Culture Bites SUMMER 2020
SEX GENDER RACE
Artist: Dina Salha, Title: Bent
Dialogue with readers and critics to uncover the complexity of popular culture
I. HEY,EH! (Opening Letter) 2. Voice Up! (Letters to the editor) 3. Subversion 4. TriplEX (EXhumed, EXamined, EXposed) 5. BitterSweet 6. Glocal Fusion 7. Canadiana - En franรงais 8. UnTUck Producer Dina Salha Graphic Designer Gilles Laberge Editor Teena Laurin
Culture Bites > HEY,EH! Welcome to the second edition of Culture Bites, our new digital magazine created for readers who want to engage critically with popular culture in all its forms. This magazine is an idea that finally came to fruition! Being educators in the university, we always look for ways students can engage critically with their environment. This magazine is a synthesis of fun assignments meant to ignite the sparks of critical thinking with the hopes that as the magazine matures it will become a fertile ground for intellectual exchange. As we were finalizing this second issue, our world tragically lost Sarah Higazi, Egyptian LGBTQ+ rights activist to suicide and George Floyd, African American, to murder by Minneapolis police. In 2017, Sarah was arrested in Egypt after hoisting the Rainbow Flag at a music festival. While Egypt still considers homosexuality taboo, Sarah waved the flag at the festival as a joyful act. She was arrested, detained, tortured and deported, later finding refuge in Canada. Sadly, on June 14, 2020, Sarah left our world. On May 25, 2020, George Floyd’s neck was knelt upon for 8 minutes and 46 secs while being arrested in Minneapolis. George’s death led to global protests and calls for police reform. Videos were posted online showing policemen using lethal force leading to George’s murder. We remember them and we will continue their legacy. Future editions will extend voices against discrimination and racism. Dina and Teena.
Voice Up! There is no shortage of debate on the phenomena of socially enforced binary gendering. Over the last number of years companies have entered our social discourse to provide their own commentary on the binary gender debate. In light of recent advertising campaigns, our readers were quick to share their voices on companies who enter the debate via market forces.
Culture Bites > Letter to the Editor
Toxic Masculinity Alexander Hayek, Bryanne Karosas, Julia Gadd, and Tyler Beeching In case you missed it, Gillette recently released a short film with an extremely powerful message. Despite the 1.4M downvotes the video has on YouTube, we choose to stand with the 779K upvoters, and give it a major thumbs up (Gillette, 2019). By playing on their own tag-line that has been used for the past 30 years, Gillette switches “The Best a Man Can Get” to “The Best Men Can Be” (Topping, Lyons, & Weaver, 2019). It’s hard to convince us otherwise that this isn’t one of the most empowering uses of influence a company has done in years. This advertisement, titled “We Believe: The Best Men Can Be” is an exceptional ad that finally speaks out and says exactly what everyone seems to be afraid of talking about. Gillette calls out men for their shameful behaviours that are awarded the cliché term “boys will be boys” and challenges them to ‘be better’ – applause and uproar followed. Other advertisements targeted at men usually make an appeal through humor, lighthearted quips, or sex-based appeals. So, Gillette’s approach really struck a nerve for some and a chord for others. It’s hard for us to understand what was so upsetting for the 1.4M downvoters, but we’re trying our best to get it. We understand it’s difficult for
many to come to terms with the fact that it’s 2019, and it’s time for men to start being accountable for toxic masculinity, bullying, and harassment. It’s time that a message as revolutionary as this was brought to the spotlight by a company with so much influence. As beautifully stated in their advert: “the boys watching today, will be the men of tomorrow” (Gillette, 2019). Much of the backlash of this advertisement came from men who argued that it was making men seem like monsters (Topping, Lyons, & Weaver, 2019). But here’s what we think: this advertisement is more than acceptable. It’s shedding light on issues that are larger than getting that perfectly clean shave before heading out to dinner. It’s bringing attention to issues that have been ongoing for years and calling upon those who are confident, powerful, and proud of who they are – men – to challenge themselves to make a change. Gillette’s decision to jump into the much needed dialogue about this issue was a brave and bold move. The criticism that ensued ironically proved their point about the relations between men and women. As Gillette says, “it’s only by challenging us to do more, that we can get closer to our best” (Gillette, 2019). We could not
agree more with this statement. Gillette, we give you all the praise you deserve. Not only have you challenged others to be better, you have used the power you have as a company of your size to spread a message that has more meaning than just selling your product. Kudos for using your influence to advance society beyond superficial consumerism. You challenged yourself to do more, and in doing that, you have become closer to being your best. Bullying. Harassment. Is this the best a man can get? Gillette doesn’t think so, and to that we say: #MeToo. References Gillette. (2019 January 13). We Believe: The Best Men Can Be | Gillete (Short Film) [video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=koPmuEyP3a0 Topping, A., Lyons, K. & Weaver, M. (2019). Gillette #MeToo razors ad on ‘toxic masculinity’ gets praise - and abuse. Retrieved from https://www. theguardian.com/world/2019/jan/15/ gillette-metoo-ad-on-toxic-masculinitycuts-deep-with-mens-rights-activists
Culture Bites > Letter to the Editor
The Best A Man Can Be Julia Tsoy, Cora Upton, Rayan Haque, Ruoxi Wang Attempting to specifically address the male population, Gillette released their “The Best Men Can Be” commercial, and it has sparked immense controversy: some siding with, some against Gillette’s message. Many men are lost between traditional masculine stereotypes and today’s modernized definition of masculinity. We feel that Gillette has kindled an infrequently discussed subject in an ever-evolving society. The ad depicts social changes which are needed in order to stray away from old stereotypes and expectations of masculinity; it expands on the overlooked topic of sexual harassment where men are also victims, and it displays how our present actions will influence future generations. Society has progressed some in its stereotypes and expectations for all genders. However, for male gendered individuals, society is still programmed and comfortable to exploit the same old excuses: “boys will be boys”, “boys don’t cry”, “men are supposed to be tough”, etc. This Gillette advertisement has initiated new conversations never imagined years ago. Men are strong, capable, and powerful, but they can also be sensitive, emotional, and affectionate – and that should always be acceptable. They need to encourage each other to break down
norms and boundaries, not comply with them. “To say the right thing, to act the right way”, “Men need to hold other men accountable” (Gillette, 2019) - that is the best men can be. Women have spoken out about their unimaginable experiences of sexual harassment and assault for decades, and recently, so have men. Many men embody the norm that ‘speaking out’ implies sensitivity and emotion, believing that speaking out takes away from their masculinity. The Gillette ad brings together issues surrounding sexual assault/ harassment and the #MeToo movement. For instance, actor and former NFL player Terry Crews, has spoken out about being sexually assaulted. Who would ever believe that this could happen to such a masculine, tough-built man? In presenting Crews as an influential role model in this campaign, it helps to eliminate the taboo surrounding this difficult conversation and can help others to come forward. We believe that sending these empowering messages is crucial to make a change in the way society views sexual harassment. A husband, father, son, brother, friend, colleague – men have role models and become role models. The Gillette commercial attempts to demonstrate how men’s actions
today affect the youth – the future generations. Males may see some behaviours, such as violence, as ‘normal’ male behaviour, whether we are committing the acts ourselves or witnessing these acts. Our roles should be to raise awareness and shatter these stereotypical thoughts. The advertisement leaves us to ponder on our actions and characters as citizens and role models. It is a ripple effect, “Because the boys of today, will be the men of tomorrow” (Gillette, 2019). One advertisement has launched a conversation on the idea of masculinity. We have a long way to go to adjust and accept new changes in masculinity. ‘What it means to be a man’ has evolved through generations, and in our eyes and apparently Gillette’s, we should focus on the best a man can get and the best a man can be. References Gillette. (2019, January 13). Retrieved March 12, 2019, from https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=koPmuEyP3a0
Culture Bites > Letter to the Editor
Celinununu Gabi Ghannoum, Clara Estrella, Ahmed Badrawy, Yuanxinyu Zheng We feel that the new clothing line, Celinununu, skillfully challenges gender roles that are often imposed on children from birth. Celinununu, a collaboration between Nununu co-founders Tali Milchberg and Iris Adler, and Celine Dion (Little, 2018, paragraph 2), promotes a brand that “breeds equality and freedom of spirit, serving as a platform for a new humanistic education” (Celinununu website). Yet, there still exists a notion that this ‘product’ contributes to the continued market exploitation of new parents and is prime evidence of late stage capitalism. There has been much controversy surrounding the Celinununu ad, mostly in the form of beratements from Christian conservative YouTube commenters, labelling Dion as a “satanist” and “pandering to the new world order”, and other illuminati-esque references (YouTube Comments). While we believe children should not be moulded by gender binaries, and should be allowed to explore and define their own genders freely, our critique of the ad does not stem from the right leaning faith-based criticism being dished out. Rather, it relies more so on the importance of considering that Dion’s new brand misses the mark on several key issues. For one, there is a complete lack of class consider-
ation in the brand and the ad. The Celinununu website lists baby clothing starting at a whopping $31 US, and that’s just for a hat, and onesies can range from $70-$90 US (Celinununu website). Defying gender norms is deeply rooted in feminist and leftist theory, both of which critique class-based discrimination. Therefore, we see manufacturing and capitalizing on products that seek to uphold these values and theories, yet pricing them at rates that many new parents cannot afford, kind of makes the whole “breeding equality and freedom” spiel mute. Are children of rich parents only deserving of gender-neutral clothing? Must children from lower- and middle-class households succumb to the generic gender binary consumerism that clothing companies push? The ad doesn’t do any favours for class inclusivity either. Dion is the star of the commercial, arriving at a hospital in a very expensive and elaborate SUV. Already there is an insinuation that this brand echoes superiority and upper-class sentiments. Throughout the advertisement, Dion repeats the same phrase, “I’m Celine Dion”, in response to certain situations – such as getting caught by Hospital security. This provides a connotation that because of ‘who’ Celine Dion is, she should be absolved of
wrongdoing and is entitled to some sort of exceptionalism. This is reflective of an upper-class sentiment, and as such creates a disconnect to working class people, making the product seem almost unattainable and, in some ways, mystifies the product-line as some far-off desire. Defying gender roles at a young age is very important. Capitalizing on expensive gender-neutral clothing, making it available to only high-income families, versus a clothing line that can actually defy gender roles – are two entirely different stories. To truly express “equality and freedom of spirit”, as the clothing line suggests, then the products should be accessible to all income levels. References Celinununu Website. https://www. celinununu.com/ Celinununu Advertisement. “Celinununu Official”. Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=StQXEe4bF2c Natalie Nittle Vox Article. “Céline Dion has a new gender-neutral clothing line for kids”. https://www.vox.com/thegoods/2018/11/16/18099303/celine-dion-gender-neutral-clothi ng-line-celinununu
Subversion - Shocking the Senses and the Sensible An attempt to undermine any hegemonic forms of power and/or authority that serves the few and exploits the many. Grassroots actions are taken to disrupt pre-existing meaning and to create and extend public dialogue. Subversion intervenes by questioning what we no longer question and thus is political and emancipatory. It expands the shrinking space of both public discourse and performed political action. For this issue, selected participants artistically commented on critical issues pertaining to gendered representations and discourses in circulated culture.
Jamie Black’s REDress Project http://www.redressproject.org/
Culture Bites > Subversion
The REDress Project:
Illustrating the Dismissal of the Indigenous Woman Anisha Khanna, Clea Morin, Jillian Ohnjec, Selena Pizzuto, Katrina Stasiuk
The REDress Project was created by multidisciplinary artist Jaime Black, a Metis, who grew up in Winnipeg for the majority of her life (Indigenous Foundations, 2015). She initially studied English Literature at the University of Manitoba, and obtained an education degree from the Ontario Institute of studies in Education (Indigenous Foundations, 2015). She worked on developing her art, particularly working on expressions of Indigenous art. Black created the REDress project in 2010, where she first exhibited in the outdoors of Toronto (Indigenous Foundations, 2015; Beeston, 2017). In her artwork, she aims to create a dialogue around social and political issues concerning Indigenous communities. Particularly, she aims to reinstate the presence of Indigenous women by promoting the reclaiming of their identities and bodies. Hence, she created the REDress Project to specifically focus around the issue of missing and murdered Indigenous women in Canada (Bolen, 2019). Black has used her artwork as a tool for looking, connecting,
and questioning the current and historical socio-political framework and the behaviours and beliefs of individuals within that particular context. The REDress Project was created to make people aware of the critical national issue occurring within and outside of the Indigenous community. The project was initially focused around collecting 600 red dresses from community donations to be shown in public spaces throughout Canada, but Black is now also beginning to exhibit in the United States to further increase awareness on the violence done against Indigenous women (Indigenous Foundations, 2015; Bolen, 2019). Having the red dresses displayed everywhere in Canada and the U.S is an attempt to expose to people the number of Indigenous women who have suffered and are no longer with us, as well as highlight the interlapping elements behind this issue. Jaime Black aims to bring awareness to the role of gender, race, and historical oppression which have led to the violent crimes against Indigenous women, as well as
give a place for Indigenous female presence to be expressed and felt (Indigenous Foundations, 2015; Bolen, 2019). Jaime Black drew inspiration from many artists, women, and especially Indigenous women while creating the REDress project (Indigenous Foundations, 2015). She was inspired by her work at Urban Shaman Gallery, meeting influential Indigenous artists such as Bonnie Devine and Rebecca Belmore. Meeting those artists helped Black understand the spaces that were being created by artists to generate dialogues surrounding Indigenous issues, especially around reclaiming the identities and bodies of Indigenous women. She first got the idea of the REDress project from her work as a teacher in Opaskwayak Cree Nation (Indigenous Foundations, 2015) where she found out about an incident which had happened at her school in 1971. A young Indigenous girl named Helen Betty Osborne was murdered while walking home one night by two young men who were not charged until years after
(Indigenous Foundations, 2015). Jaime Black wanted those who learned about the REDress Project to see the dresses and think about the difficult social issues, but not on an intellectual level, where most people block out information due to fear or conflicting beliefs. She wanted to speak directly on a visceral level. The symbol of the red dresses is both straightforward and reachable. Most people are attracted to the dresses and connected to them before knowing about the actual project or even what the dresses represent. According to Black, the dresses should be taking over the whole public space, such as streets, parks, trees, and other spaces should be covered by red dresses, until the whole city knows the value of the loss of these women and Indigenous women are recognized for their true identity. The REDress Project highlights multiple levels of oppression that have affected Indigenous women. These oppressive forces cannot be cut apart, as they interlap one another. In this sense, the REDress Project reflects the principles of Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, 1990), as it considers all different identities held by Indigenous women which could be in conflict and interact with their particular experience of marginalization. Instead of looking at each item as separate and additive, intersectionality places a crucial importance around the interaction that could happen between different levels of institutional oppression, and how this can create different outcomes for people of the same race, gender, class, and so on. For example, if we assume that African Americans experience racism in the same way Indigenous people from Canada do, we are not assessing the issue adequately, as we are not looking at the fact that these two populations experienced
different types of marginalization based on their respective historical exploitation, race, etc. In the same way, if we assess violence done against Indigenous women exactly as we would assess violence done against middle class White women, we would be failing to look at essential components at play which are creating a different experience of sexism. Therefore, we would fail to account for the real causes, as we would be assuming that sexism leads to the same consequences and is caused by the same reasons for both ethnicities. In this sense, Black herself takes on an intersectional perspective, as she brings light to the gendered, racial, and historical oppression of MMIW. Furthermore, the artist also focuses on accountability, on who we need to be accountable to and learning from, and what different experiences we can use to transform our understanding of something, which is at the core of intersectional analysis. Through her work, Black invites us to change the mainstream discourse around MMIW by giving them a voice. From another perspective, the artist is also speaking from the standpoint of Indigenous feminism. Indigenous feminism also takes an intersectional approach, but is more specific in its analysis. In this way, the artist is offering us vital understandings on how colonization in Canada has also been a gendered process. Black demonstrates, the assaults that have taken place on the representations and social status of these Indigenous women, and how these methods have been used to also cripple the thriving of Indigenous communities (Anderson, 2016). Black’s work diverges from the main ideas of mainstream feminism, as the general context of violence against women is “too narrow to capture all the violence Aboriginal women face” (Monture-Angus, 1995). It
seems mainstream feminism has a limited focus on gender and fails to explore the specific way gender, colonialism, class, and race interact to shape Indigenous women’s personal experience of oppression and violence. In this sense, Indigenous feminist theories address the particular injustices that arise for Indigenous women as a result of the intersections of race, gender and colonialism. Most of all, Indigenous feminism illustrates the agency Indigenous women possess through their resistance to patriarchal oppression both within their communities and the dominant culture. In this way, the REDress project attempts to bring recognition and validation to Indigenous women whose bodies and identities have been violated, and resists the dominant discourse created by mainstream culture. Indigenous cultures have always seen men and women as equals, or with a view more in line with feminism, but this ethic has been eroded over centuries of colonization. The way Indigenous society was constructed was not compatible with the colonial power dynamic and needed to be broken down in order for colonial power to be taken, as well as maintained (Anderson, 2016). In this view, the struggle of the Indigenous woman is against patriarchal systems which, in many ways, grew out of colonialism. Europeans who first arrived in Canada were shocked when they observed the position Indigenous women held in their society. It didn’t take them long to realize that in order to dominate the land and the people, they needed to take the power away from the women. This meant that in order to dispossess their land European men needed to gain power of the bodies and identities of these women. Indigenous women’s bodies were more than just mere flesh, they were symbols that
Culture Bites > Subversion could deeply affect political life. They had to be stripped away of their power, because they were a symbol of threat to the settlers. For example, this control was explicitly put in place by the maintenance of an “Indian status” directed by Canada’s patrilineal governing system. If an Indigenous woman married a non-status Indigenous man, she lost her original status and was never able to regain it (Crey & Hanson, 2009). She lost her property, voting rights, education, medical rights, and more. However, when a non-status female married a status Indigenous male, he did not lose his membership within the community. When her children were taken away from her, it was excused because she had lost all recognition as an Indigenous woman and was rejected by her own people. The space created by Black creates an environment to discuss the history behind these women and brings this tale to light. Through her installations, Black is able to reach the general population without it being within an explicit context of politics, but one of artistic expression. In this sense, the REDress Project is more one of symbolic politics, as it creates a space for open, raw, emotional dialogue, which exposes the historical violence done against Indigenous women. This enables people to put their guard down and let the message speak to them in a non-literal way. Individuals are confronted with the national crisis that constitutes the missing and murdered Indigenous women and are invited to discuss how our history has led to this. Why is there such a high report of violence done against Indigenous women? Studies show they are 7 times more likely to suffer aggression than White females, and this is reflected in the numbers of MMIW (Brownridge, 2003). Why
is this happening? Why is no one talking about it? What is really the reason behind the silence? Those are some of the questions that Black raises and forces to be discussed through her installations. Why does her installation use the red dress? The red can serve as a symbol of violence, so immediately, visually, people start to associate the dresses with something disturbing. As most can agree, red is not a peaceful colour, it symbolizes aggression, violence, and it stands out. We cannot deny this colour when it is present, it flashes right before our eyes, it takes up space. A dress is also symbolically tied to femininity, thus instantly individuals are invited to start putting the pieces together and start anticipating the meaning behind the installation: that it most likely has something important to say
about women. Symbolically, by just looking at the red dresses, most people could already start thinking about violence against women. But as one approaches the installation, one wonders why they are made a part of the natural landscape. As one discovers that the women discussed here are Indigenous, one can realize the symbolic politics behind the art, how the violence done against these forgotten women has been absorbed by the mainstream culture. How these women’s voices, existence, and identities were stripped a long time ago, as their power was seen as a threat to colonization, and was an integral part of its process. Colonial power has been built on the violation of Indigenous women, and the only way to resist this is by giving them a voice again. Black does this by using a symbol, the red
Artist Statement Anisha Khanna, Jillian Ohnjec, Selena Pizzuto, Katrina Stasiuk Untitled Our art piece is inspired by Jamie Black’s REDress Project with the goal to draw attention to the gendered and racialized nature of violent crimes against Indigenous women. The red dresses hanging from the tree exhibit statistics, facts, stories and images of some of the missing and murdered Indigenous females which serves as a visual reminder of the staggering number of women who are no longer with us.
federal cabinet disregarded the evidence of the study, claiming that the occurrences of missing and murdered indigenous women were “individual acts of crime, which should not be viewed as a sociological phenomenon” (Saramo, 2016). As a response to Harper’s unwillingness to redress the crisis, women across Canada joined to hang red dresses in spaces that were important to them during the 2015 federal election campaign (Saramo, 2016). The REDress Project became a tool of political activism which the women used to express the need for this issue to be redressed by the federal gov-
was not at all discussed in the sexual violence prevention activities that were being implemented by Ontario universities (Brule, 2018). Brule explained, “I was acutely aware of faculty, staff and students’ lack of knowledge and the need to create an open discussion about the gendered and racialized nature of the violence that Indigenous peoples have endured since colonization.” (Brule, 2018). With the help of York University’s Indigenous students, staff, faculty and non-Indigenous allies, Brule embarked on a “six-month collective endeavour in 2017/18 to challenge and reframe colonial representa-
the impact it has had, as well as what the future holds for this movement and the change it could bring in the coming years. The installation of the red dress has been used as a response to the continued ignorance that the issue of missing and murdered indigenous women faces in politics. A study conducted by the Native Women’s Association of Canada uncovered a number of shocking trends related to the cases that clearly depicted the crisis as a sociological phenomenon (Saramo, 2016). The findings emphasized the need for action to be taken by the Canadian federal government. However, then Prime Minister Stephen Harper and the
ernment. The REDress Project has also been used as a means to educate students in Ontario schools about gender-based violence against Indigenous women in Canada. In 2016, Bill 132 - The Sexual Violence and Harassment Action Plan Act was passed by the Legislative Assembly of Ontario, which requires universities and colleges in Ontario to implement sexual violence prevention and education programs (Brule, 2018). Elizabeth Brule, an educator in the Department of Equity Studies at York University quickly became aware that despite the fact that gender-based violence against Indigenous women in Canada is a pressing issue, it
tions of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, Transgender and Two-Spirit people through the installation of the REDress Project and its associated events at York University” (Brule, 2018). The school’s REDress Committee, inspired by Black’s project, created a REDress event of their own which featured the installation of red dresses across the entire university, keynote speakers, and educational activities. Similar initiatives are taking place in middle schools and high schools across Canada. A school’s use of Black’s REDress Project to educate their students and bring awareness to the gender-based violence against Indigenous women is an example
Jamie Black’s REDress Project
dress, to visually express the tremendous violence they historically faced and currently face, as well as a fight back against the patriarchal power. The red dress is a symbol of violence but also a symbol of power, giving back power to these women through visibility. Jaime Black’s REDress Project has inspired activists and artists alike to bring more awareness to the issue of missing and murdered Indigenous women by creating their own initiatives and art projects using the symbol of the red dress. As Black refers to her work as an “ongoing installation” (Black, 2016), it is important to examine
Culture Bites > Subversion of the impact that the REDress Project is having in terms of driving others to bring awareness to this issue. Black’s work has inspired many other Canadian artists to “redress” the gendered and racialized nature of violent crimes against Indigenous women in Canada. Mufty Mathewson is an Edmonton-based photographer who started the REDress Photography Project after being greatly touched by Black’s REDress Project (Hampshire, 2017). Mathewson, along with other photographers, take striking photographs of red dresses in unexpected places. Inspired by Black’s message, the photographs are meant to honour each of Canada’s missing and murdered Indigenous women. Mathewson’s photographs went on to inspire Alberta artist Terry McCue, who began creating eerie paintings of skeletons of women wearing red dresses (Hampshire 2017). One of his paintings, entitled ‘Demanding Justice’ depicts a woman on her way to a promising law career before her life is taken away (Hampshire, 2017). His paintings are meant to illustrate the loss that is felt by Indigenous communities (Hampshire 2017). McCue explains, “This is what we lost, these are all about interrupted stories — stories that will never be told because someone stopped it, someone killed them, murdered them in a painful, horrible way.” (Hampshire, 2017) McCue’s paintings have become a popular exhibit, allowing Black’s powerful message behind the red dress to touch even more lives, inspiring more Canadians to ask questions, seek answers, and take action (Hampshire 2017). Mathewson and McCue are among several artists who have been touched by Black’s work and have thus used her symbol of the red dress to
bring attention to the missing and murdered Indigenous women of Canada. Jaime Black’s REDress Project has become much more than simply an art installation. It holds a powerful message that she has been able to turn into a thriving social movement. The red dress has become a symbol used by many to honour Canada’s missing and murdered Indigenous women and to bring attention to an issue that has long been ignored by Canadians. The red dress is becoming identifiable in Canada as its message spreads across provinces. This movement has begun to open up the opportunity for acknowledgement, growth, and change in Canada. It speaks a powerful message that brings attention to a sociological phenomenon, a crisis that should never have been pushed aside. As Black stated, “I don’t want to be the sole proprietor of anything, especially something that can build conversations all across Canada. My goal with the work is for it to be seen by as many people as possible. It’s about people using their own talent and creativity to interact with the symbol and create connections in their own communities” (Edwards, 8). As Canadians, we must follow in Black’s footsteps by reconciling, honouring, and bringing awareness to the hundreds of MMIW of our very own country, as well as continue to resist the patriarchal oppression responsible for the silence. As the symbol of the red dress continues to gain national recognition, the REDress Project has the power to create significant change in Canada. Jaime Black has created a much-needed conversation about the MMIW in Canada. The project not only shines light on the underlying causes for the violent attacks,
it also gives Indigenous females an environment to be visible and express themselves in order to regain equality after years of oppression and targeted violence. Black’s project is the definition of “art for a cause”, as she uses symbolism in her installations to put forward a strong, impactful message which prompts discussion and demand for justice. The symbolic politics behind the use of the red dress have now generated a national political discussion and inquiry into the MMIW, as well as a larger social movement. Overall, Black has changed the conventional discourse around violence done against Indigenous women, but this is only the start. She has caused a significant change in the way the MMIW are represented by the media and mainstream culture. Black has turned the REDress Project into an art piece that serves as a transformational tool, one that imposes a space for the MMIW to be recognized and given their rightful place. But still, much work needs to be done in order for the Indigenous woman to gain back her body, identity, and equality in society. References Anderson, K. (2016). A recognition of being: Reconstructing Native womanhood. Canadian Scholars’ Press. Beeston, L. (March, 2017). Red dresses a visual reminder of missing, murdered Indigenous women. The Star. Retrieved from, https://www. thestar.com/news/gta/2017/03/21/ red-dresses-a-visual-reminder-of-missing-and-murdered-indigenous-women. html, on March 28th, 2019. Black, J. (2016). Conversations with the Land- Jaime Black. Wanuskewin Heritage Park. Retrieved from https:// wanuskewin.com/visit/exhibitions/tbajamie-black/. Blaney, F., Metallic, N. (2018). National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls Truth-Gathering
Culture Bites > Subversion
Ryan Do, Azra Durakovic, Antonia Lafkas, Shannon Soucie, Sabrina Prem Title: Untiled The oversexualization of ethnic women by the media has become a normalized practice with deeply rooted backgrounds in colonialism. This visual project comments on the role of racial stereotypes of ethnic women being cast upon specific ethnicities in an objectifying and sexual manner. We superimposed modern images over top of traditional artwork to highlight the issue of colonization’s impact on racialization of Latin, Asian, Middle Eastern and African American women.
Culture Bites > Subversion
Shaye Ferras, Leila Pasalic, Daria Michaela, Nicole Simard Title: Happily Never After Happily Never After is a photo a series representing the false image that Disney Princess films display to young and impressionable girls. The idea that a man will come and sweep you off of your feet and create a happy ever after is not the reality for most women. These Disney Princesses sacrifice too much for their Prince Charming, and what Disney does not show is is the happily never after.
Culture Bites > Subversion
Malcolm Bailey, Kassandra Burke, Kristiana Jeha, Nikki Kourakis, Suraj Wadhawan Title: Untitled Mass media often plays a significant role in the discourse on victim blaming. When the media focus on sexual assault victims they are often portrayed as ‘faking the issue’ and ‘trying to tarnish’ the future/legacy of the offender, in turn reversing the narrative and victimizing the offender. This art piece seeks to lift the veil on this practice. The handcuffs represent how women are chained down by patriarchal narratives often expressed through mass media. The lack of eye contact at the beginning of the series is meant to highlight the vulnerability of women. The fact that both women are tied together symbolizes the unity between victims facing such headlines. Moreover, these women are racialized to represent intersectional aspects of oppression and victimization. Once broken free, the women unite together to regain control over their lives without the shadow of patriarchy. Hugging one another symbolizes the unity needed among survivors of sexual assault.
Culture Bites > Subversion
Catherine Lacroix, Emma Gignac, Kali Robertson, Mathieu Paradis, Paula Sansano González Title: Celebrity and Criminality: Should we separate the Art from the Artist? Using dance and poetry as our means of artistic expression, we are going to state our position on the impact of celebrity sexual assault accusations. This video, through movement, represents the emotions of a victim of sexual assault. Our project utilizes creative movement as a tool to express her inner feelings and emotions. The dance is accompanied with the existing poetry of sexual assault victims and the rhythm of the music. By incorporating images of certain famous artists; such as Bill Cosby, we include the perspective of the person with power who is able to surmount the situation because of his social privilege and the support of his fans. References Murphy, E. (n.d.). The Night That Changed Everything. Retrieved from https://www.familyfriendpoems.com/poem/the-night-that-changed-everything Poems and art by survivors of sexual abuse – from Into the Light. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.intothelight.org.uk/poems-and-art/ Theorist, T. (2018, July 06). Billie Eilish ft. Khalid - Lovely | The Theorist Piano Cover. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E7AQn_ZrFu8 #rapeculture poems on Hello Poetry. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://hellopoetry.com/tag/rapeculture/
How to Scan a QR Code Once you have a QR Code reader installed on your smartphone, you’re ready to scan your first QR Code. Doing so is very easy. Just follow these simple steps. 1. Open the QR Code reader on your phone. 2. Hold your device over a QR Code so that it’s clearly visible within your smartphone’s screen. Two things can happen when you correctly hold your smartphone over a QR Code. 2.1 The phone automatically scans the code. 2.2 On some readers, you have to press a button to snap a picture, not unlike the button on your smartphone camera. 3. If necessary, press the button. Presto! Your smartphone reads the code and navigates to the intended destination, which doesn’t happen instantly. It may take a few seconds on most devices.
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Hayley Dennis, Victoria Malo, Malika Saouab, Emma Simpson, Kayla Webster Title: @jennamckennaxox Our online art piece is a curated Instagram page acting as a portfolio for a fake influencer. Our feed draws on popular aesthetics and dominant poses. In place of the original caption, we have written captions that expose the existence of the male gaze, in addition to the underlying ideologies surrounding this gaze as explained in John Berger’s Ways of Seeing. While Berger’s critiques were originally in reference to women in Renaissance art, today his theory can be applied to the photos modern women post of themselves online.
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Julia Gilpin in collaboration with Brendan Sheahan Title: The Unwavering Objectification of Women Which visual representation of the female body is more desirable? Our art project is centralized around the idea of the male gaze. It is seen through our art that the male gaze is focused on the ideal woman body type with an hour-glass figure, rather than unaltered photo, which is the one with the woman a little larger than the traditional idealistic view. We also show how the male gaze is a product of nurture instead of nature, by demonstrating that any object of male sight (depicted by multiple different types of male eyes) witnesses a lifetime of distorted advertisement, and is thus susceptible to the ideology of the male gaze. Regardless of the nature of the man, males who have had similar upbringings, adopt these advertisement ideals as accepted and reasonable.
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Olivia Doherty, Hannah Foster, Jade Pomerleau, Alexandra Winslow, Xiaoxuan He Title: Manspreading: who is allowed to occupy space? It is meant to represent the feeling women embody when sitting across from a man who is participating in the act of manspreading; especially on a subway train. This painting was done in a medium of acrylic paint, in order to make an abstract piece that is colorful and exposes feelings through various colors and shading. The man is supposed to be a cocky, self-centered businessman, looking at the women and smirking, while taking up as much space as possible. The women are small and scared to take up room, while staring at him from across the train. The ads on the ceiling of the train show typical stereotypes associated to women and on the opposite side, those associated to men. On the floor of the subway train, there are words that men who manspread use to describe women, and words that describe that sort of character of a man. We hope you feel moved by our painting and are more knowledgeable of what manspreading is all about!
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Stephanie Aaron, Julia D’Silva, Ashley Gerdo-Goico, Xinke Jiang, Haiqa Khattak, and Danielle McGlenister Title: Women Over Time This piece represents a literal interpretation of the ‘biological clock’, an idea which holds that women lose value over time as they pass their reproductive years. By placing women of different ages, in different positions, relative to the passing of time on a clock, Women Over Time replicates the categories that media often place around women as they age: they go from babies, to girls, to women, to mothers, to grandmothers. Each of these stages are attached to their own sets of stigmas, but none more than the ‘old women’ stigma. The placement of older women near 12, the last number on the clock, attempts to interpret how women are forced to view aging as if their time is running out. Surrounding the clock are marketing slogans used by advertisers of anti-aging products targeted at women. An entire industry operates on the idea women should be afraid to get older: as the clock ticks nearer to 12, women are told they must do anything they can to turn back time. The incessant ticking of the clock imagines how women are made to feel, as though aging is some impending doom that lies out of their control. Women Over Time is a mixed-medium collage, made using magazine images and a working clock. Inspiration for this art was drawn from collage works seen in art galleries, such as one in the Art Gallery of Hamilton’s contemporary art collection exampled below.
Video frame: Chad Ouellette, Allysan Dinn, Karine Beaulieu, Katie Jenkins & Natalie Oattes https://youtu.be/wPuUaGdVEyE
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Karine Beaulieu, Allysan Dinn, Kate Jenkins, Natalie Oattes, Chad Ouellette Title: A YouTuber’s Influence, Short Film, 2019. This film aims to highlight the impact queer YouTube influencers may have on their audience, specifically, on the coming out process of queer audience members. Using three YouTubers - Elle Mills, Eugene Lee Yang, and Ingrid Nilsen - we analyzed the comments section of their coming out videos in hopes of uncovering a trend. Our analysis enabled us to gather hundreds of comments regarding the audience’s personal coming out processes in relation to the videos they commented on. We then used a sample from these comments and read them aloud on camera, using film techniques and dim lighting, in an attempt to create an atmosphere that would enhance the emotions of those who wrote these comments. We drew inspiration from the YouTube channel Jubilee, a platform that creates videos to connect people through the telling of compelling “human-centric” stories. Specifically, we were inspired by People Read Strangers’ Biggest Secrets, wherein people open envelopes and read a stranger’s confession. We feel this type of video is an impactful way to illustrate human connection and we aim to replicate these connections on film. In our final short film, A YouTuber’s Influence, we hope we clearly demonstrate the impact YouTube has on one’s identity development. We hope it reveals how viewers are able to see parts of themselves in the YouTube influencers they watch and engage with.
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Chantelle Grant, Julia Brogno, Alexandra Ronchi Title: Lack of Female Directors This art piece was created to propose a visual example of the lack of female directors in our current mediated world, with the goal of using a direct visual to showcase the severity of the issue at hand. When reading statistics about an issue, it can be hard to grasp the true severity of what you are reading about, which is why we chose to display our chosen issue with a simple visual art piece that puts the ratio of female to male directors into perspective, whilst not being over the top and confusing to viewers; choosing to keep the piece simple in nature was done as elaborate designs would take away from the main point the piece is meant to convey, the true severity of the lack of female directors in the mainstream Hollywood Industry. For the execution of the piece, we chose to use the collage method, as it provided a unique and visually appealing look whilst not being complex to the point it took away from the issue at hand. Our collage is made up of a large amount of male photos, with a select amount of female photos hidden amongst them; this showcases how in a world dominated by male directors, female directors are few and far between. Furthermore, we chose to put the males in colour whilst leaving the female images in black and white to represent how though some female directors do exists, they are often overlooked and overshadowed by their male counterparts. Overall, the lack of female directors in the media currently directly imposes a large amount of societal issues, but before we can discuss those, we must first put emphasis on the simple lack of female directors itself. This issue is not widely known about, and it is important to make people aware of this lack before they can begin to comprehend its repercussions.
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Brittani Wilson, Busola Abejide, Nickie Duong, Vivian Lu, Xinyi Meng Title: Geisha on Strings This art aims to illustrate the imbalance of power conveyed in Arthur Golden’s (1997) historical fiction novel Memoirs of a Geisha. The puppetry illustrated in Geisha on Strings shows the exploitation, control, and subordination of Geishas. Our work depicts the discourse of patriarchal oppression and the power dynamics behind it. Geisha on Strings features a smaller geisha, Chiyo, dancing seductively front and center. Standing behind and above her is a larger white male in a military uniform with his hands holding puppet strings controlling her. issues, but before we can discuss those, we must first put emphasis on the simple lack of female directors itself. This issue is not widely known about, and it is important to make people aware of this lack before they can begin to comprehend its repercussions.
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Fareed Ali, Paul Armstrong, Moira Barbeau, Tyler Ling, Keyanna Shearer Title: Female Stereotypes in the American Film Industry Our artwork takes a critical view of female stereotypes in American films. Each art piece takes a parody approach on the films original movie cover and displaces the overall stereotype.
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Bryanne Karosas, Carly McPhail, Julia Sajnog, Wenxue Li Title: Gender and Sex Roles in “The Bachelor”- A Battle for the Rose” The centerpiece of our project is a large paper rose, covered with misogynistic quotes that have been pulled from episodes of The Bachelor. This rose represents the roses that are given out to the contestants that are invited to stay another week; as such, the woman in our piece is holding the rose up as if it were a trophy. Although it seems at first to be a sign of her personal triumph, on closer inspection the rose is shown to be a symbol of the patriarchal attitudes present in the show, thus diminishing her achievements. In addition, the woman holding the rose is representative of what it takes to be successful on The Bachelor - she is tall, thin, and white, clothed in a tight dress and made up that serves to please the male gaze rather than make her comfortable. Quotes on the Rose: 1. If I don’t get the date card this week I’m going to be really upset 2. If she doesn’t open up to me tonight, I don’t know if our relationship can go on. 3. [Name], Will You Accept This Rose? 4. I Need to Get a Kiss 5. I need this rose 6. This Process Works 7. I’m 26, this is my last chance for love 8. I thought he was the one
TriplEX – EXhumed, EXamined, Exposed In this section we ask contributors to dive under the surface of pop culture phenomena and put in their two cents. Please - do not take it with a grain of salt!!
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An Analysis of the Gendered Portrayals of Female Politicians in the Media Michelle Addesa, Christine Park, Miral Mawla, Roberta Julia Miraflores, Alexis Young The continued hostility and vilification of women in politics has sustained white-male dominance in the political realm. This is in part due to the patriarchal and colonial foundations of society which have worked effortlessly in reinforcing a gender divided labour market, one which forced women out of the public sphere and into domestic labour roles. The degradation of female politicians by media continues to perpetuate toxic gendered politics, usurping female dignity and worth within the political realm. The media’s biased reporting on women has allowed men to continue to gain success in politics reducing female politicians to mere gendered critiques. Media’s focus on women’s domestic life and incessant discussions on their physical attributes have neglected their intellect and their rightful place in the political sphere. Condescending and sexist rhetoric used by the media negatively impacts how citizens view women as potential political candidates, consequently, impacting support for women in politics. This article aims to uncover the multiple barriers preventing women from leading successful media campaigns. An intersectional analysis will be used to understand how mass media plays a vital role in negatively framing
women across time to prohibit and limit their entry into politics. Examination of key media examples, from Donald Trump’s and Hilary Clinton’s 2016 Presidential campaigns, will be mobilized so as to assess how white privilege, and male-dominated violence works to create unwelcoming environments that shame women who attempt to move beyond social constructs that are deemed acceptable. The Gendered Division of Labour and Patriarchal Foundations in Politics The examination of the gendered division of labour is underpinned by sociologist Emile Durkheim’s theoretical frameworks. Specifically, Durkheim concentrated on the concept of work and labour amidst changes from urbanization and industrialization in the 19th century. Durkheim’s theories are centred on how labour is inherently gendered, detailing the type of work women and men are predisposed to perform. The essence of his findings argued that women perform work related to domestic functions since women are not apt to complete tasks traditionally reserved for men due to various biological inferiorities (Durkheim, 1893, pg. 58). These sexist ideologies, founded in nothing more than irrationality, have seeped into the public do-
main allowing for the idea of women as primarily domestic labourers to be propagated so as to confine women to the home. To reflect critically about women in politics, is to see how the legacy of these ideas continue to inhibit women’s access. In fact, Nancy Fraser highlights how politics has traditionally “cast femininity and publicity as oxymorons” as these words are tied to an “etymological connection between “public” and “pubic”, a graphic trace of the fact that in the ancient world possession of a penis was a requirement for speaking in public” (Fraser, 1990, pg.59-60). This dichotomy of male and female works to perpetuate male dominance and the idea of masculinity that prescribes gendered norms/constructs in politics and governance. The multiplicity of gender norms pertaining to political leaders are then highly emphasized by the varying and degrading portrayals of women by the media, reinforcing patriarchal structures of dominance. When thinking about patriarchal dominance within politics it is vital to understand how social norms imposed on the male body have worked not only to produce violence in contemporary society but particularly against women. The male body has been subjugated to severe control by constricting definitions of mascu-
linity. The toxicity of discourses regarding masculinity have worked to create a type of hypermasculinity, where men are meant to portray certain behaviours and mannerisms that coincide with the most popular form of masculinity. The fear of not aligning your gender representation with these constructs has stimulated the growth of a façade amongst men that teaches most of them to seek validation from physical elements and devalue things that are said to be feminine. This ultimately perpetuates the exclusion of women from
reinforcing gendered labour divisions. However, this becomes particularly important in the case of politics, as women who are said to be successful in politics must appear to comply with male gender norms to reach success. One study examined the representation of women political leaders in a 1993 Canadian political debate, wherein they concluded that “women who adopt ‘masculine styles in order to compete are portrayed by the media as being more aggressive than their male counterparts because they are contravening deeply root-
“the binary of femininity and masculinity pose a threat to humans as the sexed body has been conditioned to follow one of the two gender constructs deemed acceptable by the larger society, reinforcing gendered labour divisions” fields deemed unacceptable for females given that certain roles are meant for more dominant males. The misogyny embedded within the political arena and the larger frames of society have worked in commodifying and overtly sexualising the female body as something to be owned and manipulated by men. These norms have been codified into ideals of masculinity and politics as women’s rights and bodies continue to be the subject and source of debate by males, specifically regarding controversial topics such as abortion rights and consent. Moreover, the binary of femininity and masculinity pose a threat to humans as the sexed body has been conditioned to follow one of the two gender constructs deemed acceptable by the larger society,
ed conventions concerning appropriate female behavior” (Gidengil & Everitt, 1999, pg. 48). Though the study was conducted at a time when representations of female politicians in the news media was still nascent, it still presented valid findings that exposed the impact of gender norms. The incessant polarization between male and female allows the media to sustain male privilege and ease the entry to the political realm for men, and with the continuity of the media’s portrayal of gendered issues women are vilified and are deemed unfit to fill a role that is primarily reserved for privileged, white men. These theoretical foundations are not the sole forces that propagate gendered division of labour and patriarchal barriers to women in politics as language and rhetoric
propagated throughout the mass media also plays a significant role in demonizing women and privileging men. Modern media does not try to provide space to women politicians and this works to systematically limit the space provided for them. In order to relate to the theories of Durkheim, the theories must be applied to a modernized environment. In the case of women politicians in the media, the public sphere will be attributed to the mass media. Theoretically, it was aforementioned that women belong in the domestic sphere, however, the career of women politicians is one that is dependent on the space/ coverage it takes up in the public sphere, or mass media. The coverage of female politicians in the mass media is largely attributed to how the media systematically functions, specifically, the content that the media decides to cover, otherwise known as the agenda-setting theory. This theory states that “there is a strong correlation between the emphasis that mass media place on certain issues… and the importance attributed to these issues by mass audiences” (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007, pg. 11). Thus, the way the public view female politicians hinges on the importance the media places on their coverage. Some previous research has shown gender bias in news media coverage of female politicians. This is something that Hooghe, Jacobs, and Claes examined in their study of media coverage of female MPs in Belgian news broadcasts. Due to the rise in the number of female politicians, they aimed to examine whether the “stronger representation of female politicians reduces gender bias in
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media reporting” (2015, pg. 398). Their findings included that “there is a systematic bias in the way female and male politicians are being portrayed in the media” both in the volume and the substance of coverage (Hooghe, Jacobs, & Claes, 2015, pg. 396). The authors concluded that despite the rise in the number of female politicians in Belgium, women politicians were still allotted less speaking time in the media compared to their male counterparts. The theory of agenda-setting showcases the media’s
also hinder future recruitment and mobilization of female politicians as visibility in the media is a crucial mechanism in stimulating young women to aspire to political ambitions” (2015, pg.408). While it is evident the media promotes gender bias among politicians, the profession of politics itself is also a major factor in this imbalance. The 2016 Presidential Campaign Assessed Through an Intersectional Lens The term intersectionality was
barriers to some while accrediting privilege to others. This is especially true in the political realm as men continue to monopolize the public political domain while women are perceived to be in contrast to the political world (Ferree, 2006, pg. 95). As explored earlier, this is linked to gender norms and patriarchal frameworks inhibiting their equitable access to politics. The gender bias in the 2016 presidential election will be used as a case study to expose how media played a vital role in perpetuating norms
role in underrepresenting female politicians in spite of their evident progress in politics. Despite the fact that representation of female politicians is increasing, gender bias in the media can stunt this progress in the long term. According to Hooghe et al, “gender bias in media coverage for MPs may
coined by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, who defined it as an analytic tool to measure and interrogate the many oppressions that a subordinate group may be subjected to (Carbado, et al., 2013, pg. 312). Intersectionality allows society to think critically about the multiple intersections that prove to enhance
that worked to discredit a prominent female politician. In this analysis, Trump’s white male privilege will be exposed as a key factor that allowed him to move past his scandalous actions and be elected as the President of the United States, rather than Hillary Clinton, who despite also having white privilege,
was politically more experienced and perhaps better suited for the position. The 2016 presidential campaign was an alarming representation of the ways in which sexism is deeply embedded in American politics. During the campaign, media outlets chose to present the two most prominent candidates, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, in two distinct lights. Media outlets covered Trump’s racist and sexist politics as well as his repulsive scandals, which included fraud and sexual harassment. Yet, despite these atrocities, his white male privilege aided his election. White
significantly worse as “44.5 percent of the stories [portrayed] him in a negative light, and only 17.4 percent positive” (Tures, 2017). Such articles included examples of when Trump used loaded words towards Clinton, an example being “Donald Trump calls Hillary Clinton ‘the devil’” (Diamond, 2016), or when he was accused of sexual assault, for example in “Here’s The List Of Women Who Accused Donald Trump Of Sexual Misconduct “ (Kurtzeleben, 2016). They also included content relating to his finances, such as when his claim to financial proficiency was disproved in “Fact Check: Has
“...it can be argued that gender and misogyny are so heavily embedded within society that people would rather a candidate who engaged in sexist and racist rhetoric versus a woman like Hillary Clinton, who has previous experience in the political realm” superiority in the United States creates a place where the intergenerational trauma of colonialism and settler dominance over racialized bodies is witnessed in neo-Nazi movements, police brutality, and neglect for Indigenous communities. According to a Gallup Polling survey that analyzed numerous stories referencing the presidential candidates, they found that “neutral stories made up the bulk of the reporting (43.1 percent)” and that “there were far more negative stories (611) than positive ones (334)” while media regarding “Hillary Clinton were 31.6 percent negative and 22.3 percent positive” and those regarding Trump were
Trump declared bankruptcy four or six times?” (Lee, 2016). Taking into consideration Trump’s media coverage, it can be argued that gender and misogyny are so heavily embedded within society that people would rather a candidate who engaged in sexist and racist rhetoric versus a woman like Hillary Clinton, who has previous experience in the political realm. Psychologists at Rice University analyzed how sexism affected the American election and felt that, “electing the first female president was just still too progressive for many people in our country” (Corrington & Hebl, 2018, pg. 32). Furthermore, a contributing factor to Hillary’s loss can be under-
stood by a study completed by The Women’s Media Center. Here they compared millions of data points from online sources such as Facebook, Twitter, and Media Cloud which showcased a significantly higher amount of attention on Clinton’s scandals compared to her stance and views on political issues (Bianco, 2017). In addition, they found the media coverage on Trump’s scandals were more aligned with his viewpoints (Bianco, 2017). Trump’s campaign exaggerated Clinton’s scandals while manoeuvring his own scandals to his advantage. Moreover, when understanding Clinton’s role in politics, it is clear that the media never took her political views seriously and focused instead on her husband, since Bill Clinton holds significantly more power and value in the political sphere. It is also evident that women who challenge the male-dominated political realm are much more likely to be attacked physically, psychologically, economically, and symbolically (Krook, 2017, pg. 82). By using an intersectional lens to understand these results, it can be gathered that preconceived notions of women as domestic labourers continue to sway voters in favouring men, despite the many wrongdoings they may commit. Gender is, therefore, a primary factor explaining the gaps between both men and women in politics; and it continues to play a vital role in politics, allowing for this male-dominated field to continue in excluding females. It must be noted, however, that despite the strong gender discrimination throughout this election, Clinton still held a certain level of power in order to obtain an opportunity to run for the presiden-
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cy. Clinton’s previous experiences, acting as Secretary of State, serving as a senator for New York, and being the First Lady of the United States during Bill Clinton’s presidency helped her obtain this opportunity (Caroli, 2019). Clinton comes from a privileged upper middle-class family which, because of her white privilege and economic standing, provided her with an easier life path with few barriers and forms of oppression. Nevertheless, despite her privileged background, gender bias and patriarchal values embedded within American society inhibited her from being elected. Underlying Toxicity and Violence in American Politics The toxicity of sexism so deeply embedded within the American system denied Hillary Clinton entry as president. This is in direct relation to the toxic masculinity and violence that are foundational to patriarchal structures embedded in politics. Considering social constructs have allowed the political realm to engage politically with toxic masculinity and produce policies and politics that value violence and male dominance, women continue to face glass ceilings. When thinking about the early years of Western politics, violence is used in sacrifice, land conquests, and as a form of punishment, primarily assessed through the slaughter and mass displacement of Indigenous groups. These punitive actions were essential in the foundation of many societies and politics, as using violence to solve problems provides an instant sense of gratification, thus making it seem like the conflict has been resolved, allowing citizens to gather faith and trust within their political leaders.
Violence continues to be a recourse for leaders, namely men, and because violence has been an efficient response to conflict, it is maintained within the political arena and not frowned upon. Just as Trump’s continuous scandals often involved violence against women, these actions are not constructed as problematic for the white man, and therefore, he was not held accountable, nor was he disputed for his immoral actions. Women are not allotted space in the political arena often because of preconceived notions of femininity. In fact, feminine tactics for political conflict resolution, such as negotiation instead of intimidation, are seen as inherently feminine and not in alignment with traditional political values - ultimately working to maintain a barrier for women (Tickner, 1995, pg. 49). Femininity threatens a man’s masculinity and therefore women are consistently turned away from these fields, allowing for a continuum of violence to be produced and for men to continue demonising women by constructing them as unfit. However, because conventional political frames focus on traditional frameworks that reflect men’s “traditional dominance of political life”, the theory of gendered-mediation focuses on the bias that arises when these traditional frames are applied to female politicians (Gidengil & Everitt, 1999, pg. 49). Heavily masculine and aggressive metaphors are used by journalists in reporting political campaigns. For example, elections are “described as battles between competing political parties” and “debates are viewed as boxing matches or duels between different candidates” (Gidengil & Everitt, 1999, pg. 51). Such a
conventional masculine way of describing elections and politics is detrimental to female politicians as their involvement contrasts with this imagery, ultimately arguing that they do not fit in this profession. Furthermore, these metaphors are not merely used for journalistic style, rather, they are deeply rooted in the traditional view of gender in society. Male dominance is so deeply intertwined within politics that it becomes nearly impossible to be successful in this field as a woman without experiencing some sort of gendered-backlash. These ideas reinforce Durkheim’s theory on the gendered division of labour; however, the most troubling circumstance emerges when female politicians, in their attempts to succeed in this profession, align their rhetoric to that of the traditional male frame. The result is their vilification, with criticisms that they are too aggressive (Gidengil & Everitt, 1999, pg. 62). Thus, despite the fact that they divert from the stereotypes associated with their role in the domestic sphere, they are persistently criticized. Marxian analysis acknowledges that since the domestic role is not quantified as productive labour and because it does not produce any profit, domestic labour is not deemed important or even significant in society (Karlsson and Manson, 2017, p. 112). Therefore, because not even in a woman’s supposed primary role of domestic labourers and caregivers do they hold any significant value, and when women attempt to move past these constraints, they are met with disregard. These hegemonic norms of masculinity, violence, and politics ultimately work to perpetuate gender norms which
heavily limit women’s access to these fields, such as Clinton’s, and when they can access it, it is often met with violence or the belittlement of the candidate. To look into including women within the political arena means looking for a solution that enables the disintegration of the embedded ties between masculinity and violence. When considering the media’s specific role in perpetuating gender norms, it is essential to comprehend how media representations of women continue to use binaries of sexuality, domestication, and appearances to delegitimize women’s political
this practice devastated the female body image, but it has also worked to justify the neglect of women from certain respectable roles, such as being a political figure. Although the reinforcement of gender roles negatively affects women of all backgrounds and careers, it is especially difficult for female figures whose profession lies within the political sphere. When placed in the political limelight, women politicians are automatically expected to adhere to certain rules and rituals set by patriarchal social structures. These social norms dictate how a female
“The normalized culture of commodifying women can largely be blamed on the influence of the mass media and the patriarchal structures embedded within society.”
positions while privileging men. Male privilege embedded within a legacy of violence and domination continues to reinforce the patriarchal foundations of politics, thus, limiting women’s entry and making a mockery of their candidacy. Gender Portrayal in the Media The oversexualization of women has been prominent in both media and advertisements. The sustained practice of constructing the female body as overtly sexual while simultaneously a domesticated matriarch has been used as a tool for social and capital gain. The normalized culture of commodifying women can largely be blamed on the influence of the mass media and the patriarchal structures embedded within society. Not only has
figure should speak, dress, and act in the public eye, in accordance with traditional gender stereotypes. Consequently, this breeds a toxic perspective of women and encourages sexualization and commercialization of the female gender, especially in regard to the constant objectification of women politicians’ bodies by the media. Irrespective of a candidate’s qualifications, we can see multiple examples of the commodification of female politicians in the media: from the 2008 public scrutiny against Angela Merkel’s cleavage-bearing attire (Hall, 2009), to the constant sneer of Melania Trump’s fashion choices (Lang, 2018) and Hillary Clinton’s lack thereof. Politics is about creating change, improving lives, and striving to make the world a better
place. Yet, the moment a woman is added into the picture, the focus suddenly shifts towards a more superficial lens, placing attention and value on a candidate’s appearance and marital status rather than their ideas and qualifications. As previously mentioned, the mass media often portrays women according to their societal role within the patriarchal system - commonly the housewife, the mother, and/or the homemaker (Kim, 2012, pg. 603). Known as framing, female figures are presented through lens of perceived reality that makes them more salient to audiences (Entman, 1993, pg. 52). Unfortunately, media’s stereotypic gender frames place female candidates at a disadvantage next to their male counterparts. This is due to the emphasized notion that women are financially, intellectually, and emotionally inferior to men. Subordinate qualities that exemplify femininity, such as sensitivity and indecisiveness, are often used by news outlets to label and commodify the female politician as a novel concept, deemed to be norm-breaking and therefore newsworthy. While some may view this type of media coverage as positive, since all press is considered good press, voters are often influenced by gender stereotyping and use it as a form of evaluation when deciding who to elect (Kim, 2012, pg. 603). This can have a harmful effect on one’s election campaign/ candidacy since, in order to garner voters’ ballots, a politician must be able to maintain a strong and trustworthy image in the public eye. Unlike women, male politicians do not have this problem as they are more likely to be described by the media in terms of their career and
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accomplishments, and illustrated with traits that exemplify confidence, competence, and decisiveness (Kim, 2012, pg. 604). The 2008 presidential election between Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, and Sarah Palin acts as a precedent and a prime example of the large influence the media can have on the portrayal and representation of female politicians. Lindsey Meeks (2008) examined the New York Times coverage of the election and found that there was a heavy emphasis on the novelty and deviant nature of women politicians (Meeks, 2008, pg. 521). It is important to note that the study focused solely on The New York Times (NYT) due to their highly respected reputation and image. In relation to agenda-setting theory, the content the NYT published held the power to directly influence what readers should deem important. Furthermore, due to the title and prestige of the NYT, it had the potential to affect other news organizations and their subscribers as an intermedia agenda setter (Meeks, 2008, pg.251). Despite Clinton and Palin being well-established political figures, it didn’t prevent media outlets, like the NYT, from covering both their campaigns with tones of sexism and stereotyping. Often only emphasizing feminine traits when discussing female candidates, and masculine traits when covering men. The women’s gender would always be referenced more and as a result, continued to uphold the societal norm that women are deviant in politics (Meeks, 2008, pg. 533). In regards to social media, popular platforms such as Instagram and Twitter have created
an interesting dynamic in political discourse. Unlike traditional media, the internet has provided a free and public space for female figures to portray themselves in the manner they want, allowing full control in cultivating an image that benefits their agenda, including staged virality, image manipulation, and pre-arranged social media opportunities. Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign is a prime example in using these platforms to one’s advantage, wherein she was able to use Instagram to turn her presidential slogan “I’m with her” into a viral hashtag. Despite its viral effectiveness, social media also has the power to create harmful damage if abused, as it fosters a culture of narcissism, vanity, and fascination with outer appearances that can lead to the distraction of more pressing issues. With the rise in support and awareness for female empowerment and equality, the use of stereotypic frames and gender roles by media is slowly losing relevance, and instead, is being replaced with a progressive agenda that features both male and female politicians in a fair and unbiased fashion. To conclude, allowing women greater access to the political realm relies heavily upon the deconstruction of gender norms, labour norms, and male-dominance. Using an intersectional lens to unearth the multiple barriers to women in politics exposes the ways in which women are being excluded on the basis of rhetoric perpetuated through centuries of patriarchal rule. In our globalized world, language shapes realities and mass-media outlets have primarily sustained practices of discrediting and vilifying women.
References Bianco, M. (2017). Harvard study documents anti-Clinton media bias. Retrieved from http://www.womensmediacenter.com/news-features/harvard-study-documents-anti-clinton-media-bias Carbado, D. W., Crenshaw, K. W., Mays, V. M., & Tomlinson, B. (2013). Intersectionality. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 10(02), 303-312. Caroli, B. (2019). Hillary Clinton. Retrieved from https://www.britannica. com/biography/Hillary-Clinton Corrington, A., & Hebl, M. (2018). America clearly is not ready for a female president: Why? Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal, 37(1), 31-43. Diamond, J. (2016). Donald Trump calls Hillary Clinton ‘the devil’. Retrieved from https://www.cnn. com/2016/08/01/politics/donald-trump-hillary-clinton-devil-election-2016/index.html Durkheim, Émile. The division of labor in society. New York ; London: Free Press : Collier Macmillan, n.d Entman, R. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43 (4), 51-58. Ferree, Myra, M. (2006). Angela Merkel: What does it mean to run as a woman? German Politics and Society, 24(1), 93-107. Fraser, N. (1990). Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy. Social Text, (25/26), 56. doi: 10.2307/466240 Gidengil, E., & Everitt, J. (1999). Metaphors and misrepresentation, gendered mediation in news coverage of the 1993 Canadian leaders’ debates. Press/Politics, 48-65. Hall, A. (2009). Eyebrows raised as billboards of Angela Merkel’s cleavage spring up across Germany with slogan: ‘We have more to offer’. Retrieved from https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/ article-1205844/Billboards-Ange-
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The Representation of Racialized Women in Pornography: Airing the Pornography Industry’s Dirty Laundry Isabelle Daoust, Maya Jaroudi, Darby Mallory, Kawal Pirwani, Alexandra Seymour
In our mediated world, audiences are subjected daily to thousands of images, symbols, and narratives through radio, television, film, music, and other media outlets. Narratives perpetuated by these media outlets come to largely make up our understanding of our social realities, including how we perceive others around us. The pornography industry is one among many sources of mass media that communicates particular narratives to its consumers. More specifically, the pornography industry portrays specific ideals about race, gender, and sexuality. The goal of this investigation is to examine the particular way in which racialized women, including but not limited to Latina, Black, and Asian, are represented in stark contrast to white bodies in the pornography industry. It will attempt to address racialized women’s representation in pornography and elaborate on how these narratives influence racialized women’s understanding of themselves and their own sexuality outside of the porn industry.
To accomplish this, we examine ways in which popular genres of pornography play instrumental roles in the perpetuation of stereotypical representations of racialized women. We mobilize intersectionality theories to understand how interlocking systems of oppressions, complex identities, and social inequalities affect people’s lives (Harding, 2012). The experiences of racialized women are undoubtedly a result of the overlapping systems of oppressions (e.g. white privilege, sexism, racism, patriarchy). Indeed, intersectional theories contribute greatly to understanding the ways in which “forces of race and gender do not exist independently of each other, but rather interact and are manifest in various degrees of interlocking oppressions and privileges” (Sallmann, 1997, p. 9). The pornography industry demonstrates a unique intersection of sexist and racist narratives which dominate popular representations of racialized women. As Sallmann (1997) articulates “por-
nographic representations of Black and White women are qualitatively different from each other. Racism and sexism each uniquely serve to oppress, the combined effect distinct from the presence of each individually” (p. 10). In a content analysis of interracial X-rated pornography, Cowan and Campbell (1994) found that “sexism was apparent in the disproportionate portrayals of women as either inferior to their male counterparts or as more frequent targets of physical and verbal aggression” (p. 9). Undeniably, the actress’s skin colour is an emphasized aspect in a porn video. According to research by Mayall and Russell (1993), “in 77% of the materials they categorized, if a person of color was used in the video, book, or magazine, the ethnicity was identified in the title. Their findings additionally supported the hypothesis that racial stereotypes are sexualized in pornography” (qtd in Sallmann, 1997, p. 8). Many genres of pornography perpetuate dominant constructs of sex
and sexuality which focus entirely on men attaining sexual gratification, often at the expense of objectifying racialized women’s sexual autonomy through hypersexualized stereotypes. As Sallmann (1997) argued “the sexism inherent in pornography does affect all women, but women of color are affected in special ways by the added dimension of racist ideologies” (p. 8). The intersection of gender and sexuality has been vastly underscored as these categories are frequently perceived to be unrelated, however, they are deeply connected. According to Jacobs and Klesse (2014) much work on gender has failed to account for the importance of desire and sexuality. Gender norms are dispersed through various outlets in society, including through pornography. According to Blum, Mmari, and Moreau (2017), children as young
as 10 years old actively internalize hegemonic gender norms. Arguably, in order to explain gender inequalities, we need to consider sexual forms of power. Stereotypical representations in pornography serve to construct dominant understandings of sexual pleasure that fail to account for the diversity of preferences among women, most particularly racialized women. Through pornography, sexual violence and the objectification of racialized women are normalized and thus serve to sustain heterosexuality and patriarchal scripts. Race Representations in Pornography Pornography, in and of itself, should be celebrated for its freeing nature and ability to create open dialogue on sex and sexuality. However, it is critical to examine the racialized and gendered ide-
ologies that exist in pornographic videos. As previous research attests to, our examination found that pornographic videos can be highly specific of an actress’ race in the video title. For example, titles will often make the race of the participants known and will describe how one participant may dominate over the other. Many harmful stereotypes about marginalized people make their way into porn and play out in extremely graphic scenarios. Because the very nature of pornography is often taboo, the porn industry has virtually no rules on how the content is both created or consumed. Porn is something meant to satiate the innermost fantasies of many different people yet some fantasies involve racist themes and undertones, which makes the line between satiating a specific desire and playing into
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colonial racist desires problematic. In the age of the internet, pornography is less restricted and more accessible as people can upload and watch whatever they desire. The representation of racialized women in pornography is important because it informs the viewer of how they should view women, specifically women of colour. Throughout history, African Americans, as well as other racial minorities, were labeled as primitive savages and considered more sexually evolved. It was the unfounded White Eurocentric view which presumed its superiority over other races. Society may like to think that it has come a long way but, in many ways, it has not, as many of these stereotypes are found every day in advertisements by magazines, television, and movies. For example, some erotic videos rely heavily on the trope that all African American women have carnal urges. The pornographic titles that Mayall and Russell examined detailed how the perceived inherit sexual nature of Black women played into the experience of rape. As Mayall and Russell (1993) elaborate, “the pornography industry keeps broadcasting to the world [that] the victim ends up enjoying the rape— Rape as a liberator experience for women is a popular male fantasy in pornography” (p. 279). Because of their racist portrayal of Black women as having innate sexual promiscuity, pornography depicts a narrative that all Black women always enjoy sexual activity, even in the case where the sex is violent. Through these representations, “pornography capitalizes on the underlying history of carnal, diabolic, and evil myths constituting the
lives of people of color, such as the myth of the Black rapist and the always consenting Black woman” (Shimizu, 2007, p. 143). The portrayals of Black women in porn tend to emphasize the historical and colonial oppression of their group. It is not rare that these videos depict sexual scenarios in the form of the oppressor versus the oppressed, such as a Black woman depicted as a slave and being dominated by a white man. This pattern was also documented by Mayall and Russell (1993) as
Amazing Ebony Slut Shows Off Her Phat Ass and Ms. juicy are just two Pornhub videos which demonstrate these frames. Another population found to be particularly stereotyped in porn videos is Asian women. Generally, these stereotypical depictions of Asian women rely on the submissive and polite nature of many Asian cultures, as well as cultural motifs and symbols. Asian women are seen as something foreign which can serve the sexual desires of a man. The perceived submis-
“...the porn industry has virtually no rules on how the content is both created or consumed.” they describe the erotic novel Soul Slave (1981), which is one book in a series, and in this particular book a Black woman is portrayed as being a willing victim of her white master. A similar power dynamic is played out on the internet, sans the overt historical backdrop. Pornhub, an online porn distribution site, list the category ‘Ebony’ on their main webpage. Titles such as Light Skin Black Girl LOVES Big White Daddy Cock and Submissived - Ebony Babe Gets Hard Rough Fuck litter the webpage. These titles send the message that Black women are to be exploited and that their exploitation is permissible because having sex with a White man should be a privilege. The exploitation of the Black female body is also seen through their portrayal as innate sexual beings. The stereotypical image associated with Black women as having a full figure, large breasts, and a large bottom, is used as the reasoning for their perceived innate sexual prowess.
siveness of Asian women is attractive as it implies that the sex will easily be accepted. A notable number of videos in Pornhub’s ‘Asian’ category are those that depict Asian women submitting to bondage. For example, Japanese Girl in Bound shows an Asian woman in a short school girl uniform submitting to bondage. A facet of this phenomenon, perhaps more unique to white men but not exclusively, is the view of Asian women as an ‘exotic experience’, simply because of the history of White imperialism. A contemporary example is the Vietnam War. This has been heavily focused on in films such as Full Metal Jacket (1987) and Good Morning Vietnam (1987). In the first film, a Vietnamese woman infamously propositions herself to two Americans, saying phrases such as “Me so horny” and “Me love you long time.” In the latter, Robin Williams’ character falls in love with a local Vietnamese woman. While not as
overtly stereotypical of a portrayal as a prostitute, the Vietnamese woman at the centre is still part of the trope of Asian women as an exotic experience. When media translates historical events in a detrimental way it instructs the viewer and shapes a world view. As Shimizu (2007) explains “colonial history informs the sexualization of race and the racialization of sex for erotic aims” (p. 153). This kind of media depiction of Asian women permeates the subconscious view of certain racialized women. It comes full circle and takes the form of erotic content online in what is deemed an accurate portrayal of Asian women. For example, work of the first Asian American porn
beyond ideas that typically come to mind when thinking of systematic oppression. A simple search on Pornhub, using the keyword “exotic”, brings up hundreds of videos of racialized women objectified by the colour of their skin. The titles of these pornographic videos suggest that the main alluring feature of the women is that of her race. The excitement is the chance to have sex with someone who is not white or is of a different race than them. The Construction of Race Differences In porn, women are often fetishized for specific categories and sub-categories. Moving beyond this recognition, we sought to determine
“...portrayals of Black women in porn tend to emphasize the historical and colonial oppression.” star, Linda Wong, relies heavily on these racist stereotypes. Shimizu (2007) notes “this brand of sexuality makes up the erotic thrust of her sexual relations compared to other women in that race defines the roles she plays: the innocent “Oriental” babysitter, the Chinatown sex expert, the dominatrix, the spoil of war, the dragon lady, and the spy” (p. 154). On a broader scale, racialized women are often whittled down to the colour of their skin. Racialized women are seen as an experience meant to fulfill desires and nothing more. When men seek an “exotic” experience, any woman who does not pass as white is automatically lumped into the category of the exotic other. This aspect is particularly striking because it demonstrates how the lens of colourism extends
the extent to which these representations construct the racial ‘other’. Specifically, we looked at how women of colour are heavily fetishized in porn, resulting in women of colour being fetishized outside of the porn industry. Racialized pornography has a huge impact, not only women of colour within the porn industry but also their treatment within society as a result of the harmful stereotypes used. The biggest concern is the lack of rules and regulation regarding pornographic video contents. Notably, directors make use of violent titles in order to attract male viewers, specifically targeting the white male gaze. Arguably, white male viewers might pay particular interest to racialized pornography as it caters to the colonial need to have control over minorities, especially
women of color (Wong, 2016). Arguments have been raised that the type of violent, racialized pornography against minorities is a form of hate speech. We found a stark comparison in porn: white women actors were portrayed as far “purer” and virginal compared to women of color who were depicted as savage and fetishized. Amanda Wong (2016) argues that “… violent racial pornography, which portrays minorities as victims of severe sexualized violence based on their race, increases animosity towards minorities in the everyday world” (p. 250). Violence against women of color has been slowly on the rise. Pornography may not be the sole reason for this rise, yet seeing blatant violence in porn, where the main appeal of it is the power dynamics and women are severely brutalized by mostly white men, shows just how much there is a viewership for these videos. According to Pornhub’s (2019) article on their yearly statistics, the fourth most searched category in North America is the category of “Chinese”. Based on their 2018 statistics, Pornhub (2019) analysts found that compared to the rest of the world the Asian porn category was searched 60% more often in Canada. The fact that only specific cultures are fetishized in order to satiate a desire based solely on sexual stereotypes is not only harmful to the sex industry but also for how broader society comes to view these women as sexual objects. As mentioned previously, white women are often portrayed as virginal, pure, and untainted in certain videos, especially if the actress is young. This phenomenon can
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relate back to the historical aspects of why African American women, in particular, are fetishized. As Miller-Young (2014) “traces the roots of American racial voyeurism to the slave auction and early racial science, showing how practices of looking allowed white men to both indulge and disavow their desire for Black women” (p. 1). The white male gaze is still incredibly powerful, as it dictates supply and demand within the porn industry, where they hold the monopoly. As Wong (2016) says “maybe we should worry that its creators lurk outside the law’s confines, like monsters excreting sexual material that denigrates racial minorities who are beat into submission for so-called pleasure. As we cringe,
shut our eyes, and (some) turn away, we become culpable and transform into enablers of racial sexual violence” (p. 1). Racialized porn leads some to expect women of color to act in a certain way because they believe this misinformation as truth. Postulating the Spectators’ Gaze As media plays a vital role in human interaction and communication one must be particularly aware of how this affects our thoughts, attitudes, and day to day interactions. The pornography industry is a large-scale industry that goes hand in hand with the concept of the male gaze; an industry created by men for men and at times at the expense of women, most especial-
ly women of colour. The pornography industry inherently perpetuates the idea that women exist to serve men, and their value in turn derives from how well they are able to serve men. An archetype video in today’s industry almost always involves a dominating male character and a submissive female character. Typically, the female actor is degraded or dehumanized for the pleasure of the male actor. This degradation is particularly prevalent with respect to women of colour. The industry has created spaces where a fetish for minorities is rampant. This pornography of racialized women has been created for the white spectators to fulfill their desire to gaze at women of color (Check & Malamuth, 1986).
The racial fetishism is driven by racial inequality, where a large part of pleasure of the spectator is derived from the reinforcement of his position of social dominance (Comella & Tarrant, 2015). In essence, the porn industry strengthens both notions of male and white privilege simultaneously. Based on Pornhub’s
and woman as the passively penetrated (Check & Malamuth, 1986). Sexuality is a dynamic of control whereby male dominance produces, eroticizes, and maintains gendered inequality and constitutes a political system that entrenches male dominance and further enforces the dynamic of control,
“Racialized pornography has a huge impact, not only women of colour within the porn industry but also their treatment within society as a result of the harmful stereotypes used.” yearly statistics (2019), one of the most prevalent searches is known as “Ebony” porn, a sub-category which focuses on African American women. This subsection of pornography is created by white men who can view the Black body as an object for their own white viewing pleasures as they degrade and objectify coloured women, enabling white spectators to entertain a kind of ‘imperialist nostalgia’ (Comella & Tarrant, 2015). Pornography video’s sexualized representations of Black bodies wrongfully preserve white supremacy and racial inequality narratives. The repression of sexuality is the primary source of fuel for patriarchal power, and pornography functions as the most prominent representation of phallic power (Comella & Tarrant, 2015). Pornography pushes the ideal that heterosexual sex is a driving force of male power and the image that women are the submissive means to the end. This reflects within society as sex epitomizes the social conditions of male dominance because man functions as the active penetrator
as it has become a cultural practice and a patriarchal tool where power and inequality are hidden behind the act of sex (Comella & Tarrant, 2015). In legitimizing Black women’s social marginalization, “controlling images” are integral to the production of a “highly effective system of social control design to keep African-American women in an assign, subordinate place” (Comella & Tarrant, 2015, p. 107). Pornography is a symptom of the social unconscious, those aspects of a society’s sexuality that are ‘hidden’ and ‘disturbing’. In this sense, pornography is symptomatic of the repressions and obsessions of the society that generates it (Comella & Tarrant, 2015). Implications Outside the Pornography Industry The porn industry is believed to be solely an environment of arousing entertainment for both women and men, however, many feminists argue the porn industry is an industry which generates, maintains, and perpetuates sexual relations of dominance and submission. More
importantly, Russo (1990) argues that “pornography promotes the message that sexual harassment and sexual abuse of women are equivalently entertaining and sexually stimulating for both men and women inside and outside the porn industry” (p. 119). The porn industry works to justify and convince the audience that women in and outside of pornography are inferior and deserve sexual mistreatment. In addition, pornography trivializes sexual inequality by addressing specific groups of women differently based on their occupation, race, colour, and ethnicity. Consequently, pornography’s representations of women and of women of colour are responsible for perpetrating the violence and inequality done against women in society. For example, according to Russo (1990) the porn industry portrays coloured women as poor, cheap, and from a lower social class in society (p. 120). Comparatively, Hernandez (2017) argues that this description of coloured women creates a hierarchy of “high” and “low” culture in today’s society (p. 452). Hernandez (2017) argues “Black women in comparison to white women are excessively graphic and less photo shopped beyond any other race” (p. 428). Consequently, this hierarchy represents Black women’s bodies in the Western world as horrific and attractive, savage and majestic. As reported by Hernandez (2017) these images and representations of Black women in the porn industry goes beyond the point of “titillating” (p. 428). Black women are also seen as “exotic” and to have “complex personalities”, which hypersexualizes these women and turns them into objects of desire and sex objects. From
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these representations, it is believed among many men and women that Black women and Black girls are “the best in bed”, therefore justifying the dominant belief that this is what Black women want and desire (Russo, 1990, p. 117). Hernandez (2017) argues these ideas of hypersexualizing and controlling Black women came from colonial contexts, whereby Black African women were captured by white colonists and subjected to sexual violence and starvation (p. 430). These implications and portrayals of Black women are not only being represented in the porn industry, but are actively being regurgitated out into society. Hernandez (2017) discusses our society where Black women are considered to be sexually deviant, and consequently, Black women who pursue sex work careers are seen as a threat to any form of respectable Black womanhood. These implications come from the dominantly held belief that Black women and their sexuality are affronting because they have no class value. Moreover, given that Black female bodies are racialized and marked as low in the porn industry, during the sexual acts the dominant subject must injure the Black female, the sex object. This injury to her flesh will supposedly represent her pleasure. Hernandez (2017) explains that Black women can only restore their wholeness and self-representation through active resistance on the dominant subject’s sexual violence (p. 431). Similarly, Russo (1990) argues that pornography is torture and it promotes sexual discrimination against Black women. These representations of Black women are portrayed in our society through misogynistic, sexist, and racist
beliefs and assumptions around Black women and their bodies (Russo, 1990, p. 120). Black female bodies portrayed in the porn industry have been implicated in women’s fashion and beauty magazines. For example, Millard and Grant argue (2006), in comparison to White models, Black models are posed in more submissive, primitive, and predatory poses while White women are posed “particularly intelligent” and “achievement-oriented” (p. 668). As in the porn industry, Black women in fashion/beauty magazines are susceptible to violent imagery and sexual display. Indeed, one study revealed that Black models are portrayed more passively than white women – the positions that Black models were told to do indirectly embodied the devaluation and inferiority of Black women’s bodies, intelligence, and social status (Millard and Grant, 2006). Consequently, the effects of the porn industry have encouraged mistreatment and sexual violence towards Black women in society. These patterns are continuously repeated and reflected in people’s assumptions about racialized women’s bodies and evidently result in a lack of understanding of racialized women’s sexuality outside of normative ideologies prescribed by the pornography industry. This article highlights the particular representation of racialized women in mainstream pornography videos available on the internet. It revealed the relationship between the male spectators’ gaze on the stereotypical representation of racialized women’s bodies. With the ever-increasing availability of porn on the internet, the racist and sexist narratives and ideologies
depicted in porn videos are more concerning than ever. The popularity of internet-based pornography has resulted in the dispersion of harmful stereotypes about racialized women. These narratives further serve to suppress these women’s ability to express their own sexuality outside of the normative discourses conveyed in pornographic videos.
References Blum, Mmari, & Moreau. (2017). It begins at 10: How gender expectations shape early adolescence around the world. Journal of Adolescent Health, 61(4), S3-S4. Check, J., & Malamuth, N. (1986). Pornography and Sexual Aggression: A Social Learning Theory Analysis. Annals of the International Communication Association, 9(1), 181-213. Comella, L., & Tarrant, Shira, editor. (2015). New views on pornography: Sexuality, politics, and the law. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Cowan, G., & Campbell, R. (1994). Racism and sexism in interracial pornography: a content analysis. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18(3), 323-338. Harding, S. (2012). Feminist standpoint. In S. N. Hesse-Biber (Ed.), Feminist Research Practice: A Primer (2nd ed.), (pp. 46-64). Los Angeles: SAGE Publications, Inc. Hernandez, J. (2017). The Ambivalent grotesque: reading Black women’s erotic corporeality in Wangechi Mutu’s work. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 42(2), 427-457. Jacobs, S., & Klesse, C. (2014). Introduction: special issue on “gender, sexuality and political economy”. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 27(2), 129. Lay, E. M. (1999). Asian American Representations. Women and Language, 22(2), 48. Magazine Photographs: The Pose of the Model
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Sexism, Power Relations and Gendered Orientalism: Movie Analysis of Memoirs of a Geisha, Paintings of Geisha Busola Abejide, Nickie Duong, Vivian Lu, Xinyi Meng, Brittani Wilson
Memoirs of a Geisha is a pre- and post-war time movie embracing culture and crossing continental borders to give viewers a perspective into a sector of 20th century Japanese life. The screenplay references the desire of the “other” by capitalizing on a relentless depiction of what is considered a patriarchal society. The frameworks of the movie create discussions on perspectives of a varied embodiment and transnational feminism that permits a more comprehensive view of women that seemingly have very limited agency. Power relations are almost always an important aspect in any type of cultural context and through our analysis we see a Japanese orientalist culture where Geisha do not “belong” to themselves but, instead the “okiya” (house) in which they reside. Although women are not selling sexual favours, they are selling a fantasy of submissive artistry and are thus viewed as a commodity, a product for sale, especially in the context of selling one’s virginity or “mezuage” to the highest bidder. The necessity for this movie
analysis does not only come from the need for discourse on systemic oppression of women in Western and Oriental societies, but also to expose the misconceptions this film creates. “Cultural representations of non-Western societies, created by Western directors and writers, is always up for debate and is prominent in academic dialogues, as there is concern about the disembodied voice that is seemingly telling someone else’s story” (Akita, 2009, p. 12). Digging deeper between the margins on how media outside a culture portrays women of various classes, races, and ethnicities of another culture may help to understand these misconceptions. The issue of sex, body, and power surrounding women in different cultures and ethnicities may help shed light on the ways in which women are often depicted by media as objects. The movie, Memoirs of a Geisha (2005), is based on American author Arthur Golden’s 1997 historical fiction novel of the same name. An internationally recognized and award-winning film, it follows a
young girl named Chiyo on her journey towards becoming the most celebrated and sought-after geisha of her time, Sayuri. On the road to success, Sayuri encounters many hardships and learns many secrets about the life of geisha, filled with sexism, power relations, and gendered orientalism. In many Asian societies, there is a long history of patriarchal rule where men hold a higher social standing over women. The majority of the film takes place in the period leading up to World War II, a time when Japanese women did not have equal rights legally recognized. This is exemplified in the first scene when Chiyo and her sister are sold into a life of servitude to help their impoverished family. Their mother is sick and remains emotionless as she watches her daughters get forcibly taken away. Perhaps she has become accustomed to the treatment and status of women in Japan, so much so that she has accepted her and her daughters’ places in society as second-class citizens, which may explain why she did not retaliate or speak up for them. It was or-
chestrated by their father, yet he cries as he watches his daughters being taken away. These events are nothing out of the ordinary during this era, as viewers learn later on that the selling and purchasing of young girls is merely a routine business transaction. From this first segment we see that girls are disposable objects to be sold by men. On the other hand, if they had had a son, we doubt he would be sold off during times of financial need because men were regarded above women and would carry on the family name. Later in the film, we see more contemporary signs of sexism during Chiyo’s first encounter with the Chairman. The Chairman seems friendly, but even the most seemingly lighthearted situations may hide many underlying messages. The Chairman approaches Chiyo as she cries on the bridge, he then tells her to look him in the eyes and asks for her name, but she does not reply. Despite Chiyo’s disinterest in engaging in conversation he continues to interact with her. The Chairman dismisses a geisha and tells Chiyo to smile and notices that she possesses rare blue eyes and is intrigued. He buys her shaved ice as a gift and receives a smile from Chiyo in return. Before departing, the Chairman gives Chiyo a handkerchief and some money on the promise that she would refrain from frowning and smile more. The Chairman’s actions show his entitlement as a man who was able to approach young Chiyo as a stranger and force interaction with her. He exerted his power by dismissing a geisha who interrupted their encounter and coerced Chiyo into replying to him and smiling
for a treat. The Chairman’s gift of shaved ice in return for Chiyo’s smile is our first instance of an ‘exchange of goods’ from a man for a woman’s services. Telling women ‘to smile’ is still a problem experienced by women, such as during instances of street harassment. This encounter also demonstrates that pedophilia is acceptable in this society, as Chiyo is only nine years old in this scene. Pedophilia was also in an earlier scene when we see Chiyo’s sister Satsu, who is only a few years older than Chiyo, servicing men in a brothel. After this meeting with the Chairman, Chiyo resolves to become a geisha so she can be by the Chairman’s side. Chiyo states, “In that moment, I changed from a girl facing nothing but emptiness to someone with purpose. I saw that to be a geisha could be a stepping stone to something else: A place in his world” (Marshall, Fisher, Wick, & Spielberg, 2005). Chiyo takes the money given to her by the Chairman and donates it to a temple where she prays to one day become a geisha and meet the Chairman again. Infatuated with the Chairman, this becomes Chiyo’s new dream. The Chairman’s kindness touched Chiyo, who only experienced unkindness during her time at the okiya (geisha house), leading Chiyo to mistake his kindness for love. Chiyo’s dream revolves around the Chairman’s world as she acknowledges that men dictate the order of the world around her, where the best she can hope for is to have a place in his world. Not only do the men hold a higher position in this society, but they also hold power over women. However, men are not the only
ones who hold power over women, but other women do as well. Ms. Nitta owns the okiya and bought Chiyo, as well as all the other girls that reside there. The girls refer to their owner, Ms. Nitta, as Mother, and she sees them as investments that will make her a financial return in the future. Amongst the girls themselves, there are even more complicated power relations, with fierce rivalry for success and fame as society pits these women against each other. Chiyo trains to become a geisha under the renowned geisha ‘Mameha’ and is granted the new name ‘Sayuri’ when she makes her debut as a Maiko (an apprentice geisha). Sayuri’s thoughts at the time were: “When Mameha granted me my new name, I felt little Chiyo disappear behind a white mask with red lips” (Marshall et al., 2005). After that, Sayuri followed Mameha’s every step and instruction. Sayuri describes her life then as a game where she did not know the rules. The changing of names and following Mameha effectively erased Sayuri’s previous identity as Chiyo. Perhaps we are looking too deep, but geisha are considered the epitome of beauty and are most beautiful when dressed extravagantly with their skin painted white, which is similar to that of Westerners. A maiko successfully becomes a geisha when she sells her most precious attribute, her mizuage (virginity), to the highest bidder. Geisha had no autonomy over any aspects of their lives, not even with regards to their virginity, rather men controlled all aspects with money. On the other hand, women also had immense power over men. They were so beautiful that they could bring these power-
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ful men to their knees with a single glance. Many geisha had a danna, a man who supported her financially in return for her sleeping with him. This relationship is similar to the ‘sugar daddies’ and ‘sugar babies’ of today, where a wealthy man offers money and gifts in exchange for the companionship and services of a beautiful young woman. Soon after Sayuri successfully becomes a geisha war erupts across the country and many years
once clouded in mystery that only the elite could enter, was now no more. Memeha describes the life of geisha as, “We don’t become geisha to pursue our own destinies. We become geisha because we have no choice” (Marshall et al., 2005). Many Japanese women did not have the means to live on their own and had to rely on men for their livelihood and wellbeing. Similarly, the Japanese men are now in the same situation as they must rely on the Americans in
a geisha, revealing that Sayuri’s whole life was influenced by the Chairman. Geisha exist to entertain and please men, and the world of geisha is forbidden and fragile, adding to its intrigue. In the world of geisha, women are seen as objects to be traded, used, and disposed of. When Chiyo and Satsu first arrived at the okiya, ‘Auntie’ immediately accepted Chiyo and rejected Satsu solely based on their appearances. This is because the more beautiful
pass before Japan is defeated. America takes over Japan and controls it, its rich culture and previous ways of life are lost. Sayuri describes it as, “The secrets of our hidden world were postcards now for girls back home. Any streetwalker with a painted face and silk kimono can call herself a geisha” (Marshall et al., 2005). Being a geisha was once the highest honor and was extremely difficult to achieve. The world of geisha,
order to survive. American Colonel Derricks abuses his power and position to meet Sayuri in hopes of sleeping with her in exchange for signing a contract granting funds for the Chairman’s firm. At the end of the movie, it is revealed that the chairman had taken a fancy to young Chiyo that day they met on the bridge. When he ran into her again as a young woman, he had Mameha take Chiyo under her wing and groom her to become
or useful an item is, the better it is treated; likewise, the more beautiful and skilled women become geisha and the less desirable ones go to pleasure houses and become common prostitutes. There is an emphasis on beauty in their society and geisha must always act and look the part. Geisha must always move seductively for the view of the other, and every action is calculated to appeal to a male audience. Sayuri’s blue eyes
are noticed throughout the film, such as when Dr. Crab mentions “with those eyes, you must be quite the commodity” (Marshall et al., 2005). Sayuri’s rare eye color makes her stand out and become even more exotic and coveted amongst other geisha. Sayuri’s character serves as another example of and strengthens the existing stereotype of Asian women in western society, believed to be submissive, quiet, exotic, and seductive. In fact, the concept of geisha themselves are the epitome of this stereotype as they exist to service men. Mameha explained their practice to Sayuri with, “Remember, Chiyo, geisha are not courtesans. And we are not wives. We sell our skills, not our bodies. We create another secret world. A place only of beauty. The very
word geisha means artist. And to be a geisha is to be judged as a moving work of art” (Marshall et al., 2005). Memoirs of a Geisha became popular in Western countries because it depicted a fascinating oriental world that most audience were unfamiliar, but it also drew attention from feminists who widely criticized the gender inequality and the distorted or unauthentic Geisha concepts used merely to attract audiences. A common definition for geisha can be exemplified in Nanang Muhammad Mahfudh’s definition, where a geisha is a “professional hostess who entertains guests through various performing art such as dancing traditional dance, singing and playing shamisen in teahouses called an Ochaya, their primary job is to make
man feel warm, witty, and virile” (Mahfudh, 2010, p. 5). In Nanang Muhammad Mahfudh’s book review, Women’s Position in Memoirs of Geisha, written by Arthur Golden (1997): A Feminist Approach by, she points out four very interesting aspects. First, the storyline of the novel resembles that of the story Cinderella, wherein the heroin is treated like a servant with a lack of opportunity for personal development. Indicating that inhumane experiences of girls like Cinderella exist in both Japanese and Western contexts and also shows that the plot of a Japanese story became inevitably Westernized. The second aspect is the very detailed depiction of many layers of subordination, oppression, exploitation, and violence against women - the inferior
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position of women is effectively implied. The third aspect is that even though women were unfairly treated, they should never give up the struggle, never stop fighting for themselves. Lastly, Mahfudh suggests that the novel wants to indicate that “in order to get their rights as human beings women should be smart and talented” (Mahfudh, 2010, p. 7). In Kimiko Akita’s review, Memoirs of a Geisha, Bloopers of a Geisha: Male Orientalism and Colonization of Women’s Language, Akita, a Japanese native, explains how Japanese language is sexually distinguished and how it is modernized. For example, Akita states that women’s language was characterized as opposite of men’s (soft versus harsh, in terms of imperative forms); and “the reason why women spoke more politely than men do, was not that women were more polite or more gentle than men, but rather that women’s language system was structured by men to be that way” (Akita, 2009, p. 14). Understanding how Japanese language represses women’s social position is very helpful to analyze sexism in this particular culture. In reviewing critiques of the book, most could not deny that there was a distortion of oriental culture and western subjectivity by the author, which deeply influences the perception of geisha and Japan by audiences, making this story no more than an “exotic fantasy”. In Anne Allison’s Memoirs of the Orient Author(s), Allison demonstrates a very thought-provoking concern: the character, Sayuri, as well as the underlying truth about Japan, was suspiciously racialized and othered by Author Golden, a white
American male, in order to attract readers. It leads to a very intriguing discussion about how the truth can get distorted and how female characters end up being sexualized in an attempt to seek attention through artistic projections. Specifically, Allison stated that “if one of the pleasures of reading Memoirs is, as I have suggested, a play with one’s own identity, sexuality, and/or gender, this endeavor is conducted through the vehicle of racialized, otherized women” (Allison, 2001). Another intriguing discussion on how prostitution and the hegemonic preservation of patriarchy are normalized by modern media can be found in Ruthi Hoffman Hanchett’s movie analysis Prostitution, Patriarchy and Painted Faces: A Rhetorical analysis of Memoirs of a Geisha. In Hanchett’s perspective, what is worrisome is the fact that the movie setting is far back in 1930s and 1940s Japan, most audiences feel reasonable to disconnect the story from their real life. They are excused to tolerant the tragedy of women being trafficked, imprisoned, and sexually exploited because they hardly find its similarity with their own lives. Hanchett argues that along with other media representation (for example, the film Cathouse), it is how popular culture in America, where prostitution and human trafficking, as well as gender inequality, is formed and accepted. Lastly, Naoko Ikenaga’s article, Geisha: Living in the American Imagination in the Turn of the 21st Century, provides a detailed description and explanation of Geisha culture, analyzes the feminist development in contemporary time, and provides insight on how Geisha and Japanese culture are
repressed by American’s subjectivity, as well as how orientalism is distorted and subordinated by the Western world. Based on his review of the exhibition Geisha: behind the painted smile, he widely criticized that “It reinforced the feminized, exoticized, if not prostitute-like, geisha who live in an ancient society as a sculpted artifact....When placed against American ideologies of freedom, equality, independence as well as modernity, the American image of Geisha continues to attest to the perceived inferiority, backwardness and weakness of Japanese culture.” (Ikenaga, 2004) Power Relations The movie shows a variety of power relations between its characters and broader systems controlling these characters. One power relation is the relationship between the Mother, Auntie, and Granny with the young girls and geishas. This relationship was characterized by fear in the ways in which the older women would discipline the girls, for example: whipping Chiyo for ruining her Kimono or striking Hatsumomo’s face for seeing a man without Mother’s permission (Marshall, 2005). It was also a power relationship in which the older women could sell the girls out or hand them to someone else for tutelage. An example of this was Chiyo being given to Mameha for training. Mameha later becomes the one with more power and control over Chiyo (Marshall, 2005). There were also power dynamics between the girls and those who were already geisha. Age, features, and experience mostly established these power dynamics. The more information they had on
each other the more power they had over each other. Hatsumomo knew about the whereabouts of Satsu (Chiyo’s sister) and she chose to withhold that information (Marshall, 2005), this was a power play on Hatsumomo’s part. Chiyo finally retaliates by informing the older women (Granny, Auntie and Mother) about Hatsumomo’s secret love affair, which gets Hatsumomo into trouble with the older women (Marshall, 2005). This became the genesis of their rivalry throughout the movie and establishes the power dynamics between Hatsumomo and Sayuri. Hatsumomo, having more experience as a geisha and more connections in the field, wields more power than Sayuri. This was explained by Mameha to Sayuri “She can destroy you. She will spread rumours, stalk you from teahouse to teahouse, then steal your clients” (Marshall, 2005). Chiyo’s features put her on a pedestal and give her more power, her blue-grey eyes were marketable assets, giving her more bargaining power than other geishas. There was an undeniable dynamic between Chairman and Sayuri (Chiyo). Even though they were portrayed to be in love, it cannot be ignored that the Chairman has his freedom and Sayuri lacked hers. The movie carefully represents this when the Chairman asks to see Sayuri. Sayuri cannot do this under her own free will because she does not have the freedom to do so, the Chairman on the other hand has the power to request to see her. This is a power dynamic that demonstrates how sexism creates power dynamics. Sexism The movie presented gender bina-
ry in the ways in which the geisha were treated. The first representation was the sale and enslavement of Chiyo and Satsu (Marshall, 2005). This illustrated how female sexuality could be placed on sale (Hanchett, 2006), where patriarchy has positioned men to be superior and subordinate over women (Mahfudh, 2010). The movie also depicts sexist representations in the commodification of the geishas’ sexuality; in a way in which geisha had no agency over their sexuality due to their accumulated debt. For example, Hatsumomo was disciplined for seeing a man she loved, demonstrating she had no control over her love life and sexuality, or ownership over her own body. Chiyo injured herself walking on the roof and stated that she had “Racked up some debt”, meaning she did have ownership of her own body and anything reflected on her body meant she had increased her debt to her granny and auntie. As Hanchett (2006) argues, the movie “naturalizes the subjugation of women by men” and normalizes the exploitation of women in “response to their inferiority” (p. ii). Film director, Robert Marshall, creates this sexist depiction in an Orientalized way. The movie reinforced Western stereotypes of who Geishas were, through a sexist and “othering” lens (Akita, 2009) based on an interplay/intersection of race and gender. In this way, the movie outsources its sexism by depicting sexism through an oriental lens that is racialized and gendered. This means that the depiction of Japanese women as colonized bodies, as subjugated and as complacent, occurs without addressing the problems of sexism in the US. This “others” Japanese
women and men (Allison, 2001), by depicting Japanese people as sexist through the exploitation of women and children in the sex trade (Hanchett, 2006). In this was way the movie failed to realize the way it has outsourced its sexism and erotized its sexism for the “other”. Gendered Orientalism According to Akita, Geisha are professional artists who entertain their clients at formal banquets by performing traditional dancing, singing, and playing of Japanese musical instruments (2006, p. 13) and are a well-known representative of Japanese traditional culture. As a profession, Geisha are respected and honoured. As Akita states, “Prostitution was legal, but geisha were forbidden by law to provide sexual services” (2006, p. 13). Therefore, Japanese people have always understood that Geisha and prostitutes are two different occupations and should never be mistaken. Also, since being a professional art performer, Geisha could increase Japanese women’s social status to a privileged class in Japanese society, thus Japanese women desired to become a Geisha. However, while Japanese see “power, pride, and dignity” in Geisha’s performance, the Westerners consider Geisha submissive and exotic. Akita also points out that “Geisha are often mistaken as high-class prostitutes (2006, p. 13). This misunderstanding has developed for years, and a movie like Memoirs of a Geisha also adds to this exotic and mysterious image of Geisha by the Western world. Indeed, the reputation of particular Japanese culture was affected by Orientalism.
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The West has held the privileged position of interpreting the world through their perspectives since the colonial age (Akita, 2006, p. 2), where “the West has developed romantic yet ambivalent feelings toward the Orient” (2006, p. 2). In fact, Orientalism is regarded as the primary discursive mode of othering by white Europeans in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Elouafi, p. 253), and some Orientalists’ ideas prevail in the world. The ideology of orientalism is harmful to the East because stated by Edward Said “a social mechanism exists that sustains a hierarchical colonial power relationship between the colonizer and the colonized: The West and the Orient” (as cited in Akita, 2006, p. 14). The Orientalist concept is a result of Western fantasy in the West institution, yet accepted as reality by the West. To be specific, Akita explains that “The West, as colonizers, imagines other cultures to be full of secrets waiting to be discovered and explored by the West” (2006, p. 14). In this case, they view the Geisha image as a secret in Japanese culture, and in order to satisfy their needs of discovering secrets, they interpret Geisha as exotic and sexual. Also, as Palmer explains, “For most Westerners, the word geisha conjures up the vague fantasy of a sex worker crossed with an artist” (Akita, 2006, p. 14). Meanwhile, the colonized have no power to resist this powerful interpretation, and this Western stereotype is tacitly acknowledged in the world. The power relations between geishas, as well as the power relation between the female character Sayuri and the male character Chairman, are prominent. On the
one hand, age and experiences are two significant factors in the conflicts between women. On the other hand, gender and social class affects the power dynamics between man and woman. This leads to the problem of sexism. Superior position benefited men in this patriarchy society, and subordinated women were enslaved and treated in a sexist manner without control over their life and sexuality. Also, a gendered lens not only causes the problem of sexism but also intersects with racialized and colonized problems. This “despicable Western stereotype about submissive ‘Oriental’ women” misrepresented Geisha, and as Geisha being regarded as “women of doubtful reputation” (Stanley, p. 540-541) in the West, this oppression of women also perpetuates in other cultures around the world. Nowadays, despite the intellectual and technological advances, Orientalism perpetuates in the world, and sets barriers to full and healthy communication between different cultures. The analysis of Memoirs of a Geisha sheds light on the advocacy that these women have, but also, the ways in which it is hindered by the shadows cast upon them by men. Though it was not highlighted much, the Geisha in the movie exhibit a type of agency that provokes viewers to understand the depth of their understanding of the culture in which they live, their rights, and how they try to keep from too much infringement upon them (Mahfudh, 2010). The depictions of gendered and cultural discriminations, as well as gender oppression, are simply a pre-modern version of systemic, racialized “othering” of women and
the assertion of dominance upon them (Marshall, 2005). The dynamic power plays between men and women, and women and women, show us the vivid strength, motivation, and determinism within Japanese culture, where Geisha, as artists, show through their performances. Because the movie was created by and for a Western lens, the issues surrounding sex, the body, and power, are greatly over stated. Geisha women are women of culture and poise, though, at times subjected to a racialized view through Western eyes and subjected to the men they entertain, their mobility and agency is one to admire. Geisha are deeply undervalued and should be depicted through a more integral lens that seeks to understand more of the culture, instead of simple biases that subject them to social constructs of power relations and gendered orientalism.
References Akita, K. (2006). Orientalism and the Binary of Fact and Fiction in Memoirs of a Geisha. Global Media Journal, 5(9), 1-11. Retrieved from http://www.globalmediajournal.com/open-access/orientalism-and-the-binary-of-fa Ct-and-fiction-in-memoirs-of-a-geisha. pdf Akita, K. (2009). Bloopers of a geisha: male orientalism and colonization of women’s language. Women and Language, 32(1), 12-21. Allison, A. (2001). Memoirs of the Orient. Journal of Japanese Studies, 27(2), 381. doi:10.2307/3591971 Elouafi, A. A. (2010). The colour of Orientalism: race and narratives of discovery in Tunisia. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33(2), 253-271. Retrieved from
Nike’s Empowering Narrative is to “Dream Crazier” While Silently Overpowering Women Through Gender Wage Gap Katie Boros, Ayden Dube, Karen Guan, and Stephanie Platero Martinez
Culture Bites > TriplEX With more than 8.3 million views and counting on YouTube, and a reported higher emotional engagement score of 8/10, Nike has successfully released another part of their “Dream Crazy” ad campaign (Nike, 2019, YouTube). The ad has also reported an overall positive shift from a negative narration of women in sports by changing the emotive word associations that commonly describe women as “crazy”, “unhinged”, and “hysterical” (Pye, 2019). On February 24, 2019, the 90 second ad was strategically released during the Academy Awards televised broadcast - reaching 29.6 million viewers in the United States alone (Statistica, 2019). At its core, the ad addresses the topic of gender equality for women in sports and creates a connection with the viewers core values, attitudes and beliefs. At first glance the ad is captivating, the music is empowering, and the imagery resonates with internal belief systems that women can, and will, continue to succeed as their male counterparts do. A knee-jerk reaction drives spectators to share the ad on their networks - encouraging them to support a positive discourse surrounding the company without fully understanding the issues Nike is facing in gender inequality at the corporate level that kicked off a lawsuit in 2018 (Hsu, 2018, The New York Times). The ad reflects Nike’s powerful storytelling and branding strategy. In the sports world, where a strong patriarchal dominance still exists, a female perspective is rarely narrated in this fashion. Today, male and female athletes are still perceived differently; while male athletes’ success is framed as athleticism, female athleticism is socially overshadowed by femininity and more often generates lower viewership by fans worldwide when broadcast-
ed separately (Douglas, 2018). As an organization, Nike claims to be gender-neutral (Grow, 2008) but it has been impacted by the social structure of how men and women are perceived. As its marketing strategy, Nike is choosing to portray “dream crazier” stories by women and these stories might very well be tools to establish an image of advocating equity as well as increasing its market share among women. A deeper dive into the motivational factors behind why Nike decided to create this type of women empowerment ad, along with the timing of the release, may simply be an operational business strategy to steer the public discourse away from the recent lawsuit. The lawsuit brought forth issues of pay discrimination by female employees and the insurmountable patriarchal hurdles put in the way of women trying to climb Nike’s corporate ladder (Hsu, 2018, The New York Times). The timing of Nike’s campaign for women empowerment now becomes questionable; is Nike’s intent to minimize the negative corporate narration surrounding discrimination of female employees? Nike said 2019 would be a year for women (Danziger, 2019), and as we can see, there is still a lot of work to be done when it comes to closing the gender wage gap. In the developed world, women mostly enjoy freedom and independence; however, they still need to work harder through a variety of invisible obstacles to obtain the same success as men. It is clear that Nike has profited from its gender branding and storytelling, however the lawsuit discloses to the world that Nike has lots of tangible work to do to make itself an authentic role model of gender equity.
References Daily Commercials. (2019, February 27). Nike: Dream Crazier [Video File]. Retrieved from https://dailycommercials.com/nike-dream-crazier/ Danziger, P. N. (2019, March 01). Nike Declares 2019 Its Year For Women. Retrieved from https://www.forbes. com/sites/pamdanziger/2019/03/01/ nike-the-worlds-most-valuable-fashion-brand-declares-2019-its-year-forwomen/#77cfe8ae419d Douglas, L. (2018). The Rise of Women’s Sports. Identifying and Maximizing the Opportunity. The Nielsen Company. Retrieved from https://www. nielsen.com/content/dam/corporate/ us/en/reports-downloads/2018-reports/ the-rise-of-womens-sports.pdf Grow, J. M. (2008). The Gender of Branding: Early Nike Women’s Advertising as a Feminist Antenarrative. Women’s Studies in Communication, 31(3), 312-343. doi:10.1080/07491409 .2008.10162545 Hsu, T. (2018, August 10). The New York Times Ex-Employees Sue Nike, Alleging Gender Discrimination. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes. com/2018/08/10/business/nike-discrimination-class-action-lawsuit.html Nike. (2019, February 24). Nike Dream Crazier [Video File]. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/whpJ19RJ4JY Nike. (2019, March 01). Dream Crazier: The Honeybeez. [Video File]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=MImyGkPzxSE Pye, C. (2019, March 3). Real Eyes Emotional Intelligence. Nike’s Serena Williams Ad More Engaging Than Colin Kaepernick Spot. Retrieved from https://blog.realeyesit.com/nike-serena-williams-ad Statista. (2019). Number of viewers of the Academy Awards ceremonies from 2000 to 2019 (in millions). Retrieved https://www. statista.com/statistics/253743/academy-awards--number-of-viewers/ Weber, L. (2016, September 27). Wall Street Journal, Women in the Workplace (A Special Report) --- Making Pay Equity a Reality: Formal policies can help, but they are only part of the equation. Retrieved https://search-proquest-com.proxy.bib. uottawa.ca/docview/1823366558?r-
Representation or Oppression: The Implications of the Media’s ‘Angry Black Woman’ Marley Kennelly, Matalynn Berg, Owen Douthwright, Rhiannon O’Donohoe
Culture Bites > TriplEX In an age when Western society takes a post-racial approach to racism there remains an overwhelming culture of oppression and stereotyping of racialized minorities. One way this materializes is through the representation of black women in the media. These representations follow a pattern of placing black women into type-cast stereotyped roles such as ‘mammies’, ‘sassy women’, and ‘the angry black woman’. The ‘angry black woman’ is portrayed by characteristics such as being consistently ill-tempered, aggressive, and hostile. Consequently, women who display these behaviours are deemed irrational and worthy of punishment. In How To Get Away With Murder, the main character, Annalise Keating (Viola Davis), is a black female lawyer who, along with running a successful practice, teaches at the fictional Middleton University. Keating is prone to angry, uncontrollable outbursts seen in a myriad of incidents directed toward her students, her staff, and her partners. Keating’s character development as the show progresses shows depth, but nonetheless, the audience is taught to relate Keating’s angry actions as negative through the continued punishment of the character. By being too angry, Keating has things taken away from her, like the love of her partners, the presence of her student Wes Gibbins, and even, her child. Another woman of colour in the show is the character Michaela Pratt (Aja Naomi King); a hard-working law student who has set high goals. Despite her strong, confident characterization, she is also assigned the role of ‘angry black woman’ through continuous disputes with other characters, such as Asher Millstone. The blowups that Pratt exhibits are made to
be more dramatic when met with the calm, ignorant demeanor of Millstone. Placing Pratt’s character in binary opposition to Millstone, a well-off, white student, mimics the relationships between these two demographics that have been historically overstated. Modern fictional works like How To Get Away With Murder are a conduit for the classification of ‘the angry black woman’ to be disseminated. This stereotyped depiction of black women is furthered in news media, and is exceptionally apparent in sports coverage. Serena Williams, arguably the best female tennis player in the world, holds the most Grand Slam victories of any active tennis player. During the 2018 US Open final Williams responded to a referee’s call on a coaching code violation. Williams expressed her irritation toward the referee’s call, knowing that it is only in the rarest cases that a player is punished for coaching code violations. William’s isolated acts of frustration and anger were subsequently punished with a game penalty and a $17,000 fine. This incident sparked a number of media stories, and even a degrading caricature drawn by Mark Knight which compares Williams to a young child having a tantrum (Prasad 2018). The focus of these stories was Williams’s actions as an ‘angry black woman’ rather than the biased decision to penalize her for the coaching violation in the first place. It is vital to have racialized and female representation take center stage, but representations that are stereotypical and racist are less than helpful. These depictions prevent marginalized groups from being able to recognize themselves and be accurately recognized in pop culture. According to bell hooks, there are repercussions
to presenting racialized women in stereotypical ways, because media representations of black women in particular influences how audiences perceive people in their everyday lives. Furthermore, these representations have the ability to impact how these women perceive themselves and their identities (Brooks and Hebert, 2006, p. 299). The representation of black women deserving punishment for angry feelings teaches audiences that it is acceptable to vilify racialized women, which in turn, affects the experiences and esteem of these women. This can result in extreme implications for racialized women with mental health problems. In a study by the Ontario Human Rights Commission, it found that racialized women experiencing depression were often labelled ‘angry black women’ and because of that, mental health professionals determined that they were not deserving or capable of receiving treatment (Chan & Chun, 2014, p. 42). Through the representations of the ‘angry black woman’ by media, black women continue to battle increasing marginalization and oppression: a fight that is nowhere near over. References Brooks, Dwight E., and Hebert, Lisa P. (2006) “Gender, Race and Media Representation”. SAGE Handbook of Gender and Communication. Ed. Bonnie J. Dow & Julia T. Wood. Retrieved from https://www.corwin. com/sites/default/files/upm- binaries/11715_Chapter16.pdf. Chun, Dorothy and Chan, Wendy. (2014). “Chapter Three: Race, Crime and Mental Health.” Racialization, Crime and Criminal Justice in Canada. 2014. Retrieved from: https://uottawa. brightspace.com/d2l/le/content/80420/ viewContent/1937908/View Prasad, Ritu. (2018). “Serena Williams and the trope of the ‘angry
What about Toxic masculinity? Cameron Penney, Felicia Potvin, Miranda Smith, and Morgan Laforge
Culture Bites > TriplEX
Recently, Gillette created an advertising campaign that addresses toxic masculinity. In the ad, they illustrate different kinds of male behavior such as cat-calling, bullying, violence, and other actions often related to toxic masculinity. The campaign generated positive and negative feedback, and left many of us thinking, was the Gillette campaign a hit or miss on toxic masculinity? Looking at both the positive and negative articles regarding this campaign, the position that made the most sense to us was the negative aspects of the ad. The three arguments we will focus on are (1) the manipulation of consumers; (2) the absence of solutions to combat this issue; and (3) how the campaign demonstrates controversy because Gillette products support a gender divide. On the topic of manipulation of consumers, we believe Gillette used this campaign to win over liberal minds and socially progressive individuals. Gillette attempts this by using the “ethos” campaign tactic by invoking emotional responses from viewers. Advertizers use a heartwarming back story about a family or a topic that needs to change and because ABC company knows viewers would care, companies get our attention through appeals to our emotions and then end their commercials promoting their product. Companies who sell products that aren’t luxury items need their commercials to grab our attention; so as to distinguish themselves from other companies. Otherwise, society forgets all about these companies because people are not thinking about simple things such as razors every day, and therefore, the spe-
cific ‘brand’ of razor does not jump out at us. It is significant that Gillette does in fact sell razors and not solutions to modern day problems, and despite it being a heartwarming message, what can Gillette contribute to stopping toxic masculinity outside of this campaign? Nothing! This campaign categorizes men and treats them all the same by grouping men into one category. Not every man displays disrespectful traits towards women, and although Gillette never outright says all men do, it did give male viewers who are doing the right things unease. Unless the Gillette brass begin volunteering at women’s shelters or working to create more equality in society outside of this commercial, this advertisement is as effective as retweeting something on Twitter about a social issue. Finally, Gillette cannot push a feminist perspective on viewers if they are going to continue selling razors to women under the “pink tax” – which essentially charges women higher prices simply because the product is pink and marketed solely towards women. Women’s and men’s razor products have the same function, yet Gillette’s pink women’s razors are significantly higher priced than the men’s blue ones. In conclusion, we believe the campaign message might be good, but we need to look more carefully at who is distributing the message, and why. It is critical to not only look at the message of a campaign, but also question who is pushing the agenda and what they might gain from it. Gillette is over simplifying a social issue embed-
ded by centuries of reinforcement – for example, we cannot simply fix problems like the wage gap by “all getting along as a community”. Although, we acknowledge what Gillette was trying to do may have been beneficial, they are not the ones we need representing this social problem, especially when they are offering no real solutions or programs. Therefore, we feel Gillette is less concerned with social change and more concerned with increased profits. References COUNTERPOINT: Gillette is profiting off controversy, not solving toxic masculinity | Opinion | dailynebraskan. com. (n.d.). Retrieved March 18, 2019, from http://www.dailynebraskan.com/ opinion/counterpoint-gillette-is-profiting-off-controversy-not-solving-toxic-masculinity/article_f4b2740c-1f7d11e9-ad40-83076d72ed76.html Wann, T. (2019, January 25). Gillette advertisement cuts into toxic masculinity. UWIRE Text , p. 1. Will, J. (2019, January 24). Opinion: Conservatives misinterpret the Gillette Advertisement. UWIRE Text , p. 1.
BitterSweet: Pop culture meets social justice
The Blame Game: Khloe Kardashian and Tristan Thompson Edition Hannah Anstey, Helen Cassie, Robert Greeley, and Kylie Hebert
Culture Bites > BitterSweet Across many mediums of communication, the villainization of ‘the other women’ has become commonplace (Wright, 2019). Villainization promotes the belief that it is easier to blame the tempest who enticed your man away, than the cheating partner (Wright, 2019). In “heterosexual [relationships], women are often expected to fill the role of a caregiver who’s responsible for everything – including their partner’s happiness” (Steig, 2019). Therefore, when men cheat the blame is inadvertently placed on women, because obviously it was her fault (Steig, 2019). This phenomenon is playing out in real time between Khloe Kardashian and the father of her child, Tristan Thompson. With the domination of popular culture, the Kardashians’ have made a name for themselves through their saturation on reality TV and social media, and even their makeup and clothing lines. Recently, Khloe Kardashian and NBA player Tristan Thompson have been in the spotlight due to Thompson’s cheating behaviours, and it’s not the first time (Red Table Talk, 2019). Three days before Khloe gave birth to their child, Thompson decided to take the last few days of not being a father seriously, and what was that… cheat on the mother of his child (Bonner & Lundgren, 2019)? Yes, that is correct. But Khloe forgave him, stated that he needed to be in the life of their child and that she wanted him around (Bonner & Lundgren, 2019). However, the situation repeated itself and another Thompson cheating scandal has erupted; however, this time there was no salvation offered for the person being blamed. The Kardashian family played the blame game, and the unfortunate target is 21-year-old Jordyn Woods, Kylie Jenner’s best friend
(Red Table Talk, 2019). In the last two months, allegations surfaced that Woods and Thompson had slept together, and had potentially been having an affair for months (Red Table Talk, 2019). Jordyn Woods broke her silence to 30 million viewers on Jada Pinkett-Smith’s talk show Red Table Talk. Woods revealed that on the night in question she went out with friends and ended up going to a party at Tristan’s house, stating that she was not personally invited by Tristan, and that she was just there for a good time like everyone else (Red Table Talk, 2019). Just before she was about to leave, Tristan said she could stay but Woods insisted on getting home; which is when he kissed her, and she left (Red Table Talk, 2019). Woods has consistently stated that she blames herself for allowing herself to be in such a position, even though he initiated the kiss (Red Table Talk, 2019). Now let us look at the outcome of this alleged cheating, Thompson who has a pattern of being unfaithful, is not the one being blamed, instead, Khloe publicly blames Woods for the breakdown of her family and their relationship. After the Red Table Talk interview, Khloe exploded on Twitter and said Woods was lying, and that she is the reason Khloe’s family broke up (Enriquez & Parker & Sotoodeh, 2019). In this intense social media battle Khloe’s attacks and publicly dismantles Woods’ image, yet the two-time cheating partner is not attacked. Typical of sensational media we know every good story needs a villain and the villain in cheating scandals is most often the other women. Men are seldom blamed for their deceptions in relationships. In this case, the fidelity was Thompson’s cross to bear, and not Woods
(Wright, 2019), yet, Woods is held accountable for “the misdeeds and bad behaviour” (Young, 2019). She is positioned in this situation as the scapegoat for the Kardashian family’s’ misdemeanors, and blamed as “a black women, for the wandering eye of a partner” (Young, 2019) furthering the misconception that it is the other women’s fault that a man cheats, and not the man himself. Another example of this is the President Clinton and Monica Lewinsky scandal. She was a 20-something White House Intern, and he was the President of the United States of America, she was villainized by the American people while President Clinton moved on with his life (Wright, 2019). Men survive these public displays of deception and infidelity while the ‘other women’ pays the price. Let’s bring an end to the blame game, let’s start holding men accountable when they are in the wrong - because the time of villainizing women for the protection of men is over!
References Bonner, M. Lundgren, A. (2019). A Comprehensive timeline of Tristan Thompson and Khloe Kardashian’s Extremely Messy Cheating Scandal. Cosmopolitan. Retrieved from: https:// www.cosmopolitan.com/entertainment/ celebs/a24997034/tristan-thompson-khloe-kardashian-cheating-allegations-timeline/ Enriquez, J. Parker, H. Sodooteh, S. (2019). Khloe Kardashian calls Jordyn Woods “a liar” and says the model DID break up her family after all. Daily Mail. Retrieved from https://www.dailymail. co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-6761749/Khloe-Kardashian-blasts-Jordyn-WoodsRed-Table-Talk-interview.html Steig, C. (2019). Who Loses When Khloé Kardashian Accuses Jordyn Woods of Homewrecking Everyone? Refinery29. Retrieved from https://www.refinery29.com/enus/2019/03/225808/khloe-kardashiantwitter-blames-jordyn-woods-cheatingsexism
Lilianne Carrier : Un rĂŞve se rĂŠalise au pays de La Dolce Vita
Culture Bites > Glocal Fusion Passionnée par les civilisations de l’Antiquité et l’histoire de l’art depuis mon exposé oral sur les ruines de Pompeii en 6e année, il allait de soit que je poursuivre mes intérêts sur de tels sujets en tant qu’adulte, bien que ma carrière ait été dans un domaine pas du tout connexe. Originaire de Welland, ville sudest ontarienne, je suis arrivée à Ottawa en 1982 afin de poursuivre des études en administration des affaires à l’Université d’Ottawa. Dès l’obtention de mon baccalauréat, je décroche un emploi à cette même institution en tant qu’agente d’admission. Quelques années plus tard, j’obtiens un poste de conseillère pédagogique, poste dans lequel j’œuvrerai auprès des étudiants pendant 32 ans. Je conserve d’excellents souvenirs de mes années passées à l’université. Ce milieu de travail fort stimulant et avec une clientèle diversifiée a aussi alimenté mon besoin d’épanouissement personnel. Outre les nombreuses et stimulantes rencontres avec les étudiants ainsi que divers projets administratifs forts intéressants, j’ai eu la chance de rencontrer l’amour de ma vie, de tisser de beaux liens d’amitié et de maintenir un bel équilibre entre mon travail et ma vie personnelle. Les voyages, les sorties culturelles, la famille, les rencontres entre amis, la cuisson, le jardinage et le dolce far niente ont toujours été très importants dans ma vie. C’était mon premier séjour en Italie. Éblouie par la beauté et la richesse de ses trésors architecturaux, les musées d’art et de ses paysages époustouflants, je me suis sentie bien. Très bien même, sauf pour mon incapacité de tenir
en italien ne serait-ce que la plus élémentaire des conversations. Je me suis promis qu’un jour dans un avenir rapproché, je m’inscrirais à un cours d’introduction à l’italien. Ça été le coup de foudre! Au cours des six prochaines années, j’ai complété tous les cours requis pour le diplôme, tout en travaillant à temps plein. Chaque année pendant mes vacances, j’allais faire un petit tour en terre italienne. Je me disais qu’à ma retraite, il serait formidable de passer de plus longues périodes de temps en Italie. Exactement 30 ans après l’obtention de mon premier baccalauréat en administration des affaires (1986), je reçois un baccalauréat en langue et culture italiennes (2016), en plus de la médaille d’or décernée à l’étudiant(e) ayant obtenu la plus haute moyenne.
Il arrive à l’occasion de se sentir débordé par le travail à certaines périodes de l’année. Il est tout à fait normal de rêver d’un rhythme différent, un rythme où il n’y a plus de stress quotidien lié aux échéances, rendez-vous, gros dossiers à traiter. Comme bien des gens, j’ai souvent pensé aux activités et projets que je pourrais entreprendre à ma retraite. Bien sûr les voyages en faisaient partie. Mais je rêvais aussi de faire
quelque chose hors du commun. C’est donc à l’automne 2019 que je m’inscris à un cours de conservation-restauration de peintures (d’une durée d’un mois) offert à l’Istituto per l’Arte e il Restauro, Palazzo Spinelli à Florence. Considérée comme l’une des plus belles villes au monde, Florence, le berceau de la Renaissance, est un musée à ciel ouvert qui foissonne de trésors artistiques. Existe-t-il un meilleur endroit au monde pour étudier l’art et sa restauration? D’autant plus que ce cours est donné en italien! Quelle belle façon d’expérimenter l’immersion dans la culture et la langue italiennes.
Nous sommes huit étudiants inscrits au cours : deux architectes italiennes, une designer-décoratrice italienne, deux restauratrices de l’art provenant de la France, un psychologue américain, une étudiante japonaise, et moi, la petite conseillère pédagogique canadienne nouvellement retraitée.
Après un tour de table, notre professeure nous explique le déroulement du cours pour le prochain mois. Elle nous invite à la suivre au studio de photographie et d’éclairage. Au centre de la pièce se trouve un chevalet avec une peinture visiblement abîmée.
Nombreuses sont les étapes faisant partie d’un projet de restauration d’œuvres d’art: examen et diagnostic, nettoyage de toile et du vernis, consolidation, re-charpentage, intégration picturale, vernissage final. Comme tout projet de restauration, il faut d’abord faire un examen approfondi de l’œuvre et dresser un constat d’état. À l’aide de lumières variées (normale, rasante, transmise, diffusée, ultraviolet), il est possible de faire ressortir toutes les caractéristiques des œuvres, y compris celles invisibles à l’œil nu. Les informations recueillies sont essentielles au choix des traitements faisant partie du projet de restauration.
La conservation-restauration des œuvres d’art occupe une place importante dans notre société, particulièrement en Italie où les trésors artistiques sont si nombreux. L’intérêt envers cette profession s’est accrue considérablement après l’inondation dévastatrice à Florence en 1966. Après deux jours intenses et continuels de pluie, le fleuve Arno quitte son lit et inonde la ville toscane ainsi que son inestimable patrimoine artistique. Florence n’est plus qu’un immense marécage boueux, les gens sont privés d’eau potable et d’électricité. Les maisons, les églises, le musée des Offices, la bibliothèque centrale sont envahis par 5 mètres d’eau et de boue. Les peintures et les livres flottes dans les caves. L’inondation fait 34 morts.
Culture Bites > Glocal Fusion
L’Istituto per l’ Arte e il Restauro à Florence est un milieu d’apprentissage extraordinaire. Quand j’ai soumis ma demande d’admission, je ne savais pas à quoi m’attendre. Mais chose certaine, après tant d’années à rêver de faire quelque chose hors du commun, il était temps de passer à l’action. Je voulais tenter une nouvelle expérience qui conjuguerait mes intérêts pour l’art, la culture italienne et mon amour de l’histoire.
Redonner aux œuvres d’art leur splendeur d’antan en grattant des siècles de poussière et en appliquant des retouches picturales est un discipline fort intéressante et tout à fait nécessaire afin de préserver ce qui est valorisé par notre société. Mon séjour à Florence demeurera gravé à jamais dans ma mémoire et figurera parmi les plus belles expériences de ma vie.
L’art de Marc Thivierge : Une entrevue
Tout jeu tout flâme - Dancing, dancing. 48’’ X 48’’ Paper
Culture Bites > Canadiana - En français
Qui est Marc Thivierge ? J’ai le bonheur d’être né dans une famille qui avait beaucoup d’intérêt pour les arts. Par exemple les samedis, on écoutait l’opéra à la radio. Il y avait des livres de reproduction d’œuvres d’art chez nous. Mes parents avaient aussi toute une collection de disques de la musique de Beethoven qu’ils faisaient jouer très souvent. Mes parents aimaient chanter et maman jouait du piano. D’ailleurs la famille de mon père était reconnue pour avoir des voix sublimes. On les appelait les rossignoles de Clarence Creek. Puis, j’ai fait partie de deux chorales, de formations de groupe rock en tant que chanteur et percussionniste. Dans ma vie, il y a toujours eu une forme ou une autre d’art. L’art peut raconter des histoires personnelles. Est-ce que c’est ton cas ? Expliquez svp. (processus, sujet, medium. Etc.) Mon art ne raconte pas d’histoires, mais on peut voir (en quelque sorte) mes états d’âme. Je me suis rendu compte que j’ai beaucoup de joie et de lumière à l’intérieur et cela se transpose dans mon art. Quelles sont les influences qui ont contribué à votre art ou vie artistique ? Si on parle du domaine des arts visuels, mes plus grandes influences ont été Picasso, Dali, Cristo. Mes amis contemporains Laurent
Viens, Jean-Pierre Comptant et Diane Desmarais ont aussi eu une grande influence. Comment est ton art un commentaire ou une réflexion sur la vie sociale et politique ? (Si c’est le cas) ou sur ta vie personnelle ? Mon art ne se veut pas une réflexion sur l’actualité, une critique politique ou autre, une protestation ou la mise en évidence d’atrocité ou d’inégalité sociale. Je laisse ça aux autres. Je préfère apporter des couleurs, des mouvements, des interprétations intuitives de la nature qui m’entoure. Si je peux faire réagir les gens en leur apportant des sensations de réconfort, ou qu’ils voient dans mes toiles cette nature merveilleuse, j’aurais atteint mon but. Mais entendons-nous bien, je ne me suis pas donner de mission. La peinture, les collages sont des expressions de mes envies subconscientes, une chose auquelle je dois m’abandonner, sinon il y aurait un manque, ma vie serais incomplète. On est intéressé par la question de la sexualité et le genre dans ta collection « pénis ». Quelle est l’histoire derrière cette collection ? Que voulez-vous dire ou exprimer à travers cette collection ? Au début de ma phase « collage sur panneaux », exprimer mes pulsions sexuelles par désir de voir comment cela se traduirait
en utilisant le papier et la colle. Honnêtement je n’ai pas délibérément décidé de mettre des formes de pénis sur les panneaux. Les formes sont venues intuitivement sans y réfléchir. Les premiers jets, (sans jeu de mots), les traits de crayon qui sont les mouvements premiers d’une œuvre se font, dans mon cas, sans réfléchir, la main se lance et je la suis. Le constat se fait une fois les premières esquisses commencées. Alors la collection de pénis n’existe pas véritablement sauf pour dire qu’il y a eu quelques œuvres qui ont illustré cette chose. À mes yeux, quand j’y ai réfléchie plus tard, j’ai dû admettre que j’avais une certaine fixation sur cette chose sexuelle. Un pénis, à mon avis est esthétiquement intéressant. Si on regarde dans l’architecture par exemple, la forme du pénis a été reprise à travers les siècles. La question du sexe, la question de la sexualité, la question du genre : qu’en pensez-vous ? J’ai eu des interrogations dans ma jeunesse. J’ai fait mes expérimentations autant avec les filles qu’avec les garçons. À un moment donné, j’ai réalisé que mon attirance pour le genre masculin était plus prépondérante que pour les filles. Le sexe pour moi est une nécessité, un besoin de l’humain tout comme manger et boire, dormir et bailler. L’action de faire l’amour complète les actions quotidiennes ou hebdomadaires de ma vie. En
ce qui concerne le genre ou les genres, je ne m’y suis pas trop attardé mais je crois que toute personne qui ne sent pas bien dans son corps a le droit de rétablir les choses afin d’être bien. La vie est faite pour que tous et chacun soit bien dans sa peau et non pas pour y être malheureux. Le sexe, l’action sexuelle fait partie du bonheur humain, en fin pour la plupart des gens.
On s’permet - Sperm’in 24’’ X 48’’ Paper
Vous avez travaillé excessivement avec la méthode du collage et du découpage et en papier, même recyclant des pages et des livres qui, en eux, ont un message. Parlez-nous de votre processus de sélection, de votre choix esthétique, de l’idée que le medium est le message parfois. J’ai fait mes choix pour les couleurs, les textures lorsque je faisais mes choix d’illustrations à découper. C’est quelque chose de difficile à expliquer, il y a une part d’intuition, d’inspiration du moment. C’est un peu comme la main qui est guidée par je ne sais quoi et qui trace la ligne du départ. On peut donc qualifier mon art d’intuitif. Abstrait et intuitif. Au début je choisissais dans des revues bien connus que l’on m’offrait, puis avec le temps j’ai acheté des livres de reproductions d’art que j’ai découpés en donnant l’excuse que je redonnais une vie à ces tableaux emprisonnés dans ces grands livres qui accumulaient de la poussière. Je ne vois pas de messages, ni de leçons mais des formes, des couleurs et des agencements possibles ou probables. http://www.marcthivierge.com/
On s’permet - Sperm’in. 24’’ X 48’’ Paper
Culture Bites > Canadiana - En français
PĂŠnis - Penises
Prof. Martine Lagacé: Jeter un nouveau regard sur le vieillissement et donner une voix. Domaine et expertise de recherche : Ma formation universitaire est en psychologie, notamment en psychologie sociale (PhD), en sus à deux baccalauréats, l’un en psychologie et le second en communication. J’ai également effectué un certificat universitaire de premier cycle en gérontologie. Depuis près d’une vingtaine d’années, je m’intéresse aux dimensions psychosociales du vieillissement; par exemple, à la façon dont une société définit le vieillissement, la place et le rôle des plus âgés tout autant qu’aux retombées de cette con-
ceptualisation sur les personnes, jeunes comme âgées. Avec mes collègues, nous avons effectué plusieurs études de terrain, par exemple auprès de personnes âgées et de travailleurs âgés afin de circonscrire leurs perspectives et expériences du vieillir.
Le vieillissement et l’âgisme : Qu’est-ce qui a suscité votre intérêt dans ces domaines? A mon sens, la recherche a toujours pour point de départ, que ce soit directement ou indirectement, un élément personnel de notre vie. Pour moi, ça été ma mère. Étant très proche d’elle, j’ai eu le privilège de l’accompagner dans Martine Lagacé Vice-rectrice associée, Promotion et son parcours développement de la recherche de santé (suivis médicaux, Martine Lagacé a été nommée Vice-rectrice associée, aide commuPromotion et développement de la recherche, en août 2018 pour un mandat de cinq ans. Elle est professeure titulaire au nautaires, etc.) Département de communication et affiliée à l’École de pendant que psychologie. La professeure Lagacé a été vice-doyenne à la gouvernance de la Faculté des arts de 2014 à 2018 ainsi que directrice du département de communication de 2011 à je complétais 2012. Outre son expérience administrative, elle détient une vaste expertise journalistique, moi-même un ayant œuvré au sein de la Société Radio-Canada durant plus de 10 ans. baccalauréat en Les travaux de la professeure Lagacé ont grandement contribué à l’avancement des psychologie. Je connaissances sur les aspects psychosociaux du vieillissement, particulièrement quant aux tenants et aboutissants de la discrimination sur la base de l’âge. Elle a mené plusieurs nourrissais de enquêtes de terrain au Canada et à l’échelle internationale, auprès des travailleurs comme plus en plus un des patients âgés, afin de mieux comprendre les manifestations et les répercussions de l’âgisme. Dans le monde francophone, ses travaux universitaires sur l’âgisme font figure de intérêt pour les pionniers. Elle est d’ailleurs la directrice de deux ouvrages sur l’âgisme et publie connaissances régulièrement des articles dans des revues universitaires, dans les deux langues officielles. en matière de La professeure Lagacé contribue à plusieurs organisations, notamment auprès du Conseil vieillissement, national des aînés, de l’Institut du savoir Montfort, de l’Institut de recherche Bruyère et de l’Institut universitaire de gériatrie de Montréal. Elle a également établi plusieurs notamment dans collaborations de recherche à l’échelle internationale, notamment en France et en Italie. ses dimensions
psychosociales. En parallèle, j’observais les comportements de celles et ceux qui entouraient ma mère et notais plus souvent qu’autrement des attitudes âgistes, un langage quelque peu infantilisant à son égard. Ce faisant, entre mes lectures d’étudiante de baccalauréat en psychologie et mon parcours personnel auprès de ma mère, il n’en fallait pas plus pour faire germer une passion, pour défendre une cause : celle du bien-être des aînés. Il semble que ce domaine de recherche soit sous-développé dans les études sur la communication et les médias. Que pensez-vous de cela, que peut-on faire et pourquoi est-ce important? Les réflexions et études universitaires entourant les aînés ont d’abord et avant tout émergé des domaines de la gériatrie et de la gérontologie, et plus largement de la psychologie, de la sociologie et des sciences de la santé. Le domaine de la communication et des études des médias se sont en effet intéressés aux enjeux liés au vieillissement et à l’âgisme beaucoup plus tard, en termes temporelles. Cela s’explique en partie parce que le domaine d’étude de la communication en soi est relativement jeune par rapport aux disciplines citées plus haut. Par ailleurs, cela
Culture Bites > Canadiana - En français
s’explique également par le fait que les chercheurs en gérontologie et en gériatrie orientaient initialement leurs études surtout sur les « problèmes » du vieillissement et non sur les « possibilités » et les dimensions positives de ce processus. Le vieillissement, dans ces premières études, était en soi dépeint comme un processus de déclin généralisé, indépendamment de l’environnement et du contexte dans lequel évoluait ce même processus. Or, le contexte dans le lequel toute personne vieillit, le contexte psychologique, social, économique, historique, etc. joue un rôle clé dans le processus du vieillissement et le statut des aînés. Par exemple, on sait désormais que la communication, qu’elle soit publique ou privée, exerce une grande influence sur les aînés et sur le processus de vieillissement comme tel. Par exemple, le discours des médias, le discours des dirigeants (gouvernements) est empreint de croyances et d’idées (parfois préconçues) sur les aînés et le vieillissement. Ces discours, on le sait désormais, puisque la chose est documentée par de nombreuses études, a une influence sur les politiques publiques mais aussi sur l’expérience individuelle du vieillissement (que ce soit chez les jeunes ou les aînés). La pandémie issue de la Covid-19 en est un exemple très révélateur. Le discours, que ce soit dans les médias traditionnels et les médias sociaux, était fortement teinté de stéréotypes âgistes (l’expression plus qu’indigne de « Boomer Remover », référant aux effets de la Covid-19 et circulant sur les médias sociaux, au début de la pandémie traduit un âgisme flagrant,
qui fait froid dans le dos. Quel est le rôle des médias selon vous, dans le processus du vieillissement et de l’âgisme come tel? Tel que mentionné ci-haut, le rôle des médias est central dans la qualité (ou la moindre qualité) du processus de vieillissement tout autant que dans la stigmatisation des personnes aînées. Les médias exercent une influence considérable quant aux représentations du vieillissement et des personnes aînées comme telles. Plusieurs études, incluant celles que nous avons effectuées, ont montré clairement que le discours des médias quant aux personnes aînées est très souvent polarisé : ainsi, les aînés sont dépeints, de manière explicite ou implicite, comme une source de lourdeur économique, de moindre productivité, de défis en termes de soins de santé, etc. Par contre, à l’autre extrême, les médias valorisent les aînés qui, paradoxalement, parviennent à ne pas vieillir ou à tout le moins à ne pas correspondre à l’image stéréotypée des aînées. En d’autres termes, les aînés, à l’allure « jeune » sont valorisés dans les médias. Or, dans les deux cas, il s’agit de fausses représentations du vieillissement et des personnes aînées. De manière générale, le vieillissement, particulièrement dans sa dimension sociale, comportet-il une composante genrée? Le cumul de l’âgisme et du sexisme est bien documenté dans la littérature. Les femmes âgées sont malheureusement évaluées plus négativement que les hom-
mes âgés. Au plan esthétique, et physique, les femmes sont particulièrement la cible de stéréotypes négatifs comme de discrimination. Les dictats sociaux de la beauté qui incombent aux femmes de demeurer jeunes et belles, ont systématiquement des effets plus négatifs sur ces dernières que sur les hommes âgés. Le cliché des cheveux grisonnant chez un homme comme synonyme d’expérience alors qu’il se traduit comme un élément de déclin chez une femme demeure toujours bien ancré dans les attitudes sociales. En sommes, les femmes jeunes transigent déjà avec le sexisme et les femmes âgées cumulent le double stigma basé sur l’âge et le genre. Merci Professeure Lagacé de cette opportunité et bonne chance avec ta recherche. Mise à jour: Durant la pandémie, Lagacé a activement exprimé ses inquiétudes et a expliqué ses recherches sur la vulnérabilité des personnes âgées et les graves effets de la discrimination envers eux pendant la crise COVID19. https://research.uottawa.ca/news/ impact-covid-19-seniors-lessons-belearned https://ici.radio-canada.ca/premiere/ emissions/phare-ouest/segments/entrevue/166446/agisme-covid-martinelagace https://ici.radio-canada.ca/premiere/ emissions/le-matin-du-nord/segments/ entrevue/172771/martine-lagace-traitement-aines-covid19 https://uniquefm.ca/entrevues/besoinset-attentes-des-aines-42222
MAY TELMISSANY : faire avancer la recherche sur la francophonie arabe! Les réseaux médiatiques au sein de la francophonie arabe et la redéfinition du vivre ensemble Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques culturelles et médiatiques au sein de la francophonie canado-arabe dans les domaines du cinéma et des médias visuels. Les changements culturels et techniques au sein de la francophonie arabo-canadienne remettent en
question certaines catégories de recherches postcoloniales relatives à la francophonie internationale en tant que matrice du discours colonial et / ou orientaliste. La remise en cause de constructions dichotomiques telles que l’hégémonie versus l’hybridation culturelle, les pratiques patrimoniales versus les pratiques migratoires fait l’objet d’un projet de recherche plus large promu par ACANS pour identifier, analyser et comprendre les contributions des Canadiens d’origine arabe au cinéma et aux médias visuels au Canada. En intégrant les notions de mise en réseau transnationale et de diversité multilingue et multiculturelle dans le domaine de la recherche sur la Francophonie, ce programme vise à étudier les pratiques culturelles et médiatiques susceptibles d’être déployées au-delà des frontières nationales et à se promouvoir à travers différents médias sur un plan inter / transnational et personnel / niveaux individuels. ACANS- EACAN Groupe de recherche en études arabes canadiennes Le groupe de recherche en études arabes canadiennes (EACAN) a pour mandat d’établir un nouveau champ de recherche unique au Canada et dans le monde entier qui retrace l’histoire des Canadiens d’origine arabe et le développement social et culturel
des communautés arabes canadiennes issues de l’immigration. EACAN est un groupe de recherche interdisciplinaire qui réunit des professeurs et des chercheurs spécialisés en études arabes, histoire, sociologie, science politique, études religieuses, littérature et études médiatiques, parmi d’autres. EACAN vise à étudier l’histoire et la culture des communautés arabes canadiennes et se donne comme mission de compiler les documents produits par/sur les Canadiens d’origine arabe en tant que sources primaires d’information, indispensables à la recherche en études arabes canadiennes. Il se propose de communiquer le savoir des chercheurs et universitaires œuvrant dans le domaine des recherches arabes canadiennes à travers le site internet du groupe, les conférences et autres activités académiques organisées par les membres et la publication des résultats de leurs recherches. Sous l’égide de l’Université d’Ottawa et grâce à l’environnement dynamique de la capitale nationale, EACAN espère être le centre de la recherche académique sur les Canadiens d’origine arabe, le rôle croissant des communautés arabes en Amérique du Nord et les questions d’actualité qui orientent le développement identitaire de ces communautés.
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Thèmes 1. L’immigration arabe au Canada du XIXe siècle jusqu’à nos jours 2. Les communautés diasporiques arabes canadiennes: ethnicités, classes sociales, sexes, et religions 3. Les professionnels Canadiens d’origine arabe: histoire d’une intégration 4. Études arabes canadiennes et Études arabes américaines: rapports et perspectives d’avenir 5. Relations internationales Canada – Monde arabe 6. Contributions culturelles et artistiques des Canadiens d’origine arabe: La littérature migrante: les écrivain(e)s Canadien(ne)s d’origine arabe Le cinéma transnational: les cinéastes canadien(ne)s d’origine arabe Les arts visuels et les arts de la scène: artistes visuel(e)s, hommes/femmes de théâtre, dan seur(e)s et musicien(e)s canadien(ne)s d’origine arabe.
May Telmissany https://www.ledevoir.com/auteur/may-telmissany Associate professor, Film Studies and Arabic Studies https://uniweb.uottawa.ca/?lang=en#/members/510 Department of Communication University of Ottawa 55 Laurier East, Room 11148 Ottawa ON K1N 6N5 Canada 613-562-5800 #2401
Lydia Oliviera @ UOttawa: Communauté et l’identité du Youtubeur
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mais l’outil de travail principal de nouveaux professionnels nommés Youtubeurs. L’ascension de ce nouveau métier en vogue a même entrainé la compagnie YouTube à créer une académie en ligne pour apprendre les ficelles du métier !
J’ai déménagé à Ottawa pour faire mon baccalauréat en science politique et ce fut une opportunité pour améliorer mon anglais. Au cours de mon baccalauréat, j’ai décidé d’ajouter une mineure en communication à mon programme et lorsque j’ai obtenu mon diplôme, j’ai décidé de poursuivre mes études en communication. Je suis, maintenant, étudiante en première année dans le programme de maîtrise en communication à l’université d’Ottawa. Ayant choisi le profil avec mémoire, je devrai effectuer un travail de recherche. Voici donc un résumé de mon intérêt de recherche : Comme plusieurs, j’ai vécu l’avènement de la plateforme YouTube sur internet et je dois dire que c’est un univers qui me fascine. Ce qui était au départ une plateforme de partage et de création de vidéos récréatifs est désor-
Cette plateforme permet, entre autres, aux Youtubeurs se créer une communauté d’abonnés. Ce qui me fascine particulièrement, c’est la construction cette communauté et plus précisément, la relation qui s’établit entre le Youtubeur et sa communauté. Ma recherche portera donc sur cette relation particulière et son influence sur la construction et l’expression de l’identité des partis impliqués. En d’autres mots et de façon très large, je me poserai les questions suivantes : dans quelle mesure la construction de l’identité du Youtubeur est-elle influencée par sa communauté ? Et comment celle de l’abonné est-elle influencée par le Youtubeur et son statut de membre de la communauté ?
UnTUck Things that you need to know beyond the superficial coverage.
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The Public Debate Surrounding Feminist Porn: The Stigmatization of the Porn Industry and Media’s Role in the Public Sphere and Civil Society Julia Dostaler, Gabrielle Duff, Laura Garcia Gomez, and Kymberley-Anne Gauvreau
Feminism and pornography aren’t concepts that on the surface seem to intertwine naturally. But, this new phenomenon, of ‘feminist porn’, is sparking more conversation and public debate as it confronts mainstream pornography – an industry where women, for the most part, are objectified and dominated sexually on screen by their male partner. This intense debate has inspired a wave of feminist porn industry supporters to fight the stigmatization. Fought for in both legal institutions and within the pornography industry, their goal is to protect and reconstruct their image (which is often bashed or stereotyped). The media plays a significant role in the negative portrayal of pornography, affecting its existence in the public sphere and in civil society. By affecting its existence, we’re referring to the
stigmatization of the pornographic industry, but more importantly to the negative connotations attributed to feminist pornstars. The 2009 Swedish feminist porn film collection, Dirty Diaries, sheds light on the stigmatization of the porn industry as it “explores the new genre of feminist porn by challenging images of female sexuality. The project brings together artists, filmmakers and activists to express their own perspective on porn and female sexuality, offering an array of inventiveness and diversity, and, in the process, questioning conventional stereotypes of female and male sexuality” (Kino Lorber, Inc, 2019). According to feminist pornstars, the amount of education and information surrounding their work is both inadequate and unrepresentative. To examine why this is, and how the media contributes, it’s important to understand
the ideologies of feminist porn, the public sphere, and civil society. What Is Feminist Porn? Pornography is defined as “printed or visual material containing the explicit description or display of sexual organs or activity, intended to stimulate sexual excitement” (Oxford, 2019). In what we consider to be mainstream pornography, we see many impartial treatments of women in the industry. Women are depersonalized and represented as objects that are purposed solely for their partner’s satisfaction. When it comes to gender equality, we often find that men are the ones dominating women, women are presented as submissive, and women are the recipients of different forms of sexual pain (e.g. spanking, choking). In many productions the male performers are
depicted as having a higher social status by playing roles of bosses or business men. Mainstream pornography typically consists of “socially sanctioned acts of direct violence against women” (Lehmiller, J. J., 2017). To us, it seems that mainstream pornography excels at providing an endless flow of narratives in which objectification and violation of women is normalized. Susan Brownmiller, feminist activist and co-founder of Women Against Pornography (WAP), believes “pornography transforms women into adult toys...dehumanized objects to be used, abused, bro-
tute something as feminist porn, however, the most often mentioned criteria are that it should depict authentic or genuine pleasure, as well as a diversity of body types, race, age, and sexual practices (Ryberg, 2015). Feminist porn’s objective is to empower and affirm women’s sexualities, often through a mode of documentary, while challenging and critiquing porn conventions. In short, feminist porn challenges stereotypes and normative notions of gender and sexuality. Authenticity is a central focus in feminist porn as realistic depictions of bodies, sexual prac-
“Feminist porn’s objective is to empower and affirm women’s sexualities, often through a mode of documentary, while challenging and critiquing porn conventions.” ken and discarded” (Potter, 2016). However, many others contend that feminist pornography does not dehumanize but rather empowers individuals: “Feminist porn promotes a sex-positive sphere for women to reclaim the narrative around female sexuality and establish a higher standard for what sex is and should be. In feminist porn, actors are paid fairly, and consent is a crucial component in production. Feminist porn further aligns with ethical production by practicing intersectionality: it represents marginalized groups without fetishizing them. Both the audience and the participants enter and leave the space empowered” (Kanaras, 2017). Presently, there are no set of rules or definitions which consti-
tices and pleasures are crafted to resemble the actual sexual experiences of healthy relationships. It implies an opportunity for performers to be themselves and to create unique sexual relationships during productions, instead of the artificial and staged sexual acts that are the norm in mainstream porn (Maina, 2014). It seems to be catching on. Feminist pornography was even given a specific focus in the 2014 internationally-attended Berlin Porn Film Festival (Ryberg, 2015). Madison Young, feminist porn star and director, said “For me as a porn director, I find that my job is to create a safe space for authentic sexual connection and pleasure to occur...there is so much body shame and sexual shame inherent in our culture that documenting authentic exploration and celebration of
one’s sexual self involves creating a safe environment that celebrates a sense of self and individuality” (Young, 2014, p. 187). Feminist pornography directors like Tristan Taormino, Courtney Trouble, Joanna Angel, and Erika Lust are attempting to take the economic, physical, and social vulnerability of performers seriously (Potter, 2016). Rachael Liberman (2015) conducted a critical study “to demystify meaning-making processes among women that consume feminist pornography” (p.174). Liberman (2015) conducted interviews which asked whether or not they felt responsible for teaching women about sexuality and how they felt their voices were contributing to the way women approach their sexuality. Courtney Trouble responded: “I debunk myths about queer female sexuality constantly, and include trans women as part of an overall focus on making sure that women are seen as authentic sexual creators that deserve satisfaction as much as men. I hope that when women watch my porn, they feel inspired to be sex positive and vocal, and excited. As for men, I hope that they take away personal notes on how to please women, continue having sex after male ejaculation, and use toys, fantasies and communication to enhance sex” (Liberman, 2015, p.186). According to Joanna Angel, porn does not have to be sex education, all she hopes for is to inspire women and to make them believe they are “sexy no matter who they are” (Liberman, 2015, p.187). Both responses, along with others from recognizable directors, reveal a reluctance to accept the power or influence exerted on their viewers.
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They do, however, have specific goals of providing images of differently gendered bodies, inspiring women, or offering sexually explicit images so their female audience can form a healthier relationship with their bodies. Discussion with feminist pornography consumers revealed that directors’ goals were positively received and filtered according to the consumers’ personal needs, tastes, or desires (Liberman, 2015). Feminist porn advocates want much more than equal rights between genders or to answer the urgent need for proper sexual education. As Mary Dorman, a longtime feminists and civil rights attorney notes, “the issues for women in erotic films mirror the issues of women in general”, what they, and all women need, she believes, is freedom from discrimination, regardless of how they make a living (Potter, 2016). Clair Potter’s article Not Safe for Work: Why Feminist Pornography Matters (2016) unveils “if mainstream porn makes women hyper-visible, the industry goes to great lengths to make the conditions of their labor invisible—work on porn sets is usually self-regulated, non-unionized, and without benefits or enforceable industry standards for wages and intellectual property—conditions that can contribute to exploitation”. Along those lines, an effort by feminist organizations to destigmatize sex work and pornography would support female performers by making the industry safer and better, but also by expanding the economic choices of those who spend any part of their working lives in porn (Potter, 2016). In the same article, Potter argues that although it is difficult to get accurate statistics of
“..the porn set, like any other workplace, should be safe, regulated, and free from discrimination (Potter, 2016).” how men and women are paid in the industry, it is widely believed that pornography is one of the few industries where women are better paid than men. Nonetheless, a higher income for a porn actress does not necessarily mean there is appropriate regulations in place for sexual workers. Clair Potter (2016) notes that the stigma about pornography perpetuated by its critics also makes it difficult for people who are exploited to speak up. As a result, when performers are harmed or go unpaid, they are often caught between a self-regulated industry and a justice system that does not recognize that sex crimes or economic exploitation can occur on a porn set (Potter, 2016). Indeed, proporn feminists first asserted that “sex work is no different from other kinds of work”, an argument that is especially important because it then follows that the porn set, like any other workplace, should be safe, regulated, and free from discrimination (Potter, 2016). One of the most important feminist porn stars and activists was Candida Royalle, also known as Candida Vadala. She starred in 25 movies over a five-year period before deciding to be on the other side of the camera and producing (Penley, 2015). After researching and studying the history of erotic art, erotic fictions, and historical erotic manuals she came to the conclusion that there was nothing wrong with erotic or adult entertainment, but there was one crucial absence - the lack of female vision
and points of view (Penley, 2015). As a pro-pornography feminist, she wanted her films to celebrate women’s sexuality and to teach men how to be better lovers (Potter, 2016). Royalle believed she could create adult films that provide useful yet entertaining information about sex while also representing women’s desires. With the modern women’s movement in full swing, it was the perfect time for this project and for reminding women of their right to be sexually curious (Penley, 2015). In 1984, Royalle started working with photographer Lauren Neimi to create Femme Productions. Together they created movies that featured high production values and non-formulaic eroticism without any of the gynecological close-ups and forced money shots that mainstream porn demands (Penley, 2015). Royalle knew that it was crucial to change the style, content, and mode of address, but it was also important to change the means of consumption, marketing, and distribution (Penley, 2015). VCA Pictures, one of the largest and most well-known production companies, agreed to distribute her movies. The first three Femmes videos Femme (1984), Urban Heat (1984), and Christine’s Secret (1986) were highly successful. In 1986, Royalle’s husband bought those three successful titles and formed Femme Distributions with his wife (Penley, 2015). Royalle received a Doctorate in Human Sexuality from San Francisco’s Institute for Advanced
Study of Sexuality for her life’s work. Royalle had a large impact on all aspects of the porn industry through her innovative filmmaking techniques, the supportive peer community she built, and her role on the public’s intellect through her writing, speaking, and activism (Penley, 2015). Royalle has led the way for today’s feminist porn entrepreneurs who view themselves not just as pornographers but as educators, writers, activists, artists, and intellectuals (Potter, 2016). By 2006, so many producers and directors had followed Royalle’s lead that Toronto’s adult store Good for Her established the annual Feminist Porn Awards (Potter, 2016). To qualify for an award, a film had to use erotic narrative to expand the boundaries of sexual representation and challenge mainstream porn stereotypes. To qualify as feminist pornography, a woman must be involved in the production (e.g. writing, directing), and the director has to put the actor’s pleasure and agency at the center of the story, ask for actors’ consent for any sexual act, permit actors to revoke consent, and provide clean and safe working conditions (Potter, 2016). Today, there is even a film festival in Toronto dedicated to feminist pornography during which industry professionals can win awards like Hottest Kink Film, Most Tantalizing Trans Film, and Best Boygasm. In 2009, Mia Engberg produced a Swedish short film collection entitled Dirty Diaries, 12 Shorts of Feminist Porn. Upon release, these shorts created international debate; concerns were raised over the combination of the seemingly incompatible concepts of feminism and pornography. The collection
consists of shorts captured by filmmakers, activists, and academics on mobile phone cameras and are meant to interpret the concept of feminist porn (Ryberg, 2011). The recurring theme of the shorts was the reclamation of the male dominated sexualized public sphere and the creation of a “counter public aimed at constructing safe physical and discursive spaces for sexual empowerment or transgression” (Ryberg, 2011, p.150). Dirty Diaries is understood as making feminist pornography public and exists in public space through wide circulation. The twelve shorts belong to an expanding queer, feminist, and lesbian porn film culture in Europe and North America. Shining examples of this film culture can be seen yearly at the Feminist Porn Award in Toronto, the Berlin Porn Film Festival, and Amsterdam’s Erotic Film Festival Rated X. It is a film culture that not only counters heteronormative representations of sex and gender, but also claims a public space for addressing women’s sexuality no matter the orientation (Ryberg, 2011). Some see feminist porn as concerning phenomena because it may be commodifying queer bodies and producing a new “formula” for female sexuality while at the same time producing a contract of trust which attracts new consumers because they know that women or feminists has produced the content (Liberman, 2015). Therefore, while feminist pornography is described as “a matter of finding a middle ground in the porn wars” (Ryberg, 2015, p.81) and offers diverse sexual discourses, it is still subject to the logics of media power and the pornographic industry. There is the concern of protection in the
porn industry and thus it is skewed depending on which side of the sex wars you find yourself on. Sex workers are either empowered: erasing abuse in the industry and encouraging workers to speak out, or they are exploited: as socially vulnerable, controlled by men, and unable to speak for themselves (Potter, 2016). As an example, Dirty Diaries festival screenings were still male dominated in both physical and discursive space. At the screening in Stockholm, there was a significant amount of single, middle-aged men in the audience wherein women were reluctant to sit beside them. At the Hamburg International Short Film Festival, the Q&A sessions were dominated by men objecting to the purposes of the film and not until the men left did women feel comfortable sharing their thoughts and comments (Ryberg, 2011). Feminist Porn, The Public Sphere, and Civil Society Explained by Shelton A. Gunaratne (2003), Jurgen Habermas reconstructed the essential notions of “civil society” and the “public sphere” (Habermas, Public Sphere, and Communicative-Action Theory). Kant deduced that the public sphere acts as “the only medium within which the politics of the revolutionary bourgeoisie can articulate itself” (Gunaratne, S. 2003. p.1-2). From this, Habermas’ research, published in The Structural Transformation of The Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, defined the bourgeois public sphere and examined its transformations in the 1800s. These transformations were explained after he completed his examination of modern journal-
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ism and the proliferation of coffee houses related to the bourgeois public sphere. In addition, Habermas analyzed the evolution of the media, tacitly accepting their concrete place in society. In fact, he criticized new media for becoming “a unit of joint consumption rather than a setting for the development of individuals capable of joining in rational-critical public discourse” (Calhoun, C. 1990. p. 314). In other words, new media imposed “cultural consumption”, dissuading families from discussing ideas and reading books (Calhoun, C. 1990).
pornography industry, is slowly helping to reframe the public space in which pornography exists and is challenging the status quo. The principal cause for debate surrounding this case relates to the (un)equal treatment and the (un) assured mutual consent for all parties involved. In civil society there exists a conceptual space where a set of rules governs behaviour and where citizens act to protect specific interests. Civil society is the set of institutions (e.g. social, legal, labour, etc.) that develop around issues debated in the public
“Feminist porn, [currently] a minority in the pornography industry, is slowly helping to reframe the public space in which pornography exists and is challenging the status quo.” It is reasonable to associate Habermas’ public sphere and the ideology of media’s impact on society with the feminist pornographic industry. That the media not only plays a large role in the negative portrayal, stigmatization, and stereotyping of the pornographic industry, it is also responsible for the ways in which society receives these representations. As a result, society treats pornography as an extremely taboo topic, rarely publicly discussed. Placing both porn and feminism together in conversation has the potential to disrupt norms and the status quo, therefore, potentially disturbing a current ideal of democratic society. Thus, might the media be a major culprit in the misconception and misunderstanding of the feminist porn movement? Feminist porn, a minority in the
sphere. Professionals in the feminist porn industry (e.g. directors, producers, actresses, actors) have created a movement that challenges mainstream pornography. They are taking action as part of a civil society through which they can advocate for the improvement of workplace conditions. In the debate surrounding feminist porn we can undeniably see citizens challenging boundaries to reshape norms. With feminist pornography still considered a small genre, professionals must advocate in ways that cannot be torn apart by critics that do not take them seriously. When these professionals, and feminist movements supporting them, speak and demand a response, a public sphere takes shape for an improved civil society. In these new conditions, feminist pornography stands a
chance in its fight against the stigma so wrongly associated to it. References Calhoun, C. (1990). Civil Society and Political Life. Contemporary Sociology, 19(2), 312-316. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/ stable/2072652 Gunaratne, S. A. (2003). HABERMAS, PUBLIC SPHERE, AND COMMUNICATIVE - ACTION THEORY Eurocentrism or universalism?. In ANZCA03 Conference. Kanaras, A. (2017, November 07). Our Favorite Feminist Porn. paragraph, 2. Retrieved from https://unboundbabes.com/blogs/magazine/list-of-the-best-feminist-porn Kino Lorber, Inc. DIRTY DIARIES: 12 SHORTS OF FEMINIST PORN. Retrieved on March 21st, 2019, from https://www.kinolorber.com/film/view/ id/1217 Liberman, R. (2015). ‘It’s a really great tool’: Feminist pornography and the promotion of sexual subjectivity. Porn Studies, 2(2-3), 174-191. doi:10.1080/ 23268743.2015.1051913 Lehmiller, J. J. (2017, August 03). How Much Gender Inequality Is There in Internet Pornography? Paragraph, 4. Retrieved from https:// www.psychologytoday.com/ca/ blog/ the-myths-sex/201708/ how-much-gender-inequality-is-there-in-internet-pornography Maina, G. (2014). After the feminist porn book: Further questions about feminist porn. Porn Studies, 1(1-2), 182-185. doi:10.1080/17503132.2014 .888248 Oxford Dictionaries. (2019). Pornography. Retrieved April 15, 2019, from https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/pornography Penley, C. (2015). Candida Royalle, 1950-2015. Film Quarterly, 69(2), 7780. Potter, C. (2016). Not Safe for Work: Why Feminist Pornography Matters. Dissent 63(2), 104-114. University of Pennsylvania Press. Retrieved March
Content warning for extreme misogynistic language, violence against women, suicide
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Deconstructing the Incel Rebellion: Slang, Violence, and Masculinity Alanna Cunningham Rogers, Tiana Grandilli, Lauren Vantellingen
“The Incel Rebellion has already begun! We will overthrow all the Chads and Stacys! All hail the Supreme Gentleman E---- R----!”
- the final Facebook status of the Toronto van attacker, before killing ten and wounding fifteen.
In April 2018, Canada was violently introduced to the lingo of the extremist online community of misogynists who call themselves incels - slang for ‘involuntarily celibates’. Incels are young, heterosexual men who blame women and feminism for their inability to have sex. They feel as though they are cheated out of something to which they are entitled, and their own insecure masculinity and hateful views of feminine sexuality erupt into instances of real-world violence. The incel community is one of the many regressive alt-right movements that percolate in
insular, online enclaves. However, when incels – like the Toronto van attacker or the “Supreme Gentleman”, who killed 6 and injured 14 in Isla Vista in 2014 – burst into the public eye, their in-group language makes it difficult for outsiders to understand what motivates them, or, how seriously to evaluate their threats. With at least two mass murders on record motivated by incel identity, the logics of this group warrant analysis. Studying incel discourse gives us insight into what motivates their sprees of violence and how young men are being radicalized online. Incels associate masculinity with
control, privilege, and entitlement. They view feminist advancements of women as threats that undermine masculinity (Lily, 72-78). Incels detest attractive, socially successful people who have sex, and have given labels for these – women are referred to as Stacys and men are referred to as Chads. Incels view women as vapid, gold-digging, and manipulative. Additionally, they also refer to women as females and roasties. ‘Females’ is used in a pseudo-anthropological sense to deny the humanity of women, while ‘roasties’ alludes to sliced roast beef or what incels believe the vulva looks like after a
woman has had sex with too many men. When incel violence occurs, they have targeted both men and women: women for not considering them as potential partners and men for being able to have the relationships they crave. The incel worldview is predicated on the ideas that (1) women are solely valuable for sex; (2) feminism has made it possible for women to withhold sex from otherwise deserving men; and (3) a woman’s value is directly correlated with her purity and virginity. Women who have sex with multiple partners outside of long-term relationships are considered ‘degenerates’, ‘worthless’, and ‘subhuman’. Incels believe the sexual permissiveness of 60s and 70s North American has led to a decline in society because women are perceived to be less inclined to have monogamous, housewife-type relationships and are able to sleep with multiple partners with less stigma (Lily, 72). For incels, their failure to find partners means both that they have failed as men, and that women are no longer fulfilling their ‘proper’
by strengthening member commitment and intra-group solidarity, which makes group members increasingly impervious to contradictory information (Lily, 20). Incels report spending a large amount of their time online, and struggling to build face-to-face relationships (Donnelly et. al, 164). Beliefs in the worthlessness of women, the degrading effects of feminism in society, and the validation of violence as a response are fostered in incel online communities in a way that is less likely to be acceptable in offline or in non-anonymous spheres. Incels in communities like r/Braincels often tell each other that there is no hope that any of them will ever have fulfilling relationships, that they are all irredeemably ugly, and post looking for ‘sui’ or ‘rope-fuel’, which are reasons to commit suicide. Though Reddit has taken some steps to censure incel communities, hate speech in some subreddits, 4chan, and 8chan boards are rarely monitored and essentially impossible to trace back to individuals. Anonymity in these online
“...incel ideology is a result of toxic and hegemonic masculinity, aggrieved entitlement, and a desire to control women’s bodies...” gendered role. Some incels even suggest that since sex is the only valuable property of women and women are unfairly denying this to certain men, that rape should be decriminalized so men can have unfettered access to women’s bodies. Research has suggested that virtual communities are more prone to extremism than communities that form offline. Successful incel communities will self-perpetuate
communities can mean that hate speech is permitted and even encouraged, a phenomenon which feeds off of hopelessness, anger, and indignation as well as encourages the ridicule, threatening, and even elimination of targets (Ross, 76). These communities are also adept at masking their positions with irony. Sexist, racist, and hateful language is given a veneer of edgy humour, normalizing these ideas and drawing in young men
who perceive their position in society slipping, while allowing users who are called out to easily deny these positions as jokes. The incel ideology is a result of toxic and hegemonic masculinity, aggrieved entitlement, and a desire to control women’s bodies; within these constructs, women are merely a necessity for reproduction (King, 31). When masculine superiority is challenged by female empowerment, hegemonic masculinity presents violence and murder as an instrumental way to regain a sense of power (Kalish and Kimmel, 452). Cultural associations of masculinity with violence, power, and sexual dominance over women lead young men who are unable to live these ideals to feel cheated and emasculated, and to consider suicide or violence against others as valid responses to a society they feel is passing them by.
References Donnelly, D., Burgess, E., Anderson, S., Davis, R., & Dillard, J. (2001). Involuntary celibacy: A life course analysis. Journal of Sex Research, 38(2), 159-169 Kalish, R., & Kimmel, M. (2010). Suicide by mass murder: Masculinity, aggrieved entitlement, and rampage school shootings. Health Sociology Review, 19(4), 451-464. King, A. (2004). The prisoner of gender: Foucault and the disciplining of the female body. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 5(2), 29-39. Lilly, M. (2016). ‘The World is Not a Safe Place for Men’: The Representational Politics of the Manosphere (Doctoral dissertation, Université d’Ottawa/ University of Ottawa). Ross, K. (2018). Hate speech, free speech: The challenges of the online world. Journal of Applied Youth Studies, 2(3), 76.
Culture Bites > UnTUck
Ricki Hall by Ram Shergill for Ziad Ghanem Couture
Title: “Point Of View” Medium: Digital Year: 2017 Artist: Joy Hammoud It’s been ingrained in our society that the portrayal of blatant emotion devalues our words and opinions. This is especially true towards women on a global scale. We are shunned when we act vehemently, yet are equally shunned when kept quiet. This gives us no choice; within the eyes of man, we are forced to turn the other way. We broil in our own sentiment.