack of physical transportation infrastructure at the periphery exacerbates socioeconomic inequalities, contributing to the feeling of disconnection between Comuna 8 and the city.

By Calli Cenizal and Emily Royall

ACTING FORECASTING

The Last Mile

MAPPING

Lack of physical transportation infrastructure at the periphery exacerbates socioeconomic inequalities, contributing to the feeling of disconnection between Comuna 8 and the city.

By Calli Cenizal and Emily Royall

In Medellín, the transportation network encompasses the majority of the city but is primarily shaped by geography. Mirroring the pattern of the Medellin River that runs north-south and the tributaries, or quebradas, that flow together and run down the mountainsides to the east and west of the city center, the transportation network functions in a traditional trunk and feeder system. However, due to the confluence of urban growth trends and the topography, the condition of mobility at the fringes of the city is precarious.

The city government, the Alcaldía, does not explicitly address the fringe conditions but rather is concerned with general flow throughout the city. Along with other city institutional actors such as the Metro and the EDU, the city planning agency, the Alcaldía is advancing a regional plan that would intervene in the communities on the urban fringe. This plan revolves around the integration of the private transit network into the more formalized, public transit system and the establishment of a green belt (Cinturón Verde) that would act as a growth boundary as well as the foundation for future transportation interventions, such as a monorail and bicycle and pedestrian paths.

160

Below: Comuna 8 residents overcome the topographical obstacles by constructing stairs.

MOBILITY

SPATIAL To ogra hy The density of red lines indicate the steepness of the terrain. Combined with the quantity of quebradas, gthe natural geography poses an obstacle to mobility.

0

0.125 0.25

0.5

0.75

1 Miles

Trans ortation Stream

City Buses

Remaining Colectivo Routes

Comuna 8, a community predominantly affected by the City’s plans, has strong negative reactions. They feel that their needs are not being met by the existing nor proposed transportation improvements.

Moreover, residents and community leaders feel a lack of agency and participation in the planning process. These spatial and social disconnections are evident in the visual representation of the transportation network as presented by the City, and the needs of the Comuna. Physical mobility is very important, and lack thereof has a direct correlation to median income. It is a barrier to elderly and people with disabilities, and even those without physical mobility issues are denied access social and economic opportunities without adequate transportation. Our primary issue is how to resolve these gaps between the city services and transportation network and the needs of Comuna 8.

Tram

Metrocable

Cinturon Bicycle Route

Cinturon Pedestrian Path

Left: A map of the existing and proposed public transit system in Comuna 8. As the new tram and metrocable lines are constructed, the existing private colectivo bus network will be consolidated and replaced by public bus lines.The reduction of the transit service area is worsened by the loss of jobs and income for the Comuna - a physical manifestation of this economic disparity.

Connectivity igh

Lo

Left: A connectivity analysis of Comuna 8, measuring how connected each building is to all other buildings through the existing roadway network. The poor level of accessibility is evident along the fringe.

161

ACTING MAPPING

FORECASTING

Below, from top to bottom: a map of the average income range by neighborhood, a map of the average unemployment rate by neighborhood, and a map of the number of people with disabilities by neighborhood.

These three images show demographic conditions that demonstrate how socioeconomic and physical mobility are aligned.

Below: A representation of the digital last mile. Lack of access to technical resources such as the internet is an obstacle to Comuna 8 residents wishing to take ownership of their own planning decision-making.

DIGITAL

SOCIAL Income

Batallón Girardot

La Mansión

San Miguel

Internet Access

100 to 200

Villa Hermosa

Buenos Aires MasCerca Barrio: Buenos Aires

200 to 300 300 to 400

La Ladera

400 to 500

CAV Caunces Victim Support Center Barrio: Caunces

500 to 700

Llanaditas Los Mangos Enciso Trece de Noviembre Sucre

El Pinal

La Libertad

San Antonio Villatina

Villa Turbay Villa Lilliam

Las Estancias

Unemployment 2.53% - 3%

3.01% - 3.3% 3.31% - 3.6%

3.61% - 3.8% 3.81% - 4%

Disability

0 to 5 people 5 to 100

100 to 130 130 to 190 190 to 308

Of these sectors, 26% of residents have internet access.

88% of Colombia’s 45.5 million residents occupy the lowest 3 socioeconomic sectors (TIC).

162

Observing the pattern of path development along the fringe of Comuna 8, we see how informal footpaths are the first step in a new network. As they become more traversed, they become more established, encouraging

development along the paths. As more people live along these paths, they pave them and build stairs where necessary, taking responsibility for their own transportation needs.

MOBILITY

Pedestrian Path Evolution

paved stair cases traversed pedestrian path s

informal footpaths

lateral connections

This graphic demonstrates the proportion of the different transportation modes in relation to one another. As shown, the proposed metrocables and tram lines are a small fraction of overall network. In light of the intended consolidation of bus routes, the most vulnerable neighborhoods with the greatest need for access from the fringe will not be able to reach the new metrocable and tram stations.

Comuna 8 Metrocable Bus Routes

Roads

2.5 km

Fixed Transit

4.3 km Tram

300

147

kilometers

6.8 163

ACTING

Snapshot: Recommendations

MAPPING

FORECASTING

Flexible Solutions Low-cost, high-yield flexible infrastructure responds to immediate physical infrastructure needs while gathering data for a longer term planning strategy.

As the information gathered in the previous phase indicates, there are immediate mobility needs in Comuna 8 that also represent a larger social and technical disconnect between the Comuna and the city. Not only is there insufficient physical infrastructure, but Comuna 8 residents feel excluded and isolated from the city’s social, political, and institutional processes. Moreover, the lack of technical resources and capacity - the digital last mile - prevents the Comuna 8 from being able to fully address their own mobility issues.

With this in mind, we recommend three affordable physical solutions that can grow and adapt to the Comuna’s needs: Dial-aMoto, a motorcycle taxi system that allows residents to safely travel from one point to another; a pulley system that can carry materials and bicycles up and down stairs; and an expansion of the EnCicla bikeshare station to enable residents access to the rest of the transportation network.

As these solutions are constructed and generating jobs and income for the local community, the Comuna will work closely with local university partners to develop a Mobility Lab - a new institution that will empower the Comuna with data and skills to make their own transportation planning decisions.

164

This diagram shows how the three seed solutions interact with one another: the Dial-A-Moto provides a lateral framework, along which EnCicla stations will be placed, and the pulleys enable connections across elevation.

DIAL-A-MOTO

After signing up in person or online, individuals will be able to call (via la llamada perdida) or text their location and destination to a central location. The dispatcher makes a record of the request’s details and summons the nearest motorcycle, giving both the driver and passenger a trip-specific code to confirm the arrangement. The motorcyclist arrives at the passenger’s location, confirms the code, and carries the passenger to their final destination.

1

DIAL-A-MOTO

2

PULLEY- BIKE ELEVATORS

2

PULLEY- BIKE ELEVATORS

3

ENCICLA EXPANSION

3

Running on electrical power, the pulley-bike elevator will be installed adjacent to existing stairs. The container for materials and groceries and attached bicycle rack pauses at the top and bottom for loading and uploading, and then moves at a walking pace along the track.

ENCICLA EXPANSION

After signing up online, individuals will be able to walk up to any EnCicla station and borrow a bike for up to an hour. They can return the bike to any EnCicla station.

These diagrams show how the different solutions respond to the elements of the last mile problem, and the proportional size of their physical infrastructure.

THE LAST MILE

MOBILITY

1

N SIO

S

OR AT V E

m

ra m EL AN B g Prog O i Syste P E A T n X L K O ax I em E tem ini -Mcycle T ITYh + Tra Y-Bar Syst LAre Sys A L E I C r I l c B ear C sha LL icu AL oto EN Bike DI M PU Fun MO Res

Dial-A-Moto

SPATIAL Infrastructure

SOCIAL Exclusion/Isolation from Social, Political, Institutional Processes

DIGITAL

Lack of Technical Resources and Capacity

9.4km

Pulley-Bike Elevators

2.3

11.7

Encicla Expansion 165

ACTING FORECASTING

Future Growth

MAPPING

Comuna 8’s organic approach to growth supersedes the City’s attempts to curb urban development.

Due to the strong influence of geography and topography on conditions at the fringe of Medellin, residents of Comuna 8 have developed patterns of growth to work within those natural constraints. Understanding how these informal settlements approach growth is essential to reconciling the Comuna’s perspective with that of the City.

Through the rule set we developed, we see clearly how topography informs how these communities grow and shape their own transportation networks. according to their needs.

When these rules are then applied to the context of the Cinturon Verde, it immediately becomes apparent that the City’s plan to use the Cinturon as a growth boundary is futile. This type of infrastructure will only fuel more development and sprawl, as it is wholly disconnected from the mobility needs of Comuna 8.

Rule Set 0

5

50

100 Feet

Pedestrian paths may be parallel to topographic elevation lines.

0

15

30

60 Feet

Pedestrian paths may be perpendicular to topographic elevation lines.

Pedestrian paths with high fidelity to topography and bordering steep topography lines are more likely to become formalized by size and pavement quality.

When pedestrian paths cross multiple elevations a switchback typology is observed.

These switchbacks enable more density due to their continuity.

Building orientation is parallel to elevation lines.

Quebradas act as natural physical and social boundaries but also manifest as thoroughfares.

166

Future Growth Scenario Examples

Unrestricted Growth

0

MOBILITY

Scenario 1

Scenario 2

Cinturon Initiated Growth

2011

2011

2030

2030

0.015

0.03

0.06 Miles

Housing: Roads: 21,860m2 1,472 m 1,005 units

0

0.02

0.04

Housing: 19,500 m2 700 units

0.08 Miles

Roads: 3,842 m

These diagrams show two examples of projected growth at the fringe in relation to existing development. From top to bottom: these images show the projected growth against existing satellite imagery; these diagrams show the current level of development against the proposed path of the Cinturon; and these diagrams forecast how new networks and development will occur according to the codified growth patterns.

167

ACTING FORECASTING MAPPING

In light of the contradictions between the Comuna’s natural pattern of development and the City’s intentions for the Cinturon, our recommended physical interventions are intended to encourage densification and offset the trend towards sprawl at the fringe.

By improving internal connectivity and access to the rest of the city through these solutions, a denser pattern of development becomes more attractive while remaining affordable.

Right, below: Four diagrams showing how our physical interventions will offset sprawl.

1. The existing condition of growth and the general area affected by the proposed Cinturon Verde.

2. Physical interventions are constructed to address immediate mobility needs.

3. Infrastructure improvements enhance accessibility in areas where density is desired. People move to be closer to areas with improved ease of access, creating density instead of sprawl.

4. If the Cinturon Verde can be repurposed to work as part of the recommended transportation improvements instead of displacing homes and businesses, it can still achieve the same goal of discouraging sprawl by working within the growth patterns of Comuna 8.

0

90

180

360 Meters

This diagram shows the projected growth in response to the Cinturon Verde. We have targeted the eastern-most area as a case study for our interventions. By constructing our physical solutions in this location, densification is encouraged instead of sprawl, repurposing the Cinturon as a high-utility mobility corridor instead of a recreational zone and growth boundary..

168

MOBILITY

Left: Images of an Urban Integrated Project (PUI) in Comuna 13 that has encouraged density and connectivity while remaining designed at the community scale.

NETWORK IMPLEMENTATION 1.

DENSIFICATION 3.

2.

4.

Suggested Alternative Route

Current Cinturon Location

169

ACTING FORECASTING

Spatialization

Physical Context 0

MAPPING

Through the targeted, community-supported location of our physical interventions, these small seed solutions have the ability to enable access not only throughout Comuna 8 but to the rest of Medellin.

Now that we have identified the components of our strategy to respond to Comuna 8’s mobility needs, we must locate them in space. After considering the constraints of the topography and the future public transit infrastructure, we have designed a possible network showing how the three seed solutions - Dial-a-Moto, the pulley-bike elevators, and the EnCicla Expansion - work together in space.

The two metrocable stations will also serve as hubs for the Dial-a-Moto dispatch system, where passengers can sign up and procure a ride and drivers can wait for potential fares.

Bikeshare stations are placed at strategic locations throughout the neighborhood, so that individuals can pick up a bike, ride to the metrocable station, drop it off and enter into the network. Pulleys work in conjunction with bikeshare stations to facilitate access in the steepest of areas.

170

90

180

360 Meters

MOBILITY

Dial-a-moto + Encicla hub at metrocable station Encicla Station Pulley System

Encicla Station

Existing Infrastructure: Metrocable & Tram Existing Roads Cinturon Verde

171

90

MAPPING

FORECASTING

ACTING

0

Above: This diagram shows the same proposed network against topography lines, demonstrating how it works within the constraints of elevation.

Right: This diagram overlays the proposed network with identified risk zones (in red and orange) and proposed new public space corridors (in purple). Along with the connections provided by public space improvements, our mobility strategies can be integrated with the recommended risk mitigation methods.

172

MOBILITY

Below: a conceptualization of the network of recommendations.

Network Phasing

1

2

3

4

5

Above: Proposed phases for constructing the network of physical seed solutions.

1. Construction of the tram and metrocable lines.

2. Construction of Dial-A-Moto hubs at metrocable stations and establishment of key corridors.

3. First phase of construction of EnCicla bikeshare stations along key corridors.

4. First phase of construction pulley-bike elevators near existing bikeshare stations.

5. Second phases of construction of bikeshare stations at the other end of pulleys, and of remaining pulleys for additional access.

173

ACTING FORECASTING

Implementation

FRAME

MAPPING

The process for implementing our recommendations can be broken into six phases. This chart outlines the key actions taken in each phase, as well as various stakeholders involved and their role as leaders and beneficiaries. Our recommended physical interventions along with our Mobility Lab involve various costs and outputs during each of the phases.

More importantly, these phases represent an iterative process in which each phase learns and builds upon the prior ones. The Mobility Lab will not only generate employment in Comuna 8, but will train residents in data collection, analysis, and overall planning and design techniques, ultimately restoring agency to Comuna 8 over their own planning decision-making.

stakeholders Displaced Bus Drivers

Leaders

Consejo C8

System Users

Alcaldia

Metro

EDU

UNAL Students

action -assess conditions -develop implementing bodies -draft agreements

MOBILITY LAB DIAL-A-MOTO

BIKE-SHARE

PULLEYS

cost

174

BUILD

-agree on sites -procure materials and contract labor -begin construction

output

x

community supported locations

$250,000

2,500 meters of pulleys and bike elevators

x

community supported locations and partnerships

$728,000

14 stations

x

locations and partnerships

$300,000

two nodes

x

and participants

x

x

LAUNCH

-publicize opportunities -hire teams

variable

variable

variable

variable

60 jobs

107

33

5-10

-achieve full implementation -promote projects -develop user-feedback frameworks

$60,000

$150,000

$100,000

$215,000

maintained & manned pulley network

maintained & manned bikeshare network and stations

maintained & manned DAM nodes

functioning Lab site and infrastructure

LEARN

-evaluate progress -measure project reach & user feedback

GPS tracking & supporting infrastructure

GPS tracking & supporting infrastructure

GPS tracking & supporting infrastructure

x

mapping & evidence for future planning decisions

mapping & evidence for future planning decisions

mapping & evidence for future planning decisions

reports and recommendations

REACT

MOBILITY

HIRE

-respond to prior outputs -improve existing projects

variable

project improvements

variable

project improvements

variable

project improvements

variable

project improvements

175

activity

MAPPING

FORECASTING

ACTING

PROCESS TIMELINE

time

FRAME BUILD HIRE LAUNCH LEARN ACT/REACT

$1,287,000 USD

$300,000

capital costs

$100,000

$250,000

$215,000

$728,000

$150,000

0.5% of

$335,000,000 USD Available (City Budget)

176

$60,000

$525,000 USD

annual operating + maintenance costs

MOBILITY

Below: This diagram shows how the different phases interact and overlap with one another over time. For instance, the framing, construction, and hiring phrases are more discrete actions with tangible objectives, whereas the processes for learning and acting are ongoing and constantly evolving in response to each other.

Right: This graph shows the estimated start-up capital costs and annual operating and maintenance costs for the overall mobility recommendation (Dial-a-Moto in red, pulley system in blue, bikeshare in green, and Mobility Lab in orange). Combined they constitute a fraction of the amount of money available in the annual City budget for projects exactly like the ones we are recommending.

Mobility is more than just the physical ability to move from one point to another; it also entails access to social, economic, and institutional processes that are key to income generation and political agency, as well as having the proper technical resources and capacity to make one’s own transportation planning decisions. A critical disconnect exists between how Comuna 8 and the City of Medellin approach mobility, one that our recommendations hope to resolve. One important step involves revising the proposed Cinturon Verde; both parties can successfully manage their own aspects of growth by realigning the Cinturon Verde’s intentions with the needs and patterns of the Comuna.

Regardless, there are immediate pressing mobility issues present in Comuna 8 that can be addressed through our three physical interventions: Dial-a-Moto, pulleybike elevators, and the EnCicla bikeshare expansion. Simultaneously, the primary stakeholders involved - the Comuna 8 leadership, the City planning department, and local university partners such as the Universidad Nacional de Colombia - can lay the groundwork for the Mobility Lab. Training the next generation of planners and policymakers from within the affected community is essential to legitimate, sustainable urban planning practice.

Moving forward, we hope that these strategies at the very least facilitate a productive conversation between Comuna 8, the City, and other stakeholders about needs and capabilities related to transportation and 177

UNAL ARCH

DESIGN

Objectives Understand territorial relationships and complexities of managing urban growth in metropolitan environments.

Recognize the challenges of planning to address the socio- spatial impacts of urban growth process and the provision of public infrastructure in formal and informal settlements.

Propose a set of territorial strategies to catalyze and coordinate transformation processes of the central area of the Comuna 8 based on the dynamics of the area of study.

Media Ladera Path Articulating urban space in Comuna 8 Ana María Palencia Rivera Carolina Tabares Usma Daniela Idárraga Ossa David Puerta Carmona Javier Ricardo Trujillo Parra Iván Darío Castrillón Escobar Manuela Aldana Sánchez Samuel Barrios Miranda

DESIGN

MIDDLE HILLSIDE CORRIDOR T

he following projects bridge the gaps and opportunities presented by current and future urban projects to be introduced in Comuna 8. A particular area that we call the middle hillside turns into the place of action, as a response to the identified problems in the comuna. Here is precisely the area where

Categories

182

more fragmentation and lack of connection exist. This are is also where a possible relocation of houses in risk areas can happen.

Then the mobility, topography, housing and public amenities become key issues to address

MEDIA LADERA PATH

183

DESIGN

Hill Sites

Upper Hill

Middle Hill Project

Lower Hill

Comuna 8

184

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Components

185

DESIGN 186

FISHBONE STRUCTURE.

HABITAT ENCLAVE

A main street becomes the structuring axis to interconnect all other interventions

Articulating the urban space in the middle hillside.

TEMPORALITY AND REPLICABILITY

3 SCALES, 3 VISIONS.

Pilot Plan, a stretch that replicates.

The project works in four stages; the fishbone structure is divided in four section from which here we develop one as a pilot project of the middle hillside.

The selected pilot project is composed of three specific interventions and three linear connectors. All of them respond to different urban scales and has different vocations, all in order to make the Middle Hillside Corridor a place that generates connections for the different types of mobility.

HABITAT ENCLAVE MEDIA LADERA PATH

1. LINEAR PARK “LA GALLINAZA”

2.URBAN CORRIDOR “CALLE 54”.

3. URBAN VIEWPOINT “VILLATINA BALCONY”,

A STREAM, THE VINDICATION OF THE ENVIRONMENTAL.

54A STREET, A STRUCTURANT OF THE MIDDLE HILLSIDE.

A VIEW POINT AT THE NEIGHBORHOOD SCALE.

The linear park “La Gallinaza” plays a critical role an essential part of the identity of the community. It also becomes a structuring axis of pedestrian mobility, where the establishment of a comfortable and dynamic circuit is proposed.

This axis is responsible for relating two specific urban projects, The School for Food Security and the Center for Community Risk Management. The stream becomes therefore an environmental axis, an engine of change in the middle hillside.

54th Street is the main vehicular connection.

This street becomes a centrality by itself and hosts a wide variety of uses and transportation systems (vehicular, pedestrian and bicycle mobility). It a lso serves as a filter between the street and the façade. 54th Street is the axis linking the School for Food Security and the Center for Cognitive Development “La Batea”.

This mirador “Villatina Balcony” provides access to the housing units and generate a communal public space. The viewpoint “Villatina Balcony” connects, as the 54th Street, the School for Food Security and the Center for Cognitive Development “La Batea”.

187

DESIGN

Projects 4. SCHOOL FOR FOOD SECURITY

WHY?

In Comuna 8 there are key issues to address like: environment, risk and unemployment This project is aimed to link community resources with those of the state, thru the School for Food Security in which there will be teaching in urban agriculture and management and drinking water, focused on a traditional rural population, where the creation of new livelihoods is helpful for their social upgrading. The school engages a stream called La Gallinaza, today used as sewer, and integrates to the existing natural landscape to strength to an enrich neighborhood identity.

188

MEDIA LADERA PATH

189

DESIGN

WHERE? URBAN COMPONENT

URBAN STRATEGY

The project is located in a connection point between Calle 54, Calle 56 and the water streams Santa Elena and Gallinaza, becoming in a crucial point of continuity to the infrastructure, it receives flows from the proposed centrality of Villantina, connecting the community with the city. It provides conservation and sustainability of the mountain Pan de Azucar, the Gallinaza stream and the Santa Elena stream.

The use the public space like primary manifestation for co/production method, programmatic diversity, which offers the community development and better livelihoods. The creation and rehabilitation of this areas with the school help to connect the municipality with community; in this way achieve more knowledge about upgrading needs.

Green house

Library

Office Classroom

Communal Workshop Lab Store Theater

Lab Treatment plant Store

190

MEDIA LADERA PATH

191

192

DESIGN

MEDIA LADERA PATH

193

DESIGN

HOW? HOUSING COMPONENT The existing houses have stability, hygiene, overcrowding and risk issues, this project, proposes a housing around the project, which includes flexible lifestyles, upgrading and creation of neighborhood housing, densification and security through eyes in the streets.

About infrastructure, mentions previously the strategic location for connection, where enhancing and upgrading mobility will guarantee accessibility for the population.

The relocation and rehabilitation of risk areas will support the physical risk, cleaning the Gallinaza stream improving the environment.

Housing Short term , Medium term and long term development 194

MEDIA LADERA PATH

195

DESIGN

Floor

Slab

196

MEDIA LADERA PATH

LANGUAGE COMPONENT Using the steep slope of the site the roof becomes a public space, generates multilevels, creating connected lounge areas. The biggest piece is the greenhouse, contained in a floating container it becomes a landmark, providing a security sense and symbolizing in a poetic way the lighthouse for community.

Roof

PROPOSAL GARDEN: slope containment, food risk mitigation, environment recovery.

EDUCATION: academic training for the appropriate usage of existing resources, constant learning spaces.

COMMUNITY HALL: identity consolidation, cooperative work for neighborhood security.

WATER: treatment of gallinaza stream.

COMMERCE: encourage productive and constant dynamics for the community.

Milestone

197

198

DESIGN

MEDIA LADERA PATH

199

DESIGN

5. COMMUNITY CENTER FOR RISK MANAGEMENT

WHY? The center for risk community Center for Risk Community and Management is a neighborhood scale public building, which support community members, who are in treat of social and physic risk, encouraging entrepreneurship initiatives based on strategies like: Welfare, comprehensive education, technical training and community markets.

Area of project

Area of project

200

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Imagen #2: Statistics

201

DESIGN

PUBLIC SPACE The open spaces available today are zones that have not yet being invaded for housing or zones or areas with difficult topography, these conditions leave little open space available. Some places are essential to preserve, this project link those areas with existing public spaces.

RISK ZONES The uncontrollable growth, the lack of municipality intervention and the state neglect, have created a housing growth crisis.

This crisis is accentuated by the increase migration from rural displaced (by the national violent conflict) to this areas. These population tent to locate in areas of high risk because they are the areas more readily available. Housing in these areas need to be relocated.

HOUSING The most common housing type is the row homes of single and multi-family occupancy with a median height of two levels. Here we determine areas where that typology can be applied.

MOBILITY In the area there is discontinuity of streets.

There is a need to recognize all those circulation elements to generate a good connection

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MEDIA LADERA PATH

ENVIRONMENT To recognize topography, hydrography, weather is very important because they are the main conditions for design the architectural piece. To identify the place, it is in a steep valley, where is located the Gallinaza stream at the bottom, and like a contention are a big green area full of nature, and which is important to conserve.

MORPHLOGY The existing grid is very significant and varied, even it distinguish a orthogonal trace in some places of Comuna 8, the irregular growths has created its own trace based on their own criteria, becoming this more complex. About morphology there are different sizes of blocks that have not achieved to consolidate, and finally the slum growth around the stream is a hard reading morphology.

MOBILITY Through the intervention area cross main roads, which are the connections throughout Comuna 8 in the middle slope fringe (Calle 54 and Calle 55) one of those connect with the downtown of city. And there is another road that connects in a transversal way with the lowest part of valley with the top of mountain.

SOCIAL BOUNDARIES The political division of neighborhoods are reinforce by gang territories that create a phenomena called in Medellin “invisible borders�. These borders create mobility challenges for the community. The project here try to break those limits.

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DESIGN Imagen #16: muestra de c贸mo las estrategias de temporalidad y las relaciones urbanas, hacen parte de la consolidaci贸n de ejes de movilidad.

Comienza a interactuar una escala de sector que permite ver la pieza urbana con su entorno cercano.

204

MEDIA LADERA PATH

HOW? This building tries to integrate a segregated and isolated area. By connecting existing programs to the new programs proposed by the project.

Immediate environment

Immediate environment.

Intermediate time 205

DESIGN

ENVIRONMENT AND PUBLIC SPACE RECOVERY Houses in areas of risk are removed and public spaces uses as a way to control future growth.

HOUSING The new housing is use to complete the blocks and to re-locate the families that where on the risk areas.

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MEDIA LADERA PATH

PUBLIC SPACE Each public space has a program that activate that space. The project has two type of programs:

Classroom and slope

- Education and welfare assistance for communities at risk. This equipment has workshop rooms, offices and accompanying activities.

- Community spaces these are rooms to develop livelihood activities as the rural markets, a place where local farmers and artisans can sell their products, generating income security for families.

Community market and street.

Terraces and cafes.

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DESIGN

MOBILITY

PUBLIC SPACE The main strategy is to do a rehabilitation of existing public spaces, enhancing the sidewalks and the green areas that are deteriorated. Also create new corridors for pedestrian mobility with appropriate conditions. The intervention areas are those in risk for housing, but that can be used for public space and improve the environment.

208

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Site Plan

Section Slope and programs

209

DESIGN

6. COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT CENTER “LA BATEA�

A NEIGHBORHOOD CENTER FOR THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Nowadays, the Comuna 8 has a deficit in physical programs for children, youth and elders. Today, there are some places that provide a service for the mentioned communities, but they do not have the minimal physical or economic resources. Some institutions and private enterprises have try to help them, in collaboration with municipality to achieve a better service provision.

One of these organizations is FAMILIA linked with a library network called Raton de Biblioteca . The Maria Lestonac development center called TENDER LA MANO is another example, this organization work with women providing on technical and craft training.

These programs had been highlighted as important in the local development plan to 2008 until 2018.

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The mentioned programs work nowadays in inside houses. The goal of this project is to create spaces where those programs can be relocated and could work better.

A cognitive development center which provide shelter to previously mentioned population and provides space for their social programs This cognitive center would work with early childhood and then with the mothers of these children, in the transformation process. The project integrate the existing elements with an existing Community Park.

MEDIA LADERA PATH

site plan

211

DESIGN

Outline of existing equipment in its physical plant.

Scheme of social relations and program in the project.

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MEDIA LADERA PATH

Project location within the proposed urban transect Cognitive Development Center Centrality Torcoroma -La batea

Urban analysis project in sComuna 8 - neighborhood Villatina Sector: Torcoroma-La batea.

213

DESIGN Public Buildings and centrality

Intervention

214

Link with PUI

Adding new public uses to PUI

Urban Project

linkages

Categories

Urban Project

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Link with PUI

215

DESIGN

Strategic points of the project with respect to its area of influence.

Strategic points of the project with respect to its area of influence.

216

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Distribution of the program by user.

Distribution of the program with urban elements in the area

217

DESIGN

Reading and multimedia activities within the spaces in the community.

Writing activities and learning, reading and indispensable social interaction

Discussion activities for mothers and community leaders with young people.

Spaces for the creation of items or products such as financial support .

218

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Architectural elements

219

DESIGN

Housing

220

Public Space

BLOCK

MEDIA LADERA PATH

BLOCK

HOUSING STRATEGY .

SELF-BUILD PRODUCTIVE HOUSING MODEL

ALTERNATIVE HOUSING MODEL

221

DESIGN 222 Calle 54 and road to quebrada Santa Elena.

MEDIA LADERA PATH

Hahll of CDC

223

224

DESIGN

MEDIA LADERA PATH

225

226

DESIGN

MEDIA LADERA PATH

View from the park.

227

228

CONCLUSION

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The proposals contained in this report propose alternative urban design and planning strategies to address urban growth in informal areas. In particular, a critical look is proposed against the flagship project of the current municipal administration (2012-2015): the Jardin Circunvalar (Perimeter Garden or also known as the Green Belt). This project is part of a new municipal program and it’s contained in the new 12 year plan for the city the Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial (POT).

This project radically changed the record of Medellin as the city that spear headed urban upgrading practices in Latin America over the last decade and that put the city in the map of newspapers, academic publications and international design awards. The new plan diverted resources from upgrading slums to two large scale urban projects. One was the restructuring of the edges of the river by burring the highways at its flanks (Parque del Río Medellín) and the second and most contentious was the implementation of a urban green belt for the Aburra Valley (Cinturón Verde Metropolitano) it propose to physically and socially control the expansion of informal settlements to the hills that encircle the city, an urban pattern consistent over the past 60 years. In doing so it became the six time that an urban perimeter was created since 1960s with the intention of stopping incoming poor populations to settle in the city.

The Green Belt in its pilot phase has begun implementation in the Comuna 8 causing various tensions with its inhabitants that see resources for urban upgrading projects cut and those resources allocated to projects that will evict families form the district (Comuna 8). This city hall project break away with the record of Medellin as the city that make the most innovative urban upgrading intervention in Latin America. Instead of helping informal communities on the edges of the city to

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improve quality of life is intending to displace all non-conforming dwellings and create a large urban park at the edges of the city. In abstract the idea of the city hall is logic, informal urban growth in the sloped hills of the Andes Mountains is a recipe for trouble. Risk of landslide in the slopes of Medellin is high both in formal and informal areas. Also Medellin is a very dense city with a need for more open public space. But when we examine the historical evidence this logic is flawed. Since 1960s Medellin city code has differentiated between what is informal and what is formal. And penalized the non-conforming use. Since that period to the present the city has establish limits to its future growth.

With the hope that regulation will stop poor populations to site informally in the city. With every new urban border the city has seen informal settlements grow outside of its boundaries. The city has maintain a percentage between what is formal and informal from the 60s to today of around 37% of its total area (Samper 2014). Every time that the perimeter gets expanded is done to accommodate for that growth that happen outside of the regulated area. The fallacy that a park and new regulation will stop growth is to take a blind look at the historical evidence.

On the other side there are perverse repercussions of not supporting the arriving poor populations in a city with the levels of conflict and violence as Medellin, the once called the “most violent city in the world”.

Removing services of the state like water, sewer and security from poor informal areas is an invitation to illegal actors to claim those spaces. Evidence shows that from drug lords like Pablo Escobar to the Milicias (Urban Guerrillas) of the 90s, the Paramilitary groups (like AUC and its urban branch the Bloque Metro) in the 2000s to the current BACRIM, all of them have use the absence of the state from urban poor and informal areas to claim these spaces and used the cheap and disposable labor of youth to fill their armies and increase conflict in the city (Samper 2014).

The state is the largest obstacle for informal communities’ development. The irony is that the state is also the crucial actor that can help these communities to improve their quality of life as shown by the record Medellin’s last seven years (2003-2011) of urban upgrading practices. This dual relationship of the state as the savior and foe is troublesome and does not create the space to provide a secure future for the city. Today the green belt is reviving this perverse dual relationship and the Comuna 8 the place where those ideas of the green belt are tested.

The project in this book emerges at the intersection of this conflict between state and community and propose a new way to approach the problem of unregulated growth of the city of Medellin. Our task here has been to propose a new typology of intervention in which the co-production of the urban space (between state and community) is the ideal instrument to create the best future both the city as for the community. Here’ our task has been to translate community concerns, as projects into the language used by the municipality (planning and architectural discipline). Each one of ideas here raised steam at multiple scales from the macro (planning) to the strategic (urban projects) and micro (the architectural interventions), they have tried to resolve these issues being debated community and state.

This book is divided in three sections the first section concentrate in the definition of how this idea of co-production can happen. It presents evidence and language that help to understand this concept within the Colombian planning culture. The second section engages in the five main concerns of the community (public space, housing, income generation, mobility and risk) each team developed a project that have a physical and strategic component, meaning that each urban project was accompany by a methodology from which the community along with other actors could implement and sustain such project.

For example the housing group evaluated the existing typologies of low income housing in Medellin; it determine that the typology that

better fit the needs of the community was that of the incremental housing. It discovered that using such typology without extra investment it was possible to cover the future housing needs of the entire district (Comuna) in the following 20 years. It demonstrated that what was necessary was not a physical project but a policy of support of local owners to upgrade and expand their homes. That the state role here was to direct the current sources of economic support not to the mega-housing projects in the periphery but to the local owns inside the Comuna 8. The final section focus on presenting architectural projects that incorporate the new state funded infrastructure projects with the existing urban fabric of the comuna in the area Mid-Hill sector. These projects demonstrate that new solutions can be found by the mixing of the resources and intentions of the two main actors (state and Community).

The work of the Planning Council of Comuna 8 supported by the projects in this book present a new perspective on how to address the common challenges encounter between the interest of the state and those of communities settle in informal ways. This project allowed new approach to a recurring conflict, it shows that among the issues on the table there are solutions that can satisfy both sides by thinking in ways coproduction can be generated. This project is presented as a way to demonstrate that new ideas exist and that if they are collectively built they are tools to overcome the confrontational stance between actors in ways that permits to rethink the challenges of urban informality as a great opportunity for socio-spatial innovation.

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T

his is an international workshop that focuses on the growth of informal settlements. It uses Medellin informal settlements in Comuna (District) 8 as a case study. The class engages students from MIT and from the Universidad Nacional de Colombia in Medellin with local community members to develop an integral plan at multiple scales (policy, urban design, architectural projects and strategic products). The class research teams worked together in Medellin and in Boston at MIT. We researched ways these projects could mediate community interests and municipal city-wide plans. This class publication of our research and design played a key role in the negotiation process between community and city officials in the new official City Plan Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial POT 2014.