Ettelaate siasi 296 by Zagros

296

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ـ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ ـ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴّﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ؟ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ِﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺌﻮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬

‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪(Byman‬‬

‫)‪ ،and Green, 1999‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) :‬ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪91:1382 ،‬ـ‪(92‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻬﺎﻱ ژﺭﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫)ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ(؛‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ )ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ(؛‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺟﻮ )ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ(؛‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ(؛‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ )ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ(؛‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ(؛‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫)ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ؛ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ـ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪:‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﮕﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫)‪ (Prismatic society‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺖ »ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬

‫‪5‬‬ ‫● ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ 1‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،(32:1382 :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ 2‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺰ‬

‫‪6‬‬ ‫● ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺌﻮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ )ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪42:1380 ،‬ـ‪ .(43‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ )ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ .(78:1371 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫)ﺗﻚﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ .(135:1388 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ‪ (1973) 1352‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ .(126 :‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﻮﻧﺎﺭﺷﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) 3‬ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪ .(304 :1388 :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪ .(Byman &, Green 1999‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﭙﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ (129:1380 ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ )ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻴﺎﻥ‪67:1385 ،‬ـ‪ .(65‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ )ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ( ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣ ّﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪131:1380 ،‬ـ‪.(126‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻧﺌﻮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫)ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ »ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪.(41:1378 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‪.(1378 :‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪65‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ‪ (1389 :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺭﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (261:1388‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1973‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1975‬ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2003‬ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬

‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻲ‪ (1386 :‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2006‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ )‪ .(BBC, 2005‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ .(1383 ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫)ﻏﻤﺎﻣﻲ‪ (1389 ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ )ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ( ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ‬ ‫)ﺍﻭﺗﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺰﺍﻭﻱ‪ .(35:1387 ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫● ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻧﺌﻮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻝ )ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ »ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻨﻈﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲﺍﻧﺪ )ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺖ ‪.(77:1381‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺓ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ )‪ .(Almond & Powell, 1992 p.42‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ (1389 :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻲ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫● ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ‪ .(22:1375 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪.(2005 :‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮ‪ .(16:1380 ،‬ﻟﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ؛ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻤﻮﻝ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ًﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ«‬ ‫)ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ .(39:1377 ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲِ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫پ( ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ )ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ( ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ .(127 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) 4‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪151:1382 ،‬ـ‪ .(152‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘِﺮِﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ‪ 5‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪ .(100:1387 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪) 6‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻪﭼﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‪.(285:1377 ،‬‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻨﻈﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ )ﻗﻮﻣﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪) 7‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﭙﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ .(52:1387 ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« )ﮔﺰﻟﺸﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻤﻨﺸﺎﻓﺖ( ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ )ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻔﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1990‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫‪10‬‬ ‫● ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫)ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ( ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1997‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ )ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪.(252:1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪5/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ )ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ‪(321:1381 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﻫﺎﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ .(60:1360 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )‪13‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ(‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻴﺎﻥ‪67:1385 ،‬ـ‪.(65‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻚﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.(1382‬‬ ‫‪9‬ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ )ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .(1387 :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪70:1382 ،‬ـ‪(71‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ )ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ( ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺍﻧﺪ )ﭘﺎﺋﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺮ‪ (14:1370 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﭘﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ )ﻫﺎﻧﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .(1389‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪) 8.‬ﮔﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ .(735:1374 :‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) 9‬ﺗﻮﺍﻝ‪.(101:1379 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪15-20 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 5-10 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪ .(235:1388 ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺠﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ )ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ( ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ( ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫)‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪19 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ )‪55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ‪44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻨﻲ( ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ .(155:1385 ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ (1999) 1378‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ‪45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺏ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫)ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ )ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ .(143:1388 ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ( ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ( ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ )ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺶﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﮕﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪) 10‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪.(88:1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻴّﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ـ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ـ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ« )‪ .(Willam, 2002:72‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘِﺮِﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪) 11‬ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪ .(99:1382 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ .(1389 :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪(318:1390 ،‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ )‪ :(Legitimacy crisis‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫● ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ )ﻗﻮﻣﻲ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﭙﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (1 :‬ﺍﻳﺪﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ‪ (2‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ )ﻳﻮﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ( ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ )ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.(201:1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪.(316:1390 ،‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ )ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ .(43:1377 ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ .(317:1390 ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ )ﻧﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻝ« ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪ .(Mcuclosly,1968,p.23‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪1992‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪،1992‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪.(107:1382 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) :‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﺍ‪(148:1378 ،‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻤﻮﻧﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪13‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.(202:1384 :‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ )ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎ(‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ .(1389 :‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﺪ )ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪(25:1382 ،‬؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ«‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ـ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪14‬‬ ‫● ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ )ﺁﺻﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ .(71:1376 ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺾ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ .(61:1379 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ )ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.(203:1384 ،‬‬ ‫● ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺱ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 113‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1971‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1977‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺍﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« )ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ‪ .(1390 :‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ )ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻚ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪96‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ )ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪.(90:1388 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ .(129:1388 ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪GDP‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Barron: 1999,20‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ُﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ‪ 57/69‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ 638‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ‪0/7‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ‪13/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪(http:// www. hamshahrionline. ir/‬‬ ‫)‪ .news‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ُﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.(63:1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ )ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪(135:1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪.(76:1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﻧﺎﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ(‪ :‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﺍـ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ )ﺁﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ( ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ .(132:1388 ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬

‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1980‬ﻭ ‪ 1990‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫‪114:1382‬ـ‪.(116‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻚﮔﻮﺭ‪» ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ«‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫)ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ .(1387 :‬ﺁﻟﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻓﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﻓﻠﺮ‪ .(607:1366 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬

‫● ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻏﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ُﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.1 :‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪.2‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ .3‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ‪ .4‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ‪ .5‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺨﻮﻥ‪ .(1387 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪.(137:1380 ،‬‬ ‫● ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪:1990‬‬

‫● ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲِ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪) 13.‬ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪143:1384 ،‬ـ‪.(142‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )‪ .(Freedom of the Press -Qatar, 2009‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1940‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻮﻳﺖ ﻓـﺮﺳـﺘﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫)‪ .(Freedom of the Press - Kuwait, 2009‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ )‪(Khamis, 2011 : 2-3‬‬ ‫● ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪:1990‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪) 14.‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪.(141:1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ‪) MBC‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫‪) LBC‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ(‪) ANN ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ(‪) Orbit ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ESC ،‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺼﺮ( ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ )ﻗﻄﺮ(‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ‪ MBC‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪.(333:1390 ،‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲِ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫‪17‬‬ ‫● ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ )ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ .(139 :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻛﻮﺩﺍﻝ‪.(100:1381 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪(U.S.‬‬ ‫)‪ .Department of State, 2003‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .(1387 :‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪18‬‬ ‫● ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.(137:1380‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1990‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 800‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺗﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1994‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺷﻮﻟﺖ‪.(211:1382 ،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺮﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ .(171:1381 ،‬ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺸﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻌﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪284:1389 ،‬ـ‪.(285‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪.(140:1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ ‪ .(325:1380‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ )ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪(2005:‬؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« )‪.(Rheingold, 1994:7‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻓﻨﻼﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻫﺎگ« ‪(Thomas‬‬ ‫)‪ Hug‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟« )‪ (1997‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎگ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻠﻲ‪ (137:1385 ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 53‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ‪ 285 ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪ .(21:1381 ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬

‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 0/538 ،1998‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 126‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ ‪،72‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ،45‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ،36‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪41‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ 42‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ .(40-36:1386 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﻔﻮﺭﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ ،(1379/10/25‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(21:1381‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(Rugh, .‬‬ ‫‪(2002:72‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺮﺓ ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ )ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ( ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻘﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺑﻬﺮﻱ‪(4:1388 :‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ‪1‬ـﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪2‬ـ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ‪3‬ـ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ‪4‬ـ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ‪5‬ـ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ‪6‬ـ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ )ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪(78:1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1997‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ Pretorien .5‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻛﺘﺎﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ )ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(98:1387‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ )ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ«( ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 23‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1992‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻪﭼﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‪276:1377 ،‬ـ‪(278‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 3/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺭﻳﮕﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺴﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪.(88:1384 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪) .‬ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪ (98:1382 ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ـ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ؛ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻴﻮﺗﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ـ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﺟﻬﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺶ)ﺧﻴﺰ(؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻦ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ )ﺑﻠﻮﻍ(؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ »ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ....‬ﻭﺿﻊ »ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 19 .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ،1390‬ﻛﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ‪(146937 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﺂﺧﺬ‬ ‫ ﺍﺑﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ .(1388) .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪» .(1379) .‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪:‬‬‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻄﻔﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺵ‪،22‬ﺹ‪61‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‪ .(1388) .‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺳﻤﺖ‪،‬‬‫ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ )‪ ،(1388‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬‫ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .(1388) .‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ‬‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺟﻲ‪.‬‬‫ﻣﻮﻧﺖ‪ .(1381) .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺣﻤﺰﺍﻭﻱ‪ .(1387) .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻊ )‪ .(1387‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬‫ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .(1380) .‬ﺩﺭﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‪.‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ ﺗﺎﻓﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﻳﻦ‪ .(1366) .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﻦﺩﺧﺖ‬‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ ﺗﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ )‪ .(1379‬ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ‪ .(1380) .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ( ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ )‪ .(1386‬ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ‬‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺷﻮﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺕ )‪ (1386‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻟﻔﻮﺭﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ )‪،(1383‬‬‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ .(1382) .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ‪ .(1360) .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪60‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪» .(1377) .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺵ ‪ 127‬ﻭ ‪ ،128‬ﺻﺺ‬ ‫‪ 38‬ﺗﺎ ‪.45‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪» .(1387) .‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ‬‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ)؟(‬ ‫ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻪﭼﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‪» .(1377) .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ«‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،10‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪295-275‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ‪ .(1380) .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪.‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺻﺺ ‪252-1‬‬ ‫ ﺁﺻﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪» .(1376) .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬‫ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ .124 - 123‬ﺻﺺ ‪70‬ـ‪.83‬‬ ‫ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‪ .(1381) .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪» .(1385) .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ 107-106‬ﻭ ‪،108‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪.65-67‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ )‪» .(1375‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺵ ‪113-114‬‬ ‫ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪» .(1381) .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮ‬‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ )‪ .(1372‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‬ ‫ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‪» .(1385) .،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽﻫﺎ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ )ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ(‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ـ ﺵ ‪ .1‬ﺻﺺ ‪-149‬‬ ‫‪170‬‬ ‫ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪» .(1380) .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ«‪.‬‬‫ﺻﺒﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،37‬ﺻﺺ ‪144-121‬‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ‪» .(1382) .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ‬‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )‪ ،(1384‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‪ .(1384) .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬‫ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‪ .(1382) .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‪ .(1381) .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬‫ﭼﺎﻭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‪(1381) .‬؛ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ؛ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯ؛ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪» .(1387) .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺩﻟﻔﺮﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺵ ‪ ،20‬ﺹ ‪146‬‬ ‫ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‪» .(1381) .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ«‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،9‬ﺵ ‪.3‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪172‬‬ ‫ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻡﺭﺿﺎ‪» .(1334) .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ«‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪10‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ (1378) ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ‬‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﺍﷲ‪» .(1371) .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﺺ ‪89-75‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪:‬‬‫»ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ« ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1378‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪2‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.(1389) .‬‬‫»ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪) ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،40‬ﺵ ‪ ،1‬ﺻﺺ ‪274-293‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻗﺎﺳﻢ‪ .(1384) .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﺺ ‪142-143‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻠﻲ‪» .(1385) .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪:‬‬‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻧﺘﻴﻚ«‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺵ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﺺ ‪146-119‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺮ ﻛﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ )‪» (1381‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪.23‬‬ ‫ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‪» .(1385) .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬‫ﻋﺮﺏ«‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺵ ‪ 107-106‬ﻭ ‪.108‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪64-62‬‬ ‫ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪.(1390) .‬‬‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫‪- Daniel L. Byman and Jerrold D. Green (1999), The‬‬ ‫‪Enigma of Political Stability in the Persian Gulf‬‬ ‫‪Monarchies, Journal (?) Volume 3, No. 3 September‬‬ ‫‪1999‬‬ ‫‪- Almond Powell (1992), Political Culture & Political‬‬ ‫‪Socialization, Princeton University Press‬‬

23 ‫ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬،‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬،‫ ﻏﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬1389/12/19،13863 :‫ ﻛﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬،«‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ »ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬،‫ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺨﻮﻥ‬1387 ‫ ﺩﻱ‬9 ‫ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬،«‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬

-http:// www. persiangulfstudies. com/ fa/ index. asp? p=pages & ID = 5581 Freedom of the Press - Kuwait (2009), Freedom House, May (http:// www.unhcr. org/ refworld/ docid/ 4b27420 ac. html Freedom of the Press - Qatar (2009), Freedom House May (http://www. unhcr. org/ refworld/ docid/ 4872 f62828. html. accessed: 28 World Report- Saudi Afabia (2009), Human Rights Watch, 14 Janary (http:// www. unhcr. org/ refworld/ docid/ 49705 f 9378, html, accessed: 28 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (2003), "U.S. Department of State "31 March http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2002/18291.htm BBC (2005). "UAE head announces ﬁrst election . http"// news.bbc.co.uk/ 2/hi/ middle east/ 4488652. stm

‫ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬،«‫ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬‫ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬:1389/12/10 -1980 http://www.ebtekarnews.com/Ebtekar/News. aspx?NID=7898

،‫ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬،«‫( »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬1375) ،‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ‬،‫ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‬387 ‫ ﺗﺎ‬347 ‫ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬،8 ‫ ﻭ‬7 ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ http://www.aftabir 1387/4/8 ،‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬1378/8/30 :‫ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‬http://www.aftabir.com/articles/view/economy

1389/4/18 ‫ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬.‫ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬،‫ ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬-

1393 ‫ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬/296 ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ - Barron, Robert J (1999). "Determinants of Democracy". Journal of Political Economy. 107 (6/2) (Supplement),: pp.158-183. - Khamis, Sahar (2011), "Cyberactivism in the Egyptian Revolution: How Civic Engagement and Citizen Journalism Tilted the Balance Vague", Arab Media and Society Issue 13 - Mcuclosy, R. (1968), "Political Participation", International Encyclopedia of Science- Vol. 11, Macmillan - Rugh, Willam A. "Education in Saudi Arabia: Choices and Constrints" Middle East Policy, Volume LX, No.2 (June 2002) p. 72

:‫( ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬1386) ‫ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻲ‬http://www.aftabir.com/ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ articles

.«‫ ﺑﻼﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬،‫ »ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‬.(1390) .‫ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ‬،‫ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ‬‫ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻲ‬:‫ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬.‫ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬:‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ (http://tarikhirani.ir/Modules/ﬁles/Phtml/ﬁles)

،«‫ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬،‫ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬www.magiran.com 2005/10/18 http:// 1389/5/1 ،‫ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬،‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ www.daricheyeenkaar.blogfa.com/post-5.aspx

«‫ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ»ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬www.hadizamani.com (2005 ‫)ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ »ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬،‫ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬،‫ ﻫﺎﻧﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬1389 ‫ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬24 ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ http://www.presstv.ir/detail.fa/165081.html

‫ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬،‫ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ـ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬:‫ ﻛﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬،1390 ‫ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬19 .‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ (146937 1379/10/25 ‫ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬،‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ http://strategicreview.org/1389/12/16 «‫ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ‬-

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺘﺢﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ،2011‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﻭﮔﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ )ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ( ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ـ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1995‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ )‪ .(Madike, 2011‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ »ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫)‪ .(Onuoha, 2012:3‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﻭ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Onuoha, 2012:2‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﻦﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﻭﮔﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ )‪.(Joseph, 2012‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ )‪.(Marchal,2012:3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ )ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫)‪ (Marchal,2012:3‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪25‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ )ﻳﺎ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱ«ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ‪9/5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ )‪.(Onuoha, 2012:3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﭼﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺔ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ )‪.(Burchard,2014:2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ (Burchard,2014:2) «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪BBC News, 22) «.‬‬

‫‪26‬‬ ‫● ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱ«ﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ‪ 9/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪(June, 2012‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ )ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ )‪.(Sani, 2011‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )‪ .(Brock,2012‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‪ ،‬ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ« ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ )‪ .(Doukhan,2013:7‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫)‪ .(Leigh, 2011‬ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ )‪ .(Doukhan,2013:7‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﭼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ )‪.(Doukhan,2013:5‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫»ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ« )ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ )‪.(Sunday Tribune, July 24, 2010‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻟﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﻮﻟﺌﻮﻧﻲ »ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ« )‪ (Napoleoni, 2005‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2004‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2003‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 42‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ )‪.(Okereke, 2012:176‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ژﻭﻳﻴﻪ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ )‪ .(Forest,2012:17‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﻧﻮ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 91‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2006‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺪﻭﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪(Okereke,‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫)‪ .2012:176‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪(Doukhan,2013:11).‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ )ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ( ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ«ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫)ﻏﺮﺑﻲ( ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ )‪ .(Adesoji,2010‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻪ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ« ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ )‪ .(Onuoha,2012:2‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻮﻛﻮ« )ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ‪ (Book‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ »ﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ )& ‪Shuriye‬‬ ‫‪.(Huud, 2013:106‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ (Doukhan,2013:4) «.‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )‪ .(Walker,2012‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ )‪.(Peter,2012‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ »ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪27‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﺎﻓﺮ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﺳﻖ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ )‪.(Micha,2012‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﻏﺮﺑﻲ( ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﭽﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪ .(Onuoha,2012:2‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ )ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Sterm,2004:282‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫● ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪«.‬‬

‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ )‪ .(Forest,2012:14‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ )ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ( ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Chikwem, 2013:158‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ »ﻳﻮﺑﻪ« ﻭ »ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )‪ .(Burchard,2014:2‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫● ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻟﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﻮﻟﺌﻮﻧﻲ »ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫)‪.(Marchal,2012:4‬‬

‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﺴﺎﺩ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﻫﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩﻻﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ـ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺟﻮﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Marchal,2012:4‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫)‪.(Marchal,2012:4‬‬

‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻛﻮﺗﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺪﺓ ‪ 19‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻥﻓﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1903‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ »ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )‪.(Galadanci,1993:100‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻪ« )ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺯﺍﻟﻪ«‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1978‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺟﻮﺱ« ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ )‪.(Marchal,2012:3‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫)‪.(Marchal,2012:2‬‬

‫‪2‬ـ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ »ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬

‫‪29‬‬ ‫● ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )‪ .(Bagaji et al, 2012‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 67‬ﻭ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ‪ 78‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ )‪(National Bureau of Statistics, 2012:16‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﭼﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﭼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪.(Marchal,‬‬ ‫)‪2012:2‬‬

‫‪3‬ـ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻭﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺗﺸﻨﺔ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﻮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫‪30‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ‪(Toluwanimi,‬‬ ‫)‪.2014:3‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟« ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟«‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺁﺩﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮔﻮﺩﻻﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 2011‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ )ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1966‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ »ﺁﻳﮕﺒﻮ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ »ﻫﻮﺳﺎ« ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1991‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ »ﻣﻴﺘﺎﺗﺴﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 2000‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ‪(International‬‬ ‫)‪.Crisis Group, 2010‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﻤﺲ ‪ 2011‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 35‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2012‬ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ؛ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﻛﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Ekemenah,2011:8‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.(Bello,2013:69) .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ )‪ .(Olijo,2013:4‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2002‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ‪(BBC News,‬‬ ‫)‪ .3 January, 2002‬ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2002‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪(Ekemenah, «.‬‬ ‫)‪.2011:8‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫)‪ .(Forest,2012:xiii‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬

‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺑﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Labott,2014‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ )‪ .(Labott,2014‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ‪ 26‬ژﻭﻳﻴﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﭼﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 39‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ‪ 27‬ژﻭﻳﻴﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ )ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ( ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺗﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 110‬ﺗﻦ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ )‪ .(Marchal,2012:5‬ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )‪.(Marchal,2012:5‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 16000‬ﺗﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )‪Nigerian Crime‬‬ ‫)‪ .News, May 31, 2011‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ‪150‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 32‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 185‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ )‪.(Peter,2012‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ ،2012‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻭﮔﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ )‪.(Walker,2012‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺩﻻﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻪ ‪ 2013‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫)‪ .(Smith,2014‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫)‪ .(Labott,2014‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ،2014‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻲﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )‪.(Smith,2014‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺮﻱﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2013‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪BBC‬‬ ‫‪(News, 26 April, 2013‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2013‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪U.S Department of States,) «.‬‬ ‫‪ (3 June 2013‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ »ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪Washington) «.‬‬ ‫‪ (Post,16 August, 2011‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2012‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪2015‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2015‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ ‪ ،2013‬ﻋﺰﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻛﻮﺩﻻﻙ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪.(Burchard,2014:3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺃﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2015‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )‪ .(Gallup,4April,2014‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪21‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪.(Sulaiman,2014‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪97 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪ ،(Olaide,2013‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ‬

‫‪33‬‬ ‫● ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪Trading‬‬ ‫‪Economics, 4 April, 2014).‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ؛ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ »ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ« ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﭼﻤﺎﻕ« ﻭ »ﻫﻮﻳﺞ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬

‫‪34‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ( ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻮﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫)‪(Ogbonayya and Ehigiamusoe, 2013:11‬‬

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‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻭ ‪ 21‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪2014‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺯﻩﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ ـ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ«‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﮔﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1393‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ )‪ 21‬ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 2014‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ )ﻧﺎﺗﻮ( ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺯﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﭘﺎﻧﻞ(‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﻧﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﮔﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﺍ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻭﻳﻜﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫)ﻧﺎﺗﻮ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﺪﺍﺳﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﻝ ﻣﻜﺮﺗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ )ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﭻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﭘﺎﻧﻞ( ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻻﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ )ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺟﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﻧﺴﺘﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ )ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ »ﻭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺑﻪﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺭﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩ ّﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ( ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﭘﺎﻧﻞ( ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﺍﻡ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﺟﺮﻣﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﮕﺰ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﮔﺌﻮﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﺎﺯﺩﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺎﺋﻼﺩﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﻋﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻮﻧﻮﺳﻒ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 2012‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 2013‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻮﻧﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬

‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﭘﺎﻧﻞ( ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﻓﺮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺘﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻜﭙﺎﻻ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﺮﻫﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻻﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺨﺎﺯﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻜﭙﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )‪ 27‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺩﻧﺎﺩﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻮﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮔﻮﻻﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪّ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻮﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﻮﻻﺷﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﭘﺎﻧﻞ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻻﻧﮕﺘﻮﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﮔﺌﻮﺭﮔﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻭﻱ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻨﮕﺰ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻛﻒ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ »ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ )ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ـ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻉﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؟« ‪(How to Minimize the Conflict Potential‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫)‪ in the South Caucasus‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺪﻭﻧﻮﻑ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﻓﺮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﺮﺳﺸﻲ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻴﻨﮕﺰ )ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺳﻲ(‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻳﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ«‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺧﺎﭼﻒ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺳﻴﺎ ‪(Center‬‬ ‫)‪ for Eurasian Studies‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫»ژﺭژ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﻧﺴﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1920‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫)ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ )ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ؛ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﮔﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭﻳﻜﻮﺍ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺨﺎﺯﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺮﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﭻ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻻﻫﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﭘﺎﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪21) 1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2014‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻒ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ژﺭﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ )ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻮﻧﻮﺳﻒ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2013‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻮﻧﻮﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1955‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻋﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻮﻧﻮﺳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،(1972-1992) 2‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ 3،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‪ 4،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ 5‬ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪230‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ 6‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ )ﻧﻘﺶ( ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ 7‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2012‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪ 243‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ )ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ( ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ«‪ ،8‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ )‪ 1918-1920‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﺌﻴﺴﺘﻲ )ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ( ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‪ 9‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﻭﻧﻮﻟﻮژﻱ )ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ )ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ«‪ 10‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ 11‬ﻭ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ«‪» 14‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ )ﺑﺨﺶ( ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ«‪ 16‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺩﻳﻤﻠﻲ‪ 17‬ﻭ ﻟﻴﺮﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲﻟﺮ«‪ 19‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺩﻳﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ 20،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ 21‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺵ‪ 23‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻠﻲ‪ 24‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻴﻪ )ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺎﺋﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺑﺸﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻲﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫)ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ 25‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﭽﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ 26‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ 27‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪ 28‬ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻥ )ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ( ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ( ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫)ﺑﺨﺶ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ »ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ«‪ 30‬ﻭ »ﺳﻠﻔﻲـ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ«‪ 31‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ 32‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ 33‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﺳﻮﻓﻲ«‪ 34،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﺭﺟﻲ«‪ 35‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﮔﻮﻟﻦ‪ 36‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ )ﺳﻨﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‪ 37‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺶﺍﷲ‪ 38‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﻓﻲﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ـ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﮔﻮﻟﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ـ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ـ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ«‪ 39‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1991‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1993‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫)ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻋﻠﻲﺍﻑ )ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ )ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ( ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻑ )ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬

‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ 40‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻢ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺗﺎ ‪ 31‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪ 974‬ﺗﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ ـ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪1. Arif Yunusov, The Islamic Factor in Azerbaijan.‬‬ ‫‪Baku: Institute for Peace and Democracy, 2013.‬‬ ‫‪2. Institute of History of National Academy of‬‬ ‫‪Sciences of Azerbaijan‬‬ ‫‪3. Information Analytical Center of the Presidential‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :1‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :6‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﺴﺨﺘﻲ‬

‫‪۸۷۲‬‬ ‫‪۲۳‬‬ ‫‪۲۲‬‬ ‫‪۱۲‬‬

‫‪۸۹/۵‬‬ ‫‪۲/۴‬‬ ‫‪۲/۳‬‬ ‫‪۱/۲‬‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ(‬

‫‪۱۴۷‬‬

‫‪۱۵/۱‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬

‫‪۱۵۶‬‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺱ‬

‫‪۱۱‬‬

‫‪۱/۱‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬ ‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ )ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ(‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬

‫‪۹۰‬‬ ‫‪۸۹‬‬ ‫‪۱۴۸‬‬

‫‪۹/۲‬‬ ‫‪۹/۱‬‬ ‫‪۱۵/۲‬‬

‫‪۶‬‬ ‫‪۷‬‬ ‫‪۸‬‬

‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬

‫‪۸‬‬ ‫‪۸‬‬ ‫‪۵‬‬

‫‪۰/۸‬‬ ‫‪۰/۸‬‬ ‫‪۰/۵‬‬

‫‪۶‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ )ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ(‬

‫‪۱۲۷‬‬

‫‪۱۳‬‬

‫‪۷‬‬ ‫‪۸‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫‪۸۰‬‬ ‫‪۷۴‬‬

‫‪۸/۲‬‬ ‫‪۷/۶‬‬

‫‪۹‬‬

‫ﻛﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫‪۰/۵‬‬

‫‪۹‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫‪۶۳‬‬

‫‪۶/۶‬‬

‫‪۱۰‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﺟﻲ‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫‪۰/۴‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫‪۱۱‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭ‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫‪۰/۲‬‬

‫‪۱۲‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻲ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫‪۰/۱‬‬

‫‪۱۳‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﺩﻱ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫‪۰/۱‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :2‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪۱۸-۲۳‬‬ ‫‪۲۴-۲۹‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪۱۵۷‬‬ ‫‪۲۴۶‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫‪۱۶/۱‬‬ ‫‪۲۵/۳‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫‪۳۰-۳۹‬‬

‫‪۱۵۸‬‬

‫‪۱۶/۲‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬ ‫‪۵‬‬ ‫‪۶‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫‪۴۰-۴۹‬‬ ‫‪۵۰-۵۹‬‬ ‫‪ ۶۰‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۲۲۷‬‬ ‫‪۱۱۴‬‬ ‫‪۷۲‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۲۳/۳‬‬ ‫‪۱۱/۷‬‬ ‫‪۷/۴‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :3‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩ‬

‫‪۵۱۷‬‬

‫‪۵۳/۱‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۴۵۷‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۴۶/۹‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :4‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪۵۵۶‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫‪۵۷/۱‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ /‬ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬

‫‪۲۲۷‬‬

‫‪۲۳/۳‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬

‫‪۱۲۹‬‬

‫‪۱۳/۲‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬ ‫‪۵‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۶۰‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۶/۲‬‬ ‫‪۰/۲‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :5‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺄﻫﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺄﻫﻞ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ‬

‫‪۵۰۵‬‬

‫‪۵۱/۹‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‬

‫‪۳۷۷‬‬

‫‪۳۸/۷‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬ ‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۴۲‬‬ ‫‪۴۷‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫‪۴/۳‬‬ ‫‪۴/۸‬‬ ‫‪۰/۳‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :7‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‬

‫‪۱۰‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۱‬‬ ‫‪۳۶۶‬‬

‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۱۰/۴‬‬ ‫‪۳۷/۶‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬

‫‪۳۵۲‬‬

‫‪۳۶/۱‬‬

‫‪۵‬‬ ‫‪۶‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۹‬‬ ‫‪۴۶‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰/۲‬‬ ‫‪۴/۷‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :8‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۹۴/۷‬‬ ‫‪۹۲۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۰/۸‬‬ ‫‪۸‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۰/۵‬‬ ‫‪۵‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۰/۸‬‬ ‫‪۸‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪۴‬‬ ‫‪۲/۲‬‬ ‫‪۲۱‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺌﻴﺴﺖ )ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ(‬ ‫‪۵‬‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫‪۶‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :9‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ )ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ( ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬

‫‪۱۵۹‬‬

‫‪۱۶/۹‬‬

‫‪۱۹۷‬‬

‫‪۲۰/۹‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬

‫‪۵۸۷‬‬

‫‪۶۲/۲‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۴۳‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :10‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ )ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ(‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۵۶۵‬‬ ‫‪۲۳۲‬‬ ‫‪۹۷‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬

‫‪۶۱/۳‬‬ ‫‪۲۵/۲‬‬ ‫‪۱۰/۵‬‬ ‫‪۰/۴‬‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫‪۰/۵‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫‪43‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :11‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬

‫‪۱۸۶‬‬

‫‪۲۰/۲‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬

‫‪۴۷۹‬‬ ‫‪۲۵۷‬‬

‫‪۵۱/۹‬‬ ‫‪۲۷/۹‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :12‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۲۶۵‬‬ ‫‪۶۵۷‬‬

‫‪۲۸/۷‬‬ ‫‪۷۱/۳‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۲۲‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :13‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۵۷۴‬‬ ‫‪۱۴۹‬‬ ‫‪۱۹۹‬‬

‫‪۶۲/۲‬‬ ‫‪۱۶/۲‬‬ ‫‪۲۱/۶‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۲۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :14‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬

‫‪۱۶۴‬‬

‫‪۱۷/۸‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ )ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ(‬

‫‪۲۷۴‬‬

‫‪۲۹/۷‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۴۴۲‬‬ ‫‪۴۲‬‬

‫‪۴۷/۹‬‬ ‫‪۴/۶‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۲۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :15‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۶۴۵‬‬

‫‪۶۶/۲‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۲۵۰‬‬

‫‪۲۵/۷‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۷۹‬‬

‫‪۸/۱‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :16‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬

‫‪۴۵‬‬

‫‪۴/۶‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫‪۳۶‬‬

‫‪۳/۷‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۸۶۵‬‬ ‫‪۲۸‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :17‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬

‫‪۲۸۷‬‬

‫‪۲۹/۵‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻛﻢ‬

‫‪۴۱۳‬‬

‫‪۴۲/۴‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺻﻔﺮ‬

‫‪۶۵‬‬

‫‪۶/۷‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۲۰۹‬‬

‫‪۲۱/۴‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :18‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۷۲۵‬‬

‫‪۷۴/۴‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۱۰۳‬‬

‫‪۱۰/۶‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۱۴۶‬‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :19‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۶۸۵‬‬ ‫‪۱۱۳‬‬ ‫‪۱۷۶‬‬

‫‪۷۰/۳‬‬ ‫‪۱۱/۶‬‬ ‫‪۱۸/۱‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :20‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۲۲۲‬‬ ‫‪۵۷۴‬‬

‫‪۲۲/۸‬‬ ‫‪۵۹‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۹۱‬‬

‫‪۹/۳‬‬

‫‪۸/۹‬‬ ‫‪۸۷‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :21‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ )ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲ( ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۵۸‬‬ ‫‪۵۲۱‬‬ ‫‪۱۲۴‬‬

‫‪۶‬‬ ‫‪۵۳/۵‬‬ ‫‪۱۲/۷‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۲۷۱‬‬

‫‪۲۷/۸‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :22‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺟﻮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪۲۵/۳‬‬ ‫‪۲۴۶‬‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۱۳‬‬ ‫‪۱۲۷‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳۸/۸‬‬ ‫‪۳۷۸‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫‪۸۸/۸‬‬ ‫‪۲/۹‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۲۲۳‬‬

‫‪۲۲/۹‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫‪44‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :23‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۱۸۹‬‬

‫‪۱۹/۴‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۲۸۰‬‬

‫‪۲۸/۸‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۳۸۳‬‬

‫‪۳۹/۳‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۱۲۲‬‬

‫‪۱۲/۵‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :24‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۴۹‬‬ ‫‪۶۲۲‬‬

‫‪۵‬‬ ‫‪۶۳/۹‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۲۲۷‬‬

‫‪۲۳/۳‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۷۶‬‬

‫‪۷/۸‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :25‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۶۱۳‬‬

‫‪۶۲/۹‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۳۰۱‬‬

‫‪۳۰/۹‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۶۰‬‬

‫‪۶/۲‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :26‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬ ‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۷۰۴‬‬ ‫‪۱۱۶‬‬

‫‪۷۲/۳‬‬ ‫‪۱۱/۹‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۱۵۴‬‬ ‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۵/۸‬‬ ‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :27‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﺷﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ 41‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۱۴۷‬‬

‫‪۱۵/۹‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬ ‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۳۹۸‬‬ ‫‪۲۳۱‬‬

‫‪۴۳/۲‬‬ ‫‪۲۵/۱‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۱۴۶‬‬

‫‪۱۵/۸‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫‪۹۲۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‬‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :28‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪42‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬

‫‪۱۶۹‬‬

‫‪۱۷/۹‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫‪۳۱۱‬‬

‫‪۳۳‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۳۴۹‬‬

‫‪۳۷‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۱۱۴‬‬

‫‪۱۲/۱‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۴۳‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :29‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬

‫‪۵۴۷‬‬

‫‪۵۶/۲‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬

‫‪۳۰۱‬‬

‫‪۳۰/۹‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۱۲۶‬‬

‫‪۱۲/۹‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :30‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪۱‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬

‫‪۵۲۳‬‬

‫‪۵۳/۷‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬

‫‪۲۰۷‬‬

‫‪۲۱/۲‬‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪۱۷۵‬‬

‫‪۱۸‬‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬

‫‪۶۹‬‬

‫‪۷/۱‬‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪۹۷۴‬‬

‫‪۱۰۰‬‬

‫‪Administration of Azerbaijan‬‬ ‫‪4. Azeri Analytical Center‬‬ ‫‪5. Department of Conﬂict and Migration Studies of‬‬ ‫‪the Institute for Peace and Democracy‬‬ ‫‪6. Islam in Azerbaijan‬‬ ‫‪7. Islamic Palette of Azerbaijan‬‬ ‫‪8. Islam and the Religious Factor in the History of‬‬ ‫‪Azerbaijan: Milestones and Stages‬‬ ‫‪9. De-Islamization‬‬ ‫‪10. Shiite Structures and Organizations‬‬ ‫‪Pro-Iranian Structures .11‬‬ ‫‪Independent Structures .12‬‬

‫‪ .۱۳‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۹۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۹۲‬ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻑ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۴‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﮔﻮﻧﺪﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۵‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۹۳‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻞ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻒ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16. Imami‬‬ ‫‪17. Yardymly‬‬ ‫‪18. Lerik‬‬ ‫‪19. Zeynabilar‬‬ ‫‪20. Juma Mosque Community‬‬ ‫‪21. Centre for the Protection of Freedom of‬‬ ‫‪Conscience and Religion‬‬

‫‪ .۲۲‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻠﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ«)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23. The Community of Meshadi Dadash Mosque‬‬ ‫‪24. Hajii Shahin Hasanly‬‬ ‫‪25. Center for Religious Studies‬‬

‫‪ .۲۶‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۹۹‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬

‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27. Azerbaijan Center for Religion and Democracy‬‬

‫‪ .۲۸‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۹۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29. Sunni Structures‬‬ ‫‪30. linked with Turkey‬‬ ‫‪31. Salaﬁs-Wahabis‬‬ ‫‪32. Turkish Islamic Faculty‬‬ ‫‪33. Ministry Religious Affairs of Turkey‬‬ ‫‪34. Suﬁ Tarikat‬‬ ‫‪35. Nurchu‬‬

‫‪ .۳۶‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﮔﻮﻟﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﮔﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳۷‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ »ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳۸‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻴﺶﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻢﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39. The Religious Policy of the Authorities‬‬ ‫‪40. Sociological Survey‬‬

‫‪ .۴۱‬ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﺷﻜﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۹۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42. State Committee for Work with Religious‬‬ ‫‪Organizations‬‬

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‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ« ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲِ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑُﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬

‫‪47‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪2 .‬ـ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻃﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪4 .‬ـ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬

‫‪48‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺳﻮﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻢﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﻢﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓ ِﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ـ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ /‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻻﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 6.‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 35‬ﺗﺎ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2020‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .7‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪2030‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ‪ ،1973‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ )‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ( ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﺨﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ژﺭﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛ ّﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 83‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬

‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 2005‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 115‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2030‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2030‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ ،2010‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪86/1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2007‬ﺑﺎ ‪28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 110/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2035‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2035‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ‪48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )‪ (OECD‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2005‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪،2035‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ‪ ،2007‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ‪ ،OECD‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪1/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫● ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻭ ‪4/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ‪4/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪46 ،2035‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 450‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪1/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ،2030‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ )‪1/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ( ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2020‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 48‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ )ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2030‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2030‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ‪ 2030‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺯﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ؛‬ ‫ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ؛‬‫ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 4‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪2030‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ /‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪41‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ )ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ( ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 742/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪59/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 71/11‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪40/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪25/8 ،2035‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪42‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ )ﺍﻭﭘﻚ(‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪27‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2007‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪31‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2035‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 2006‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2030‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 236‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 477‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2001‬ﺑﻪ ‪6/1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2025‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ‪18‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺯﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 75‬ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 137‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ )‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺓ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫‪51‬‬ ‫● ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ 27 ،‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ )‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ؛ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ (1385‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1394‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1404‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬

‫‪52‬‬ ‫● ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 86/1‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2007‬ﺑﺎ ‪28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ‪ 110/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2035‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2035‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ‪48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )‪(OECD‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺸﻬﺎ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴ ّﻠﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 87‬ﺗﺎ ‪110‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪،1357‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 4/656‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ ،1387‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2/357‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ـ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ )ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ( ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ـ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺁپ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2006‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 16/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍپ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ‪69‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪1/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪ ،1999‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 1/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ‪ ،2005‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫● ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 96‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 67‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ‪ 0/7‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪39‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2013‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2009‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ‪ LNG‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫● ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ )ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ( ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ EGL‬ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1987‬ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 66/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 541‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2006‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﺔ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 694‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2030‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ‪69‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 130/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 30/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪8/4‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 3/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ‪5/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2025‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 1820‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2030‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗ ّﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ؛‬ ‫ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ؛‬‫ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ؛‬ ‫ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛‬‫ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ؛‬ ‫ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﮔﺎﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ؛‬ ‫ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ؛‬‫ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‪...‬؛‬

‫‪55‬‬ ‫● ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 742/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪59/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 71/11‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪40/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ LNG‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ(؛‬ ‫ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻌﻒ‬‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺑَﺮ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ؛‬ ‫ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ )ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‬‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ(؛‬ ‫پ( ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ـ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﺘّﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 71‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴّﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪56‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 2006‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،2030‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 236‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 477‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ« ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻏﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻔﺖ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1973-74‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ )ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻲ )ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1995‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻔﺮﻱ ﺳﭻ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

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‫ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﺮﺭﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤ ّﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟّﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺍﻓﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪42‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .1 :‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ؛ ‪ .2‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ‪ .3‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍ ِﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .1 :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ‪ .2‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬

‫● ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴ ّﻠﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 110‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑُﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ـ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‬

‫● ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1357‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 4/656‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1387‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2/357‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ )ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ( ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﺓ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ( ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ« ﻭ »ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬

‫‪59‬‬ ‫● ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ )ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ( ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ EGL‬ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ژﺭﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ« ﻭ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬

‫‪60‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2025‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪1820‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 2030‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1970‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻧﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻔﺖﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺎﻟﻤﺮﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻧﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ » ِﻭﺑﺮﻱ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪ ّﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪36‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ« ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‪...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﻚﺑُﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 84‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪» ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1390‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬

‫● ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ( ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ژﺭﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬

‫● ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ« ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻏﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻔﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻫﺪﻑﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﺔ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ )ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻧﮕﺮ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪.1386 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،1385 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.46-51‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،1385 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.72-76‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻓﻴﻀﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،1389 ،‬ﺹ ‪.115‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪.1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺵ ‪.214‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻓﻴﻀﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،1389 ،‬ﺹ ‪.128‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،1389 ،‬ﺹ ‪.12‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺵ ‪.214‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،1389 ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺵ ‪.326‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪.1386 ،‬‬

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‫‪ .14‬ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،1388 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪-145‬‬ ‫‪.148‬‬ ‫‪15. BP Statistical Review of World Energy, 2009.‬‬ ‫‪16. Roger Stern 2007.‬‬

‫‪ .17‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱﻓﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪.235‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،1385 ،‬ﺹ ‪.163‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.243‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.166‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،1389 ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺵ ‪.326‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،1385 ،‬ﺹ ‪.166‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪.1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،1385 ،‬ﺹ ‪.112‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ‪.1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،1388 ،‬ﺹ ‪.158‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱﻓﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪.238‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺣﺴﻨﺘﺎﺵ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،1384 ،‬ﺹ ‪.209‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ‪ ،1384 ،‬ﺹ ‪.89‬‬ ‫‪30. Sachs Jeffrey and Andrew Warner. 1995.‬‬

‫‪ .31‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،1385 ،‬ﺹ ‪.189‬‬ ‫‪32. Paul strense, 1386.‬‬

‫‪ .33‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ‪ ،1388 ،‬ﺹ ‪.230‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ‪.1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﻓﻴﻀﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،1389 ،‬ﺹ ‪.117‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺭ‪.‬ﻙ‪ :‬ﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﻳﭻ ﺁﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪.1385 ،‬‬ ‫‪37. Chalmers A. Johnson. p 275, 1984.‬‬

‫‪ .38‬ﺍﻭﻧﺰ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ‪.1382 ،‬‬ ‫‪39. Paul strense, 1386‬‬ ‫‪40. Libman Alexander, 2008.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫● ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﻲﭘﻮﺭ )‪» ،(1388‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،4‬ﺻﺺ ‪.162-139‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ )‪» ،(1389‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪ ،189‬ﺻﺺ ‪.241-232‬‬ ‫● ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ )‪» ،(1388‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺱ ‪ ،5‬ﺵ ‪ ،1‬ﺻﺺ ‪.40-5‬‬ ‫● ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ )‪» ،(1385‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪) ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪.(1385‬‬ ‫● ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ )‪» ،(1384‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ‬ ‫‪ ،223‬ﺻﺺ ‪.221-206‬‬ ‫● ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ )‪» ،(1388‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪39‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ‪ 221‬ﺗﺎ ‪.246‬‬ ‫● ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ )‪» ،(1389‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺱ ‪ 2‬ﺵ ‪ ،5‬ﺻﺺ‬ ‫‪.37-7‬‬ ‫● ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏ )‪» ،(1385‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺵ ‪ 211‬ﻭ ‪ ،212‬ﺹ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ‪.103‬‬ ‫● ﻓﻴﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ )‪» ،(1389‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺱ ‪ 2‬ﺵ ‪.3‬‬ ‫● ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ )‪» ،(1385‬ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪،31‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪.120-99‬‬ ‫● ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ )‪» ،(1385‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ )‪» ،(1385‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ؛ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪.1385‬‬ ‫● ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ )‪» ،(1386‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ )‪» (1386‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ؛ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪.93‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻭﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺘﺮ )‪ ،(1382‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﺑﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ )‪ ،(1385‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )‪ ،(1385‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.72-76‬‬ ‫● ﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1385‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺮﺍ )‪ ،(1385‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.46-51‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1381‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪.214‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1389‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪.326‬‬ ‫‪● Roger, Stern (2007), "The Iranian Petroleum Crisis‬‬ ‫‪and United States National Security", National Academy‬‬ ‫‪of Sciences, Janaury 2, 2007.‬‬ ‫‪● Libman, Alexander (2008), Democracy, size of‬‬ ‫‪Bureucracy and Economic Growth, Evidence from‬‬ ‫‪Russian Region‬‬ ‫‪● Chalmers A. Johnson (1984), The Industrial Policy‬‬ ‫‪Debate, Ics Pr, pp 275.‬‬ ‫‪● Sachs, Jeffrey and Andrew Warner (1995), Economic‬‬ ‫‪Reform and The Process of Global integration; Brooking‬‬ ‫‪in Economic Activity.‬‬ ‫‪● BP Statistical Review of World Energy (2009), http://‬‬ ‫‪www. bp.com/productlanding do? category Id= 6929‬‬ ‫‪& content Id=7044622 (accessed April) 19, 2010‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﺯﺵ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ )‪ (1517‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1523‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻳﻚ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﭘﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻟﻴﺒﺮ ‪ ،1863‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ‪ ،1874‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 1880‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ‪ 1949‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻪ )‪ (1954‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﻳﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ( ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ )ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ(‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ( ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ....‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ ،21‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1972‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ‪ 183‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪65‬‬ ‫● ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ( ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺪﺓ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﻟﻴﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1863‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺪﻟﻴﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ )‪ (1874‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 8‬ﻭ ‪ 17‬ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪) 1880‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 34‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ (53‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ‬

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‫● ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ ،21‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1972‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ‪ 183‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1899‬ﻭ ‪ 1907‬ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻨﺰ‪ 4‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ 5،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ‪ 6‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 27‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪46‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 8،47‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 56‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ(‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1922‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1935‬ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ژﻧﻮ ‪ 1949‬ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 1949‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ،1977‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ »ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﻓﻲﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ژﻧﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ« ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ )ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ (67-61،60،59،56،53‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ (16،15،14،13،12‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ 11‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻣ ّﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬

‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،55‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺭﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫● ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ،17‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫● ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ؛‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ؛‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1991‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫)‪ (Mostar‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻓﺰﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1999‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ ،1954‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1970‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ 22‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1970‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋ ّﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪69‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1935‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1970‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،(7‬ﺑﻲﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1995‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺪﻭﺭﺍ‪) 24‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ 25.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﻑ‬

‫‪70‬‬ ‫● ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪ 1949‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ،1977‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ »ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ »ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺪﻭﺭﺍ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1972‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،27‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1972‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 183‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ 28،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ‪ 29،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ 30،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ...‬ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﮔﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻱ ‪ 29‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪) 31«.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪(11‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2001‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤ ّﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲِ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ )‪(2001‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 149‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1982‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ 34‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 35‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1989‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨّﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 36.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺻﻔﺖ »ﺑﻮﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1990‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1997‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ‪ 1997‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2001‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ )‪ (2003‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 41.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﺕ‪ 42‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻭ« ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ‪ 1919‬ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻢ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 227‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ 43.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1899‬ﻭ ‪ 1907‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻡﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪39‬‬

‫● ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻭﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ«‪ 44‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ 45.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺒﺮگ )‪ (Rosenberg‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻳﻮﺩﻝ )‪ (Jodl‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮچ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬

‫● ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻣ ّﻠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪ 48‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﺸﻤﻮﻝ ‪(Erga‬‬ ‫)‪ ommnes‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ژﻧﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ‪ 50‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺩ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺡ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ »ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ« ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ )ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ....‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ »ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺶ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ )‪،(1954‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ )‪ ،(1970‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )‪ (1972‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬

‫‪73‬‬ ‫● ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ‪ 1999‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1954‬ﻻﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪2004‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ )ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪74‬‬ ‫● ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1995‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺪﻭﺭﺍ )ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﺒﺮﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻳﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺗﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ )ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ( ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ )ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣ ّﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ‬

‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻴﻮﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1388‬ﺹ ‪.128‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ 19‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﻧﻮ ﺭ‪.‬ﻙ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪http://www.icrc.org‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻴﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻨﺰ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫)‪1648‬ـ‪ (1618‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻲ )‪1815‬ـ‪.(1803‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ‪ 18‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪.1907‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ :46‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ :17‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻼﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘّﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻧﺎﻓﺰﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﻼﻣﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪http://www.ogiek.org/indepth/protect-cult-herit.htm‬‬

‫* ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻧﺎﻓﺰﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ )‪ (ILA‬ﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ )‪.(ILA‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1954‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﻀﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1999‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫= ‪http:// portal. unesco. org/ culture/ en/ ev. php- url- id‬‬ ‫‪35744 & url- do= do- topic & url- section= 201. html‬‬

‫‪ .12‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭ‪،‬ﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Franklin, W.M, "Municipal Property Under Belligerent‬‬ ‫‪.Occupation", AJIL, 1944, Vol. 38, p. 395‬‬

‫‪ .13‬ﻧﻮﺭﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ‬ ‫‪.204-220‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،1373 ،‬ﺹ ‪.217‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭ‪.‬ﻙ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1383 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.135‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭ‪ ،‬ﻙ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪L.V. Prott, The Protection of Cultural Movables‬‬

‫● ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫)ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪from Afghanistan: Developments in International‬‬ ‫‪Management, in Art and Archaelogy of Afghanistan:‬‬ ‫‪Its Fall and Survival (van Krieken-peters ed.), Leiden‬‬‫‪.Boston, 2006, p. 189‬‬

‫‪ .17‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.135‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭ‪ ،‬ﻙ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Voir Les bombardements serbes sur la vieille ville‬‬ ‫‪de Dubrovnik, la protection international des biens‬‬ ‫‪.culturels, C. Bories, 2005, Pedone‬‬

‫‪ .18‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.135‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻧﺎﻓﺰﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻧﺎﻓﺰﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﺸﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﻴﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪http://pubs.ulcc.ac.uk/142/1/14-chapter-14-sleemen,‬‬‫‪patricia.doc‬‬

‫‪ .22‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﻜﺮﻭﻡ(‬ ‫ـ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ )ﺍﻳﻜﻮﻣﻮﺱ(‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻳﻜﻮﻡ( ـ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ(‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.139‬‬ ‫‪24. Unidroit Convention. Convention on Stolen or‬‬ ‫‪Illegally Exported Cultural Objects, 24 June 1995‬‬ ‫‪http:// www. unidroit. org/ english/ conventions/ c-cult.‬‬ ‫‪htm‬‬

‫‪ .25‬ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 1‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺪﻭﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪The possessor of a cultural object which has been stolen‬‬ ‫‪.shall return it‬‬

‫‪ .26‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.141‬‬ ‫‪27. Convention Concerning the Protection of the World‬‬ ‫‪Cultural and Natural Heritage- 1972.‬‬ ‫‪http:// www.unesco.org/ whc/ world - he.htm‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the‬‬ ‫‪World Heritage Convention WHC.‬‬ ‫‪http:// www. whc. unesco. org/ archive/ opguide 08-en.‬‬ ‫‪pdf‬‬ ‫‪28. International Union for Conservation of Nature‬‬ ‫‪29. International Council on Monument and Sites‬‬ ‫‪30. International Center for the Study of the Preservation‬‬ ‫‪and Restoration of Cultural Property‬‬

‫‪ .31‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.143‬‬ ‫‪32. Convention on the Protection of the Underwater‬‬ ‫‪Cultural Heritage Unesco Paris, 2 ovember 2001‬‬ ‫‪http:// unesdoc. unesco. org/ images/ 0012/001260/‬‬ ‫‪126065 e.pdf‬‬ ‫= ‪33. http:// www. irunesco. org/ index. php? option‬‬ ‫‪com- content & view = article & id= 845: 1390-03-07‬‬‫‪06-03- 65 & catid= 20: 2009-03-7-08- 29-40 7 itemid‬‬ ‫‪= 29‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ‪ ،1362‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.179‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،1386 ،‬ﺹ ‪.136‬‬ ‫‪36. Recommendation on the Safeguarding of Traditional‬‬ ‫‪Culture and Folklore 15 November 1989‬‬ ‫‪http:// portal. unesco. org/ en/ ev. php-URL- ID= 13141‬‬ ‫‪& URL- DO= DO- TOPIC & URL- SECTION= 201.‬‬ ‫‪html‬‬

‫‪ .37‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪141‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺑﻴﺸﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪http:// iranelitetourism. blogfa. com/ post-9. aspx‬‬ ‫‪39. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible‬‬ ‫‪Cultural Heritage Paris, 17 October 2003‬‬ ‫‪http:// portal. unesco. org/ en/ ev. php- URL- ID= 17716‬‬ ‫‪& URL - DO= DO- TOPIC& URL- SECTION= 201.‬‬ ‫‪html‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 20‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪2006‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.146‬‬ ‫‪41. Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the‬‬ ‫‪Diversity of Cultural Expressions Paris, 20 October‬‬ ‫‪2005‬‬ ‫=‪http:// portal. unesco. org/ en/ ev. php- URL-ID‬‬ ‫= ‪3103& URL- DO= DO- TOPIC & URL- SECTION‬‬ ‫‪201. html‬‬

‫‪ .42‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1947‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1995‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪44. Agreement for the Prosecution and Punishment of‬‬ ‫‪the Major War Criminals of the European Axis, and‬‬ ‫‪Charter of the International Military Tribunal. London,‬‬ ‫‪8 August 1945.‬‬ ‫‪http:// www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/ FULL/ 350? Open‬‬ ‫‪Document‬‬

‫‪ .45‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻧﺒﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﭙﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 228‬ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺍ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫‪77‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺋﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1384‬ﺹ ‪.57‬‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﭘﻮﺭﺑﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1388 ،‬ﺹ ‪.169‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭ‪ ،‬ﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،1386 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.118-205‬‬ ‫‪50. http:// www.icty.org‬‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪International :‬‬ ‫‪ (ICC‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‬

‫‪ .51‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪ Criminal Court‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻨﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪15‬‬ ‫ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1998‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 120‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ‪ 60‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2011‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 111‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 37 ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ )‪ 3‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ( ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ )ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﻛﻴﺘﻴﭽﺎﻳﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻧﮕﺴﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،1382 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.55‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 8‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻴﻮﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1379 ،‬ﺹ ‪.28‬‬

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‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ )ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ(‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ‪ Refugee‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ‪ Asylee‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ Asylee‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ‪ Refugee‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ refugee‬ﻭ ‪ asylee‬ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻓﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻭ‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ژﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ـ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ )ﻓﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ( ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (Refugee‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ]ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ[ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ 2‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ....‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )‪ (Asylee‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ )‪ (Refugee‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ )‪ «(Asylee‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ 4«.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1952‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ )‪ (Asylee‬ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ )‪ (Refugee‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 5.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺺ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺫﻛﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬

‫‪79‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ« ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1951‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ‪1967‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ؛ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ؛ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1967‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 6.‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ]ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ[ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 1954‬ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺎﻝ ژﻭﺯﻑ ﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪﺯﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1956‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﻪﮔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺋﻮﻝ‬

‫‪80‬‬ ‫● ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ‪ 1969‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1984‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﺟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﺗﻮﺭﻩ‪ 10‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1949‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﭽﻨﮓ‪ 11‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2012‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ 12‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﻻ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﺗﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ 13.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ 14‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ 15‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ژﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮ »ﻭﻳﻜﻲ ﻟﻴﻜﺲ«‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺘ ّﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻜﻲ ﻟﻴﻜﺲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ )ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )‪ (asylum‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 22‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ )‪1961‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ(‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ«‪ 17.‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ 18‬ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‪ 19‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻨّﺘﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1987‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ )ﺏ( ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ«‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ـ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ« ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪ 1967‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ؛ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪23‬؛ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪24‬؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ 25.‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 150‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪1951‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ ،26‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫● ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »‪...‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ]ﻣﻮﻃﻦ[ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 27.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪1951‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1951‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ‪ 28 1967‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬

‫● ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻮچ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ‪22‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﺗﻲ«‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ‪ 1967‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ 31،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1951‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻀﻴّﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺘّﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 32.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1969‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ 34،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ 35،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣ ّﻮﺳﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ »‪ ...‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ 36،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻀﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1981‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ 10 37،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﺟﻨﺎ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1984‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ 39.‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ‪ 1969‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ‪1984‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﺟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ 41 .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ 42.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪83‬‬ ‫● ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2002‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 100‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ 45.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2002‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 46.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1975‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 14/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1990‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1993‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ‪2001‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 47.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 11/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ‪ 11390933‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 48‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 10/5 ،2009‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬

‫‪84‬‬ ‫● ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ‪ 10/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ *.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮچ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ‪22‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ 49.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ 2012‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ 50.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1951‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ 52.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪914000‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ 54.‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 90400‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1983‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 323050‬ﺩﺭ ‪1988‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1992‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪828654‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ 55.‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ 56.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 826000‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 57.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 928200‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ *.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺓ ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ 58‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪1 :‬ـ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ«‪ 59‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ‪2‬ـ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ«‪ ،60‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ‪3‬ـ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ«‪ ،61‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪ 62.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫‪1. Asylee‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻙ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Shearer I A, Starke's International Law, Butterworths,‬‬ ‫‪London, Eleventh edition, 1994, p. 323.‬‬ ‫‪3. AtleGrahl-Madsen, “Territorial Asylum”, in: Rudolf‬‬ ‫‪Bernhardt (dir.), Encyclopedia of Public International‬‬ ‫‪Law, Amsterdam, Elsevier Science Publishers, vol. 1,‬‬ ‫‪1992, pp. 283-287, at pp. 283-284. Quoted in: Expulsion‬‬ ‫‪of aliens Memorandum by the Secretariat, op.cit.,para.‬‬ ‫‪164.‬‬ ‫‪4. Institut de Droit international, L’asile en droit‬‬ ‫‪international public (à l’exclusion de l’asileneutre),‬‬ ‫‪Annuaire de l’Institut de Droit international, vol. 43‬‬‫‪II, 1950, session de Bath, 11 Septembre 1950, p. 375‬‬ ‫‪[French original], Quoted in: Expulsion of aliens‬‬ ‫‪Memorandum by the Secretariat, op.cit., para. 165.‬‬ ‫‪5. International Law Association, Committee on the‬‬ ‫‪Legal Aspects of the Problem of Asylum, Report‬‬ ‫‪and draft conventions on diplomatic and territorial‬‬ ‫‪asylum, Conference Report 1972, pp. 196-211, Draft‬‬ ‫‪Convention on Territorial Asylum, Article 1 (a), (http://‬‬ ‫‪www.unhcr.org/3e96a1228.pdf) Quoted in: Expulsion‬‬ ‫‪of aliens Memorandum by the Secretariat, op.cit.,para.‬‬ ‫‪166.‬‬ ‫‪6. General Assembly, resolution 2312 (XXII),‬‬

‫● ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

1393‫ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬/296 ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ .‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ 22. Refugee ‫ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬Asylee

‫ ﻭ‬Refugee ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬.‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ .‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ 23. Statute of the Ofﬁce of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, G.A. res. 428 (V), annex, 5 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 20), para.46, U.N. Doc.A/1775 (1950). 24. United Nations Declarations on Territorial Asylum, The General Assembly of The United Nations on 14 December, 1967 (Resolution 2312 (XXII)). http://www.asylumlaw.org/docs/international/ Asylum1967.PDF 25. Handbook on Procedures and Criteria for Determining Refugee Status, op.cit. 26. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, Adopted on 28 July 1951 by the United Nations Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons convened under General Assembly Resolution 429 (V) of 14 December 1950, 189 U.N.T.S. 150.

‫ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬.27 ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ :‫ ﺭﻙ‬.‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬،‫ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬،‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬،‫ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬،«‫ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬،‫ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ‬،‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ .1385 ‫ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬،‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‬ 28. Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees, New York, 31 January 1967, United Nations, Treaty Series, Vol. 606, No. 8791. http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/instree/v2prsr.htm 29. Shearer I A, op.cit.,p. 325. 30. UNHCR, Refugee Protection and International Migration, op.cit.,para. 20.

.‫ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‬1 ‫ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬2 ‫ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ‬.31 32. Expulsion of aliens Memorandum by the Secretariat, op.cit.,para. 151. 33. Louis B. Sohn and T. Buergenthal (eds.), The Movement of Persons across Borders, Studies in Transnational Legal Policy, Vol. 23, Washington D.C., American Society of International Law, 1992, §13.02, p. 102. 34. Organization of African Unity (OAU).

‫ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬2000 ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ .‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ 35. OAU Convention Governing the Speciﬁc Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, Addis Ababa, 10 September 1969, United Nations, Treaty Series, Vol. 1001, No. 14691. 36. American Convention on Human Rights, “Pact of San José, Costa Rica”, San José (Costa Rica), 22 November 1969, United Nations, Treaty Series, Vol.

86 Declaration on Territorial Asylum, 14 December 1967, Article 1. 7. Convention on Territorial Asylum, Caracas, 28 March 1954, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1438, No.24378, p. 127. Article II. 8. American Convention on Human Rights, “Pact of San José, Costa Rica”, San José (Costa Rica), 22 November 1969, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1144, No. 17955, p. 123, article 22, para. 7. 9. Expulsion of aliens Memorandum by the Secretariat, op.cit., pp. 167-171. 10. Victor RaúlHaya de la Torre 11. ChenGuangcheng 12. Asylum Case 13. Asylum Case (Colom. v. Peru), 1950 I.C.J. 266, 270, 277, 279 (Nov. 20), available at http:// www. icjcij. org/ docket/ ﬁles/ 7/1849.pdf. 14. Organization of American States (OAS) 15. Convention on Diplomatic Asylum1954 16. Duxbury Alison,Assange and the Law of Diplomatic Relations, The American Society of International Law ASIL, Insights Volume 16, Issue 32, p. 1. http://www.asil.org/sites/default/ﬁles/insight121011. pdf 17. Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations art. 22(1), Apr. 18, 1961, 500 U.N.T.S. 95 (entered into force Apr. 24, 1964), available at http:// untreaty. un. org /ilc/ texts/ instruments/ english/ conventions/ 9_1_1961.pdf 18. United States Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Tehran (U.S. v. Iran), 1980 I.C.J. 3, 32 (May 24). 19. Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Congo v. Uganda), 2005 I.C.J. 168, 278 (Dec. 19). 20. Diplomatic and Consular Premises Act, 1987 (U.K.), c. 46, § 1(3) (U.K.), available at http:// www. legislation. gov. uk/ ukpga/ 1987/46. 21. Duxbury Alison, op.cit. p.4.

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ژﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﮋ ﺩﺭ‬

‫● ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬.‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬،‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬،«‫ـ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬1 :‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ـ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬2 ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‬،«‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬،«‫ـ »ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ‬3 ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬،‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ .«‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

87 ‫● ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬،‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬.‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬،‫ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬،‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ .‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ also: http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c1d. html(1/6/2014) 50. The Rights of Non-citizens, Ofﬁce of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, HR/ PUB/06/11, United Nations, New York and Geneva, 2006. 51. asylum seeker 52. Castles Stephen and Davidson Alastair, op.cit.,p. 73. 53. Weissbrodt David, Final report on the rights of non-citizens: Examples of practices in regard to noncitizens, op.cit,para. 16. 54. See: http;// www. unhcr. org. uk/ info/ brieﬁngs/ statistics/ (11/2/2010) 55. http:// www. forcedmigration. org/ whatisfm. htm (5/12/2009) 56. Ibid. 57. http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c20.html (3/4/2010) *. UNHCR Statistical Yearbook 2012, op.cit. p. 32. 58. Territorial Asylum 59. Defectors 60. Refugee asylum 61. General asylum 62. Shearer I A, op.cit., 323.

1393 ‫ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬/296 ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ 1144, No. 17955. 37. UNHCR, Executive Committee Conclusion No. 21 (XXXII) – 1981: General conclusion on international protection, 21 October 1981, para. 1. 38. Cartagena Declaration 39. Cartagena Declaration on Refugees, 22 November 1984, Annual Report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, OAS Doc., OEA/Ser.L/V/II.66/ doc.10, rev. 1, 1984-85,pp. 190-93, para. 3. http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/instree/ cartagena1984.html 40. Louis B. Sohn and T. Buergenthal (eds.), op.cit.,p. 103. 41. UNHCR, Refugee Protection and International Migration, op.cit.,para. 3. 42. Ibid. 43. Expulsion of aliens Memorandum by the Secretariat, op.cit.,paras. 152-159. 44. The Rights of Non-citizens, Ofﬁce of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, HR/ PUB/06/11, United Nations, New York and Geneva, 2006. 45. 2007 UNHCR Statistical Yearbook, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, December 2008, p 70, in: http:// www. unhcr. org/ cgi-bin/ texis/ vtx/ home/ opendoc. pdf? id= 4981 c3 dc2 &tbl =STATISTIC or http:// www. unhcr. org/ UNHCR - UNHCR Statistical Yearbook 2007 static/ statistical_ yearbook /2007/sy2007.zip 46. http:// www. unhcr. org/ pages/ 49 c3646cbc. html (19/6/2014) 47. UNHCR, Refugees by Numbers, 2002 Edition, Quoted in: International migration, health and human rights, op.cit, p. 31. 48. 2007 UNHCR Statistical Yearbook,op.cit. *. UNHCR Statistical Yearbook 2012, 12th edition, Country Data Sheets, 10 December 2013, p. 9. http://www.unhcr.org/52a7213b9.html 49. http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49c3646c1d. html(1/3/2010) * UNHCR Statistical Yearbook 2012, op.cit. p.8,p. 23.

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺍﷲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﻴﺎ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻤﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )‪ (social capital‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍُﻓﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪) .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ‪،1387 ،‬ﺹ‪ (2‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍُﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1970‬ﻭ ‪ 1980‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1990‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑُﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲِ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﻭﻝ‪،1387 ،‬ﺹ ‪ (132-133‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(134‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪(Cole, 1973, p.809) .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪:‬‬

‫‪ (1‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬

‫‪89‬‬ ‫● ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍُﻓﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻤﻲـ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪) .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‪،1377 ،‬‬

‫‪90‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ ‪ (465-467‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪) .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺪ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪(45‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪،1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪(292‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﮔﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﺓ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺳﻠﻴﮕﻤﻦ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ‪(9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲِ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺳﻠﻴﮕﻤﻦ‪،1387 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ (2-8‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻔﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻌﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪(157‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛ ّﻤﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (NGOs‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺞﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬

‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫پ( ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ؛ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ( ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺙ( ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫چ( ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬

‫● ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺬﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (3‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (4‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬

‫● ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (5‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (3‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪1 :‬ـ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ‪2‬ـ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ‪3‬ـ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ‪4‬ـ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ژﺍﻥﻛﺎﺯﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭچ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪) .‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(551‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ )ﻣﻚ ﻛﻮﺍﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1382‬ﺹ ‪ .(108‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .(109‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )‪(Lerner,1958,pp.48-49‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺸ ّﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪81‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‪75 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ]ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪) [.‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ 1384 ،‬ﺏ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.(7‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪17/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪22 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪39 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪93‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﺏ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪(6‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ؛ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫پ( ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ( ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺙ( ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪94‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﺓ ﺷﻮﻭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ )ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺩﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ـ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﺔ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍُﻓﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ (4‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬

‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫پ( ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺯﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛ ّﻤﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )‪ (NGOs‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ( ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ )ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ )ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲِ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫● ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ (1 :‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫‪(2‬ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ‪ (3‬ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ‪(4‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪ (5‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪(6‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (5‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﺑﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻡ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ـ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﺶ ﻧﻖ ﺯﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻸ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ(‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؛ ﺏ( ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (6‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫‪97‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ژﺍﻥﻛﺎﺯﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (7‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪98‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭچ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻤﻲـ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻜﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ )ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ؛‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ؛‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ؛‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪(Meclurg, 2003, p.451) .‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫)ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪Robinson & ﬂora,) .‬‬ ‫‪(2003, p.1188-1190‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟( ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪1970‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ )ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ( ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ )ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪.(1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ )‪ (1380‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺩﻟﻔﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺳﻠﻴﮕﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﻡ )‪» (1387‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ‪:‬‬

‫‪99‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪81‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‪75 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ]ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪[.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻜﻴﺲ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺩﻟﻔﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻓﻴﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1388‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )‪» ،(1387‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ )‪ ،(1380‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ، ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ ﺟﻠﺪ ‪.1‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ )‪ ،(1377‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻣﻚ ﻛﻮﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺲ )‪ ،(1382‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8. Lerner, D. (1995). The Passing of Traditional‬‬ ‫‪Society, U.S.A, The Free Press.‬‬

‫& ‪9. Meclurg, Scott D. (2003), "Social Networks‬‬ ‫‪Political Participation", Political Research Quarterly,‬‬ ‫‪Vol. 56.‬‬

‫‪10. Putnam, Robert (1994), Making Democracy‬‬ ‫‪work in Italy, Princeton, Princeton University Press.‬‬ ‫‪11. R.L. Cole, "Toward a Model of Political Trust:‬‬ ‫‪A Causal Analysis". American Journal of Political‬‬ ‫‪Science. (1973), Vol. 17, No. 4, p809.‬‬

‫‪12. Robinson, Linda (2003), "The Social Capital‬‬ ‫‪Economies‬‬

‫‪Agricultural‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍء‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ« ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ )ﻣﺼﺮﻑ( ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺗﻮﻻﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪(158-159 :1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1919‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﻨﻲﻓﻦ«‪ 1‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ‪33:1381 ،‬ـ‪.(31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻛﻮﺏ«‪ 2‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ« )‪ (1961‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﮔﻠﻦ ﻟﻮﺭﻱ«‪ 3‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥﻻﻳﺖ«‪ 4‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1970‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﻠﻤﻦ«‪ 5‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ )ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪.(16:1383 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ )ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ‪» .(31-33 :1381 ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ«‪ 6‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪.(16:1383 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﺗﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪33:1381‬ـ‪.(31‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻛﺲﻭﺑﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺭﻭﺷﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .(1367‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﺑﻪﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫‪101‬‬ ‫● ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺑﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﺭﻭﺷﻪ‪ .(1367 ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻛﻨﺶ« ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺁﻟﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻥ‪.(2000 ،‬‬

‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﺎﻙ )‪ (2004‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ 8‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ 9‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲـ ﺩﻣﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ )ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ 10‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬

‫● ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩـ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻭﻟﻜﺎﻙ‪.(2000 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺗ ًﺎ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﮔﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ 4:2004 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ‪ .(39:1386‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ )ﺩﻱﺳﻴﻠﻮﺍ‪2005 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ .(40:1386 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬

‫ـ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬

‫ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬‫ﺑﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪:‬‬‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

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‫)ﻛﻠﺪﻱ‪.(202:1384 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲﺗﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫● ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺄﻫﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ژﺭﻓﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ‪22‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 6/213/148‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫‪104‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :1-1‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪657‬‬ ‫‪593‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪52/6‬‬ ‫‪47/4‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫‪1250‬‬

‫‪100‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :1-2‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻦ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫‪15-25‬‬

‫‪238‬‬

‫‪19‬‬

‫‪25-35‬‬

‫‪370‬‬

‫‪29/6‬‬

‫‪35-45‬‬

‫‪260‬‬

‫‪20/8‬‬

‫‪45-55‬‬

‫‪196‬‬

‫‪15/68‬‬

‫‪55-65‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪65‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫‪106‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪1250‬‬

‫‪8/48‬‬ ‫‪6/4‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :1-3‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺄﻫﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺄﻫﻞ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺭﻛﻪ‪ /‬ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫‪398‬‬ ‫‪741‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬

‫‪31/8‬‬ ‫‪59/3‬‬ ‫‪5/9‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1390‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ‪ 1250‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪0/01‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ‪22‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ S-ASCAT‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻓﺮﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥـ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 4‬ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ(‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ )‪ (1385‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 0/82‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 0/80‬ﻭ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪0/71‬ﻭ ‪ 0/78‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﻮﮔﺮﻭﻑ ـ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺮﻧﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﻴﺮﻭـ ﻭﺍﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻲ ﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫)‪ (SEM‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ‪ Amos‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪52/6 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪47/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪19 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ ‪ 15-25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪29/6 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ‪ 35-25‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪20/8 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ‪ 35-45‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪15/68‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ‪ 45-55‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫‪105‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ :1-4‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪778‬‬ ‫‪299‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪62/5‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪0/4‬‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻠﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ‬

‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬

‫‪4/6‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪5/8‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪0/4‬‬ ‫‪0/2‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻮچ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬

‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬

‫‪0/2‬‬ ‫‪1/82‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫‪1244‬‬

‫‪100‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ 1-5‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻐﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻐﻞ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬

‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬

‫‪8/6‬‬ ‫‪10/1‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬

‫‪97‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬

‫‪15/8‬‬ ‫‪17/7‬‬ ‫‪4/2‬‬ ‫‪0/3‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ‪185‬‬

‫‪30/1‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ /‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬

‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬

‫‪5/9‬‬ ‫‪1/1‬‬

‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ‪ /‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬

‫‪2/8‬‬ ‫‪0/2‬‬ ‫‪1/8‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪615‬‬

‫‪1/5‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬

‫● ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8/48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ‪ 55-65‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪6/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 65‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪31/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪59/3 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪5/9 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﺘﺎﺭﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪16/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪4/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪10/8 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ )ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ(‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪41/4 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪47/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪84/7 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪15/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪29/8 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪35 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪35/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪37/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪24 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ‪0/4 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ‪4/6 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪1 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪5/8 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻟﺮ‪1 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﻴﻠﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪0/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﻲ‪0/2 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ‪0/2 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻠﻮچ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪1/82‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫● ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪14/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪20/4 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴﻪ‪5/3 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪1/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫‪49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪8/6 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪10/1 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪15/8 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪17/7 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪4/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪0/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻨﺪ‪30/1 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪5/9 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪1/1 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪2/8 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪0/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪1/8 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪1/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪12 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪56‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 501‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪28 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻧﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻧﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻫﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ‪ LSD‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ 1-6‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍ ﻧﺤﺮ ﺍ ﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪3/978‬‬

‫‪5/08‬‬

‫‪1250‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫‪1/360‬‬

‫‪2/92‬‬

‫‪1250‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬

‫‪4/445‬‬

‫‪8/07‬‬

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‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺳﻜﺎﻝ ـ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬

‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺐ‪ /‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻛﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫)ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ )ﻣﺮﻓﻪ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪:‬‬

‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻫﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫● ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑُﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ( ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪1. Hani fan‬‬ ‫‪2. Jine Jacob‬‬ ‫‪3. Glan louri‬‬ ‫‪4. Ivan laite‬‬ ‫‪5. Janmes Colman‬‬ ‫‪6. Robert Putnam‬‬ ‫‪7. Woolcock‬‬ ‫‪8. Bonding social capital‬‬ ‫‪9. Bridging social capital‬‬ ‫‪10. Linking social capital‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‪ .(1383) ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،147‬ﺻﺺ ‪-16‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﺟﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )‪» ،(1380‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،7‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )‪ (1385‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ ،24‬ﺵ ‪ ،2‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪،1385‬‬ ‫‪.9-25‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺎﺝﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‪» ،(1384) ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻙﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ‪.‬‬

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1393 ‫ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬/296 ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ »ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬.(1380) ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬،‫ـ ﺷﺎﺭﻉﭘﻮﺭ‬ .‫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬،3 ‫ ﺵ‬،‫ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬،«‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬،‫ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ‬،‫ـ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ‬ .1379 ‫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬،‫ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬،‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ‬ .«‫ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬.(1384) .‫ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬،‫ـ ﻛﻠﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﭙﻮﺯﻳﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬:‫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬.‫ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‬:‫ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬،‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺒﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬،‫ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬،‫ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬،‫ـ ﻛﻠﻤﻦ‬ 1386 ‫ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‬،‫ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻲ‬،‫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬،‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬،(1384) ‫ ﻣﻴﺮﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬،‫ـ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ 92 ،‫ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬،‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬،‫ ﺭﺯﻳﺘﺎ‬،‫ـ ﻣﻮﻳﺪﻓﺮ‬ ،«‫ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬:‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ،‫ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬،‫ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬،‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ .1385 ،‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ - Arrow, K. (1972). “Giftsa and Exchanges.”Philosophyan dPublic Affairs, 1(4): 343-362. - Back,M.Kestila,E.(2009).”Social capital and political trust in Finland: An individual level assessment. Scandinavian” Political Studies volume 32,issue 2,171194 - Beem, C. (1999) The Necessity of Politics: Reclaiming American Public Life, Chicago:University of Chicago Press. - Coleman.J. S, (1991), “Prologue: Constructed Social Organization”, pp:1-14 in P.Bourdieu and J.S. Coleman (eds), Social Theory for a Changing Society, West View Press, Boulder - Coleman.J. S, (1994), Foundation of Social Theory, Belknap Press, Cambridge MA. -Giddens, Anthony (1976), New Rules of Sociological Method: A Positive Critique of Interpretive Sociologistes. New York, Basic Books. - Goldrich,D. (1996).”Sons of the Establishment: Elite

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ( ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ« ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ )ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ(؛ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ـ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ـ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ )ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ )ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﻋﻠﻮﻱﺗﺒﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،1379‬ﺹ‪ .(13‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ »ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪(http://www.scottishmediation.‬‬ ‫)‪ .org. uk/smn/fxcseven/pgz/six.htm‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻧﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ .(1‬ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﭘﻠﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 8‬ﭘﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ »ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻦﺑﺨﺸﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ )ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋ ًﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ـ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫)‪.(Schubele,1996,p204‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1983‬ﻣﻮﺳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫)‪ (Moser,1983,pp.3-11‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ (1‬ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﺭﻧﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬

‫‪(Pacione,2004.p.420).‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻮﺑﺮﻟﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ـ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ـ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ـ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ـ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪Source: Arnstein, 1997.p216‬‬

‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ )‪.(Ibid,p.47‬‬ ‫‪ (3‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪ (1-3‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،21‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )‪.(Suksi,2002,p.206‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 20 ،19 ،18‬ﻭ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ )‪Rosas,‬‬ ‫‪.(1999,p.431‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 29‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ ﺣﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻻ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪) .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‪،1382 ،‬ﺻﺺ‬ ‫‪.(133-34‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 3‬ﻭ ‪ 25‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪(Suksi,2002,p.212).‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪21‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗ ًﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ )‪.(Ibid,p.216‬‬ ‫ﻫـ( ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪(Ibid,p.218) .‬‬ ‫ﻙ( ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺖ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ )‪ .(Rosas,1999.p.431‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪.(Suksi,2002.p.219‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻼﻉ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ]ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ[‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫)‪ .(Pacione,2001,p.401‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (1-2-3‬ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ )‪amela D. Gibson, Donald p. Lacy,‬‬ ‫‪(Michael J, Dougherty, 2005,pp.5-6‬‬

‫ﺏ ـ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ )‪.(Ibid,p.6‬‬ ‫ﺝ ـ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻮ ﺭﻳﺒﻮﻥ )‪Blue‬‬

‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪ (Ribbon‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ )‪.(Ibid,p.6‬‬ ‫ﺩ ـ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪.(Ibid,p.7‬‬ ‫‪ (2-2-3‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ‪ 1978‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (ACIR‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﺴﻮﻥ )‪ (1993‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )‪.(Thomson,1993‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ )ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺩﻱ )‪ (2004‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ )‪Terry L. Cooper, Thomas A.‬‬ ‫‪(Brayer, Jack W. Meek, 2006,p.81‬‬

‫ﺝ ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 1946‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ )‪ (2005‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ (2‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬

‫‪Source: cooper,et al, p.80‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺕﺗﺎﻡ )‪ (2000‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ )‪(Ibid,pp.81-82‬‬ ‫ﻭ ـ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺲﺑﺮﻳﭻ )‪ (1993‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ـ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ )‪ .(Lukens Mayer and Torres, 2006‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪(Ibid,pp.81-82).‬‬ ‫‪ (3-2-3‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ (3‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ‪ /‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪Source: Vigoda, 2002,p.531‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫)‪.(Vigoda,2002,p.527‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.(Palfrey. et al. 1992) .‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ )‪ .(Palfrey.et.al.1992‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻧﻜﻦ« ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )‪.(Vigoda,2002,p.528‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Grubbs,2000‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫)‪(Ibid,p.529‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪1 :‬ـ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪2 .‬ـ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﮕﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ (4‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪Source: Vigoda, 2002.p530‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ (3‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ )ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ(‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺫﺍﺗ ًﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻴﻌﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪3‬ـ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ‪ /‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (1990‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1970‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫)‪.(Ibid,pp.530-31‬‬

‫‪4‬ـ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑُﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ (5‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬

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‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ (6‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ 6‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (4‬ﺟﻤﻌﺒﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ( ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ )ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ )‪ (5‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ )ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ‪ ،(7‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ )ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ( ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ )ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ(‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ )ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪ‪1382 ،‬‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ‬‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 7‬ﺵ ‪ ،3‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪1382‬‬ ‫ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‪» ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺱ‪ ،20‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻮﻱﺗﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫)ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪1379 ،‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺩﻟﻔﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪،‬‬‫‪1381‬‬ ‫‪- Adams, Brian. (2004). “Public Meetings and the‬‬ ‫‪Democratic Process”. Public Administration Review‬‬ ‫‪64 (1):43 – 54.‬‬ ‫‪- Baker, William H. , H . Lon Addams and Brian Davis‬‬ ‫‪(2005). “Critical Factors for Enhancing Municipal‬‬

121 - Palfrey, Colin, C, Philips, P, Thomas, and D. Edeard. (1992), Policy Evaluation in the Public Sector: Approaches and Methods. Hants: Avenbury - Pamela D. Gibson, Donald P. Lacy, Michael J. Dougherty, (2005) “Improving Performance and Accountability in Local Government with Citizen Participation”, The Public Sector Innovation Journal Volume 10 (1). - Plummer ,Jeneller, (2000), Municicipallities and community participation ,Earthscan Publications Ltd, London & Sterling, VA - Putnam, Robert D. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster. - Rawls, John, (1990), A theory of justice, Revised edition, Oxford University Press. - Reich, Robert. (1995). Policy making in democracy, in the power of public ideas, edited by Robert Reich, 123-56, Cambridge,: Harvard University Press - Renee A.Irvan,Jhon Stansbury, (2004) “Citizen Participation in Decision Making: Is It Worth The Effort?,” Public Administration Review, Vol. 64, No.1, - Schubler (1996). “Participation and partnership in urban infrastructure management.” UMP policy paper No.19 World Bank, Washington. - Terry L. Cooper, Thomas A. Bryer, Jack W. Meek, (2006), “Citizen- Centered Collaborative Public Management”, Special Issue, Public Administration Review - Terry L. Cooper, Thomas A. Bryer, Jack W. Meek, (2006), “Citizen-Centered Collaborative Public Management”, Public Administration Review. - Thomas, John C . (1995). Public Participation in Public Decisions. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. - Wang , Xiaohu . (2001). “Assessing Public Participation in U.S. Cities”. Public Performance Management Review 24 (4): 322 – 36. - Weeks, Edward C, (2000). “The practice of deliberative Democracy: Results from four Large- Scale Trils”. Public Administration Reviews 60 (4): 360-71.

1393 ‫ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬/296 ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ Public Hearings”. Public Administration Review 65 ( 4 ): 490 – 99 . - Berry, Jeffrey M. , Kent E . Portney , and Ken Thomson. (1993) . The Rebirth of Urban Democracy .Washington, DC : Brookings Institution Press . - Carol Ebdon,Aimee L. Franklin, “Citizen Participation in Budgeting Theory”, Public Administration Review May June 2006, - Ebdon , Carol , and Aimee Franklin . (2004). “Searching for a Role for Citizens in the Budget Process”. Public Budgeting and Finance 24 (1): 32 – 49. - Eran, Vigoda, ( 2002) “From responsiveness to collaboration: Governance, Citizens ,and the Next Generation of Public Administration”, Public Administration Review, Vol. 62, No, 5. - Freeman, Michael, D.A., Lloyds, (2001), Introduction to jurisprudence, 7th edition, London, Sweet and Maxwell. - Gaddie , Ronald Keith . (2004). Born to Run: Origins of the Political Career. Lanham, MD: Rowman &Littleﬁ eld . - Government: Transformations in the Roles, Responsibilities, and Values of City Managers. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. - Kweit , Mary G . , and Robert W. Kweit . (1981). Implementing Citizen Participation in a Bureaucratic Society . New York : Praeger . - Lukens Meyer, Carolyn J., and Lars H. Torres. (2006). Public Deliberation: A Manager’s Guide to Public Deliberation. Washington, DC: IBM Center for the Business of Government. - Man Bridge, Jane J. (1983). Beyond Adversary Democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. - Morgan, David L. (1997). Focus Groups as Qualitative Research. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. - Moser, (1989), “Community participation in urban projects in the Third World, Progress in Plannig Vol.32 part 2 - Otto Sano, Hans “Good Governance and Human Right". Zimbabwe. 1998. P 129. - Pacione, Michael, (2001), Urban Geography, ﬁrst published. Rutledge, London.

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‫ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﻀﻠﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﺓ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ )ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﺩﻭﺷﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨّﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪616‬ﻕ‪1219/‬ﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻣﺬ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‪(117،101،81،76/1:1375 ،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺁﺑﺴﻜﻮﻥ )‪617‬ﻕ‪1220/‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘَﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(47:1381‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻨﻘﻮﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪624‬ﻕ‪1227/‬ﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍُﻓﺖ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪) .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪(65:1381 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﻮﺯﺟﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪82:1363‬ـ‪ (181‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ (685/2:1338 ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻛﻮﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪651‬ﻕ‪1253/‬ﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪653‬ﻕ‪1255/‬ﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺩژﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ‪655‬ﻕ‪1257/‬ﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪656‬ﻕ‪1258/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪123‬‬ ‫● ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨّﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳّﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؛ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻛﻮﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴّﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤ ّﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪660‬ﻕ‪1262/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺑﻴﻼﻱ ﻗﺎﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﮕﻮﻗﺎﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (733 :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤ ّﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻼﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‬

‫‪124‬‬ ‫● ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤ ّﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺟﻮﺟﻲ ﻭ َﺟﻐَﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻐﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺟﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺟﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ(‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫َﺟﻐَﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌ ّﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻳﻐﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻮﻱ )ﺗﻮﻟﻲ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﺑﺎﮔﺎﺗﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﮔﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ‪663‬ﻕ‪1264/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ )‪663-680‬ﻕ‪1265-1281 /‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﺱ ﺟﻐﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ )‪680‬ﻕ‪1281/‬ﻡ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻜﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫»ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺧﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﭽﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪1269 ،‬ﻕ‪(110/1:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ )‪680-683‬ﻕ‪-1284/‬‬ ‫‪1282‬ﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪(132:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ )‪683-691‬ﻕ‪-1291/‬‬ ‫‪1284‬ﻡ( ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪681‬ﻕ‪1282/‬ﻡ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨّﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪688‬ﻕ‪1289/‬ﻡ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (235-236 :‬ﺩﺭ ‪691‬ﻕ‪1291/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪(246 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮔﻴﺨﺎﺗﻮ )‪-695‬‬ ‫‪691‬ﻕ‪1291-1295 /‬ﻡ( ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪(251 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻴﺨﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺨﺎﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (269/3 :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺨﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (284:‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻭ )ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺫﻱﺍﻟﻘﻌﺪﻩ ‪694‬ﻕ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫‪125‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (438/2:1371‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ‪694‬ﻕ‪1295/‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﺭ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺴﻞ ﺩﺭﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ‪55:1348 ،‬ـ‪(454‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡِ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪1940 ،‬ﻡ‪ (166-67:‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (76-77 :‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮگ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (159-60 :‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲِ ﺩﻳﮕ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬

‫● ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪126‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺺ »ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻻﻣﺮﻣﻨﻜﻢ« ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (78:‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ـ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪(122:1385 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﮕﻮﻗﺎﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫● ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻗﺎﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺷﭙﻮﻟﺮ‪ (270:1368 ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴّﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ )ﺗﻜﻮﺩﺍﺭ( ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻐﺎﺭﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻐﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺵ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻋﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏ ّﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪1940 ،‬ﻡ‪(269:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻗّﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻲﻭﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨّﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻇﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪(457/2:1371 ،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻨّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﺔ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻛﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ »ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻧﺪﻱ؟«‬ ‫)ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪1940 ،‬ﻡ‪(202:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﺔ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪190،197،243،277 :‬‬ ‫‪(،282،286،331،349،356‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤ ّﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﺔ‬

‫‪127‬‬ ‫● ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻫﻲ )‪ (Synchronism‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ 86:1385 ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪(88‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨ ّﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲِ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻠ ّﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺨﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫‪128‬‬ ‫● ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ«ﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺨﺎﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪) .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪(112:1364 ،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﻭﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻜﻔﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪) .‬ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(23:1380‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﭘﻄﺮﻭﺷﻔﺴﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (13:1359‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﺔ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺳﻨّﺖ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺑﻬﺮﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪) .‬ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(26:1348‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﭘﻄﺮﻭﺷﻔﺴﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪11:1359‬ـ‪ (12‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪1364‬ﻕ‪1945/‬ﻡ‪(120:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ )‪703‬ﻕ‪1304/‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ )‪716‬ـ‪703‬ﻕ‪1316/‬ـ‪1304‬ﻡ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪736‬ـ‪716‬ﻕ‪1316-1336/‬ﻡ( ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪717‬ﻕ‪1317/‬ﻡ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﻭﻝ‬ ‫‪718‬ﻕ‪1318/‬ﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪-7/2:1371 ،‬‬ ‫‪(506‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻗﺒﭽﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪736‬ﻕ‪1326/‬ﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫‪129‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﺗ ّﻮﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،(409:1384 ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﻴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﻴﺮ‪،‬‬

‫● ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻚ ﺩ ّﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻗﻠﻤﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧـﻚ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧـﺎﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻨﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﻲﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ«؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﺤﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪130‬‬ ‫‪ (105/3:1353‬ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪(396/2:1371 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻢﻳﺰﺭﻉ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‪ :1375 ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺤﺢ‪(47-48/1 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ« ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﺎﻑ »ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ» )ﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪1269 ،‬ﻕ‪ (4/1:‬ﺑﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ‬

‫● ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ُﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ِﺷﻜﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳّﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 650‬ﺗﺎ ‪658‬ﻕ‪ 1252/‬ﺗﺎ ‪1260‬ﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻸ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴّﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻲﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺩ ّﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﻗﻠﻤﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧـﻚ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧـﺎﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻨﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‪(3/1:1375 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﻲﻫﻨﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ«؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﺤﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪ (27/1:1384 ،‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ » ِﻋﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ »ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻳﻐﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(4/1:1375‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ُﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ِﺷﻜﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴ ِﺰ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (106-7:‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘَﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ 136/2 :‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (143‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﭘَﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ« ﺟﻮﺯﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﭘَﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻛ ّﻔﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪131‬‬ ‫● ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲِ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪681‬ﻕ‪1282/‬ﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍ ّﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪) .‬ﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪1269 ،‬ﻕ‪:‬‬ ‫‪(119/1‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪647‬ﻕ‪1275/‬ﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﺪّ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﻣﻠﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬

‫‪132‬‬ ‫● ﮔﻴﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴ ِﺰ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪77‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ‪18‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 524‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻ ّﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﻠﻮﻳﻞ‪ 14:1387 ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪(17‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (15:‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺠﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،(2:1313 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴّﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻐﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻠﻐﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨّﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﻠﻮﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫‪(19:1387‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼ ّﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺡﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺎﻳﺲﺍﻻﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﺎﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺆﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍَﺳﺆﻟَﻪ ﻭ ﺍَ َ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪703‬ﻕ‪1304/‬ﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭼﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ‪ 53‬ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِﺣ َﻜﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢﺍﻻﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺫﻫﻨﻴّﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻔﻨّﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 27‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﻨﺪﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪1364‬ﻕ‪1945 /‬ﻡ‪ 147 :‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (155‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (75:‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﺱ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺓ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ 141:‬ﻭ ‪(144‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺆﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪ 108:1371 ،‬ﻭ ‪(507‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘّﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ« ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬

‫‪133‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨّﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪(35-36/1:1338 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻼﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (415-16 :‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻻﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺆﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (242:1371‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻲ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻨﻴّﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬

‫● ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘَﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺻﻒ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪134‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﺪّ ﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺒّﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﺠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪(358/1:1338 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴّﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (915/2 :‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺭﺍﻫﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‬

‫● ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻫﻼﻛﻮﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪّ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪(128:1940 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺆﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷﻬﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺔ »ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟّﺬﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﻜﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻴﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻴﻌﻮﺍ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻴّﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒ ّﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘ ًﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‪(416-17:1371 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨّﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ)ﺹ( ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ (418:‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺘﻲﻧﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ(‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺓ ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻸ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺫﻫﻨﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﻜﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ (232:1376 ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳّﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺷﭙﻮﻟﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻟﺪ‪ ،(1368) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﻭﺷﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،(1371) .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪2‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،(1313) .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﭘﻄﺮﻭﺷﻔﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﻭﻟﻮﻳﭻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻧﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ‪.‬ﻡ‪،(1359) .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺁژﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺟﻮﺯﺟﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪،(1363) .‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺸﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪) ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ )‪ ،(1375‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ 3) ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،(1353) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻲﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،(1338) .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪.‬‬

‫‪135‬‬ ‫● ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳّﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ ‪1364) ----------‬ﻕ‪1945 /‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﻮﻛﻴﺸﻨﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺲ ﻻﻫﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ ‪ ،(1371) ----------‬ﺍﺳﺆﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ ‪1940) ----------‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ‬‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺗﻔﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻔﻦ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،(1376) .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،(1384) .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،(1384) .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫)‪2‬ﺟﻠﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﻣﺲ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪ ،(1385) .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺪﺍﷲ‪ (1381) ،‬ﻧﺰﻫﺖﺍﻟﻘﻠﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻠﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ‪» ،(1387) .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎ )ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ(‪» .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺱ‪ ،6‬ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ‪ ،14‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﺻﺺ ‪.3-55‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،(1380) .‬ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ )‪ ،(1364‬ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺤﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻄﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺮﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﻣﻮﻱ »ﻣﺤﺪﺙ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻧﺪﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺪﺭﻱ‪،(1381) .‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺜﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﺍﻻﻣﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ـ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺰﺟﻴﻪﺍﻻﻋﺼﺎﺭ )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ(‪1269) .‬ﻕ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ 5) ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺫﻛﺮ ﺟﻤﻴﻞ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻮﺍﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ...،‬ﻭ ﺭﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺂﺗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻏ ِﺬ ﺯﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻏﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺑَﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗ ّﻮﺕ ﻃﺒﻊ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(573 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ )ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ‪691‬ﻕ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺤﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺑﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،(570 ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺳﺖ‪) ...‬ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻆ‪ (669 ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺻﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻲ ﺑـﺮﻧﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭼﻮ ﻧﺎﻓﻪ ﺧـﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(582 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺰ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫)ﻗﺼﺎﻳﺪ‪(679 ،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻀﺮﻱ ﭼﻮ ﻛﻠﻚ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻋﺠﺐ ﮔـﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻴـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(595 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻟـــﻢ ﺗـــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﺒـﺮ ﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺓ ﻣـــﻦ ﺯ ﻋــﺮﺵ ﺑــﮕـــﺬﺷــــﺖ‬ ‫)ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪(605 ،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(454 ،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﻄﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﺴﺌﻮﻓﻮﻱ )ﺧﻨﺴﺎ( ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺤﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻱﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺤﺮ ﻓـﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺵ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺷﺖ‪ /‬ﺑﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ! )ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(582 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪1‬ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻭﻩﺍﻟﻮﺍﺻﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‪ 2‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻼء ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫)‪714-636‬ﻕ( ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ )ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻭﻩﺍﻻﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺪﻩﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻤﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻪ‪ 3«...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 4«.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ُﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻻﻻﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪742‬ﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ(‪49 ،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 49‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﺏ ﺛﺮﺍﻫﻤﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 80‬ﻏﺰﻝ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ( ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ 5.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ )‪725-651‬ﻕ( ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫»ﻧُﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺣـﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏـﺰﻝ ﺁﻳـﻴـﻦ ﺗـﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻠﻤﺬ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ 7.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ »پ« ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺗـﻮ ﺷﻜـﻴـﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃـﺎﻗـﺖ ﻧـﻤﺎﻧـﺪ ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘـﺎﻗـﻲ ﻭ ﺻـﺒـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺪ ﮔـﺬﺷـﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـﻔﺘـﻦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻧـﺒــﺎﺷـﺪ ﭘﻴـﻤـﺎﻥﺷـﻜـﻦ ﻧـﮕـﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻧـﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜـﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(57‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﺭﺍﻡ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧـﺲ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨـﺎﻥ ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺯ ﺯﺣـﻤـﺖ ﻣـﺤﺾ ﺁﻓـﺮﻳـﺪﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨـﺸﺎﻥ ﻣـﮕــﺮ ﺯ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻟـﻄـﻴـﻒ ﺁﻓـﺮﻳـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻨـﻬـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻧــــﺪ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪(36 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺳﺒﻜـﺘﺮ ﻣـﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃـﺒﻞ ﺑﻲﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺑـﻴـﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻏـﻠـﻂ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩﺳـﺖ ﻣــﺮﻍ ﺑـﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ‪:‬‬

‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑ ْﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺸﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺁﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻡ ﺑﻲﺗﻮ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﻫـﺎﻧــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯ ﻫﺠﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑـﻲﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﺯ ﺟـﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

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‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(76‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ »ﻻ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﻮ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺕ ﻓـﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻨـﺪ ﺗـﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﻟﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧـﻪ ﻫـﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺳــﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﮔـﻮﺵ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﮕﺮ ﻓــﺮﻳــﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(121‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﺑـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺻﺎﻟـﻲ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﮔـﺰ ﺣﺴﺪ ﻧـﺒﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺎﻟــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻴﺎﻟــﻲ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺻـﺎﻝ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﮔـﻮﻳـﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(579 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﻮﻧﺪ ﺗـﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺻـﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﺻﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺍﺷـﺘﻴــﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻧـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑـﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺴﺒــﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳـﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧـﻤﺎﻳـﺪ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(155‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧـﻔــﺘـــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔـــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳـــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺷـﺐ ﻧـﻤﻲﺑـﺮﺩ ﺧـﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﺣــﻠﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛــﻮﻓــﻪ ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺗﺸــﻨــﮕﺎﻥ ﺑــﻤـﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(369 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﺍﺏ ﻋﺬﺏ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻚ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺏ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﻴﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬـﺮ ﺗﺸﻨـﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪(179 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧـﺮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺁ‪ ،‬ﻛِﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨـﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺗﻮﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺁ‪ ،‬ﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻡ«‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻭﻱ ﭼـﻮ ﺗــﻮ ﻣـﻲﺑـﺎﻳـﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑـﻴﺎﺭﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑـﺎﻏﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺳـﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﺍﻧـﺼﺎﻑ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻲﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻗﻲ ﺑـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧـﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺎﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧـﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﻨـﻴﻤـﺖﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﺎﻓـﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻳـﻦ ﻋـﻬﺪ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣـﻘﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﺩﻧـﻴﺎ ﺑﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺗـﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺧﺎﻃـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺧﻮﺷـﺪﻝ‬

‫ﺑﻲﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ُﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ )‪721-645‬ﻕ( ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ـ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﺺ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 9.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﺮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺼـﺎﻑ ﺁﻧـﻜﻪ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻏــﺰﻟـﻬـﺎﻱ ﻧـﺎﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋـﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺸ ّﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺣـﻼﻭﺕ ﺍﻟـﻔـﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺣﺒﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺧـﺎﺻـﮕﺎﻥ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺩﻳـﮕـﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺣـﺪﻳـﺚ ﺭﻳـﺰﻩ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟـﺒـﺎﺱ ﺭﻣـﺰ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(315‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ »ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 10«.‬ﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺄﺧﺬ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ ـ ﺳ ّﻠﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻤﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﻧﻜﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺑـﮕـﺮﺩﺩ ﻋـﺎﻗـﺒـﺖ ﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻲ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺑـﮕـﺮﺩﻳـﺪﻩﺳـﺖ ﻋﺎﻟـﻢ‬ ‫)ﻗﺼﺎﻳﺪ‪(674 ،‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻛـﻲ ﺑـﮕﺮﺩﻳـﺪﻩﺳـﺖ ﻋﺎﻟـﻢ؟‬ ‫‪...‬ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺧـﺘـﺮﺍﻉ ﻃﺒـﻊ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧـﮕـﺮﺩﺩ ﻧـﻴـﺰ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼـﻨـﻴـﻦ ﻫـﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﺴـﻲ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺑـﮕـﺮﺩﻳـﺪﻩﺳـﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ«‬ ‫)ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(323‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﺲ ﻧـﻜـﻨﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺗــﺖ ﻣـﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺩﻣــــﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــــﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻـﻴـﺪ ﻛـﻤـﻨـﺪ ﺍﻓـﻜـﻨـﻲ ﺑﺒـﺎﺵ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﺒﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻢ‬

‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻲﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲ‬

‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺁﺑـﻲ ﺧـﻮﺭﻡ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺻﻴﺪ ﻻﻏﺮ ﭼﻪ ُﻛﺸﻲ؟ ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(379 ،‬‬ ‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(113‬‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪(491 ،‬‬ ‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(154‬‬

‫ﭼـﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﻓـﺘـﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻴـﺪ ﻻﻏﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(521 ،‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﮔـﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧـﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(1207‬‬

‫ﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻـﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﭙﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(386 ،‬‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﺎﺷـﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺎﻛـﭙﺎﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ‬

‫ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﻏـﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴـﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻫﻼﻙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳـﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻬﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﺒـﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺧـﻮﻥ ﺗـﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻝ‬

‫ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﻳـﺎﺭ ﻧـﺎﻣـﺘـﻨـﺎﺳـﺐ ﺟـﻬﻨـﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﻋـﺎﻗﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼـﻴـﺤﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻌـﺮﺽ ﺭﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳـﭙـﺮ ﺗـﻴﺮ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﺑﺎﺵ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋـﺸﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺟـﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺑﺮﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(214‬‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(397 ،‬‬ ‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(268‬‬

‫)ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪(388 ،‬‬

‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(160‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺒـﺮ ﺑﺴﻴـﺎﺭ ﺑـﻴـﺎﻳـﺪ ﭘـﺪﺭ ﭘـﻴـﺮ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪141‬‬

‫ﺗـﺎ ﺩﮔـﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻴـﺘﻲ ﭼﻮ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(459 ،‬‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﮔـﺰ ﭘـﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣـﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻴـﺘـﻲ ﻧـﺸـﻨـﻴـﺪﻡ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷـﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮﻧـﺪ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺠـﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ؟‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ‬

‫ﻧـﻨﮕﻲ ﭼـﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧـﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺯ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﭘـﻴﻐـﺎﻡ ﺁﺷـﻨـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺨـﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﭘـﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺡ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ِ‬

‫ﻫـﺎﻥ ﺗـﺎ ﻃـﺮﺏ ﻛﻨـﻴـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺡ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺳﺒﺰﻩ ﻟﮕﺪﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـﻪ ﻟﮕـﺪﻛـﻮﺏ ﺭﻗﻴﺒـﺎﻥ ﭼﻮ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﭼﻤﻨﻢ‬

‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(279‬‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(521 ،‬‬ ‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(32‬‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(383 ،‬‬ ‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(385‬‬

‫ﺯ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(441 ،‬‬

‫ﮔﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻮ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻢ‬

‫‪11‬‬

‫)ﻏﺰﻝ ‪(923‬‬

‫ﺏ( ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺣ ّﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﻟﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪713‬ﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 12.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻨـﺰﻝ ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﻧـﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧـﺴﺘـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋـﻘـﻞ ﺑـﺮﻓـﺘـﻨـﺪ ﺳﻌﺪﻳـﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺑـﮕﻔـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻛـﺐ ﺩﺭﻳـﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﺘﺔ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(5‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻴـﻤـﺮﻍ ﻫـﻤﺖ ﺑـﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻫﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧـﻼﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌـﺪﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺮﻫﻴﺰﮔـﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،6 ،‬ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(735 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻـﺎﻳــﻢﺍﻟــﺪﻫــﺮ ﺩﻧــﻴــﺎﭘــﺮﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺭﻧـﺪﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻴـﺮﺵ ﺑـﺮﺁﻳــﺪ ﺯﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣـﻘـﺎﻻﺕ ﺑـﻴـﻬـﻮﺩﻩ ﻃـﺒـﻞ ﺗـﻬــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟـﻮﺍﻧـﻤـﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧـﺎﻥﺩﻫـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪6 ،‬؛ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ 1252 ،‬ﻭ ‪(1383‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺁﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺘﻪﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻳـﻲ‬

‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪12 ،‬؛ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‪ /...‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(544 ،‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭘـﺎﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﻧـﻤـﺎﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺤـﻨﺖ ﻋـﺸﻖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎﻗـﺒـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻗـﻴـﺎﻣـﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔــﺎﺭ ﻧـﻤـﺎﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺩﻻﻭﻳـﺰ ﭘـﻨـﺠـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧـﮕـﺎﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(13 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‪» :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ« )ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(439 ،‬؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﻜﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪) «...‬ﺹ ‪ (161‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ »ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻉ »ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ«‪) .‬ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(16 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪16 ،‬؛ ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(526 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻲﺑـﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧـﺼـﻴﺤﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﺘﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟـﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻼﻣـﺖ ﮔـﻔـﺘﻦ ﭼـﻪ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(17 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﮔﻔﺘﻦ«‪» ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(528 ،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻧـﺒـﻲ ﻣـﺘـﻌـﻠﻖ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏـﻼﻡ ﻫﻤـﺖ ﺁﻧـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﭘـﺎﻳﺒـﻨـﺪ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(163 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﺣـﺮﻗـﺖ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺿﻌـﻴﻔﻢ ﭼﻮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﺶ ﺍﺣـﺘـﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻨـﮓ ﺟﻔـﺎ ﺧـﻮﺭﺩﻧﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼـﺸﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻤـﺎﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﺕ ﻣـﻘـﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔـﻔـﺘﻢ ﻳـﻜـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﮔـﻮﺷـﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(18 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ )ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪ (435 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺣﺮﻗﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻗﺖ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﻧﮕﻪ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ«‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻃﺒـﻴـﺒـﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻤﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺽ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ :18 ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(442 ،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣـﻼﻣـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺲ ﺯﺍﻧــﻮﻱ ﻣـﻼﻣـﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯ ﺑـﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﻣـﻨـﻪ ﺍﺭ ﺗـﻴـﺮ ﻭ ﻛـﻤـﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪...‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﻏﺒـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘـﻴـﺶ ﺷـﻤـﺸﻴـﺮ ﺑـﻼ ﺭﻗـﺺﻛـﻨـﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺳﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(18 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ )ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪ (464 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺯﺍﻧﻮﻱ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﺍﻧﻮﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ«؛ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﻥ«؛ ﺑﻼ‪» ،‬ﻗﻔﺎ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ »ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺤﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(574‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻳـﺎﺩ ﻧـﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﻣــﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎﻟﻬـﺎ ﻧـﻔـﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﻲ ﺯﻧـﻢ ﻧـﻔـﺲ ﺳـﺮﺩ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻣـﻴـﺪ ﻛـﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑـﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﭼﺸـﻢ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﻳـﻢ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪19 ،‬؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(574 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﻲﺩﻝ ﺑـﻲﻳـﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺳـﻔـﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺑـﻲﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑـﻲﻳــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮ ﺣﺴـﺮﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗـﻔـﺎ ﺳﻴـﺮ ﻧـﮕـﺸﺘـﻢ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ 27 ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪31‬؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(500 ،‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﮔـﻮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛـﺒـﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯﺁ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓـﺮﺍﻕ ﺗـﻮ ﭼـﺸـﻢ ﺍﻣـﻴـﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪29 ،‬؛ ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(383 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﻭ ﺑـﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻣـﺎ ﺑـﻴـﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﺍﻕ ﻣــﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪29 ،‬؛ ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(382 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳـﮕــﺮ ﻣــﺰﻧــﻴــﺖ ﺳـﻨـﮓ ﺑــﺮ ﺟــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺧـــﻮﺩ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳـﻢ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮ ﺳــﻨــﮓ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪30 ،‬؛ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪(601 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓـﺘـﻨـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟـﻬـﺎﻥ ﺑـﮕــﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﻘـﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

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‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪31 ،‬؛ ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ :416 ،‬ﺑﮕﺸﺎﺩ(‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺷـﻤـﻨﻢ ﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﺮﻫـﻤﻲ ﻛـﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼـﺸﻢ ﻣﻔﻜﻨﻢ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪(113 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ )ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪ (371 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻉ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﭼﺸﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ »ﺩﻳﺪﻩ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﺖﮔﻮﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ؛‪(147‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ )ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪ (542 ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ!‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺖ ﺗـﻮ ﺟـﺎﻭﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻤـﺎﺭ ﻧـﻤـﺎﻧـﺪ«‬ ‫ﺣـﺴﻦ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺍﺋـﻢ ﺑــﺪﻳــﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧـﻤـﺎﻧـﺪ‬ ‫]ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ[ )ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(439 ،‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺒـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﻋـﺎ ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ ﺳـﺤﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻜـﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟـﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺭ »ﺳـﻌﺪﻱ«‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪161 ،‬؛ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(426 ،‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «...‬ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪162 ،‬؛‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(575 ،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﺍﺑﻦ ُﻓﻮﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻓﻮﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻧﻲ )‪327-246‬ﻕ( ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺯﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺼﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺻﺪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻻﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻻﻟﻘﺎﺏ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻠﺢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﺑﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ]ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻭ[ ﺷﺼﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛـﻴـﻒ ﺧـﻼﺹ ﺍﻟـﻘـﻠـﺐ ﻣـﻦ ﻳـﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣـﺘﻲ ﺟـﻤﻊ ﺷـﻤﻠﻲ ﺑـﺎﻟـﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻤـﻐﺎﺿﺐ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛـﻴـﻒ ﺍﺻـﻄﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﻕ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻲ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻡ ﺭﺟــﺎﺋـﻲ ﻓـﻴـﻪ ﻭﺍﻟـﺒـﻌـﺪ ﻣــﺎﻧــﻌـﻲ‬ ‫ﺧُ ﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺷﺖ ﭼﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻔﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻧﻚ‬ ‫)ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻆ‪(651 ،‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ »ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺛﻼﺛﻪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺳﻼﺟﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ]ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ[ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪] 700‬ﻕ[ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻄﺎﻣﻠﻚ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻼﺕ )ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻕ ‪ 146‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻕ ‪ 149‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻕ ‪ 150‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺩﺗـﻲ ﺍﺣـﺘـﺮﻕ ﺍﻟـﻘـﻠـﺐ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻻﺷﻮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﻠـﻢ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧـﻴـﺎﺑـﺪ ﺻﻔـﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻟـﻮ ﺍﺿـﺎﻓـﻮﺍ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻭﺭﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ ﺩﻓـﺘـﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﻣـﺠــﺮﻭﺡ ﺗـﻤــﺎﻡ‬ ‫]ﻣﻠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪[576 ،‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ َﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺁﻗﺴﺮﺍ ﺭﺣﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻨﺖ‪ /‬ﺁﻗﺴﺮﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭِ ﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ« )ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪ (145 ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪749‬ﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺴﺮﺍ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻏﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪َ » :‬ﻛ َ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ‪ 19‬ﺑﻴﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭﻳـﺎ ﻗﻄـﺮﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﮔـﻮﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺳـﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺒﻊ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻏﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﻳﺒﺪ ﻣـﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺒﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺗﻮﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻓﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺰﺩ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻢ ﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳـﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳـﻜﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺟـﺴﻤـﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(111 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳـﺘـﻲ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟـﻢ ﺯ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺑـﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟـﻬـﺎﻥ ﺑـﮕــﺮﻓــﺖ‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﻃـﻲ ﻧـﻄـﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺑــﮕــﺮﻓــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺡ ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ ﻧـﮕـﻔـﺘـﻪ ﺑـﻴـﺘـﻲ ﭼـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻣـﻴـﻦ ﺑـﺴـﺘـﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻓــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓـــﺘـــﺎﺑــﻲ ﺍﺳـــﺖ ﺁﺳـﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻓــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺳـــﺨـﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺗــﻴــﻎ ﺯﺑـــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺳـﻜـﻨـﺪﺭ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺟـﻬﺎﻥ ﺑـﮕﺮﻓـﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨــﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﻫــﺴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﺣــﻴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺨـﻦ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳــﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻓـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﮕــﺮﻱ ﺟــــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧــﮕــﻴـــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﭼـﻮ ﺑـﺤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟـﻬـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑﺤـﺮ ﻣـﻌـﻨـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(113 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ‪ 28‬ﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻲﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﮔﻞﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻨـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻳـﺮﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻱ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟـﺪﺍﺭ ﺻـﺎﺣـﺒـﺪﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺳـﺘـﻢ‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﺩﻟـﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻫـﻞ ﺩﻟــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺭﻣــﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﻧـﮕـﻮﻳـﻲ‪ :‬ﺯﻻﻟﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻋـﻄـﺸـﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺳـﺘﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺑـﺤـﺮ ﻣـﻌـﻨـﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﻦ ﺗـﺸـﻨـﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﻣـﻠـﺦ ﺯﻱ ﺳـﻠـﻴـﻤـﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺳـﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭﮔـﺮﭼـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺸﻤـﺖ ﺗـﻮ ﻧـﻴﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﺮ ﻣـﻬـﺮﻩ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑـﺪﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑـﺨـﻨـﺪﺩ ﺑـﺴـﻲ ﻣـﻌـﺪﻥ ﻟـﻌـﻞ ﺑـﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﺸـﻴـﺮﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺤـﺰﻭﻥ ﻛـﻨـﻌﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺳﺘﻢ؟‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻱ ﻳـﻮﺳـﻒ ﻣـﺼـﺮ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺳﺘـﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻧـﺠـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼــﻮ ﺩﺍﻧـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻄـﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻓــﺮﺳﺘـﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺳـﻴـﻒ ﻓـﺮﻏـﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨـﻠﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(114 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺟﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ »ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺼﺮ« ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺑـﻴـﺖ ﺳـﺨـﻨـﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺑـﺴﻲ ﻧـﻤﺎﻧــﺪ ﺯ ﺍﺷـﻌـﺎﺭ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻘـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻧـﻐـﻤـﻪ ﺍﻳـﺸـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﺗـﺮﺍﻧـﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﺯﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧـــﻪ ﺩﻟـﻬـﺎﺳـﺖ ﺁﺷـﻴـﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗــﻮ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﭼﻮ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻌ ِﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺟﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻨـﻬـﺪ ﺳــﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﺳـﺘـﺎﻧﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺣـﻠـﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﻣـﮕﺮ ﻋـﺼـﺎﻱ ﻛـﻠﻴـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗـﺎﺯﻳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏـﻴﺮ ﻧﻘـﻄـﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻧـﻴـﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻴـﺎﻧﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯ ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻋـﺼـﺮ ﺑـﻴـﺮﻭﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧـﺎﭘـﺪﻳـﺪ ﭼـﻮ ﻋﻨﻘﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩﺳﺖ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻠـﻖ ﭼـﻮ ﺳـﻴﻤـﺮﻍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧـﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘـﻲ ﻧـﮕـﺮﺍﻳـﺪ ﺟــﻮﻱ ﺯﺑــﺎﻧـﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﺍﺯﻭﻳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﮔﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛــﻔـﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﻬـﺸﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺯﻋــﺮﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺁﺳـﻤـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛـﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳـﻜﻲ ﻧـﻤـﺎﺯ ﺗـﻬـﺠـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳـﻜـﻲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧـﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣـﻠـﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﺁﺏ ﮔـﺸـﺘـﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﺍﺑـﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺧﻤـﺮ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﻗـﺪﺣﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻫـﺮ ﻳـﻜﻲ ﻏﺰﻟﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(115 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺼﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻏﺰﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺫﺑﻴﺢﺍﷲ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫)ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ (،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻢ ﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑـﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺴﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﻞ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺵ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ »ﺗـﺒـﺮﻳﺰ« ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﺧـﻮﺑﻲ ﻧـﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(429 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(69 ،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﮔـﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺯﻟﻒ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(264 ،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺯﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﻛـﺰ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﻳـﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻴـﺴـﺖ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪...‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﺒﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(303 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﻲ ﮔـﻮﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺑـﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(334 ،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ »ﺳﻌﺪﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ« »ﻫﻤﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﻌـــﺮ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﻣـــﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘـﺎﻧــﺶ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(778 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑ ْﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﺪﻳـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻮ ﺳـﺨﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(613 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺗـﻮ ﺷﻜـﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣـﺸﺘـﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺻـﺒﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺶ ﺭﺳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﻣـﺪﻋﻲ ﻧـﻤﺎﻧـﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠـﻨﻮﻥ ﻣـﺒﺘـﻼ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛـﺎﺵ ﺑـﺮﻓـﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑـﺮﻗـﻊ ﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(361 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛـﺎﺭ ﻋـﺸﻖ ﻟـﻴـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺠـﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﻣـﺒـﺘﻼ ﻧـﮕـﺮﺩﻱ ﮔـﺮ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺣـﺪﻡ ﺑـﺰﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴـﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺪ ﻣﺒﺮ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(578 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﻉ ﺑـﺮ ﺗـﻮﺍﻧـﮕﺮ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔـﻲ ﺟـﺰ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻫـﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻴـﻮﻩ ﺟـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮ ﭼﻮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﺭ ﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍ«‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(580 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳـﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺁ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(362 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺐ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺧـﻮﺍﺑـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨـﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ ﻓــﺮﺍﻕ ﻧـﺨـﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻳـﺒـﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻼﻣـﺖ ﻛـﻨـﻲ ﺯﻟﻴﺨـﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﺵ ﺑﺒـﻴـﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(361 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻛﺸﺪ ﺯﻟﻴﺨﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﻠﻲﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺷـﺐ ﻓـﺮﺍﻕ ﻧـﺨـﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻳـﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ«‬ ‫ﺯﺑـﺤـﺮ ﺗـﺎﺝ ﻭﺻـﺎﻝ ﺗـﻮ ﺳـﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(534 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺛﺒﺘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ )ﺹ ‪ ،(366‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃـﺎﻗﺖ ﻭﻋـﻆ ﻧـﺒـﺎﺷـﺪ ﺳـﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﺑـﺎﻟﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﻛـﻨـﺪ ﺩﻓـﺘـﺮ ﺩﺍﻧـﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ؟‬

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‫ﻧـﺎﮔـﺰﻳـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﮕﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻪ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺑـﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﻧـﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭ ﺑـﺮﻭﺩ ﺑـﺎﺯ ﺁﻳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣـﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻪ ﻣﮕﺲ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦِ ﺷـﻮﺭﻳـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧـﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻧـﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻏـﻢ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(782 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳـﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧـﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻚ ﻏ ّﻤﺎﺯﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻦ ﺑـﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(367 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻱ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯ ﻣﺸﺘـﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧـﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻛـﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(670 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻲﺧﻄـﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺻـﻮﺍﺏ؟‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﻫﺮﻭﻳـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧـﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﻤـﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗـﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻴـﻤـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳــﻮﺯﻧــﺎﻙ ﻭ ﭼـﺸـﻢ ﺗــﺮ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(369 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﻲﺗـﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺒﻲ ﺑـﻲﻣـﺎﻫﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧـﺠـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧـﻮﺑـﺖ ﺁﻓـﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻝ ﭘـﺮ ﺁﺗــﺶ ﻭ ﭼـﺸـﻢ ﭘـﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻛـﻮﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍ ﻣـﻲﭘــﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﭘـﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ؟‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﻃـﺒـﻴـﺐ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻘـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼـﺮﺍ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(313 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(371 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻤﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺳﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼـﻨﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﻧـﻴﺎﻳـﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺷﻴـﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ‬

‫»ﭼﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ«‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(465 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﭼﻮ ﺧـﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻮ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﺯﻧـﻴـﻨﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﭘـﺮﻳﺸـﺎﻧﻲ ﻣـﻮﻳـﻲ ﺯ ﺳﺮﺕ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(372 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺮﺕ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑـﻨـﻤﺎﻱ ﻭ ﻣﭙـﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻝ ﺑـﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﻧـﻜﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺳـﺮ ﻣـﻮﻳـﻲ ﺯ ﺳـﺮﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻤﺮﺕ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(479 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺩﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧـﺎﻧﻪ ﻧـﻨﺸﻴـﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺳـﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺁﻥ َﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻛﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻳﺎ َﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺳﺖ؟‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(381 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺳـﺖ؟«‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﻓـﺘـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻏـﻢ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑـﻮﺳﺘـﺎﻥ ﮔـﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺷـﻜﺴﺘـﻦ ﭘـﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑـﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﺁﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﺧﻠﻖ‬

‫ﻣـﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﺳـﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻛﭙﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣـﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(789 ،‬‬

‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(382 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻋـﺎﺷﻘـﺎﻥ ﺗـﻮ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻧـﻪ ﻣـﻨـﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﮔـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻛـﺎﺕ ﺧـﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺧﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫»ﺷﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺛـﺮ ﺻـﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﭼـﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻌـﺪﻱ ﮔﻔـﺘﻢ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘـﻤـﺎﺱ ﻛـﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(642 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘـﻴـﻐـﺎﻡ ﺁﺷـﻨـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻔـﺲ ﺭﻭﺡﭘـﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤـﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑـﺎﻍ ﺯﻧـﺪﻩﺩﻻﻥ ﻛـﻮﻱ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑـﻨـﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔـﺎﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺻـﺤﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(383 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻮﻳﺖ ﻣـﻌﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻛﺰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﻴـﻒ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(710 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﭼﻮ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﺭﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(400 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﭼﻮ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(595 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻨﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳـﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴـﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﻧـﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻃـﻤﻊ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‬

‫ﻛـﻪ ﭼﻮ ﻣـﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺑﮕـﻮﻳﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻚ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘـﺮﻳﺸـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﺵ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻙ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﺽ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔـﺘﻢ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﻛـﻨـﺞ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﮔـﻔـﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣـﻮﺩﻡ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮ ﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳـﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﻤﺎﻝ ﺗـﻮ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛـﻦ ﭘـﺮﺩﻩ ﺯ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﺟـﺎﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻟﺪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦﻫﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻡ ﻛﻤـﻨﺪ ﺯﻟﻔـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫـﻢ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(400 ،‬‬

‫ﻣﺸـﻨﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(863 ،‬‬

‫ﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﻏﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗـﺼﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣـﻲﻧـﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(402 ،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔـﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(223 ،‬‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‬

‫ﻛـﻮﻩ ﻛـﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧـﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫»ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(817 ،‬‬

‫ﻫـﻴـﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼـﻨـﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺠﻞ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﮓ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﻃـﺎﻗـﺖ ﻧـﺎﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(405 ،‬‬ ‫»ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﻃـﺎﻗﺖ ﻧـﺎﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﭙـﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫»ﻛﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(632 ،‬‬

‫ﻣـﺪﻫـﻮﺵ ﻣـﻲﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳـﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣـﻬـﺮﺑﺎﻧـﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﻜﺎﻥ ﻏﻤﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﻤـﻴـﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧـﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(414 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺠﻠـﺲ ﭘـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻃﻲ ﺧـﺠﻞ ﻓـﺮﻭ ﻣـﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻦ ﻫـﻤﻪ ﻧـﻜﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺯ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺟـﻌﺪ ﺑـﻨـﻔﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺯﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﻴﺮ ﻏﻤـﺰﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻬﺪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬

‫‪150‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﺩﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻳﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﮕﺮ ﻧـﺴﻴــﻢ ﺳﺤـﺮ ﺑـﻮﻱ ﻳـﺎﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﭼﻮ ﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـــﺎﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــــﻮﻱ ﻋــﻨـﺒــﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳـــﻨــﻲ ﺩﺧـﺘــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃــﺒــﻌــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌـــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨــﺖ ﺻــﺪﻑﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺗــﻮ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺯ ﻣــــﻦ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻨـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻛــﺮﺷـﻤـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺤـﺮ ﻏــﻢ ﺗــﻮ ﻏــﺮﻗـــﻪ ﮔـﺸـﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻴـﻬـــﻮﺵ ﺷـــﺪﻡ ﭼـــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺸـﻘﺶ ﺣـﺮﺍﻡ ﺑــﺎﺩﺍ ﺑـﺮ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺳـﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﭼـﺎﺭ ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﺻـﺎﺣـﺐ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛـﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻟﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺶ ﻧﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻮﻳﻲ ﭼـﻨـﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳـﻎ ﻧـﺒـﺎﺷـﺪ ﮔـﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻟـﻒ ﺑـﺴﺘـﻪ ﮔـﺮ ﺑـﮕﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﻱ ﺷـﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﺗـﻮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻘـﺎﻥ ﺧـﻮﻳـﺶ ﺟﻔـﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺗـﺎ ﺧـﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑـﺸﻮﻳـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺁﺳﺘـﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦﻫﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺖ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(318 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـــﻪ ﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻣــﻴـﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟـﺖ ﻧـﺴـﻮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻴـﭽـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(421 ،‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻧـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻟـﻲ ﺯﻳـﺮ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣـﮕﺮ ﻧـﺴﻴـﻢ ﺳﺤـﺮ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(742 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـــﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﺷــﻜــﻮﻓـــﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺘـﻤـــﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻗـﻄـﺮﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(425 ،‬‬

‫ﺑـــﺮﺩﻡ ﺯ ﺧـــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯ ﺗــــﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪ ﺷـﻮﺭ ﺯ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻦ ﺑـــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﻨـﮕـﺮ ﺻـﺪﻓــﻢ ﭼــﻪ ﮔـﻮﻫــﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑــﺎﺩ ﺁﻣـــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﻱ ﻋـﻨــﺒــﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(462 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﺩﺍﻣـﻨـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺟﺎﻧـﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(433 ،‬‬

‫ﺑﻴـﭽﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ »ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(310 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺳـﺒﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺗــﺎ ﻛـﻨـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑـﺮﺕ ﻣـﺸﻜـﺒﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(452 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻓـﻜﻨـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﺶ ﺳﺒﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻧـﺎﭼـﺎﺭ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(413 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﭼﻮ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻲﻭﺻـﺎﻝ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺮﺩﻩ ﭼـﺮﺍﻏـﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓـﺮﻳـﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷـﻨﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨـﻦ ﺳـﻌﺪﻱ ﺑـﺸﻨﻮ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳـﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋـﻤﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺐ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﺪﻳـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ ﺗـﻮ ﺳﺨـﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧـﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺻﻔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫‪151‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(454 ،‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽـﻮ ﭘـﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻌﺶ ﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(924 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﮔﻠـﺴﺘـﺎ ِﻥ ﺻـﻔﺎ ﺑـﻮﻱ ﻭﻓـﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑ ْﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳـﺪ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(458 ،‬‬

‫ﺷﺐ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺤﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺭ ﻃـﻠﺐ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔـﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑ ْﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(613 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮ ﺻﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫـﺮ ﻧـﻮﺑﺘﻲ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(463 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫـﺮ ﻓﺼـﻞ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘـﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨــــﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺻﻔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳـﺪ«‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(764 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺳـــﻴــ ِﻢ ﺳـﻴـــﺎﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧــﮕــﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻳــﻮﺳـﻒ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧـﻤــﻲﻓـــﺮﻭﺷـﻴــﻢ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(466 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗــﻮ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﻋــﺰﻳـــﺰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧــﮕــﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣـﺎ ﻳــﻮﺳــﻒ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧـﻤـﻲﻓــﺮﻭﺷـﻴــﻢ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(27 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺷـﺐ ﺍﻧـﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳـﮕﺮ ﻛﻨـﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﮔـﺮ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(469 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫـﺮ ﺷـﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﻳـﺶ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(591 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ؟ ﻋﻨﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﻩ ﻧﻤـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮ ﺗﻴـﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ َ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(472 ،‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻛـﻮﻳﺖ ﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻮ ﺷﻬﺪﻡ ﻧﻮﺵ ﺟﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺘـﻘــﻠـــﺐ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟــﺎﻣــــﻪ ﻧـــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻗــﻞ ﺍﻧـﺠــﺎﻡ ﻋــﺸـﻖ ﻣــﻲﺑـﻴـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣـــﺠـﻨـﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﻟــﻴـــﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻣـﺘــﺎﻋــﻲ ﺯ ﻣــﻌــﺪﻧﻲ ﺧـﻴــﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺴـﺖ ﻋـﺸﻘـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧـﻴـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋـﺸﻖ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯﻟــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻋـﺸـﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻠـﻄـﺎﻥ ﻗـﺎﻫـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻛـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧـﻮﺑــﺖ ﺗــﻮﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻴـﻒ ﻓــﺮﻏـﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻓــﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣـﻲﻛـﻨـﻨـﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺳـﺨـﻨـﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻓﺸﺎﻧﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻃﺒـﻴـﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺧـﺒـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﭙﺶ ﺟﮕﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴـﻒ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺯ ﺑـﻬـﺮ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﺎﻝ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻄـﻠﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻨـﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻱﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪ ﺁﻓـﺘـﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺸﺮﻕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫـﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺠﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻫـﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫـﺎ ﻧـﻤـﻲﻛـﻨـــﺪ ﺍﻳـﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻨـﺎﺭ ﻣـﻨــﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺬﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺑـﺎﻻﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻴﺮ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(716 ،‬‬ ‫ﭼــــﻪ ﺧــﺒـــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ؟‬ ‫ﺗـــﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧـﻤــﻲ ﻛــﻨــﺪ ﺁﻏـــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣـﺤـﻤــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧــﺎﻛـﭙــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳـــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺼـﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻌــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(473 ،‬‬

‫ﺑـﺒﺮﻱ ﺳــﺮﺵ ﭼـﻮ ﺷﻤـﻊ ﺑـﻪ ﮔـﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﻧـﻪ ﺍﻛـﻨـﻮﻥ ﻫــﻤـﻲ ﻛـﻨـﻴـﻢ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺻـﺪ ﭼـــﻮ ﻣـﺤـﻤـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻏــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺳـﺨـﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟــﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺷـﻜـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺼـﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻌـﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﺯ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(307 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧـﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺎ ﺯ ﺗـﻮ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤـﺶ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﭼﻜﺎﻧـﻤﺶ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪(478 ،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺍﺷﻚ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﭼﻜﺎﻧﻤـﺶ«‬ ‫»ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻧـﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻓﺸﺎﻧﻤﺶ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(343 ،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸـﻢ ﺑـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔـﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺪَ ﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(479 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺭﻗـﺎﺻـﻲ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺎﻡ ﻓﻠـﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(663 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑـﺴـﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋـﺠـﺐ ﻧـﺒـﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻧـﻌﺮﻩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﻨﺶ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(479 ،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻴـﺎﻥ ﺁﺗـﺶ ﺷـﻮﻗـﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﻫـﻨـﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛـﺠـﺎ ﺭﺳـﻢ ﺯ ﻟـﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮ ﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﻗـﺒـﻮﻝ ﻛـﻨـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺳـﺖ ﮔـﺮ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺧـﻠـﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻔﺘـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯ ﺑـﻬﺮ ﺑـﻮﺳـﻪ ﭘـﺎﻳﺶ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧـﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺯ ﺧﻮﺑـﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﻣـﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺳـﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﺿـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟـﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻧـﻜﻪ ﻧـﮕـﻔﺘـﻴﻢ ﺷـﻜﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺻـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺐ ﻫـﺠـﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻭﺯ ﺳـﺮ ﺣﺴـﺮﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﻔﺎ ﻣـﻲﻧﮕﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺴـﺮ ﻧـﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﻳـﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻳـﺖ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﻲ ﺗـﻮ ﻛـﻪ ﭘـﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؟‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﭼـﻪ ﻻﻳـﻖ ﻧـﺒـﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴـﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻧﺮﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻮ ﺳـﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪153‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻳـﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷـﻬـﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻮﺧـﺘﻪ ﻛﻔﻨﺶ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫـﺎ ﻧـﻤـﻲﻛـﻨـﺪ ﺍﻳـﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻨـﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺶ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(543 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻭﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺳـﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﮔـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(484 ،‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﻳـﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺁﮔﻪ ﺯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻣﺴﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺤـﻔﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﺵ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳـﺶ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(433 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺐ ﻓـﺮﺍﻕ ﻧـﺨـﻔـﺘـﻴﻢ ﻻﺟـﺮﻡ ﺯ ﺧـﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(486 ،‬‬ ‫»ﺟـﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻧـﻜـﻪ ﻧﮕﻔـﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(458،‬‬ ‫ﺧـﺒـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﻡ‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(500 ،‬‬ ‫»ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻭﺯ ﺳـﺮ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻡ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(755 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﺎﻓـﺮﻡ ﮔـﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺑـﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺳـﺮ ﺻﺤـﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﺠـﺎ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﻧﻬـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪(502 ،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻡ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؟«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(601 ،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‬

‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(504 ،‬‬

‫‪154‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﺎ‬

‫»ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ«‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـــﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺯ ﻣـﺤـــﺒـﺘــﺖ ﺑــﻤــﻴــﺮﻡ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻗـﻴــﺎﻣــﺘــﺖ ﺑـﮕـــﻴــﺮﻡ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(336 ،‬‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(505 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ«‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑـﻨـﺸـﻴـﻨـﻢ ﻭ ﺻـﺒــﺮ ﭘـﻴـﺶ ﮔــﻴـﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺧـﺎﺳـﺘــﻪﺍﻡ ﺑــﺪﺍﻥ ﻛــﺰﻳـــﻦ ﭘــﺲ‬ ‫»ﮔـﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺯ ﻣـﺤـﺒـﺘــﺖ ﺑــﻤــﻴــﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﺗـﻮﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏـﻢ ﻧـﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(420 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻨـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(511 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﮔـﺮ ﮔﺸـﺘﻢ ﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻠـﺴﺘﺎﻧـﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ«‬ ‫ﮔـﻮﻳـﻨـﺪ‪ :‬ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ؟ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍ ﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟـﺘﻲ ﺑـﺎﺷﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺒـﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﺸﻐـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗــﻮ ﻫـﻤـﺮﺍﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﺳـﻢ ﺍﻱ ﻣـﻴــﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺧــﺖ ﺑــﻠــﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻗـﻴﻤﺖ ﺧـﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـــﻠــﺒـﻞ ﺑـــﻮﺳـﺘــﺎﻥ ُﺣﺴــﻦ ﺗـــﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺻـﺪ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻡ ﻛـﻨـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳــﻦ ﺭﻧـﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌـﺪﻳــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗـﻔــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻣـــﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺖ ﺑـﺨـﺖ ﺁﻧـﻜﻪ ﺗــﻮ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﺗــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻤــﻲ ﻃـﻠـﺒـﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨـﻨـﻢ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻤـﻊ ﺗـﻮ ﻧـﺮﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻋـﺸـﻖ ﺗــﻮ ﺭﻧــﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻧـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋــﺎﺷـﻘـﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺧـﻔـﺘــﻪﺍﻡ ﺑـﻴــﻜـﺎﺭ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(422 ،‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺴﺖ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻢ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(516 ،‬‬

‫ﺯ ﻟﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻞ ﭼﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻦ ﺍﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻢ‬ ‫»ﺯﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(428 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﺗــﻮ ﺑـﺨـﺸـﺎﻳـﺶ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﻲﺧـﻮﺍﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﻴـﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻮﺗـﺎﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ ﺧــﻮﺍﻫـﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻧـﻴـﻔـﺘــﺪ ﺳـﺨـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓـﻮﺍﻫــﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑـﻨــﮕــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺻـﺒــﻐــﻪﺍﻟـﻠــﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﻛـﻨـﻢ؟ ﻣـﻲﺑــﺮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻫـــﻢ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(518 ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺖ ﻋـﺸﻖ ﺁﻧـﻜﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻤـﻲ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﺗـﻮ ﻫـﻤـﭽـﻮﻥ ﺳـﺨـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓـﻮﺍﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﻧــﭙــﺬﻳـــﺮﻡ ﻛـــﻪ ﺻـﺒـﻐــﻪﺍﻟـﻠــﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤـﭽـﻮ ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ ﺑــﺮﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻫــﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﺸﻐـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﻫـﻤـﺮﺍﻫـﻢ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(53 ،‬‬

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‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﺳﻨـﮓ ﮔـﺮﻳـﻪ ﺧﻴـﺰﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕـﺬﺍﺭ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻳـﻢ‪ 17‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﺮﻭﻥ ﻧـﻤﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺍﻻّ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬـﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﺗﻴﻢ‪(526 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄـﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮔﻠﻌـﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳـﻦ ﻏـﻢ ﺟـﺪﺍ ﻧـﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔـﺎﺭ ﻋﺸـﻘﺶ ﺑـﺎ ﻏـﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫»ﺑﮕـﺬﺍﺭ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻳـﻢ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﺑـﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(724 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻳﻦ ﺷـﺐ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑـﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧـﻔﺘـﻪ ﺧـﺒـﺮ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳـﺮ ﺑـﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﮕﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(528 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻛـﻮ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻣﮕﺲ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟـﺐ ﺑـﺮ ﻟـﺐ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺧـﻔـﺘﻪ ﺧـﺒـﺮ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻓـﻐـﺎﻥ ﺳﻴـﻒ ﺍﻱ ﺟـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(383 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧـﻤــﻲﻳــﺎﺭﻡ ﮔـﺬﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺳـﻮ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻤــﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑــﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺟـﻮﺭ ﻧـﻴـﻜـﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﻧـﺒـﻲﺳـﺖ ﻣـﻌﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺗـﺤـﻤـﻞ ﻛــﻦ ﺟـﻔـﺎﻱ ﻳــﺎﺭ ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(536 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛـﻤــﺎﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑـﺮﻭ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﺎﻋـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴـﺮ ﻏﻤـﺰﺩﻩ ﺧـﻮﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺟـﺮﻡ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻘـﺎﻥ ﺟـﺮﻣـﻲﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤـﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺳـﻴـﻒ ﻓـﺮﻏـﺎﻧـﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧـﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(163 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺱ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻢ ﺗﻘـﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻘﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣـﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻌﻞ ﺗـﻮ‬

‫ﻋﻘﻠـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﭼﻮ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ‬

‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(539 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋـﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺷـﻮﻱ‬

‫ﮔـﺮ ﺑـﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ‬

‫ﺩﻝ ﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬

‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪﺕ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻛﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ«‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭﭘﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻫـﻢ ﻛـﺶ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(775 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻠـﻖ ﺑﮕـﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬

‫ﻣﮕﺲ ﺟـﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛـﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠـﻢ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ ﻃﻮﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﺮﺧﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫)ﺹ ‪(544‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻜﺮﺧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻮﻃﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﻦ ﻋﺎﻟـﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﻳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻪﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺳﻴﻪﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸـﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﻘـﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻃﻮﻃﻲ ﮔﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﺁﻥ ﻟﺐ ﺷﻜﺮﺧـﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺟﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(269 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﺷﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﻚ ﺑـﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻱ ﺷـﻜﺴﺘـﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ُﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﺥ ﺯﺑـﺎﻧـﻢ ﻣﻴـﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗـﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(555 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﻍ ﺩﻟـﻢ ﺗﺨـﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺷـﺎﺥ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺫﻛﺮﺕ ُﻧﺮﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘـﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻲ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ؟«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(517 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧـﻴـﺮﺯﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﺨﺖ ﺁﻳـﻴـﻨـﻪ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣـﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﭼﻨـﺎﻥ ﻓﺘـﻨﺔ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﻲﺧﺒﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫـﻴﭻ ﻋﻠـﺖ ﻧﺘـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻲﺑﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(560 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺯﺁﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺑﺼـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻝ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺑـﺨﺖ ﺁﻳـﻴـﻨﻪ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ؟‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(781 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻣـﻠـﻚ؟ ﻳـﺎ ﺩﺧـﺘـﺮ ﺻـﻮﺭﺗـﮕــﺮﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻭ ﺑـﺴﺘـﺎﻧﻲ ﺗــﻮ ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﻪ؟ ﻳـﺎ ﭘــﺮﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺑـﺲ ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳـﻨـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔـﺮﻣـﻲ ﺑـﺨـﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(563 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻤـﭽﻮ ﺷـﺎﻫـﺎﻥ ﻛــﻦ ﺭﻋـﻴـﺖﭘــﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺗــﻮ ﺷـــﺎﻩ ﻣــﻠــﻚ ﺩﻟــﺒــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧـﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑـﺴﻲ ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳـﻦﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺴـﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓـﺮﻫــﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﺕ ﻋــﺎﺷــﻘـﻨــﺪ‬ ‫»ﺳـﺮﻭ ﺑـﺴﺘـﺎﻧـﻲ ﺗــﻮ ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﻪ؟ ﻳـﺎ ﭘﺮﻱ؟«‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺑـﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(500 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﺑـﻠـﺒـﻼﻥ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪ ﻓـﺮﻳـﺎﺩ ﺑـﻲﻗـﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘـﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧـﻮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮔﻨـﺞ ﻧـﻮﺷـﺪﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻨـﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﻗـﻴـﺪ ﻣـﻲﮔﺸـﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣـﺸﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(656 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺍﻱ ﻧـﻮﺷـﺪﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﻟـﺒـﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﺘﺮ ﺯ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺪﻩ ﭼـﻮ ﻣﺠـﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﻡ ﺑـﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧـﭙـﻴـﭽﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺣـﻜﺎﻳـﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣـﺠﻨـﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺠـﺮ ﻣﻴـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺪّ ﻭ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬

‫ﻗـﺪﻡ ﺯﺧـﺎﻧﻪ ﭼـﻮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗـﻮ ﺑـﻮﺳـﺘـﺎﻥ ﺟـﻤﺎﻟـﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻜﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺧـﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﮔـﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃـﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺷﻤـﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﻭﻓﺎ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻨﻤـﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﻪ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﻧـﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗـﺎ ﻧـﻈﺮ ﺑـﺨﺖ ﺑﻠـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﻪ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻧـﮕـﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﻝ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻤـﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﻧــﻪ ﺩﻟـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳـﻦ ﺑـﻨـﺪ ﺭﺳﺘـﮕـﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ؟«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(514 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺵ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧـﻴـﺎﻓـﺘـﻢ ﻭ ﺑـﻤـﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃـﻠـﺒـﻜــﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(568 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻴـﻚ ﻋـﻤـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠـﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧـﭙـﻴـﭽﻢ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(630 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟـﻄـﻒ ﻧـﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺎﻍ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧـﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻮﻥ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺳﻌـﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(569 ،‬‬

‫ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻏـﻨـﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃـﺮﺍﻑ ﺑـﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺧـﻠـﻘﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﺁﺳﺘـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫»ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟«‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(421 ،‬‬

‫ﻫﻮﺷﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣـﻲﺭﺑـﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ‬

‫ﻛﺂﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ُﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(570 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻲ ﻧﻴـﺎﺭﺍﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺑـﺮﻱ؟‬

‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺑـﺮﻱ؟‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ؟«‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪(619 ،‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻓﺘـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(574 ،‬‬

‫ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻨـﺪﻩ ﺗـﻘﺮﻳـﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻨﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(787 ،‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺎﺣﺐﻧـﻈﺮ ﻧـﺒـﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻨـﺪ ﻧﻴﻜـﻨﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻃـﻮﻃـﻲ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳـﻘـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣـﻴـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺖ ﺍﺳـﻴﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺧـﺎﺻـﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﭘﺴﺘـﻪﺍﺕ ﺑـﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﺖ ﻏﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺗـﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻏﻼﻣـﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﻌـﺮ ﺷـﻴـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ‬

‫ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﻜﺎﻣﻲ‬

‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻃﻮﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻢ ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻐـﺎ ﻋـﻬﺪ ﺁﺳـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻗﺮﺑـﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﻻّ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺑﻼﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺷﻔﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑـﻴـﻦ ﻛـﻪ ُﺣﺴﻦ ﺑـﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺻـﻮﺭﺗـﻲ ﭼـﻨـﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓـﺘﺮ ﺯ ﺷـﻌﺮ ﮔـﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﻣﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬـﺮ ﺳـﭙـﻴﺪﺭﻭﻳـﻲ ﺣـﺴـﻨﺖ ﻧـﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼـﻪ ﻏـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗِﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﭼـﺎﻛـﺮ ﺗـﻮﺍﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﻏـﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻈﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻳـﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺠﻮﺩ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(581 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻗـﺘﻲ ﻓﻘـﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(548 ،‬‬

‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(584 ،‬‬

‫ﻧﭙﻴﭽﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻫـﺠﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺁﻧـﻢ ﮔﺮ ﺗـﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ«‬

‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(492 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺯﻟــﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧــﻪ ﺧــﺎﻝ ﺳـﻴــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓـﺎﺳـﻖ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻋـﺬﺭ ﺑـﮕـﻮﻳـﺪ ﮔـﻨــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ ﺩﻋــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺳـﻠـﺠــﻮﻕ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫)ﻗﺼﺎﻳﺪ‪(651 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻻﻟـﻪ ﺭﻧـﮓ ﺗـﻮ ﺧـﺎﻝ ﺳـﻴـﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﻋـﺬﺭ ﮔـﻔـﺖ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔـﻨـﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻨـﺪﻩ ﻛﻨـﻢ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﭼـﻮ ﺳـﻠـﺠﻮﻕ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑـﻴـﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ«‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(587 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﻓﻘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧـﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻣﺶ ﺑ ْﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻦ ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺩﺍﻧـﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺳﺠﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺯﺑـﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳـﺮ ﻣـﻜـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋـﺎﺩ‬

‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻤـﺮ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬

‫ﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﺧـﻠـﻖ ﻛـﺮﻡ ﻛـﻦ؛ ﺯﻳـﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻋﻆ ﭼﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋـﻤﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻨـﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧـﺶ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﻋـﻤـﺎﺭﺕ ﻛـﻨـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧـﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﻤﻲ ﺗـﺎﻓـﺖ ﺑـﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻣـﮕﻪ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(729 ،‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻴﺤﻪ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺛﻤﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼـﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬

‫»ﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺠﻮﺩ«‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(196 ،‬‬

‫ﮔـﻮﻱ ﺧـﻴـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻬـﺮ ﮔـﺬﺷﺘـﻦ ﻣـﻜـﻦ ﺁﺑـﺎﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺡ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃـﻮﻓﺎﻧﺶ؟‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻱ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﮔﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟‬

‫‪159‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧـﺘـﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻛـﻨﺪ ﭘﻨـﻬﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪(732 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﭼﻮ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ّﺣـﺒﺬﺍ ﻋـﺮﺻـﻪ ﻣـﻠﻜﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭼـﻨـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻬـﺮ ﻧﺸـﺴﺘﻦ ﻛﻨـﻲ ﺁﺑـﺎﺩﺍﻧـﺶ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫـﻤﭽﻮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧــﺶ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺼـﻦ ﺍﻗـﺒﺎﻝ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸـﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧـﺘـﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧـﺶ«‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻒ ﻓـﺮﻏـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬـﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(117 ،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨـﻦ ﺑﮕـﻮ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺟـﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ‪(463 ،‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﺥ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪ ...‬ﺻﻔﻮﻩ ﺍﻻﻭﺗﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻭﻩﺍﻟﺴﺎﻟﻜﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﻬﺮ ﺑﻌﺮﺍﻗﻲ«‪688-610) 19‬ﻕ( ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻓـﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺤﺮ ﭼـﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣـﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺷﻜـﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(382 ،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻛﻲ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫»ﺷـﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(98 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻨـﮕﺎﻡ ﻧـﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺻــﺤـﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﻱ ﮔــﻞ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﻧـﮓ ﻣـﺮﻍ ﺑـﺮﺧـﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺟــﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﻮﻳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗـﻔـﺮﺝ ﺁﻧـﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺑــﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﺳـﺘــﺎﻥ ﻧـﻴـﺴـﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(375 ،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻧـﺪﺭ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺷﻬـﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻏـﻮﻏـﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻴـﻜـﺪﻩ ﺗـﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺑـﺮﺧـﺎﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﻣـﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺻـﺤﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﻳـﺎﻓــﺖ ﺑـﻨـﻔـﺸــﻪ ﺑــﻮﻱ ﺯﻟــﻔــﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(915 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼـﺸـﻢ ﻣـﺴﺖ ﺧـﻮﻧـﺨــﻮﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﻣــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔـﻔـﺘـﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(373 ،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻡ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﺳـــﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳـــﺪﻣـــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔـــﻔــﺘــﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(102 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻧﻴـﻜﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﮔـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻔـﻴﻪ ﻧـﻤﻲﺑـﺎﻳﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(386 ،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻢ ﺯﻟﻔﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧـﮕـﺎﺭ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﻫـﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔـﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺩﺷﻤـﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮ ﻣﺸﻮ ﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪...‬ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺑـﺪﮔـﻮ ﻣـﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣـﺎ ﺍﻓـﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒـﺖ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻖ ﺑـﻪ ﻏـﻔـﻠـﺖ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌـﺪﻳــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧـﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋـــﺎﺷــﻘــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻟـﻲ ﻛـﻮ ﺑـﻪ ﻋـﺸﻖ ﻣـﺎﻳـﻞ ﻧـﻴﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺠـﻨـﻮﻥ ﻧـﺸﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻣﺴـﺖ ﺯ ﻛـﺎﺷـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻠـﺰﺍﺭ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺠـﺎﺩﻩﻧـﺸـﻴـﻨﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮﻳـﺪ ﻏـﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﮔـﻪ ﺑـﺖ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻮﻱ ﺧـﺮﺍﺑـﺎﺕ ﺟﻤـﺎﻟﺶ ﻧـﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺷـﺘـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ ﻋـﺸـﻖ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ ﻧـﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣـﻌﺸـﻮﻗـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺸﻖ ﺳﻴـﻤﺮﻏﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺧـﻴـﺰ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋـﻬـﺪ ﺍﻣـﺎﻧـﺖ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻴـﺰﻳـﺪ ﻋـﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(102 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻴﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﻏـﻼﻡ ﺗـﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(397 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻦ ﻣﻜـﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ ﺍﻧﺪُ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭﻓـﺘﺎﺩ ﺟـﺪﺍﻳـﻲ ﻣـﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(103 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻌـﺸﻮﻗـﻲ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏـﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧـﻠـﻖ ﻣـﺠـﻨـﻮﻧـﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(386 ،‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺠـﺮﻩ ﺩﻳـﻮ ﺧـﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻋـﺮﺍﻗــﻲ ﺑـﮕـﻮ ﻛـﻪ ﻋـﺎﻗـﻞ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(105 ،‬‬ ‫ﻏـﻠـﻐﻞ ﺯ ﮔـﻞ ﻭ ﻻﻟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻜـﺒﺎﺭ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﻧــﻪ ﺧـ ّﻤـﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺁﻣــﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(436 ،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻜـﺒـﺎﺭ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷـﻐـﺒـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭِ ﺧــ ّﻤـﺎﺭ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(133 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺩ ﻋــﺎﺷـﻘـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﻧـﻴـﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣـﻲﺑـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻌـﺸـﻮﻕ ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧـﻴـﺴـﺖ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(725 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﺯﻭ ﻧـﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻧـﻴـﺴﺖ‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫ﺗـﻘـﺼﻴﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(737 ،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(191 ،‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳـﻬـﻞ ﺑـﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﮔـﻔـﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺳـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ُﻣﻬـﺮ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺗــﺮﻙ ﺟـﺎﻧـﺎﻥ ﻧـﻤـﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔـﻔــﺘــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣـﻴـﻒ ﺑـﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﺮﺟـﻤﺎﻥ ﮔـﻔـﺘـﻦ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻬـﻞ ﮔـﻔـﺘﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﮔـﻔـﺘﻦ‬

‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑــﺪﻳـﻨـﻢ ﻧـﻤـﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔــﻔـﺘـﻦ‬

‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(530 ،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻـﻒ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺟـﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻛـﻼﻟﻪ ﻣـﺸﻜـﻴـﻦ ﺯ ﺭﺥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺩﺭﺁﻳـﻲ ﺗـﻮ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻲ ﻣـﻄـﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﻧـﻘـﺶ ﻋـﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﺑـﺮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺥ ﺯﻳـﺒـﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬

‫‪161‬‬ ‫ﺣـﻴـﻒ ﺑـﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﮔـﻔـﺘﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(200 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻨـﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺪﻣـﺖ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻘـﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧـﻈـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧـﻈﺮ ﺁﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ‪(572 ،‬‬

‫ﺑـﮕـﻮ ﻧـﻈـﺎﺭﮔـﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻـﻼﻱ ﺟـﺎﻧﺒـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫـﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪(223 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠ ّﻤﻊ »ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﺫﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻲ« ﺳﻌﺪﻱ )ﺹ ‪ (578‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻤﻊ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ »ﺍﻻ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻃﺎﻝ ﻋﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺻﺎﻝ« )ﺹ ‪(231‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻨﺪ« )ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪) .‬ﻋﺸﺎﻕﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(323‬‬

‫ﭘﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﻄﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪ .750‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻱ )ﻃﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪(559 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻴﻪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺫﺑﻴﺢﺍﷲ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪721‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.63‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.67‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.62‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 221‬ﻭ ‪.222‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪.735‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .138‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻝ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳ ّﻠﻢﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 403‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.344-321‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺯﻧﮕﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 22‬ﻭ ‪.23‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻻﻟﻘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪.248‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،5‬ﺹ‪.117‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺳﻌﺪﻱﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.23‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﮕﺮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺑﺪﻝ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ«؛ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.18‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.237‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 294‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ »ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ....‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ »ﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ...‬ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 3.‬ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬

‫)ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ(‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺠﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﻴﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ 4«...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ـ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ )ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ‪3‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ‪ (...‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺏ( ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬پ( ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ 5.‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻲ ‪ 1648‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ 6.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫‪163‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 42‬ﻭ ‪ 43‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪200‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 43‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺱ‪ ،17‬ﺵ‪ ،1‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 1382‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ‪ 2‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺹ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬

‫‪164‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 44‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻢﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻧﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ .515-510 ،1374 ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ (1 :‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﺲﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﮔﻨﺘﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (2 ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 510‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 515‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 510‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 50-51‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﻬﺎﺭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ .1372 ،‬ﺹ ‪ .99‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 2‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 99‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 54‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻲﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﺧﺬ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮ‪ .260-245 ،1376 ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 253‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 260‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 62‬ﻭ ‪ 63‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ‪ 5000‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 4500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .1 .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .2 .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐﻭﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1904‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1971‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ »ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ؛ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1971‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 62‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪...» :‬ﻋﻴﻼﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻮﺵ »ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻴﻼﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﻼﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،1356 ،‬ﺹ ‪ -15‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 15‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 62‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 325‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 326‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .16‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 69‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬

‫‪165‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ .406 ،1369 ،‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 76‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1902‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻻﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺤﺎﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ .115،1356 ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 115‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ 76‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻻﻧﺰﺩﺍﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1903‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭﺋﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻧﺮﻭﺋﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻻﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .116‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 116‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫‪166‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 79-80‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 2‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ .133-122 .1372 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ )‪-133‬‬ ‫‪ (122‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ »ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 85‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ژﺭﻑﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «...‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 35‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .402‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 86‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ‪ .72-71 ،1359‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ )ﺹ‪(71‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫)ﺹ‪ (72‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺫﻭﺯﻧﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 15‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 93‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 126‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ‪ 1/58‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺁﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺴﻄﺢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫)‪ 211‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ )ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ(‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،1381 ،‬ﺹ ‪.8‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ 8‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 95‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫)ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ( ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...» :‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﭗ ﺳﺒﺰﻭ )ﺳﺒﺰﻩﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪36‬‬ ‫)ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ .(3‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ )‪ (95‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫)ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ( ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ‪ 20‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1328‬ﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ .281 ،1368 ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 281‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 95‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1380‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ )ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ‪ 1038‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪) 85‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪(2‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 97‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ 98‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫‪167‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺹ‪» :(98‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 500‬ﺭﺃﺱ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺃﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ‪ .92‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 87‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 93‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 99‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻔﺖ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ )‪15/7‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ( ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ‪ 19‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 9‬ﺳﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 6‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ‪ 130‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪) 95‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺹ ‪ 95‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝﺷﻜﻦ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺝﺷﻜﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 700‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ‪+4‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺨﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ‪+6‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1352‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪) 112‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 102‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻞﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺐ ﮔﭗ )ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ(‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺐ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ( ﺗﻤﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻲﺗﻨﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫‪168‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪ 1324‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1332‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ )ﻣﻐﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﻠﺌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺎﻟﻲ( ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪) 368-367 ،1371 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 367‬ﻭ ‪368‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 103‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 104‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ )ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 800‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ‪ 1100‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺿﭽﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 150‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻛﻞ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ‪ 26‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1914‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ 166 ،‬ﻭ ‪ .174‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 105‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 800‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ .214-213 ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺺ ‪214-213‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1779‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1887‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1106‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1266‬ﺵ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ 1727‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1887‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 112‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ( ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻧﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪) 517 .1362 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ (2‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ 517‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 116‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻨﺪ )ﺍﻟﻒ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 10‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 1789‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ .11‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .16 ،1373 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ‪ 16‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 121‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1859‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 2‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 59-60‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ .20-16 ،1371‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ‪ 4‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺹ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 20-16‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 127‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1882‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺳﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ .193 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪193‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻮﻕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪) 128‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺟﺐ ‪) 1302‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪،1885‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ (1264‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻀﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺳﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) 195-193 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ (2‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 128‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻀﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫‪169‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻀﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺳﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) 125 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ (3‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 125‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 123‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 135‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 138‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ )ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﺒﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻄﻲ »ﻣﻐﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ« ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺸﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻏﻨﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻄﻲ »ﻣﻐﺎﺹﺍﻟﺌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1354‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ .275-273 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 273-75‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ‪-1903‬‬ ‫‪1887‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ )ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1903‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫‪170‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ )‪ /1266-82‬ﺵ‪-1903‬‬ ‫‪ (1887‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪» 163‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺮﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1880‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ( ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪) 67-66،1361 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ (2‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 67-66‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 13.‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻟﻨﮕﻪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 174‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1864‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1914‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ 152 ،1347 ،‬ﻭ ‪209‬‬ ‫)ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ (2‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .1 :‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪1864-1914‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪-2 ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 152‬ﻭ ‪ 209‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 177‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﭘﻄﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭژﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﻭﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 1899‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬چ ‪ ،4‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ .247-246 ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 247‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﭼﺎپ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1902‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 180‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻧﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) 45 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ (1‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 184‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻧﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪) 394‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ (2‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 394‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻌﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 185‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﺴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ )ﺷﻮﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 1888‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻟﻴﻨﺞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) 78 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪78‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻼ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ 15.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫‪171‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 433‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻴﺴﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ )ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺎﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ( ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ )ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻳﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻇﻔﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺰﻣﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺪﻝ ﺁﻻﺳﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﻴﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،102 ،1369 ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .1 :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 102‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .2 .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺁﻻﺳﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺴﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﺍچ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﻴﺪﺭ )ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 433‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ( ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 1990‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 1990‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 250‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﻻﺯﺍ ﻭ ژﺭﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ .167 ،1360 ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.1 :‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 167‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .2 .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1366‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 434‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

‫‪172‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪) 571 ،1368 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪(2‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ .1 :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 571‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ )ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ( ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .2 .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ـ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1368 :‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 434‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ‪ 1990‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﻇﺒﻲ )ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻳﻤﻲ( ﺩﺑﻲ )ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ )ﺩﺑﺎء( ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺨﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﺴﻨﺪﻡ( ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) 573 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ (3‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 573‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 416‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1992‬ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻢﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.232-233-1374 ،9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 3‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .1 :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 233-232‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .2 .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ‪ .3‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 218‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ( ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 219‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﭘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﭘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1962‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ »ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1375‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪Latin Words & Phrases for Lawyers, Law and‬‬ ‫‪Business Publications Canada. Inc. 1980.26‬‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1375‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 635‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻠﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 4‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1934‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﺧﺬ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ .43 ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 479‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ‪ 1971‬ﻭ ﺿﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ‪ 1971‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ‪ 1971‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 52‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1969‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ .152 ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 152‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1903-4‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1971‬ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 332‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺹ ‪ (333‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ ،1906‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ]ﺑﻨﺪﺭ[ ﻟﻨﮕﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﺮ ﻓﻮﻧﻜﻬﺎﻭﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ( ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 1907‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺟﺰﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺐ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮﻱ‬

‫‪173‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻨﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻃﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ 1764) ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪(1971‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ 9 ،1993 ،‬ﻭ ‪ .11‬ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 9‬ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺟﺰﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ)‪1764‬ـ‪(1971‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 283‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺐ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺩﻣﺎﻥ )ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺐ ‪ 27‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫)ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) 471 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 471‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﻴﺪﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 470‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 346‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1928‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 4‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 1307‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 20/1928‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1307‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ 133-132 ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 132‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 133‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫‪174‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 347‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ؛‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ؛‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ؛‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ramazani, The Persian Gulf, Irans Role,‬‬ ‫‪University Press of Virginia, 1972, 120-129‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪ 157‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 118‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 120‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 129‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 120‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ‪129‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ‪ 1937‬ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 347‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ( ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 348‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺯﻭﺍﺭ‪ .472،1344 ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 362‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪) .52 ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ (2‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 404‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ )ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ( ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﮓ ‪ 5500‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ )ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪150‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ( ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ‪ ،1357-1300‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.365-353 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪) 530‬ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ -3‬ﺳﻄﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ( ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪531‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 10/1971‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪1350‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ]ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ[ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ]ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ[ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 2‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 11/1971‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ،1350‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﺄﺧﺬ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ramazani, The Persian Gulf and The Strait‬‬ ‫‪of Hormuz (Sijtnoff & Noordhoff, 1979) 144.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪144‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ 139‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 140‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 144‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻲ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ـ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1390 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪.1362 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،1373 ،‬ﺹ ‪.274‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.14‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،1366 ،‬ﺹ ‪.128‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﻔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻲ‪ ،1388 ،‬ﺻﺺ‬ ‫‪.437-38‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪.1384 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1369‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ‪ 2‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ )ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ (517‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ( ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1798‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1803‬ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،1373 ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Denis Wright: The English Amongs The‬‬ ‫‪.Persians, London: Heinemann, 1977‬‬

‫‪ .11‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ :‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪.1374 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬

‫‪175‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 196‬ﻭ ‪.200‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺳﺮﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1350‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.286‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ 2‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ 45‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.12‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭﻟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ‬ ‫‪.234-35‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺷﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﻟﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻠﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻳﻮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ـ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘُﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻳﻨﮓ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙ« ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬

‫● ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻮﮔﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﺯﻱ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻳﻨﮓ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻮﮔﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﻗﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫‪177‬‬ ‫● »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﺪﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﻓﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻋﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫‪178‬‬ ‫● ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺮﺍﺯ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ) ﺣﺎﻓﻆﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.(977‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ(‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺮﺧﺔ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ(‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ‪ 30‬ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ »ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬

‫‪179‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ( ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍُﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ( ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬

‫● ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪180‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫●ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬

‫● ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ »ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﺯﻱ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻳﻨﮓ( ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﺯﻱ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻳﻨﮓ( ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﻲﺷﺮﺍﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﺯﻱ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻳﻨﮓ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺓ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ژﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬

‫‪181‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺓ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫‪182‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﺯﻱ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻳﻨﮓ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‪....‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻬ ّﻤﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻝ ـ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻻﻝ ـ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﻮﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺑﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺭﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ُﻛﻨﺪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ »ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﺎﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻣﻲ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺎﻡ« ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ »ﻧﺎﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ« )ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ »ﺍﻳﻚ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﺻﻔﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ« ﻭ »ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ« )ﻧﺎﻡ‪+‬ﺍﻳﻚ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬

‫‪183‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻻﻝ‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ »ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻲ ـ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﺪﺓ ‪ 18‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻟﺶ‪(2:1379 ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻸ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺎﻱﺗﻚ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ )ﻧﻴﺮﻭ(‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺍژﻩ "‪"Industry‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ "‪ "Industria‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﺧﺖ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ )ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻴﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.(176:1371‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬

‫‪185‬‬ ‫● ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪ 21:1375 ،‬ﻭ ‪.(22‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ِﺣ َﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ(‪) .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭ‪ 172:1375 ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪(173‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﭘﺮﻭ )‪ (1903-1987‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﺩﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ )ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪.(396:1380 ،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )ﺑﻴﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (173:1375‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺑﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1760‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1830‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬

‫‪186‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪.(35:1375 ،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻚ )ﭘﻮﻛﻪ ﺯﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 35:1375‬ﻭ ‪.(36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻛﻤﭗ‪.(28:1379 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻘﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ )ﻛﻤﭗ‪ 28:1379 ،‬ﻭ ‪.(29‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﺑﻴﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.(174:1375‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪ 172:1375 ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪:(175‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ؛ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺪﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫‪187‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻃﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮﺭﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ )ﻛﻮﺭﻳﻚ‪.(101:1381 ،‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺕﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺘﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪.(11:1377 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬

‫● ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ‬ ‫)ﻧﻴﺮﻭ(‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪188‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪.(12:1377 ،‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺯﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 1830‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1850‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪.(164:1375 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬

‫● ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ(‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1900‬ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 13‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.(165:1375‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ )ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ(‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ )ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ( ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ )ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻴﻨﺴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪.(185:1371 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺴﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪.(166:1375 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻴﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪.(188:1371 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ )ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪(167:1375 ،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪(495:1381 :‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ًﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ« ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻐﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ( ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫)ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ( ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪189‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪) .‬ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ‪.(32:1380 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ 17‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ )ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 3600000‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ‪ R&D‬ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪2/4‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪ 1/33‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪29/1 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪0/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬

‫‪190‬‬ ‫● ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ »ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ )ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻭﺍﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺟﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ـ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪500‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ‪ 37‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲﻭﺍﮔﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻴﺎﻧﺘﺲ‬ ‫)ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻤﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ )ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪﭘﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﻛﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ‪ basf‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ ﺑﻨﺰ‪ .‬ﺏﺍﻡﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﺪﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﺷﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺁ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1980‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺗﻚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺘﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻚ‪ ،‬ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻸﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2025‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪2/5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ »ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫)ﮔﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﻳﺘﺮ( ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱﺍﺵ )ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ( ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬

‫‪191‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍُﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﺎ ﻧُﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪19‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 700‬ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫● ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 307‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 734‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪25 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪» 16 ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ،1/1‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 1/2‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ‪ 1/7‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪192‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻭﭘﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻡﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺋﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ -7-1‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻠﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﺴﻠﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ ﺑﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ‪30000‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫● ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪ 18 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪ 56 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ‪ 110‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2011‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻡﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 800‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7-2‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺒﺮگ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻡﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻳﺴﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺷﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺒﺮگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪90 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 150‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ‪ 9000‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻠﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﺴﻠﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ MB‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ »ﺗﻴﺴﻦ ﻛﺮﻭپ« )‪ (ThyssenKrupp‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ )‪ (Intier Automotive Interiors‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫‪193‬‬ ‫● ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ‬

‫‪194‬‬ ‫● ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍُﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬ـ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫)‪ (SMEs‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ )‪(TURNOVER‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 499‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪250‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ »ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ )ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﮕﻤﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻳﺘﻮﻧﮓ‪(2012/10/16 :‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 307‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 734‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪25 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪» 16 ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ ،1/1‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 1/2‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ‪ 1/7‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﮕﻤﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻳﺘﻮﻧﮓ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬

‫‪195‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻥ ﺯﻳﻤﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪ 18 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 56‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ‪ 110‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪2002‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫● ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ‪research and development‬‬ ‫‪ institutions(R&D‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1887‬ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ "‪ "Made in Germany‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ :‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫● ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﻜﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪9‬ـ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪research and development institutions (R&D‬‬

‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬

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‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﻜﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﭘﻼﻧﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻫﻮﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻻﻳﺒﻨﻴﺘﺲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻠﻢ ﻫﻮﻟﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪Fachhochschule‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪Universität‬‬

‫‪3‬ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬

‫‪Musik und‬‬

‫‪Kunsthochschule‬‬

‫‪4‬ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ 8/5 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Sporthochschule‬‬

‫● ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ 8/5 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﻄﺐ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ؛‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ؛‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‪.(...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ 1/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪198‬‬ ‫● ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ؛‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ؛‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪.(...‬‬ ‫‪ -9-1‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‪» 40 ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻼﻳﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﭘﻼﻧﻚ« ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 76‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ »ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﭘﻼﻧﻚ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ »ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻠﻢ ﻫﻮﻟﺘﺰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻦ ﻣﻪﻟﻲﻧﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ »ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻠﻢ ﻫﻮﻟﺘﺰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻠﻢﻫﻮﻟﺘﺰ« ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -9-2‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﺧﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻧﺘﺮ ﺷﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﺧﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺘﺮ ﺷﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ‪:‬‬

‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﻐﺔ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﻠﺪﻭﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺑُﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻏﻨﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ؛ )‪ ،(1377‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪199‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ‪ ،(1381) ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻦ؛ )‪ ،(1375‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬‫ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮ؛ )‪ ،(1380‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪1‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ )‪(1375‬؛ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‬ ‫ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ‪» ،(1380) ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ«‪،‬‬‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ 41‬ﻭ ‪ ،42‬ﺹ ‪ 31‬ﻭ ‪32‬‬ ‫ ﻗﺮﻩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ؛ )‪ ،(1371‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻴﻨﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ؛ )‪ ،(1371‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ ﻛﻤﭗ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻡ‪ ،(1379) ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻲ ﻭﻟﻴﻼﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻮﺯﺁ )‪(1381‬؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫ ﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺘﺮ )‪ ،(1379‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ؛ )‪ ،(1373‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬‫ﺑﻲﺟﺎ‬ ‫ ﻫﮋﻳﺮﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ )‪» ،(1389‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ«‪،‬‬‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1389‬‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺁﻟﮕﻤﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻳﺘﻮﻧﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬‫ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬‫‪2011/10/16‬‬ ‫‪- Arrow, K.J. (1962), Economic welfare and the‬‬ ‫‪allocation of resources for invention, Princeton‬‬ ‫‪University Press, Princeton.‬‬ ‫‪- Audretsch, D.B. (2007), The Entrepreneurial Society,‬‬ ‫‪Oxford University Press, New York.‬‬ ‫‪- Audretsch, D.B. and Sanders M. (2007), "Globalization‬‬ ‫‪and the rise of entrepreneurial economy", Jena‬‬ ‫‪Economic Research Paper, 2007- 003, MPI Jena.‬‬ ‫‪- Barro R.J., and Sala-i-Martin, X. (2004), Economic‬‬ ‫‪Growth, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2nd, edition.‬‬ ‫‪- Baumol, W.J. (2002), The Free Market Innovation‬‬ ‫‪Machine: Analyzing the Growth Miracle of‬‬ ‫‪Capitalism, Princeton University Press, Princeton.‬‬ ‫‪- Lal, S. (2001), Competitiveness, Technology and‬‬ ‫‪Skills, Edward Elgar Publishing.‬‬ ‫‪- Hay, D. and Morris D. (1991), Industrial Economics‬‬ ‫‪and Organization: Theory and Evidence, Oxford,‬‬ ‫‪Oxford University Press.‬‬

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‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻱ ـ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ـ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺠﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 1965‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ‪157‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ )ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ( ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ‪(International‬‬ ‫))‪ Chamber of Commerce (ICC‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 26‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،6‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،27‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﺓ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ِﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ‬

‫‪201‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ؛‬ ‫● ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1990‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻼﻧﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴّﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3000‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪●Arbitration without contractual relationship‬‬ ‫‪● Arbitral terrorism‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ )ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ(‬ ‫● ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ ‪(Most‬‬ ‫)‪ Favored nation clause‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫● ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ )‪(Umbrella clause‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫)‪ (Contract claim‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ )‪،(Treaty claim‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 30‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫‪ petro Bart‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﻴﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪203‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ petro Bart‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫)‪ (Energy charter treaty‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧُﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ‪ CIE‬ﻭ ‪ Loader‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ CIE‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ Loader‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻚﻭﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ‪loader‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪ CIE‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ‪ CIE‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﻴﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪204‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ‪ Mafeziny‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ‪ Mafeziny‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ )ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ‪ 1959‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ‪ SGS‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧُﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ‪ SGS‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧُﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‬ ‫● ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ )ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 25‬ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ )ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ(‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﭘﻞ ‪Staple‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬

‫‪205‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫● ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫● ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫● ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪:‬‬

‫‪1‬ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮءﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮء ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫پ ـ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺮﻁ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ«‬ ‫)‪ (Fork in the road clause‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ـ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ )‪ (consolidation‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ‪) 1288‬ﻫـ ‪.‬ﻕ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ـ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ـ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗِﺒَﻞِ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮ ِﻝ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡِ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 1.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞِ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮ ِﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴ ِﺮ ﺗﺤﻮ ِﻝ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ( ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ(‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ـ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ...،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ )‪ 1249‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ(‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲِ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ـ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ـ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻡ ‪ 1288‬ﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻋﻪ«‪ 2‬ﻣﺒﺪﺍء ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮔﺎﺩ ﮔﻴﻠﺒﺮ )‪ (Gad Gilbar‬ـ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ـ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺖﺟﺎﻥ ‪(Oliver,‬‬ ‫)‪ -St. John‬ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ـ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﮔﻴﻠﺒﺮﮔﺎﺩ‪ ،1976 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 125-156‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪،1387 ،‬ﺹ ‪(188‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩِ ﻗﺤﻄﻲِ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1288‬ﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ـ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 3‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ )ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲِ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1287‬ﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) «...‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪،1341 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪(110‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧ ِﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(28‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳ ِﺪ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﻪﺳﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﭘﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪)...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1287‬‬ ‫ﻕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ (1287‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1288‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ‪ ،1341‬ﺝ‪،1‬ﺹ‪(110‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲِ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﺍ ً ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ )ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 3‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ(‬

‫‪207‬‬ ‫● ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲِ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻏﻼﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 100‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ـ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،1345 ،‬ﺹ‪ .(264‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻲ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻒﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻠﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧـﻮﺭﻱ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﮔـﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،1321 ،‬ﺹ ‪(59‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ 4.‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻻﻳﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺪﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪،1353 ،‬ﺹ‪ (60‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺾ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻗﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫‪208‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ‪ ،5‬ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ‪ ،6‬ﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﮓ‪ 7‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ 9‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‪ 10‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﻮ )‪ (Henry Bellow‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲِ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1872‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ /‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻔﻦِ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩِ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻇ ِﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺻﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ )ﻣﻲ(ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛ ِﺰ ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪) .‬ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺖﮔﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1387‬ﺹ ‪(20‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪1871‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 1872‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻛﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(79‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫‪ 1288‬ﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻞ ﺑﻨﻚ‪(William ،‬‬ ‫)‪ Brittlebank‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫‪1288‬ﻕـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ﺻﻔﺮ ‪ ،1288‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻼﻛﺖﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ!‪ ...‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ )ﻭ( ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻍ! ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﮓ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،1358 ،‬ﺹ ‪(18‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1289‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 50‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻼﻙ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻜﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ )ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ ‪(32‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲِ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲِ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲِ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1288‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺼﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻴﻔﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30/000‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10/000‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1284‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ‪ 25382‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1291‬ﻕ )ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ( ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯِ ‪ 14/000‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،1353 ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،29‬ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫‪ 268/1 ،1892‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(32‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1288‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﻪﺳﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺭﻭﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﺎ ِﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲِ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،1321 ،‬ﺹ ‪ 55‬ﻭ ‪ 278‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،1353 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ (60-61‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼ ّﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﭙﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﺔ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ )= ﻛﻮﭼﻨﺪﻩ( ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ )ﺟﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،1872 ،‬ﺹ‪ 1119‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪.(33‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻮﭼﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞِ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬

‫‪209‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻍ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫)ﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺗﻠﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻻﺟﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮـ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ـ‬ ‫ﺭﻗ ِﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،1352 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ (162‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻏ ّﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ـ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ـ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪) .‬ﮔﻮﻟﺪﺳﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪(30‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻲِ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﭘﻴﺂﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﺮﺩِ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 11.‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ـ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ـ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1871‬ﻡ‪ 1288/‬ﻕ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬

‫● ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ـ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ـ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺗﺎ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪210‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ـ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(31‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ )ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ(‬ ‫»ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ـ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ )ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪] ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ[ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ]ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ[« )ﻣﻮﺭﻻﭘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻟﻴﻨﺰ‪ ،1370 ،‬ﺹ‪(34‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫‪1288‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲِ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪1287‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 1288‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞِ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻟﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻛﺎ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ )‪ (Shoko Okazaki‬ـ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ـ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1288‬ﻕ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫● ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻡِ ‪ 1288‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫َﻣﺠﺎ َﻋﺔ« )ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ( ﻣﺒﺪﺃ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1288‬‬ ‫ﻕ‪1871/‬ﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞِ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻏ ّﻠﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻥﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞﺧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻏ ّﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻪﺧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﻏﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻭ ﻏﻼ )ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫)ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(40‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ )ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ‪1871-1870‬ﻡ(‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴ ِﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﮔﻠﺪﺍﺳﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،1876 ،‬ﺹ ‪ 96‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(39‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﻣﺴﻠ ِﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻃ ِﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﺔ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟ ّﻮ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ـ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﮔﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1287‬ـ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ـ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ )ﺍﻱ( ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ!‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻲ )ﻭﺑﺎﻱ( ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺮ! ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫)ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ 8 ،‬ﺭﺟﺐ ‪ ،1287‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ‪،1359‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪ ،29‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 1‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻃ ِﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﻴﺐ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1288‬ﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻋﺎﺯﻡِ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺭﺩِ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻳ ِﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺯﺩﺓ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺞ ﻛﻼ)ﻛﻼﻩ( ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫)ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 2‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ(‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲِ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫‪211‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﻴﺐ‬ ‫● ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲِ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯﻫﺮﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ! ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1289‬ﻕ‬ ‫‪1872/‬ﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫِ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﺔ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﺮﻭﺯِ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭِ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭِ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻧﺸﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ ‪(40‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1297‬ﻕ‪ 1880 /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻏﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،1340 ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 628‬ﻭ ‪ (637‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬

‫‪212‬‬ ‫● ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺑﻼﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻭﺑﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺎﻡِ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 3‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥِ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺔ ﺁﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺭ ّﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ‪...» .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ( ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲِ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ« )ﮔﻠﺪﺳﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،1876 ،‬ﺹ ‪ 97-96‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪(41‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻣﻪ ‪ 1288/1871‬ﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﺔ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏ ّﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪1871‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(39‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ 1288‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ ..‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻋﻠﻲ‪ ..‬ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ‪64‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) 15.‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪،1344 ،‬ﺹ‪(4-3‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1287‬ﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! )ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ 350‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ(‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻒﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1872‬ﻡ )ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ‪1288‬ﻕ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﺔ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ )ﺗﺎ( ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫)ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ( ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﮔﻠﺪﺍﺳﻤﻴﺪ‪ 1876 ،‬ﺹ ‪97‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ 1365 ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪(40-39‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲِ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺤﻄﻲِ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪1288‬ﻕـ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ـ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ـ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎ )ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ( ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺧﻔﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻲِ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺑﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻭﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻭﺑﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻛﻮ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1288‬ﻕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺤﻄﻲِ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1288‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯِ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺑﻠﻬﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻛﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺹ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻞِ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،1365 ،‬ﺹ‪(41‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1287‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 589‬ﺁ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ‬

‫)ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪،179 ،176 ،173 ،172‬‬ ‫‪ 162‬ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﭙﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ!‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﺎﻛﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺵﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻥِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺖﻭﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻨﺎﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻭ ﻏﻼ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ( ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1287‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻮﺗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪79،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥﺍﻟﻤﻌﻈﻢ ‪1287‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻈﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺷﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭِ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ِﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺑﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ]ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ[ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ]ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ[ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‪ 17...‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺯﮔﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬

‫‪213‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‪ 18...‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 27‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺼﻼ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ )ﺩﺭ( ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ )ﻭ( ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ ...‬ﻋﻤﻠﻪﺟﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ...‬ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪(1288‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1367‬ﺁ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ‬

‫»ﺍﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻌﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻋﺮﺿﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬

‫● ﺷﺪﺕ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ‪ 1288‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺸﺖ‬

‫‪214‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻜﻢﻛﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪] .‬ﻭ[ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻙ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪1289‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ!‬ ‫»ﻓﻘﺮﺓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ! ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﭘﭽﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭِ ﺍﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﻏﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺏﻫﻤﻴﻮﻥ )=ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ( ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﻏﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ! ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1286‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻮﺗﺎﺕ ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 528‬ﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺤﻂ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ...1286‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺲ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻭ ﻏﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﺗﻐﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﻛﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻤ ّﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ً ﻳﻜﻲ ﻟﻘﻤﺔ ﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ‬

‫● ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻼﻛﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ! ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﮓ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪] .‬ﻭ ﺍ ّﻣﺎ[‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﺑﺼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎ ِﻝ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ )ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ(‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺭِﻗﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ )ﻭﺟﻮﺩ( ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫)ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ( ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ َﻣ ْﻦ‬ ‫ﺍ َ َﺣ َﺴ َﻦ ﻧﺠﺎ )ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ( ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟِﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎ! ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‪ ...‬ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ! ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﺩ )=ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( )ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻞ‪ ،1380 ،‬ﺹ‪(52‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻼ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ]ﻛﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺼﺎﺭ )ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺼﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺪﻱ ﻧﺨﺮﻭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ(‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻲ ﻧﺠﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺏ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﺘﻴـﻢ‬ ‫ﺏﺧﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳـﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺗﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩﺕ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺘﺎ )ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ )ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ( ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻘﻴﺪ )ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ( ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻞ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺫﻱﺍﻟﺤﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﺐ )ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ( ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻠﻲ )ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ( ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ )=ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ( ﺁﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫)ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ( ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ )ﻛﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺻﻔﺖﮔﻞ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(114-115‬‬ ‫‪ ...» .4‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ« )ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪(60‬‬ ‫‪» .5‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫)ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﻣﻲ( ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ )ﺁﻥﺭﺍ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ )ﻭ( ﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺭﺩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺪﺟﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(124‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﻴﺾ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺍﷲ ـ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ )ﻛﻪ( ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻨ ّﻌﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻌﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺣﺸﺎء ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺹ‪(62‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺳﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺣﺘﻲ( ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺷﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ )ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(60‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺳﮓ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺖ ﮔﻞ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ ‪(63‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪215‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻌﺔ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫)ﻭ( ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺪﺭﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻃﻔﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻱ؟ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺳﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﮓ )ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ(ﺍﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ )ﻭ( ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ« )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(118‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺤﻂ ‪ ...1288‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺾ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪1288‬ـ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﭙﺮﺧﺎﻧﺔ )ﭼﺎﭘﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ( ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻜﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ )ﮔﻔﺖ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﻣﻘﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻮﻝﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭ( ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ )ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻄﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺴﺲ( ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺠﺔ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻃﻔﻞ‬ ‫)ﺭﺍ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﭙﻪ )ﺧﻔﻪ( ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﻮﻉ )ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ(‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪) «...‬ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺖﮔﻞ‪،1387 ،‬ﺹ‪(115‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ )ﻭ( ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(126‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ :‬ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻴﻤﺔ ‪ ،5‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺤﻂ ‪ 1288‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ(‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬

‫‪216‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ...‬ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻃﻔﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻭ( ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ« )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،1325‬ﺹ ‪(211‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» .9‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ )ﻭ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻘﻘ ًﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ« )ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖﮔﻞ‪ ،1357 ،‬ﺹ ‪(122‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻗﻴﺪ »ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...» .10‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ )= ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻃﻦِ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ( ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻃﻔﻞ )ﺭﺍ( ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‪،‬ﺹ‪(130‬‬ ‫‪» .11‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ...‬ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ« )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،1325 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪(210-11‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ )= ﺣﺎﻛﻢ( ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ـ ﺑﻲﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭِ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ ،1872‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻏ ّﻠﺔ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏ ّﻠﺔ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫)ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،...‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 184-85‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،1351 ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 245-47‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪.(257‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲِ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﻢﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ!« )ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﻚ )ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪(3354‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺟﺐ ‪ 1288‬ﻕ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﺺ ‪(152-53‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﻣﻠﻮﻳﻞ )‪ ،(Charles Melvill‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1870-72‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ 1288‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ )‪-71‬‬ ‫‪ (1870‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲِ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ« )ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺖ ﮔﻞ‪ ،1387 ،‬ﺹ ‪(190‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﭙﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍَﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻳﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺻ ِﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺎﻱ ‪ 1353‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪1336‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺮﻱ )ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ( ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺤﻄﻲﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻋ ًﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗ ًﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺑﻴﮓ )‪ ،(1353‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬‫ﺑﻲﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻛﻮ )‪ (1365‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺭﺟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ )‪ (1347‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪12‬‬‫ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‪ 6 ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺯﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ )‪ (1321‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ‪ ،(1380) ،‬ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ )‪ (1325‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﺎ‬ ‫ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ (1384) ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ ﻛﻮﻻﻳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻲ )‪ ،(1383‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ‬‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺵ‬ ‫‪.201-202‬‬ ‫ ﮔﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺖ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ )‪ (1387‬ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ )‪ ،(1341-43‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ 3 ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺯﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ ﻣﻮﺭﻻﭘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻟﻴﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺯﻑ )‪ ،(1370‬ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ‬

‫‪217‬‬ ‫ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ )‪ (1358‬ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1340‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ )ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻳﻪ(‪،‬‬‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ )‪» ،(1364‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻗﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ )‪» (1366‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪ ،«1288‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺱ ‪ ،13‬ﺹ‬‫‪472‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ )‪» ،(1366‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬‫‪ 1287‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،13‬ﺍﺯ ﺹ ‪674‬‬ ‫ ﺣﺴﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﺎﺏ )‪ ،(1371‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1287‬ﻭ‬‫‪ 1288‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺱ ‪ 2‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ )‪» ،(1347‬ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬‫‪ 1287‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪3/4‬‬ ‫ ﻓﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‬‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‬ ‫)ﻗﻢ(‬ ‫ ﮔﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1381‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1288‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪ :‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ )‪ ،(1380‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1287‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ )‪ ،(1383‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ‪1286-88‬ﻕ )‪ (1870-72‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿﺎ )‪ (1367‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪،‬‬‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪- Bellow, Henry. (1872-74) From the Indus to Tigris...‬‬ ‫‪London‬‬ ‫‪- Brittlebank, William (1873). Presia during the‬‬ ‫‪Famine... London‬‬ ‫‪- Giblar, Gad (1970). Demographic developments in‬‬ ‫‪late Qajar Persia, Asian and African Studies Vol II‬‬ ‫‪- Melvill, Charles (1984), Meteorological hazards and‬‬ ‫‪disasters in Iran: a Preliminary survey to 1950. Iran,‬‬ ‫‪Vol: 22‬‬ ‫‪- ------------ (1988). The Persian Famine of 1870-1872:‬‬ ‫‪Prices and Politics, Disasters, Vol: 12‬‬ ‫‪- Okazaki, Shoko (1980), "The great Persian famine of‬‬ ‫‪1870-71", Bulltin of the School of Orienal and African‬‬ ‫‪Studies, Vol 49‬‬ ‫‪- Oliver, St John (and others) (1876). Eastern Persia:‬‬ ‫‪an account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary‬‬ ‫‪Commission, London.‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /296‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺑﻲ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻙ ﻓﺮﻱ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

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‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﻨﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

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‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ) ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩ ـ ﻋﻤﻮﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺳﺮﻣﺪﻱ ـ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺶ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

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‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﻣﺶ‬

‫ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ )ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ(‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺎء ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩژﻧﭙﺸﺖ‬

‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺳﻬﻴﻼ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﺰﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

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‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ » ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ « ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 251005060‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺪ ‪ 351‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ) ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ( ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮگ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼً ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺔ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ـ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ـ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ)ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ( ﻛﺪﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪15499-53111‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪:‬‬

‫* ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 29993471‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 29993472‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺑﻮﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ)ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ( ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪ 10000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ )ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ( 29993686 :‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ )ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ( ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ( 66460734‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫‪20000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ‪:‬‬

‫‪ 10000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬

‫‪ 50000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪25000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭ‬

‫‪ 56000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪28000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻪ‬

‫‪64000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 32000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬

‫‪74000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 37000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﭻ‬

‫‪80000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪40000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮگ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬

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‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬

‫)ﻗﻴﺪ ﻛﺪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ (‬