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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﺓ ‪ 25‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ »ﭘﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻏﻤﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪...‬؛ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻲﺍﺩ ّﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﮋﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ )ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺖﻭﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋ ّﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﻭﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ـ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﺯﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ «...‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ« ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘّﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺤ ّﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺸﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻛﻼﻩﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻮﺡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻛﺠﺎﻭﺓ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭼﺎﻩ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺘﻜﺪﺓ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ« ﻭ‪...‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﺔ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥﻭﭼﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ژﺭﻑﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺖﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻚﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺭﻕﻭﺑﺮﻗﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﺯﺧﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﻣﻨﺶ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ژﺭﻓﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭽﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﺷﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1356‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺠﻴﺒﺶ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ـ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ـ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ّ‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﻓﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ« ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ؟ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻲﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻴّﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ؛ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺁﻝﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ »ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻔﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﻜﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻮﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﺋﺮ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ« ﻭ »ﺍﻻﺷﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﺋﺮ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ »ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﺔ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺋﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻼﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﺎﻳﻒﺍﻟﺤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﻋﺎﺝ« ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ »ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﺒﻠﻮﺍﻱ« ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺣﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ـ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺨﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫***‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻬـﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧـﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﭼـﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﻛـﺎﺥ ﺳﻔـﻴﺪ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﺯﻗـﻌﺮ ﻏﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﻣـﻲﻛـﻮﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺔ ﻫﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﺳـ ِﻢ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ ﺟﻤـﻠﻪ ﺗـﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺑـﺲ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧ َْﻮﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻟﻴـﻚ ﭼـﺸﻢ ﭘـﻴـﺮ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧـﺸﺖ ﻭﻗـﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘـﺎﻳﺔ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﻦ ﺑـﻨـﺎﻱ ﻛﻬـﻨﻪ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛـﻒ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴـﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﻗـﺒـﺎﻟـﻬـﺎ ﺍﺩﺑـﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴـﻨﺔ ﺍﻭ ﻣـﺨـﺰﻥ ﺳـﺮ ﺑـﻘـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧـﺤـﻄﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣـﻀـﺠـﻊ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻧـﻴـﻨـﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑـﻴـﻨﻮﺍﻱ ﻗـﻬـﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﻨﻮﺍﻫـﺎ ﻗـﻬﺮﻣـﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘـﺲ ﺗﻴـﻤـﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﺔ ﭘـﺮﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺑـﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺳﻪﮔـﺎﻩ ﻧـﻴـﺰﻩﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻓﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣـﺴﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ِﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ َﻣﻄﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﻼﺫ ﺧـﻮﻧـﺨﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺤـﺮﻡ ﺟـﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫***‬

‫ﺣـﺎﺻـﻞ ﺍﻣﻀـﺎﻱ ﭘﻴـﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﻓـﻠﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺑـﺴﺎ ﺗـﻦ ﺷـﺪ ﺩﻓـﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴـﻨﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻫـﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑـﺲ ﻋـﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﺩﺭِ ﻫـﻨﺪﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺗـﻴـﻼﻱ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩِ ﺧـﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻛـﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧـﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﭘُﺮﺱ!‬ ‫ﻃـﻴـﻨﺖ ﭼـﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﭼـﻪ ﭘـﻴـﻐﻤﺒَ ْ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺵ ﺧـﻮﺍﻧ َﺪ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ ﺍﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﺣﻴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﮔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺠﺎ ﺷـﺪ ﺣﺎﺻـﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘـﻨـﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﻳـﻜﻲ ﺑـﺎﺷـﺪ ﻣـﺂﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻴـﺴﺖ ﺑـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻔـﺮﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﻓـﻼﻃـﻮﻥ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ »ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻈﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑـﻮﺍﺳـﺤﺎﻕﻫـﺎ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﻧـﻈـﺎﻡ ﻛــﺎﺭﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺑـﺸﺮ ﺑـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﮔﺮ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﭼـﻴﺴﺖ ﺗـﺪﺑﻴ ِﺮ ُﻣﺪُ ﻥ ﻭﺭ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺳﻴـﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ ﮔـﻞ ﻋـﺰﺕ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻒ ـ ﻫـﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟـﺰ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﺎﻡ ﺍﻫـﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘـﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﻲﺯﻧـﻬـﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ‬

‫ﻫـﻢ ﻋـﻮﺍﻡ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻧـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻨـﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ـ ﺍﻱ ﻋﺠﺐ ـ ﮔـﺮ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓـﺴﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳـﭙـﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳـﺮ ﺗـﻴـﻎ ﻧـﺎﻛﺴـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻧـﺞ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺧـﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﮔـﺰﻳﺪﻧـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﻤـﻴﺖ ﻧـﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻛـﺜﺮﻳـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋـﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗـﻮﺍﻡِ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ُﻃ ْﺮﻓﺔﺍﻟ َﻌﻴْﻨﻲ ﺟـﻬـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﺣـﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﭼﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺧـﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻴـﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺾ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻲﻣﺮ ّﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﻴـﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻨﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﺧـﺮ ﻧـﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧـﻨﺪ ﺟـﺰ ﺑﻴـﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ!‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴـﺖ‬

‫ﺗﻠﺦ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ!‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻧﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻄﺒﻞ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺳـﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺸـﺖ‬

‫ﻫـﻢ ﻧﻤـﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧـﻴـﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺳـﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔـﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴـﺶ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔـﻮﺳﻔـﻨﺪﺍﻧـﻨﺪ ﮔـﻮﻳﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺬﻳﺬ‬ ‫ﻟﻴـﻚ ﺯﻳـﺮ ﺗـﻴـﻎ ﺗﻘـﺪﻳـﺮ ﻗﻀـﺎ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺭﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﻧـﮕـﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ؟‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ »ﺍﺗـﺎﺗـﺮﻛﻲ« ﻣـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺮﻛﺸﺘـﺔ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭﺭ »ﻟـﻨـﻴـﻨﻲ« ﻛـﻦ ﻛـﻼﻩ »ﻧـﻴـﻜﻼﺋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﺭﻓـﻲ ﻛـﻮﺗــﺎ ﻣـﺂﻝ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻨـﮕـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕـﺬﺭﺩ ﺯﻳـﻦ ﻧـﻔﻊ ﺟـﻮﺋﻲﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘـﻜﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺣـﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧـﺠﺎﻡ ﻫـﺮﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﻳـﻦ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺷـﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺜـﺮﺕ ﭘـﻨــﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺧــﺘـﻼﻑ ﻟـﻔـﻆ ﺑـﺎﺩﻳــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻫـــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺨـﻮﺵ ﺁﻧـﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺘـﻪ ﮔﻠـﻬـﺎﻱ ﺳﻤـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧــﺮﻭﺍﺭﻫـﺎ ﺧـﺮﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻣـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧـﺎ ﺷـﻮﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻳـﺔ ﻋـﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔـﺴﺘـﺮﺩ ﺑـﺮ ﻛـﻮﻫـﻬـﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ؛ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﻫـﻞ ژﺍﭘـﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕﺬﺭﻧـﺪ ﺍﺯﻳـﻚ ﻣـﻤﺮ؛ ﻫـﻢ ﺗـﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻢ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺯﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓـﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻭﻫـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﻫـﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺴﺘــﺮﻧـﺪ ﺁﺋـﻴـﻨـﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻳــﻦ ﺯﻧــﮕـﺎﺭﻫــﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪» .1‬ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻈﻠﻤﺔ ﺣﺴﻦ«)ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ(‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺔ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺑﺰﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟـﻤﻠﻪ ﺗـﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ »ﭼﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ »ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ« ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻬﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻮﻡ« ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺒّﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏـﺎﻓـﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺵ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﺎﺩِ ﻛـﻮﻫـﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ«‬

‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ ﻳﻚ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 310‬ﻫـ‪ 922/‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ )ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﻮﻡﺍﻟﺰﺍﻫﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕ ِﺮ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﻥ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻭﻧﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺦﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ »‪..‬ﻭﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪﻱ ـ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺩﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﻡ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻱ ـ ﻧﺮﻭﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻚ ﺑﻬﺎء‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﺦﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩِ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻟﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻲ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺮ )ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻞ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪّ ﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻭﮔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪﺍﻕﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻕﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻴﻠﻪﭘﻴﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬

‫‪11‬‬ ‫● ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﮔﺸﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻏﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻪﺗﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻪﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭻﺗﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﻴﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 700‬ﺗﺎ ‪1000‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 20‬ﻗﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪30‬ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻲ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1854/1270‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪«..‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﻲِ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »‪...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻐﺒﻮﺟﻪـﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻬﺎء ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ..‬ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ﻣﺨﻠﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺯ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ 4«...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪690‬ﻫـ‪ 1290/‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬

‫‪12‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ :‬ﭘﺨﺘﻦ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺧ ِﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﺑﻦﺑﻠﺨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ ﺣﺴﻦﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺳﺨﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﻮﺯِـ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻨﻊ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﺷﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻟﻤﻘﻨﻊـ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻧﺨﺸﺐ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖـ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ )ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ( ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻛﻬﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ ـ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﺑﺎﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫* ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺛﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻻﻳﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.13‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪.32‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺹ ‪ 49‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻟﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.247‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﭙﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻠﻬﺎ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺰ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺯﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻋﻬﺪﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ!!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻃﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﭼﺸﻤﻜﻲ ﺩﻟﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰﺑﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﺩﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺠﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺻﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩ!!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺄﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ«‬

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‫ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ِ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪّ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃ ِﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ِﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ َﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ُﻋﻘﺪﻩﮔﺸﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑ َ ْﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ َﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ َﻣﻨﺸﺄ َﻭ َﻣ ْﻮﻟ ِﺪ ﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻧُﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑُﻮﺩِ َﻣ‬ ‫ـ ﺛﺎﻟﺜ ًﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ُﻣﻬِﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡِ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲِ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ـ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﺑَﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﻧُﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲِ ﺧَ ﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩِ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩِ ْ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻴﺰ َﻣﻮﺭِﺩِ َﻃ ْﻌﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫َﻣﺤﻀ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ َﺳﺮﺧْ ﺴﻲ‪...» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪!«...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋ ْﻲ َﻛ ْ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴ ِﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ُﺩ َﺭ ْﺭ ﺑﺎﺭِ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﻛﻮﻩ« ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ـ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤ َﺴﻦ ﺧﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪َ .‬ﻫﻢﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲِ ﺩﻳﮕ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ َﺳﺮ َﺩﺭِ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﭙُﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤ َﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺗَﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟ ْﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯَﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧ ْﺎﻥ ﺍ َ ْﺭﺯَﺩ!«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩِﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺸﺄﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺂﺏ ﺁﺗﻦ ـ َﻣ ْﻬ ِﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲِ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ َﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ »ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲِ « ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«! ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺌﻮﻣﺎﺕ ُﻣﻎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﻭ »ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ« ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1307‬ﺵ )‪1928‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑُﻞ ﺷﺎﻫ ِﺪ ﺳﺨﻦﺭﺍﻧﻲِ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳ ِﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻁ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥْ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ َﺳ ّﻘﺎ )ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ َﺳ ﱠﻘ ْﻮ( ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ َﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺑﻠﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺧَ ﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻃﭙﺎﻧﭽﺔ ﻟُﺨْ ﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ِ ﻛﺎﺑُﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎ ِﻥ ﺑُﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ َﺳ ّﻘ ْﻮ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ »ﻛﻠﻜﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﻫﺪﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﺪﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ »ﭘَ ْﺮﻭﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲِ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﭽﻪﺳﻘﻮ« ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥْ ﺑ ُ ْﺮ َﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎ ُﺩﺭِ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭِ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲِ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺳﻘﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1307/1928‬ﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘَ ْﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑُﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡِ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ُﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑُﻞ ـ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ِ :‬ﺳ ّ ِﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍَﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦِ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻣﺴﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ «...‬ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳ ّﻘﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﺳﻔﻴ ِﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ َﻗﺒﺎﻳِﻞِ ﭘَ ْﺸﺘُﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﺳﻘﻮ ـ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ُﻣ َﺠ ّﻬﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺩ ّﺭﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ َﺳ ّﻘ ْﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺑَﻠﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬

‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ َﻣﻠﻌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ َﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ُﺳﺘﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯَﺩ ُﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑَﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﺔ ﺧﺸ ِﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﺓ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﺔ ﺿَ ّﺤﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑُﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤ َﺴﻦ ﺧﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫● ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ َﺳﺮ َﺩﺭِ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﭙُﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺗَﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤ َﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧ ْﺎﻥ ﺍَ ْﺭﺯَﺩ!«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟ ْﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯَﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩِﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺸﺄﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻣﺂﺏِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻦ ـ َﻣ ْﻬ ِﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲِ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ َﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ »ﺁﻛﺎﺩِﻣﻲِ « ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩِ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«!‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻜﻲ َﭼﺮﻡ ﭘـﺎﺭﻩ ﺳ ِﺮ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩ َﺭﻓْ ِ‬ ‫ﺶ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥ )ﻛﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻭﺓ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻭﻱ »‪...‬ﺩﺭﻓْ ِ‬ ‫ﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗِﺪ ﻭ ُﻣﺒ ِﺪ ِﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻪ »ﻛﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻲ )ﻛﺎﻭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮ َﺭﺍ َ ْﺳ ْ‬ ‫)ﺿﺤﺎﻙ( ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﻭﺭ«‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ُﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑ ْﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫َﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻥ َﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ُﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑُﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩِ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬

‫‪16‬‬ ‫● ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ َﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻥ َﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎ ُﺭﻭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺗَﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻼﻳِﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻄﻔﺔ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩِ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻱ ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺗﻮﻟّﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ُﻛﻤﻮ ِﻥ ُﻭ ُﺟﻮﺩِ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺿﺪّ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﻚ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩِ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ« ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧ َ ْﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﺲ »ﻃﻼﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺑُﻄﻮ ِﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟ ُﻘ ّﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎ ِﻥ ُﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴْﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ َ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗَﻨﺎﺯُﻉ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻫﺮ َﺷﻴْﺌﻲ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑُﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺿ ّ ِﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗ ّﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ َﺷﻴْﺌﻲ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺿﺪّ ﺁﻥ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﺭِﺣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪» ،‬ﻗ ّﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎ ِﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ُﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺣﻴـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭ ِﻥ ُﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞِ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ«‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﺔ ﺍَﻗْﺪَ ﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺪﺭِ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻭﺍ ِﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧ َ ْﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞِ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗ ْﺰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻔﻞِ ﺑﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ُﻛﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗـﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫َﻣﻘ ِﺪﻡِ ُﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧُﻤﻮﺩﻧـﺪﺵ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ُﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﻭ ُﻣﻠﻜﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ؟ ﺗﻮﻟ ِﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴ ِﺮ ُﻣﻨ َِﺠ ّﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ُﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥْ ﺟﻔﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﺟـﻔـﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎﻧـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﭙُــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧُ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﭼـﻮ ﺍَﺑ ْ َﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗـﻮ ﺯﻣـﻴـﻦ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻖّ ﺷـ ِﻪ ﺷـﻄـﺮﻧـﺞ ﻭ ﻣـﺎ ﻣـﺎﺗـﻴـﻢ ﻣـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓـﺮﻋــﻮﻥ ﻣـﻲﺗـﺮﺳﻴـﺪ ﺍﺯﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺖ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﮔﺸﺘﻢ ُﺟﻔﺖ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﻃﻔـﻠـﻜﺎﻥ ﺑـﻴـﺮﻭﻥ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﺩﻣـﺎﻥ ﺗـﺎ ﺧـﻴـﻤـﺔ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻧــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ُﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯ ِﻥ ﻋﻤـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﭼـﻴﺪ ﺯﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺯﻭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧــﺎ ِﻥ ﻗــﺎﺑـــﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﻧــﻬـــﺎ‬ ‫ﺑَـﻬـﺮ ﺟـﺎﺳـﻮﺳـﻲ ﻓـﺮﺳـﺘـﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻏــﺎ‬ ‫َﻏﻤﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎ َﻣﺪ ﺍﻭﻣﻴـﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ َﻭ ْﻫ ِﻢ َﺷـﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺪﺭﻳـﻦ ﻛـﻮﭼـﻪ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺯﻳـﺒﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻮﺩﻛـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟـﻴـﻜﻦ ﭘُـﺮﻓـﻨـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭِ ُﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻮﺭِ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔــﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺁﻣـﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺧَ ﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗـﻨـﻮﺭِ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍ ْﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧـﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻳ َﻤﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫـﺮ ﻧـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ َﻋـﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣـﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗـﻨـﻮﺭ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺧـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣـ ِﺮ ﺧـﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ َﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺗـﻦِ ﻣـﻮﺳـﻲ ﻧـﻜـﺮﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ َﻋﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ُﺟﺴﺘـﻨﺪ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫـﻴﭻ ﻃـﻔﻠﻲ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ َﻋﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﺮﺍ ْﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻏـ ّﻤﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛـﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑُﺪﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﺟـﺮﺍ ﺑـﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻋـﻮﺍﻧـﺎﻥ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﻋـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﮓ ﭼـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔـﺸﺘﻨـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻋـﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ُﺟﻤـﻠـﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﺠﻮﻳـﻨـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ َﻭ ْﺣﻲ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑـﺶ ﻓِـﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍُﻣـﻴّــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ُﻣـﻮ َ‬ ‫ﻣـﻜــﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧـﻴـﻠﺶ ﻭ ﻛـﻦ ﺍِﻋﺘـﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺗـﺮﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧـﻢ ُﺭﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﺩﺭِ ﻣـﻮﺳﻲ ﭼـﻮ ُ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓـﻜـﻨـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔـﺘـﺔ ﺭﺏ ﺟـﻠـﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴـﺮﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻛـﺎﻱ ﻓـﺮﺯﻧـﺪ ﺧُ ـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﻓـﺮﺍﻣـﻮﺷـﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﻲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻲِ ﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫َﻭﺣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ِﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫـﺮ ِﻭ ﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻨـﻚ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﮔـﺮﻓـﺘـﻴـﻢ ﺁﻧـﭽـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺧـﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣـﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳـﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤـﺎ ِﻥ ﻣـﺎﺳﺖ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﻪ ﺯ ِﻥ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﺓ ﺑﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ُﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ُ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﻴّﺔ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑُﻄﻮ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗ ّﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃ ْﻔﻞِ ﻣﻲ ُﻛﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻧـﺪﺭ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ » َﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺤﺎﻙ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺤﺎﻙ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻜ ِﺮ ُﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺤﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻭﺓ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ ُﻣﺘﺒَ ْﻠﻮِﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ُﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ُﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭ ِﻥ »ﻭﺭﻱ« ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫َﺟﺒﺮِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ـ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ »ﻛﺎﻧ ْ​ْﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫» ِﻫ ِﮕﻞ« ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺗ ِ ْﺰ«‬ ‫»ﺳ ْﻦ ﺗ ِ ْﺰ«‪ 6‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗ ِ ْﺰ« ﻭ َ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪َ ،‬ﻣ ْﻮﺭِﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎ ِﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴ ِﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺿﺤﺎﻙ ﻳﻚ »ﺗ ِ ْﺰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ »ﺁﻧ ْﺘﻲ ﺗﺰِ« ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺳ ْﻦﺗِﺰِ« ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦْ ﺗَﻨﺎ ُﺯ ِﻉ »ﺗ ْﺰ« ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗﺰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳ ْﻦﺗ ِ ْﺰ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫َﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ َ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ُﻣﻨ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻ ْﻞ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ َﺳﻴْ ِﺮ ﺗَﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫»ﺑ َ ْﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴ ِﻢ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ َ‬ ‫»ﺟﺒْﺮ« ﻭ »ﺩﺗ ْﺮ ﻣﻲ ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ُﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺘﺤ ّﺼﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍ ُﺭﺍﻟ ُﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ُﻣ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺗَﻨﺎﺯ ِﻉ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗ ِ ِﺰ َﺭ ِﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟ ُﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﺔ َﻭ ّﻫﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫●‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑُﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻙِ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩِ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎ ُﺭﻭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗَﻨﺎﺯ ِﻉ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗُﺮﺑ َ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ« ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻓﺮﺍﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ِﻥ‪َ ،‬ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧُﻄﻔﺔ ﺍِﻧ ّﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍَﻧ ْ َﺰﻟﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻟ َ ْﻴﻠﺔﺍﻟ َﻘﺪﺭِ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻟُﻘﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗ ِ ِﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻧ َ ْﻔ ِﺦ ﺷﻜﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ »ﺍِﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑ َ ْﻄﻦِ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮ َﻋ ْﻮﻥ ﺑَﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺶ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫***‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ـ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ َﻣﻠﻌﻮﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﺓ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﺑﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ َﺳﻦﺳﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ُﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎ ِﻥ ﺍِﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻴّﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴّﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺑَﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺳﻮﺋﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ِﻫ ِﮕﻞ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ـ‬

‫● ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫِ ِﮕﻞ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧَﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮـ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩـ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻓﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲِ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺧﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺗَ ّﻤ ُﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞِ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧ َﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣ ّﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮـ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩـ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ«‪ 7.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﺍﺫﺍ ﺍَﺭﺍ َﺩﺍﷲُ ْﺷﻴﺌ ًﺎ َﻫﻴَﺄﻟ َ َﻪ ﺍَﺳﺒﺎﺑَﻪ« ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋ ّﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ َﺳﺒَﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ » ِﻋ ﱠﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌِ َﻠﻞ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ُﻛﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ َﺳﺒَ ْ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲِ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺗَ ّﻤ ُﻮﺯ ﻣﻲ ُﮔﺴﺘﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ِﺧﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧـﻪ ُﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋـﻴﻢ ﻣـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ ُﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﻃـﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ« ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﭘﺎﺩﺯَﻫﺮِ« ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ُﺟﻮﻳَﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫َﻣﺴﻴ ِﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋ ّﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧ ِﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﮔﺮ‪» ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍ ْﺩ‪َ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺪ ِﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗ ِ ِﺰ َﺣﻮﺍﺩِﺙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ َﻣﻈ َﻬ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ َﻋﻴْﻦِ »ﻋﺪﻝ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ » َﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺴ ّﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ »ﻓِﻨﻮﻣ ِ ْﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺒّﺎﺭﻳّﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓ ّﻌﺎ ِﻝ ﻣﺎﻳَﺸﺎء ُﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺍَﻧ َﺎ َﻭ ﻻ َﻏﻴْﺮﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗَﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﺣﻜ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤ ْﻮﻝ ﻭﺍ َﻻ ْﺣﻮﺍﻝ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫» ُﻣﺤ ّ ِﻮ ِﻝ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗَﻜﺎ ُﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰء ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻋﺎﻟَﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ َﺳﺒَﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮ ْﺭ ﺍﺯ َﻓﻀﺎﻳِﻞِ‬ ‫ﺑَﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪....8‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞِ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻒ ُ‬ ‫َﻛ ْﺸ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻈﻨﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺤ ّﻘﻖ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺗ َْﺠ َﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ُﻋﻤ ِﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ُﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩِ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩِ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑ َ ْﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﮔﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﺓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻑ ﻓــــﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍژﺩﻫـــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻫﻴـﻦ ﻣﻜﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﺧَ ﺴـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗـﻤﻨّﺎ ﻛـﻲ َﺭ َ‬ ‫ُﻣـﻮﺳـﺌـﻲ ﺑـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍژﺩﺭﻫﺎ ُﻛــﺸﺪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧَ ﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓّﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ َﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ُﺟﺰﺋﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖِ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩِ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ُﻣ َﺴ ﱠﺠﻞ ﻭ ُﻣ َﺴ ﱠﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴّﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺵ َﻗ َﺮﻩ‬ ‫ُﭼﻘﺎﻱﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭِ »ﻧﺎﭘُﻠﺌِﻮﻧﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜﻢ ﭘﻨﭻ ﺷﺶ ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖـ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯِ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺔ َﻗ َﺮﻩ ُﭼﻘﺎﻱﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍِﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗِﮋﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨّﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺠﺎ ِﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧُﻘﻄﺔ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬

‫‪19‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗَﻜﺎ ُﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰء ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻋﺎﻟَﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ َﺳﺒَﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮ ْﺭ ﺍﺯ َﻓﻀﺎﻳ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺑَﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻒ ُ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ َﻛ ْﺸ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻈﻨﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤ ّﻘﻖ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺗ َْﺠ َﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ُﻋﻤﺮِ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻧِ ِ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﻁ ُﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ُﻛﺸﺖ‪ ،10‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪّ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ 11‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭِ ﺍﻭ ُﻣﺮﻏﻲ ﺭﺍ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ! ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ »‪ ...‬ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩ ّﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯـ ﻋﻴ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ْﻡ ﻟ َ ْﻬﻮ ﻭ ﻟَﻌِﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎ ِﺟﻢ ـ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ 12«.‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻢ ُﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺋﻴﻦِ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩ ّﻛﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍ ِﻥ َﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ َﻛ ْﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺁﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭ َﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ ُﻣﻨ ﱠﻘﺶ ﻭ ُﻣ َﻄ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ »ﺩﻭﻛﺎ«‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺸﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦِ ُ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎ‬ ‫َﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭ ُﻣ َﺰ ﱠﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭِ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳّﺎﻡِ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻏﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﻢ ْ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍ ﻧﺸﺎ ِﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦِ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩِ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡِ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫‪20‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫َﺧ َﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮ ّﻓﻖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ َﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ُﺟﺰﺋﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯِ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩِ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ُﻣ َﺴ ﱠﺠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻣ َﺴ ﱠﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ »ﺷﺒﮕﺮﺩ« ﺁﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺗُﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ ﻋﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ » َﻣﻈ َﻬﺮ َﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﺪﻝ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪ ِﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑـﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧ ْﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ُﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴّﺖِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُﻣ ْﺠﺘَ َﻤﻊ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ َﻣﺒﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺸﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧـﺪﺍﻱ ﻋـﺎﻟ َ ْﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻳـﺎﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺿﻤﻦِ ﺗَﻀﺎ ّﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿ ِﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒَﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻳَﺪُ ﺍﷲ ِ َﻣ َﻊ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎ َﻋ ِﺔ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩِ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻲ ُﻣﻘﺪﱠ ﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ِﺟﺪّ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎ ِﺷ ِﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﺿﺪِّ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ »ﺗِﺰﻱ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ »ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗﺰ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﺗِﺰِ« ِﻫﻠِﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴّﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺪّ ِ‬ ‫َﻫﺪَ ﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗ ِﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ »ﻃﻴﺮﻭﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ـ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ »‪ ...‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﺯﻣﻴﻦِ ﻋﺮﺍ َﻗﻴْﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﻙ َﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﺭ َﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴْﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧ َ​َﻮﺩِ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻨﺎء ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺲ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ُﺟ ْﺸﻨ َْﺴﻒ ﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ َﺣﺒْ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ُﺟ ْﺸﻨ َْﺴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺘَﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ُﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦِ »ﻓ ِﺪ ْ ِﺷﻮﺍ ْﺭ َﮔﺮ«‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺯِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗَﻨ َْﺴﺮ ـ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ِﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ُﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ُﺟ ْﺸﻨ َْﺴﻒ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ُﻣﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ 17«...‬ﺗﻨﺴﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻛﺘّﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭ َﻣ َﻬﻨَﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗ ُّﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ُﻣﺤﺘَﺮِﻓﻪﺍﻧﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡِ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪّ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ َﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ( ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ُﻣﺘﻮﻟّﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭽ ْﺮﺑَﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗِﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ َ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ ﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴّﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻳﻨﻮ ـ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻧﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﺛﻲ ـ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺑِﻞ ـ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 18.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩِ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞِ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫َﻣﻨ ﱠَﺼﺔ ُﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ »ﺗِﺰ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺪﻱﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘُﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﺓ ُ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ُﻣﺮ ِﻍ ﺑﻲﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑ ُ َﺮﻧْﺪْ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺪّ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻗ ّﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﺭﺳﺘﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻨّﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ...،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ژِﻧ ِ ْﻮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﮔﺎﻟﻮپ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩِ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃـﻔـﻞِ ﭼﻬـﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ َﻛ ْﮋ َﻣ ْﮋ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ ِﺮ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑ َ َﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺱﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻨْﻒ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ُ :‬ﻣﻮ ﱠﺩ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺕ َﻣ ْﺤ ْ‬ ‫ﺾ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻲﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـﻭ ِ‬ ‫ْﻒ ﺩ ّﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺘّﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻓﺖ ِ‬ ‫ﺻ ْﺮ ْ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫َﻣ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻭﺻﻨْﻒ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ َﻋﺪَ ﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﺔ ُﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ‪،‬‬

‫‪21‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻤ ِﻊ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ َﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻭ َﺭ ْﻫﺒَﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍ ُ ْﻣﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ُﺭ ْﻋﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺲ« ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞِ ﺯﻧﮓِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩ ُﺭ ْ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ » ُﻣ َ‬ ‫ﻨﺤﻨﻲِ ﮔ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻕ ﺿﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ـ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ َﻛ ْﻮ َﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺘﻮ ّ ِﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ َﻣ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻌﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ّﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮ ّﺳﻂ ـ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪ ِﻥ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ِﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺗَﻨ َْﺴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ »ﺗﻨﻈﻴ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ِ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻓِﻜ ِﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ِﺧ ْﻀﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ُﻣﺘﻔ ِﻜ ّﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡِ »ﻭﺯﻳﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧ َﺒْ ِ‬ ‫ﺾ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﻳﺎ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮگ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ـﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻴﻬﺎ ـ »ﺑ َ ْﺮﻧُﻤﺎ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲِ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ »‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫● ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧُﻘﻄﺔ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ُﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ُﻛﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪّ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ُﻣﺮﻏﻲ ﺭﺍ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ!‬

‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺬﻳ ِﺮ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻬ ّﻮﺭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ـ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍ ِ ّﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ـ ﺍِﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎ ْﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪْ ﺑﻮﺩﻥْ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﻨ ِﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞِ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ؟ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﺑﺎﺭِ ْﻡ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺠﺴﻤﻪ ِﻭﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﻢﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡِ ُﻣ ّ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ُﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻜ ِﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ُﻣﮋﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ 24‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗُﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ُﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲِ ﺗﻨﺪ َﺭ ْﻭ ـ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ـ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ! َﻣ َﻌﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺲﺍﻟ َﻌﻤﻞِ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ....‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ َﻋ ْﻜ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭِ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣ ْﺎﺭ ْﻛﺲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﻗِﺘﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯَﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧ ِﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ُﻣﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﻳّﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ َﻏﻨّﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺤﺘﺎﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫● ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪِ‬ ‫ﺍَﻋﺎ ِﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ »‪ ...‬ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩ ّﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ْﻡ ﻟ َ ْﻬﻮ ﻭ ﻟَﻌِﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯـ ﻋﻴ ِﺪ ﺍﻋﺎ ِﺟﻢ ـ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻢ ُﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦِ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩ ّﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍ ِﻥ َﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ َﻛ ْﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺁﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪...،‬‬ ‫ُﻋﻨْﻒ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ُﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ُﻣﺸﻔﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻱ«‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺎﺭِ َﺳ ْﺮ َﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞِ ﺷﻜﺴﺖِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲِ ﺑﺎ ﻧُﻔﻮﺫِ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻤﺸﻴ ِﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ِ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭ َﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖِ‬ ‫ـ َﻭﻟ َ ْﻮ ﺁﺋﻴﻦِ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﺎﺩِﻫﻮﻣِﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍ َ َﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ـ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ 26.‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻠﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧ ْﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻣﭙُﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ »ﺍ ُ ّﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍَﻟ ْ َﺤ ْﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ« )ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧَ َﺮﻗﺎﻧﻲ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(13‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.86‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.15‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.189‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ*( ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ِﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ُﻣﻠ َﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱ َﻏﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻌ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌ ِﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ »ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ« ﻭ »ﻋﻨﺎﻥﺑﺮﻋﻨﺎﻥ« ﻣﻲﺭ َﻭﺩ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ‪ thèse‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴّﻪ ﻭ »ﺑَﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ« ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ Antithèse‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗَﻀﺎ ّﺩ ﻭ ﺗَﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ »ﺑَﺮﺍﺑْﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ Synthèse‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ »ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ »ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺳﻦﺗِﺰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ ُﻣﻨﺘَ ّﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻧ َﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺹ ‪.11‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ َﺭ ْﻭ َﺿﺔ َ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑِﺮﻧ ْﺎﺭﺩﺷﺎ ْﻭ‪ :‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗ َْﺠ َﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪،178‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫َﻗ َﺮﻩ ﭼﻘﺎﻱﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﻩﭼﻘﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮ ِﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻻﻳﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺴ ِﺪ ﺻﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑُﺒَﺮﺩ! ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎ ِﻝ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«!‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭِ ﺻﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻜﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ«‪) .‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ‪.(181‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﻩﭼﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌ ّﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨ ِﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪...» :‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧ ِ ْﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺍﻧﺪ!« )ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩِ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.331‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 678‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪28‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻨ َّﺠﻢﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞِ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ »ﻏﻴ ِﺮ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯِ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ!«‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪.366‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺣ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘـﻴـﺶ ﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳَ َﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﺑـﺎﻣﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﭘـﻴـﺶ ﻣـﻨـﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﺑﻲﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﭼـﻨـﻴـﻨﻢ ﺍﻱ ﻧـﮕـﺎﺭِ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺠﺒﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪.14‬‬

‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻭﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑَﺪﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،208‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥْ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ«! )ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭِ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1354‬ﺹ ‪(217‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧ ّﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻲﺑَﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ُﺭﺑ ِﻊ‬ ‫َﻣﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ُﺭﺑ ِﻊ َﻏﻴ ِﺮ َﻣﺴﻜﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻮﺋﻲ ـ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻀﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ« )ﺍﺯ َﻣﺂﺛﺮ ﺍﻟ ُﻤﺤ ّﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ(‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ـ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ُﻛ َﺮﻭ ﱠﻳ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗَﻚ ﭘﺪﺭِ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘِﻦ ِﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺹ‪.(118‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪.39‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻨﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪.23‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،27‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜ ِﺮ »ﺗﻨﻈﻴ ِﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 186-169‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1339‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ َﻣ ْﺰﺩﻙ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻬﺮِﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ـ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ـ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﺩ )ﭼﺎپ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺹ ‪،(406‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ » ُﻣﮋﺩﻙ« ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ُﻣﮋﺩﻩ )ﺑَﺸﻴﺮ( ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ُﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ »ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!« ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻫﻞِ‬ ‫ﺩﺟﺎ ِﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦْ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ّ‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺭِﻳﺎﺽﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﺹ ‪ ،417‬ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑُﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﻻ َﻗﻴْﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﻫﻞِ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺯُﺑﺪﺓ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺑَﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎ ْﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺹ‬ ‫‪1221‬‬

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‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬

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‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑَﻴْ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲِ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ َﭼﻐْﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﭼ َﻐ ْﻤﻴﻦِ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌَﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ » ُﻣ َﻠ ﱠﺨﺺ َﭼﻐﻤﻴﻨﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 814‬ﻫـ )‪1411‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴ ِﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﻓﻠﻚﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻧ َﻮ ْﺭﺩ ﻭ » َﻣﻪﻭﺍﺭﻩﻧﺸﻴﻦِ «‬ ‫»ﺳﺪْ ِ‬ ‫ﺱ َﻓﺨْ ﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ـ ﺁﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪﺑﻦ ِﺧﻀﺮ ﺧُ َﺠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ »ﭘﺎﻟﻮﻣﺎﺭ« ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ُﻗﻄ ِﺮ َﻋﺪَ ﺳﻲِ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ »ﺗُﺤﻔﺔ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ« ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ »ﺑ ِ ْﺮﻧﺎ ْﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧْﺪَ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ َ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﺎﻓﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗَﺬ ْﻛﺮﺓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ُﻓ َﻀﻴْﻞِ ﻛﻮﻓْﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎ ِﻝ ُﻣﺨﻠِﺺ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳْﻨْﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺎﺩ«!‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﻧﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ َﻣﺪﻓﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺲ ﮔﻴﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦِ َﻣ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺄﻟﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ َﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩِ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻩ ﻭ َﻣ ْﺤ َﻮﻻﺕ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﺶ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﺧﻮ ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛـﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣـﺪﺡ ﻛـﺒـﻴﺮ ﮔـﻮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻲ ﺫ ّﻡِ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧـﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞِ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻬـﺘﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﻄﻌـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺪﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻐﻨﺪﺭ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ َﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻫﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍ ِ ْﺻ َﻄﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺧَ ﺰﺍﺋ ِ ُﻦﺍ َﻻ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺽ ﺭِﺟﺎﻟُﻬﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ِﮔﺮِﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮ َﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻟﻲِ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُﺟ ْﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ« ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻲِ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﻲ »ﺍ َ ْﺭ َﺩﻫﺎﻝ« ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ُﺷﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧ َْﻮ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﻲِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻟﮕﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮ َﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ 4‬ـ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑ ُ ْﮕ َﺴ َﻠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫ ّﻤ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺁﻟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻮ ﻭ ﮔﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ » ُژ ْﺭ ْژ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺭ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 4/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ 5،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﻼﻡِ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟ ُﻤ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ »ﻛ ّﻠﻪﺍﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻨﻤﻲ!‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺒﻲ ﺑـﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭِ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬

‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻮﻗﻊ ‪ 210‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗُﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮ ِﻝ ﭘﻨﺒﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﻣِﺜْﻞِ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻳﺪ! ـ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ( ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗُﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ »ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗُﻦ ﻣﻐ ِﺰ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡِ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗُﻦ ﭘﺴﺘﺔ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗُﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺗُﻨﻲ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ 113‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗُﻦ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﻣﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟ ّﻮﻱ ﻧ َ​َﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨ ِﺪ »ﺯﺍﻍ َﻣ ْﺮﺯ« ﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪1138‬‬ ‫ﺗُﻦ ﻛﺘﻴﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 945‬ﺗُﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗُﻦ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ 130‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗُﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘُ َ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 1800‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑ َ ْﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ّﺩ ِ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ »ﺟﺒَ ْﻊ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ َﺟﺒَﻞِ‬ ‫ﻟُﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴ ِﻢ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ 7.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍِﺷﻜﺎ ِﻝ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎ ِﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ »ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻩ »ﻓﻴﺶ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﺘﻜﻲ‪ 9‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﻞِ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ َﻋ َﺸﺮ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟ ِﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ـ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ »ﻋﺪﻡِ‬ ‫ﺗَ َﻘﻴﱡﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡِ ﺷﺮ ِﻉ ﺍَﻗْﺪَ ﺱ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ »ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ِ »ﺩﻳﻦﭘﻨﺎﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖِ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُﻣﺠﺘﻬِﺪﺍﻟ َﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺮ« ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ َﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ُﻣﺼﻠﺢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺯﻡِ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ُﻣﺠ ّﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ‬

‫‪25‬‬ ‫● ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑ َ ْﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺘﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭِ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ُﺯﺑَﻴﺮ« ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ُﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻳِﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘّﻪ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻗﺎﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎ َﻫﻨْﺠﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺘﻲ )ﺁﺑﻔﺸﺎ ِﻥ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺠﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺸﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻲِ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻋﻠﻲ َﺩﺭﺟﺰﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧ َْﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩِ ّ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺻﻄﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﻴ ِﻪ ﺟﻴﻚ«‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡِ ﺍَﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﻔﻞِ ﺧُ ﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ »ﺭﺍﻓﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﭘﻴﻪﺟﻴﻚ« ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻲ »ﻫﺮﻳﺲ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮﻱ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﻮﺷﻜﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻑﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻼﻗﻄﺐ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺧﻮﻧ ْﺞ« ﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ« ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺟﻲ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻲﺭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﺸﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺫﻫﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘَﺮ ْﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪُ ﷲ ﺍ ﱠﻥ ﺍﻟﻌ ْﺸﻖَ ﻗﺪ َﺷﺮﻗﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑَﻬﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻫﻞِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩِ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔ ِﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ُﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ 13.‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺔﺍﷲ َﻣ ْﺮ ُﺩﻭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮ َﻭ َﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﺗﺎ َﻣ ْﻮﻟِﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﻧﻮﺭﻩ« ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪26‬‬ ‫● ﺍِﺷﻜﺎ ِﻝ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎ ِﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ »ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻩ »ﻓﻴﺶ« ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺘﻜﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻘ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ َﻋ َﺸﺮ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺧﻮﻧ ِﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮِ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ـ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ »ﻋﺪﻡِ‬ ‫ﺗَ َﻘﻴﱡﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡِ ﺷﺮ ِﻉ ﺍَ ْﻗﺪَ ﺱ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻮﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﮔﺎﻥ‪ 14‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﺑﻴﻮ ْﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧْ ﺲ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﻜﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ َﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ُﻣﺮﻳ ِﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 15‬ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫َﻣﺴ َﻘﻂ َ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪّ ﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻧ َ َﻤﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲِ ﺷﻬﺮﻱﻧُﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮ ﺍﺯﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩِ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺑﻦ ّﻋﺒﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ »ﻃﺎﻟﻘﻮﻧﭽﻪ« ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ َﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ )ﺷﺎﻣﻴﻨﻪ( ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻧﺴﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻴﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻱ« ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﺳـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻲﺍﻡ »ﻧـﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ُﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ )ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﻮﺱ(‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ُﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺪﻭ ِﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﭘﺸﺖ »ﻗﻠﻪّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭼﺎﻝ« ﻭ »ﻳﻮﻧﺠﻪﺯﺍﺭ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩ« َﻣﻮﻟ ِ ِﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻼ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺪّ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲِ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺪ ِﻫﺒَ ُﺔﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮔﭽﻮﺋﻲ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻟ ُﻤﺸﻌﺸﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭ ُﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭ ُﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫)‪1295‬ﻫـ= ‪1878‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧ َﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧـﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﺑــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﺑُـﻨـﻴﺎﺩِ ﻳـﻚ ﺧـﺎﻧـﻪ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ِﺍﺳﺘَﺪَ ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘـﻢ ﻛـﺮﺩﻡ‪َ ،‬ﻛ َﺮﻡ ﻧـﺎﻣـﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﭽﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍ ِ َﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍ ِ َﻭﺯِ‬ ‫ﻻﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍُﺗﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﻛﻪﺍﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺏﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 17«.‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻤﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪّ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺍ ِ َﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ُﻣﺨﻠﺺ َﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍ ِ َﻭ ْﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺏﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨ ًﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﺔ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ُﻣﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻏﺰﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻗﺒﻮﺭِ ﺁ ِﻝ ﺳﺒُﻜﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺳﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒ ِﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ـ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 18‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﺒ ِﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﻮﺧﺖ؟ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌ ِﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴ ِﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﮔـﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣـﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺒﺶ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺎ ﻋﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ« ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟ ُﻤﻠﻚ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺩﮔـﺮ ﻧﻤـﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴ ِﻎ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﻋﺎﻡِ َﻣﻬﻴﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ!‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎ ِﻥ ُﻣﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻟﻘﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻼﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎ َﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﻦِ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻭﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﻲِ ﺩﺯﺩِ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞِ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ُﻓ َﻀﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ژﺍﻥﻭﺍﻟﮋﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻴﺮﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ‪ُ ،‬ﻓ َﻀﻴﻞِ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﺘﻌﺒّﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ُﻓ َﻀﻴﻞ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺿﻢ ﻓﺎء(ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﻛﻮﻓْﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ َﻭ ْﺭﺩ )ﺩﺭﻩ َﺟﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻥ« )ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪،(236‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ َﻭ ْﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺳﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﻲ ﭘﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ )ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻟﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻑ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ُﻓ َﻀﻴﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻨﻮﺍ ﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺸﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﻀﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍَﻟ َ ْﻢ ﻳﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﷲ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻔﺘﺔ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻮﺑﻬﻢ ﻟ ِﺬ ْ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‪ ...‬ﺗﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ُ ...‬ﻓﻀﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻢ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺧَ ﻨﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪) «...‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓﺍﻻﻭﻟﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(81‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍﻧﻢ َﺭ ْﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻟ َ َﺤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧ َ ْﻔﺴﻲ ﻧ َ ْﻔﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ َﺭ ْﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻑ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ؛ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ َﺭ ْﺷﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺍﺩ«!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪27‬‬ ‫ْﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺎﺩ«!‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨ ْ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ َﻣﻬﻮِﻻﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.28‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ َﻣﺜَﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣِﺜْﻞِ ﻗﺎﻟﻲِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻟﮕﺪ ﺑﺨﻮ َﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻳّﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴ ِﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ »‪ ...‬ﺁﺏ ﺍﺻﻔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ )ﻣﺴﺮﻗﺎﻥ؟( ﺍﻭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ُ ) «...‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(62‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭچ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ّ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻣﺮگ ‪948‬ﻫـ؛ ‪1541‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪َ .10‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪،2‬ﺹ‪.230‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ]‪956‬ﻫـ‪1549/‬ﻡ[ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ُﻗ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺏ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ]ﭘﻨﺞ[ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ َﺣ َﺴﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﺭِ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺐ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷﺐ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻌ ّﻠﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﺪ‪) «.‬ﺍ َ ْﺣ َﺴﻦﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﺴﻦﺑﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(342‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺧْ ﺖ‪/6/26 ،‬ﺹ ‪.35‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺷﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫َﭼ ْﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ َﺻ ْﻮﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ »چ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺵ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺹ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ُ .15‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪.387‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.327‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻟﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺍ ِ َﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.31‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴَﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.603‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 6‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.156‬‬

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‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬

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‫ﺐ ﺯﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﺫﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻞ ﺗ َّﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍ ﺗَّﻢ ﺍ َ ْﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﺍ ﻧ َ ْﻘ ُﺼ ُﻪ ﺗﺮﻗّ ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣ ّ ِﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻧـﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﻧـﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻤـﺎ ِﻝ ﻧـﻘﺼﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺩ ُﻏ ّﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻛﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻼﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ »ﺷﻬﺮﻳّﺖ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻼﺏ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﭙّﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻳَﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧ َﺪ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﻢ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﺘﻨ ّﻌﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻞﻭﻻﻱ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ«‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺏ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺨﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﺸﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺮﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻙ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ّ‬ ‫ُﻟﻮﺥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ِﮔﺮﺩِ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳَﺪ ﮔﻨﺪﺍﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭ َﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮﺁﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺽ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺑﺪﺑﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻩﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ْ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ‪ ...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩِ ﺳ ّﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑُﺨﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴّﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤ ّﻠﻲِ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞِ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻃﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻲ ﺑﺒﻌﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺗُﻮﺗُﻢ« ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗَﺄ ﱡﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﺓ ﺧﻔﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﺔ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻛﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺋﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺗُﻮﺗُﻢ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺷﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﺩ ﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭﻱ َﭼ ْﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ )‪888‬ﻫـ= ‪1843‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ 2،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥْ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻳﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻛﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺧَ ْﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺬﺫ ﻭ ﺗﻨ ّﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ـ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣ ّﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ!‬

‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴ ِﺪ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ! ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫َﻏﺒﻮﻕ ﻭ َﺻﺒﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻴﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬

‫‪29‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﺩ ﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫َﭼ ْﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫)‪888‬ﻫـ= ‪1843‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺰﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺑَﺪَ ﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‪» ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍَﻗْﻮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﮋﺍﺩِ‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﺟ َﻤﻞ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺯﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ـ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،3‬ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ »ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻦ« ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﻛﻦ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳﺎﺍﻭﻛﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ 4«...‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪّ ﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻭﺧْ َﺸﺘّﺮ ﻧﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖﮔﺎﻧﺔ ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍ ّﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧُ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻮﺭﺍَﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ َ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ـ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻗ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺑﺪﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ُﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ُﻣﺰ ﱠﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻑ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺠ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫‪30‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ـ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣ ّﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ!‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ُﻣﻨَﺒّﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻴّﺎﺕ )ﻃﻼ؟( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺝ‪ُ ،‬ﻣ َﺮ ﱠﺻﻊ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺍﻭﻛﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫» َﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺏﺩﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻼ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍ ّﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻨﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ِﮔﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ـ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍ ّﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺸﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﻠﺪﻭﺯﻱ‬

‫»ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍژﻳﺪﻫﺎگ )ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺎﮔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻮ َﻭﺧْ َﺸﺘْﺮِ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎ‪ 7‬ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴّﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪َ ،‬ﻃﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻬﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻟﻌﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ »ﻭﺍﻛﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ« ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 550‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ )‪ 2500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺘﺎﮔﺲ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،9‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛِﺰِﻧ ْﻔﻮﻥ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻴﺮﺓ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 10‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛِﺮِﺯﻭﺱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ »ﻃﻼ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﻗﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻛﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺭ ْﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖِ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺗﺠﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ُﻣﻨﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑ ّﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 333‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻻﻧ ْﮋﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 16‬ﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﻼﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ُﻣﻜ ّﻠﻞ ﻭ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ْﺖ ﻛﻮ ْﺭ ْ‬ ‫ﺙ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ َﻛﻨ ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ )ﺳﻮﻡ( ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻣﺰﻳّﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﺔ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‪15 ،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 360‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪....16«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭِ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ُﺑﺮﺑﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺰﺓ ﺯﺭﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭِ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪....18‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﺯﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳ ِﻢ ﻳـﺎﺭﻱ ﻧـﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳـﺎ ﺯﺩﻟﺒـﺮ ﻳـﺎ ﺯﺩﻝ ﺑـﺎﻳـﺴـﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺑـﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘـﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳـﺎﺭِ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑـﺎ ﺳـﻜـﻨـﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘــﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ«‪ ...19‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺒُﻚ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻦِ ﺗﻦﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺠ ّﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩِ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍ َ ْﺷﻚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﭙﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻡِ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪....20«.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ‪ 200‬ﺍ ّﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺸﮕﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﻓﻼﻭﻳﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ 21‬ﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺩﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩِ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻀﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻬﻮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬

‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺧ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 22«.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﺋﻴﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴ ِﻎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ َﻣ ْﺮ ْﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ ُﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﺪﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪َ ،‬ﺳ ْﻌ ِﺪ َﻭﻗّﺎﺹ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺒﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑَﺮﻭﻱ ﻟﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭ ُﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘُﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑ َ ْﺮ َﺟﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺧﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻚ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺒﺮ ﻭ َﻋﺒْﻬﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻲ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ( ﻧﻤﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ 23«.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﺋﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘ ِﻢ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ‪:‬‬

‫● ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ! ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ َﻏﺒﻮﻕ ﻭ َﺻﺒﻮﺡ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺯﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ »ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻦ« ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﻛﻦ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑـﻴــﺸﻲ ﻭ ﭘـﻴـﺸﻲ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻫـﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﺸﻜﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﺵ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗُﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ُﻋﺒَﻴﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ )‪54‬ﻫـ=‪673‬ﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻗﺒﺞ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ!«‬

‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮِ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻴﻞ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ُﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍ ِﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ َﺯ َﺭﻧ ْﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳ ِﺮ ُﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ 25‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﺎﺩﻳﺎﺥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﻫ ِﺮ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻴَﻤﻴﻨَﻴﻦـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﺸﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻞﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﻨﻴّﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭِ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞِ َﺭﺗْﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺘﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺧﺮﻣﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﻪ‪» ...‬ﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ«‪....26.‬‬ ‫َﻋ ْﻤﺮﻭﻟَﻴْﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫● ﺗﻴ ِﻎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ َﻣ ْﺮ ْﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ ُﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﺪﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪....‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑ َ ْﺮ ُﮔﺴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ُﻋﺪّ ﺗﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ....‬ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﺦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ....27«.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺸﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻛﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻩ ﺗﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺷﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﻭ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺷﻦ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻟﻴﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺭﻓ ِﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻟﻴﺚ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺑ ُ َﺤﻴﺮﻩ‪» ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ِﻍ ﺑُﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺥ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ...،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩ ِﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭِ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﺑﻦ ﻟﻴﺚ ﻇﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﻮ ّﻛﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ‪،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺪﺓ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ«!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ »ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻏﺎﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ُﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮ ِﻥ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧ َﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧ َ​َﺴﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴ ِﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ »ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﺭِ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺮﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻦ ﻧﻮﺡ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭِ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪....‬‬

‫ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ َﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ 33‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳ ّ ِﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﺑﻲﺣ ّ ِﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡِ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ »ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ...‬ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ«‪ 34‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ »ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ 35«.‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ َﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻋﺸﺮﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺒُﻜﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍَﻟْﺒﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ )ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ـ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ـ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺮﻡِ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ُ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺧﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻜﺘﻜﻴﻦ ـ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩـ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺸﻢﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎﻥ )‪ 8‬ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪393‬ﻫـ= ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪1007‬ﻡ( ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩِ ﻏﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺟﻴﭙﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻓﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻴﭙﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ‬

‫‪33‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻴﻞ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫● ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ُﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍ ِﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ َﺯ َﺭﻧ ْﺞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﺎﺩﻳﺎﺥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮِ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻴَﻤﻴﻨَﻴﻦـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﺸﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﻨﻴّﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑ َ ْﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺟﻴﭙﺎﻝ ﻗ ّ‬ ‫ﺮﺻﻊ‬ ‫ﻼﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ُﻣ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑ َ َﺼﺮ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ‪ 180‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻠﻴﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺑﻨﺪ ﻗﻼﺩﺓ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪428‬ﻫـ )=‪1036‬ﻡ( ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻃﻐ ْ‬ ‫ّﺮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻚ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﺋﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺻﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ...‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍء ﺳﻮﻣﻨﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬

‫‪34‬‬ ‫● ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ َﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳ ّﺮِ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﺑﻲﺣ ّ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫‪» ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻐﺮﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺶﺑﻴﻐﻮ ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺮ ﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻨﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﻤﻪ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑّﺪّ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﻔﺮ ‪431‬ﻫـ )ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪1039‬ﻡ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪» ...،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﺤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪....39«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ‬

‫ُﻃﻐﺮِﻝ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻐﺮﻝﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺼ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻧﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻐﺮﺑﻴﻚ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﺎﺭﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ! ﻃﻐﺮﻝﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ْ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻃﻐﺮﻝﺑﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺂﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ُﻃﻐ ِﺮ ِﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻔﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪» ....‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﺻﺢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭِ ﻏﻔﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ُ ،‬ﮔﺮﺯ ﺑﺮ َﻛﺘَﻒ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺲ ﻧﺸﻤﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﻗﺘْ ُﻠﻎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺳ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩِ ﺗﻜﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﮔﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻔﻦ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗ ْ ِﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻼﻉ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺭِ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺃﻗ ِﻤﺸﺔ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺍﺭﺩ ِﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 43.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 615‬ﻭ ‪ 616‬ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 614‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،44‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺆﻳّﺪﺍﻟ ُﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ُﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗ َ​َﺮﻛﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ِﺣ ْﻤﻞِ ﺯﺭ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ َﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ُﻛ ّﻔﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ!«‪ 45‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ُﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎ ِﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭ ُﻣ ﱠ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 47«.‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺁﻻﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺿَ ﺒﻂ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘُﺸﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩِ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ( ﺣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‪ 48.‬ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪» ،‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﻄﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑ ِ ْﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ »ﻫﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﮔﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﻼﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤ َﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ َ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﻘ ّ ِﺮﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺕ ُﻏ ْﺴﻞِ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﻔﻦِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﻓﻦ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗِﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭِ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﺗﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍِﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍِﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﺁﻱﭼﻴﭽﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ )ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﻱﭼﻴﭽﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ 51«...‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻩﺧﻮﺭِ ﺧﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪35‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻁ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﺎﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ« ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻼ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﮔ ِﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ُﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺏ«‪ 53‬ﻣﻲﺳﭙُﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺟﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ »ﺧُ ﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴ ِﺮ ﻟ ُ ْﻜﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃ ِﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧ َﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻌﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃ ِﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻻﮔﻮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ )ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺻﻔﺮ ‪656‬ﻫـ= ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪1248‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻻﮔﻮﻛﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﺘَ ِ‬ ‫ﻌﺼﻢﺑﺎﷲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ »ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭِ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭ!‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞِ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺭِ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺮﺻﻊ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺍَﻭﺍﻧﻲِ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫ ِﺮ ﺯَﻭﺍ ِﻫﺮ ُﻣ ﱠ‬

‫● ﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮِ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ُﻣ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺁﻻﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ َﺿﺒﻂ‬ ‫»ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘُﺸﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ( ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﻇﺎﻫ ِﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻔﻴّﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻲ‪ُ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺿﻲ َﻣ ْﻤﻠ ّﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُﻨﻜﺠﺎﺕ ﻃﻼ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻻ ِﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﺤ ّﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻻﮔﻮ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭِ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫ ِﺮ ﺯَﻭﺍ ِﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑ َ َﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ! ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫َﻃﺒَﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ُﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺙ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻆ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴ ّﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻻﻛﻲ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﻴ ِﺮ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯِ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟ ُﻤﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢﺑﺎﷲ ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻗ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺮﺓ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ »ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻙﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍﭼﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻮﺽﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺰﻡﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻣـﺎﻍ ﺳـﭙـﻴـﺪﻩ ﺩﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎﻳــﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﺯﺍﻳﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ َﺣ َﺤﺮﺍﻻﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻕ ﻋ ّﺰ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﺳﺪّ ﻩ ِﺳﺪﺭﺓ ِ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﻼﻓْﺖ ﺗﺸ ﱡﺮﻑ ُﺟﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺣﺮﻡِ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺟﺮ ﺑُﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻮ ّﻇﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗّﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ »ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺎﺙ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﺒَﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺻﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﺛﻘﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﺨ ﱠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻮ ِﻝ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ُﺳﻠﻐُﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻔﺎﺩﺵ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺡ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﻚﭘﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺩِ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﺷﺼﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺭِ ُﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛ َﻤﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺻﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻮﺍﻕ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫ ِﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍ َ َﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻴﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ« ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪662‬ﻫـ )=‪1263‬ﻡ( ﺷﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺸﺘﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ُﺩ ّﺭِ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ُﻣﻄﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ...‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻫﻼﮔﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺋﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻼﮔﻮﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡِ ﺑﻨﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ُﻣﺮ ِﺷﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ )ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ( ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﻴﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﮕﺮگﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ..‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺼﺎﺭِ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻮﺑَﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦِ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﺸﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻐﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍَﺑِﺶ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ«‪ 59‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦِ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ُﻣﺘ ّﻌﻴﻦِ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻙﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ ﺯﺭﺑﻔﺖ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺧُ ﺮﺟﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻣﻲﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ِﮔﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻃﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ )‪754‬ﻫـ= ‪1353‬ﻡ( ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑ َ َﻄ ْﻮ َﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣ ِﺪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﺸﻢ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ُﻣﻈ ْﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﺳﻴّﺪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﺤ ّﻤ ِﺪ ﺍ َ ْﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﻭﺱ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﻱ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ(‪.‬‬

‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺠ ْ‬ ‫ﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫● »ﻫﻤﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻞ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﮔﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏﮔﺮﺩﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ( ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺑﻦ‪َ ...‬ﺯﻳْﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩِ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮ ّﺭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴّﺪﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻫﻠﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩِ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺮﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩِ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎ ِﻝ »ﺳﻴّ ِﺪ ﺭﻛﺎﺑﺰﻥ«‪ 63‬ﻭ »ﺳﻴّ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ«‪ 64‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ »ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻭ ِﻝ ُﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻞﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿ ِﻊ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺳﺨﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭِ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻢ ﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫‪38‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ِﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﺠﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﻓ ِﻊ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧ َ​َﻮ ْﺭ َﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﺭِ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺳﻴّﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻴﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻤﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ!«‪....66‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ُﺭ ُ‬

‫ﻳﺴﺎﻭﻻ ِﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﻭﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣ َﻀﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻲﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ َ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍ ُ َﻣﺮﺍﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﻴﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﻣﻌﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ » ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ّﺣﻲِ ﺣﺎﺿ ِﺮ ﺍﺭﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﭘُﺨﺘﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ(‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺏ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻟﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ِ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺒ ِﺮ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ«؟‬

‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯِ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻣﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻔﻠ ًﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﻚﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺖ‪ ...‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻲ َﺳ َﻘﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩِ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺯﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻼﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺒﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺎﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ‪6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤ ُ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ُ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻤﻦِ ﮔﻨْﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﺶ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﻤﻚ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗَﺤ ﱡﺮﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲِ »ﺍﻟ ُﻤ ُ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ َﻋﻘﻴﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﺭﺓ ُﻗﻨﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻔﻞِ ﺷﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ُﻛ َﻤﻴْﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻑ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﻔﻞِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻙ ﺳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ!«‪ 69‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻔﻞ ﻓﺮﺯﻧ ِﺪ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ!‪....‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ )ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪1193‬ﻫـ= ‪1779‬ﻡ( ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 70،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 80‬ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪4‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ِﻥ ﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﻭﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﻮ ﻭ َﺣﻠﻮﻳّﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ!«‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪...‬؟‬

‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥﭼﺎﻕ ُﻛﻦ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻮﺗ ِ ْﺰﺑﻮ« ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿ ِﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ » َﻗﺪَ ﻏﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪّ ﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ُﻣﻀﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ« ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﻱ ﺻﻮﻓﺌﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺷﻮ ِﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺸﻲِ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺑﻮ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻞِ ﺳﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻼﺥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻐﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ُﺳﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ُﺳ ِﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭻﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻠﻐﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮء ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻔﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻔﺸﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡِ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻲ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺒُﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻔﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 74‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗَ َﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺗ ِ‬ ‫ُﻠﻮﻕ ﺭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛ ْﻔ ْ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﻲِ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﻜﻮﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠ ّﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎء ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻃﺒﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ُ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻢﺑﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭِ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 220‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘ ّﺰﺑﺎﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ُ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﻦِ ُﻣ َﺬﻫﱠﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺔﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻦ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ َﺣ َﺮﻣﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺑ َ َﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﷲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺓ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﺎﻃﺎﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪ ِﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻬ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻋﻼﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥﺍﻟ ُﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ُﻣﺠﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ُﻫﮋﺑﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﺆﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ ...‬ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲِ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ُﻣﻜﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ُﻣ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻔﺨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ُﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭِ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﺩِ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳّﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣِﻬﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﺮﭼﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺠﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﺓ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻙﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍﭼﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫● ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ُﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺠ ّﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻮﺷﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠ ِﺪ ﮔﺎﻭﻣﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺩﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻬﺎﻱ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻑ ُﻣ َﺮ ّﺻﻊ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﺗﺠﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻮﺽﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺰﻡﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ 79،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻣـﺎﻍ ﺳـﭙـﻴـﺪﻩ ﺩﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎﻳــﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﺯﺍﻳﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻗﻮﺭﻕ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ »ﻣﺪّ ﺕ ﺳﻲﻭﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ َﻛ ْﺮ َﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 57‬ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻴﻮ ِﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺒﺔ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪ 15 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «..‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﻗﻮﺭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺭﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺍﺯ َﻋ َﻠ ْﻔ َﭽ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻼ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ!«‪ ....80‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘّﻲ )ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ّ‬ ‫)ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ( ﺟﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺘﻲ ُﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﻀﻮﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺇﺣﻠﻴﻞِ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪) 81«.‬ﻻﺣﻴﺎءﻓﻲﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ(!‪....‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺠ ْ‬ ‫ﻚ‪ ،‬ﻃﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﮔﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ )ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ( ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ِﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﺠﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ُ ،‬ﻋ ّﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺿﺎﻗﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﺴﺮﻛﺎﻥ »ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﺏﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ »ﺑﺨﻴﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﺓ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺷﻜﻤﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ُﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ُ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍ ُ َ‬ ‫ﺑﻄ َﺮ َﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺒِ ْﻄﻨﺔَ‪ ،‬ﻓ ّﻘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻻﺗﻘﺘﺤﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍِﻥّ ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺵ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺘﻠﻮﺍ« ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻢﺑﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭِ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ 84.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 220‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟ ُﻤﻌﺘ ّﺰﺑﺎﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﻦِ‬ ‫ُﻣ َﺬ ﱠﻫﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺷﻦ ﺯﺭﺩﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻟﺤﺎﻑ ﺯﺭﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬

‫‪41‬‬ ‫● ﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺠﻤﻞ ﻗ ِ ِﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺑﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﺎ ُﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺠ ّﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻮﺷﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠ ِﺪ ﮔﺎﻭﻣﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻬﺎﻱ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻑ ُﻣ َﺮ ّﺻﻊ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ 85‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﺗﺠﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺠﻤﻞ ﻗِﺰِﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ »ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺑﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 87‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺎﺛﻴﺔ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻳ ِﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﺯﻡ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ«‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﻴﻨﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ )ﻅ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ( ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻦِ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺤﺘﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﺭِ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 89.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜﻮﺭﮔﻮﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭِ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪....90‬‬

‫ﻳﻚ ُﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗِﺰِﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ )ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ( ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺎﻡ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺵ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 91‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭ ْﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺯﺭﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﻪ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺭِ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 92‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﻮ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ِﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ!« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻟﮕﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺳﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ »ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻦﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪....94«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛ ّﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲِ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺎﻕ ﺿﺮﺑﻲِ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ُﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﺣﺮﺹ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ َﻫ ْﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـ َﻫ ْﺮﺝ ﻭ َﻣ ْﺮﺝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ َﻫ ُﻠ ﱠﻢ َﺟ ّﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮ ِﻝ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ← ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ← ﺿﻌﻒ ← ﺗﺠ ّﻤﻞ ←‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ← ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺹ ‪56‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺹ ‪99‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺣﻖ ﭼﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻬﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪515‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺹ ‪76‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪518‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﺋﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻳﺲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻓـﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣـﻴــﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪205‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﺎﮔﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ُﻣﻐﻬﺎ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜ ِﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺯﺍﺋﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ«‪) .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻭﺩﻭﺕ(‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﻔﻲ »ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ُﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪) .‬ﺻﻔﻮﺓﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ(‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ ‪43‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪272‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪15‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪284‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻭﻳﻞﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪525‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪989‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪1298‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪1309‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ ،360‬ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺹ ‪ ،27‬ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺹ‬ ‫‪ ،14‬ﻭ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺹ ‪.11‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪1440‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪282‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪2659‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺹ ‪153‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪17‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪ ،221‬ﺯﻳﺮﺟﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪220‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ ‪15‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ ‪17‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺑﺤﻴﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪20‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪35‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪150‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪170‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﻣﻢ ﺹ ‪19‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪423‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪....124‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪177‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪200‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪68‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺹ ‪...604‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﻱ ﺹ ‪18‬‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺑﺤﻴﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪48‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪411‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺒِﺮ ﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪67‬‬ ‫‪.43‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺹ ‪53‬‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪42‬‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪82‬‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪72‬‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪77‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪،717‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺎﻭﻝ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ـ ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻀﺮ ـ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪) «.‬ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺹ ‪ .(146‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡِ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡِ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧـﺪﻳـﺸﻪ ﺭﻓـﺘﻢ ﺯ ﺑـﻬـﺮ ﺷﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟـﻢ ﺧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻬ ِﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺷﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺟـﻬﺎﻥﺁﻓـﺮﻳﻦ ﮔـﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒُﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻓـﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﻦ ﺁﻣـــﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﺑـﺎﺩِ ﺧـﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‬ ‫)ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﻮﺯﻳﻮﻡ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺔ ﭘﻴﻨﻪﺩﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺹ ‪ 68‬ﻭ ‪70‬‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺹ ‪59‬‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪60‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺴﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ« )ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ( ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﻲ؛ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺏ« ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺗﺮﺍﺏ = ﺧﺎﻙ( ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﻟﻜﭽﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻢ ﻻﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪ .55‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪96‬‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺹ ‪27‬‬ ‫‪ .57‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺹ ‪39‬‬ ‫‪ .58‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺹ ‪272‬‬ ‫‪ .59‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪39‬‬ ‫‪ .60‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺑﻄﻮﻃﻪ ﺹ ‪202‬‬ ‫‪ .61‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺹ ‪67‬‬ ‫‪ .62‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺹ ‪130‬‬ ‫‪ .63‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪45‬‬ ‫‪ .64‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪327‬‬ ‫‪ .65‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪309‬‬ ‫‪ .66‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪234‬‬ ‫‪ .67‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪124‬‬ ‫‪ .68‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﮔﺎﺗﻮﻏﻲ ﻛﻮﺱ ﺹ ‪ .106‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ .69‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺹ ‪390‬‬ ‫‪ .70‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺹ ‪458‬‬ ‫‪ .71‬ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺷﻬﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪ .72‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺹ ‪117‬‬ ‫‪ .73‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺰﺑﻮ )ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ(‬ ‫‪ .74‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ )‪1314‬ـ‪1317‬ﻕ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .75‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺹ ‪66‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫‪ .76‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪150‬‬ ‫‪ .77‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪ 325‬ﻭ ‪322‬‬ ‫‪ .78‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ ،39/7‬ﺧﻮﻙﺑﺎﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ! ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻙﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ؟ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .79‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪80‬‬ ‫‪ .80‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪ 253‬ﻭ ‪245‬‬ ‫‪ .81‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .82‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺹ ‪119‬‬ ‫‪ .83‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪335‬‬ ‫‪ .84‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪ 351‬ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪65‬‬ ‫‪ .85‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 7‬ﺹ ‪280‬‬ ‫‪ .86‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪225‬‬ ‫‪ .87‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪52‬‬ ‫‪ .88‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪502‬‬ ‫‪ .89‬ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺭﺳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ُﺯﺑﺪﺓﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪230‬‬ ‫‪ .90‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﻥ ﺹ ‪106‬‬ ‫‪ .91‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺹ ‪ 159‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫‪ .92‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪255‬‬ ‫‪ .93‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪243‬‬ ‫‪َ .94‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺹ ‪37‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮓ!‬

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‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺭﺏﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺏﺍﻻﺭﺿﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻊ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠـﻜﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻲ ﺣـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻲﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫)ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ(‬

‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺬﺭ ﮔﻴﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺏﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎ »ﻫﻮﻝ« ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺪﻩ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﺔ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ«‬

‫ﻣﺆﺫﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪» :‬ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﺴﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‪ 2«...‬ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻜﺔ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﭘﺎ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ 3‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ 4‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ 5.‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﻮﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ـ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﭙﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﻲﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ »ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 7‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺮﻡ« ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚﺑﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺫﺭﻩ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻋﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺑﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻋﻮﻥ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺍﺋﻚ ﻓﻴﻚ‪...‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﺭﻳـﺰ ﺩﺭﻭ ِﻥ ﺟـﺎ ِﻥ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﻋـﺎﺭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬

‫‪45‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻣﺘﻪ« ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻋﻼﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﮋﺩﻡﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﺔ ﻛﮋﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺲ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩ ِﻝ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ!‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ »ﭘﺮﻭﻣﺘﻪ« ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻋﻼﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﮋﺩﻡﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﺔ ﻛﮋﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺧﻂ ـ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﻮﻝﻭﺣﻮﺵ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪46‬‬ ‫● ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺧﺖ )ﺑﻴﺪﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ »ﻧﺎﻱﺑﻨﺪ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺪﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﻘﻪﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ« ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺜﻠﻴﺚ »ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ« ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﺸﺘﺮ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺧﺖ‬ ‫)ﺑﻴﺪﺧﺖ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ »ﻧﺎﻱﺑﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺪﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪ -10‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﻘﻪﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺒﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻢ! ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺑﺎﻃﺨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﻬﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 330‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻔﻦ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ 11‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻫﻠﻨﻴﺰﻩ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻕﻣﺮگ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ »‪...‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺎﺑﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓﺭﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺘﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺁﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻚ ﺑﺎﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ 13.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫)ﻋﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﺪﺍﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺫﺭﺕ« ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ« ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 14.‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺎﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺫﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ 15،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ«‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺪ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻮﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻼﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻩ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﺰء ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻧﺪـ‪ 17‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺝﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺅﻫﺎﻭﺷﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻫﺎﺩﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺼﻬﺎﺑﻄﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﻗّﻞﺍﻟﺠﻴﻮﺵ ﺑﻬﺎﺿﺎﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﻭﺍ ﺟﺎﻋﻮﺍ«‪ 18.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺶ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) ،‬ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ( ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻅ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺰﻭ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺝﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬

‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺮﻛﺖ ﻻ ِﻫﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻟِﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻄﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩـ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ!‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ )ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ( ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺯﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫● ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﻬﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 330‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻔﻦ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻫﻠﻨﻴﺰﻩ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺍﻩ!‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮ ﻣﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ـ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ 19‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤـﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟـﻢ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻓـﺮﺳﻨـﮓ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗـﺸـﮕـﻪ ﻛــﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻧـﺒـﻴـﻨـﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﭼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﮕﺔ ﺧﻴﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻄﻨﻄﻨﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﻌﻞ ﺍﺷﻜﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭﻛﺶ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ »ﺩﺭﻛﺶ ﻭﺭﻛﺶ« »ﻛﻼﻍ ﭘﺮ«! ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻼﻫﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬

‫● ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ«‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺩﺓ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻡﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ! ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺭﺩ ـ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺖﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ ﺷﺒﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻡ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ!‬‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ 22‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺁﻗﻮﺱ« ـ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ ـ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼـﺎﺩﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺗﻨﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺟﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻘﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻳﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻌﺮ ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﻬﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﺑﻠﻴﻨﻴﺘﺴﻜﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﻐﺪﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻮﺭﻓﺎﻥ« ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 25.‬ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺷﺎﻧﺎﻕ« ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ »ﻣﻨﻜﻪ« ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺑﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻻﻣﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺐ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺠـﺎ ﺍﻓـﺘـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧـﺔ ﻣـﻘـﺼـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻛﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﮓﺷﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻧﺴﻜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﺍﺷﻴﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻦﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪ«‪ 26‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﺐ« ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ »ﻭﺗﺮ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪24‬‬

‫● ‪ ...‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻼﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻩ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻧﺪـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺝﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﺪﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻳﺎﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ـ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺪﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ »ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ« ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪27‬ـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 15‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ )ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ »ﮔﺰ«‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ـ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺭ »ﺍﻳﻔﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪50‬‬ ‫● ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ )ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ( ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺯﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩـﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﺼﺪﺍﺭ« ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ـ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ )‪365‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ( ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ »ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﺮﺷﺨﻲ »ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪...» ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﺎء ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺎء ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺬﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻃﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺭﻳﮓﺁﻣﻮﻱ« ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ـ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻜﺎﺭ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﺳﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺔ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻡ ﺁﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺔ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ 34‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺗﻮﺗﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺎﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻣﻪ ﻛﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺳﻤﻪ ﺑﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺸﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻐﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻬﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ »ﭼﻬﻞ ﮔﺰﻱ« ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﮔﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ( ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ )ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺠﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺗﻨﺘﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﺔ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻴﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺷﺎﺵ ﻣﻮﺵ« ﺁﺏ! ﺷﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ 37.‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ 38‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺺ »ﺳﻮﻥﻫﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳـﻦ ﻧـﺼـﻴﺤﺖ ﺑـﻴـﻬـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﻓـﻘـﻴـﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ!‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎء ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ[ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬

‫● ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮ ﻣﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ـ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻲﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻃﺒﻲ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺬﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﻖ ﺳﻨﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﻳﮓ( ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺒﺪ ﺗﻦﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻃﺒﺎء ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ[‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎء ﭼﺮﺥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺎء ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪] ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﺋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ[ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎ‬

‫● ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻗﺼﺪﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻛﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ )‪365‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ( ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ »ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ« ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺗُﻨُﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ]ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ[ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻬﺎء ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ! ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺎﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ! ﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻦ« ﺍﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻫﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻓﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻔﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺟـﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺟﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻮﺝﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻔﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﺳﻮﻥﻫﺪﻳﻦ«‪ :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ »ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﻡ‪» ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ«‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﻃﻼﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻦﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ! ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﻣـﺎ ﻛـﻮﻩ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﺻـﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺱ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﻤﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ )ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﺋﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ » ِﮔﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﭙﻬﻜﻪ« ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧـﺖ ﺧـﺮﺑـﺰﻩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛـﺒـﺮ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺎﻧﺒﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺒ ًﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺒ ًﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺒ ًﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻧ ًﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﺋﻖ ﻏﻠﺒﺎء ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻬﺔ ﻭ ﺍﺑّﺎ«‪ 43‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﻤﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﭘﺮﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺆﻟﺆ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻟﻴﻤﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺞ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻐﻨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﻩ ـ »ﻣﻮﻥﺑﻼﻥ«ـ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻑﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬

‫‪53‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻐﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫)ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﭘﺮﻱ( ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻴﻤﻮ ﻫﻢ ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﮔﻠﻪ ﮔﻮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﻠﻪ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﭙﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺰﻥ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻛﻮﻣﺐ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ )ﺍِﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ( ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻳﺪ! ﺁﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺭ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻲ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺶ ﻋﻘﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫‪54‬‬ ‫● ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺬﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﻖ ﺳﻨﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﻳﮓ( ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺒﺪ ﺗﻦﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻠﻒﻛﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﺎﺋﻲ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻃﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻮﻕ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻲﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻩﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺳﻢ )ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮ( ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 22‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1970‬ـ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻱ ‪1349‬ﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺷﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ )‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ!( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ‪ 1400‬ﺭﻭﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﻠﻘﻠﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ )ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/2‬ﻭﻟﺖ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻙ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺧﺮﺟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺮﻩ ﻏﺬﺍﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡﺗﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧـﺎ ِﻥ ﺑـﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭ ﻣــﺎﺭ ﺯﺍﻳـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺮﺯﻧـﺪ ﻧـﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺧﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴـﺮﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺎﺭﭼـﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻮ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻗﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺭﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺑﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻗﻠﻲﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺭﭼﻲﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ «...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻲﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻮﻩﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »‪...‬ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻗﻠﻲﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻘﺘﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 999‬ﻫـ‪ 1590 /‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻩﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟ ِﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻚ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ 45«...‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺧـﺎﺭ ﻣـﻐﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﺤﺎ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻏﺬﺍﺋﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺁﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻣﻖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻣﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬

‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ـ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩِ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺠﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﭙﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﭙﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵﺍﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺗﻴﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻲﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺭﻫـﺎ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑـﮕـﺮﻓـﺘـﻪ ﺗـﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻩ ﻭ‬

‫● ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﻡ‪» ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ« ﻳﺎ »ﻃﻼﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻦﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺭﺩﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ »ﻭﺍﺩﻏﻴﺮ ﺫﻱﺯﺭﻉ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻲ ـ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭽﺸﻴﺪﻩ ـ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺗﻨـﻬﺎﺋـﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺳـﻮﺩﺍﭘـﺮﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫* ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1361‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺹ ‪1113‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.33‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ ‪.(80‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺭﻳﮓ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪.(21‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﻮﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.153‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫)ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﭘﺮﻭﻣﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺬﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺎﺋﻴﺴﺘﻮﺱ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻗﺔ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺯﺋﻮﺱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻣﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(781‬‬

‫● ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ(‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ!‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،(219‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 216‬ﻭ ‪ 270‬ﻭ ‪.288‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ )ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﺭﻙ(‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ (1860‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﭙﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ ،196‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺠﺮﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﻣﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺓ ﻫﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ )ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺹ ‪ .(227‬ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺳﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺍﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺣﺒﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻴﻔﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ )‪ 531‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻛﭙﻴﻮﺱ(‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 570‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻡﺍﻟﻔﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.54‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻦ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺯﺭﺩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﺧﻮﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺪﻡﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺫﺭﺕ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ـ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 328‬ﺑﺒﻌﺪ(‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻀﻞ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ِ .18‬ﻋﻘﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.121‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 7‬ﺹ ‪ 340‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 7‬ﺹ ‪ 429‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪.(197‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ »ﻛﺒﻴﺮ« ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﻛﺒﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﻪ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺷﺦ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ »ﻛﺒﻮﺩ« ﻭ »ﻛﻮ« ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﻭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺶ ﻛﻮ )= ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﺑﻲ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﺍﻧﻨﺪﺭﺍﺝ(‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮ ﺗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪227‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،13‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪.60‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪.513‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪.20‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺹ ‪.235‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺹ ‪ :141‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺹ ‪.236‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.459‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.48‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜـﺲ ﺍﺑـﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨـﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﮔﺰ ﻗﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺹ ‪591‬‬

‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ( ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍءﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ! ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ!‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 11‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺹ ‪.464‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪ .51‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ )ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﻧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ(‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍءﺍﻟﺴﻨﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.12‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑَﺮﺩﻩ )ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ( ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ )ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺘﺔ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ )ﻫﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻭ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ )ﻣﺼﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ )ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ )ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﺯﺭﺩ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ )ﭼﻴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪.30‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪912‬‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 168‬ﺝ ‪،2‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﻧﮓ ﺯﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﮔﻮﻳﺎ؟(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.27‬‬

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‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‬

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‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ )ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪(1349‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ »ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠ ِﺰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ« ـ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫َﻣﺜَﻞ ﻣﻮﻻﻱ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣ ّﻘﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ« ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻐـﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻳـﺪ ﻧــﺎﮔـﻬـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕـﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻴـﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻩ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻲ ﻧـﺒـﻴﻨـﺪ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻗﺸ ِﺮ ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻜﻲ ﻓـﺮﻫـﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻭﺿـﻊ ﺑـﻴﺴﺘـﻮﻧﺶ ﺑـﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴـﺪ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﺎﺩﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ«‬

‫ﺯﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻧـﺸﺎﻧـﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺯ ﺷـﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧـﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺯ ﮔﻠﮕﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳـﺴـﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻘـﺶ ﻓـﻼﻥ ﺳﻨـﮕﻢ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﮔﻠﮕﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻚﻭﭘـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽ ﻛﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻴﺮﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫ ِﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ِ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻔﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﺐﺑﺎﻡ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻦِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀ ِﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ـ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ِﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺄﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻴﺐ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺟﺮﺑﺎﺫﻗﺎﻧﻲ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻌﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻲ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎ ِﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»‪ ....‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ـ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ 2‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺂﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻁ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﻴ ِﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥِ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻣﻌﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺎﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻟﺪﻳﻦﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺪ‪.«3‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ »ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺪﻣﺎءِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺩﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ؛ ﻧﻮﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.«4‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭﻱ »ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪1030=) 422‬ﻡ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ 5‬ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳ ِﻊ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻳﻞِ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪422‬ﻫـ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 422‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺣﺴﻨﻚ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻂﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤ ِﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫‪424‬ﻫـ )=‪1032‬ﻡ( ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻗﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲِ ﺧﻮﺍﻓﻲ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦﻭ ﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺑﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﻜﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻝ ﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪«6...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺑﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪59‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫●‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻓﺮ ﻭﺷﻜﻮﻩ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫ ِﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻔﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﺐﺑﺎﻡ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻦِ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺸ ِﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪ ﻋﻠﻲِ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺮﺝ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ِ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻤﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺑﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻂﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻮﺭِ ﺍﺭﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ]ﺻﺤﻴﺢ= ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ[‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﺋﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫‪60‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻏﺰﻧﻪ‬ ‫● ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲِ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍِﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺍﻓﺾ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »‪...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲِ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻓﻮﺷﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞِ ﺳﺠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﺛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻤﺎﺋﻪ )‪422‬ﻫـ= ‪1030‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺑﻜﺘﻐﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«7.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯِ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻓﻬﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﻳﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،8‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﻣﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺿﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ َ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭﻛﺶ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻏﺰﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲِ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍِﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺍﻓﺾ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲِ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲِ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ِ‬ ‫»ﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻲﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ« ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺷﻤﮕﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭِ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍِﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻣﺪﻭﺱ ﻭﻳﻮﻧﺪﻱ« ‪Modus‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ Vivendi‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﺎ ِﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡِ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩِ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻧﻲ ﻧﺠﻴﺒﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻲِ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.«11‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ »ﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻮ ِﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻣﻴ ِﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺖ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺘﺪﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴ ِﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻮﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻲِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺳﻮﻡِ ﺫﻣﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻗﺒﻴﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻲ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺎﺛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺩِ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ِ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺨﻮﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.«12‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ـ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻣﺎﻗﻴﻪ ـ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘ ِﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺎﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻐﺎﻓﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪ ﻋﻠﻲِ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺸﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺟﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻮﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ )ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﺷﻴ ِﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﻓﻨﻪ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺯﻡِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦِ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻓﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ]ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻩﻭﻧﺪ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ِﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﺷﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ( ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ )ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩِ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ِﻍ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪ 13‬ﺯﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺯﺩ! ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ]ﻟﺸﻜﺮ[ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪ ﻋﻠﻲِ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺬﻭﺭﻱ‪ 14‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.«15‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫‪ 422‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪ ًﺓ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻂﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 426‬ﻳﺎ ‪427‬ﻫـ )=‪1035‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻣﺮﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲِ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫● ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲِ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ِ‬ ‫»ﺣﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ً‬ ‫ﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮِ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ »ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻲﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ«‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪62‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻣﺎﻓﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ِ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﺑﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ]ﭘﺪﺭﺵ[ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .16‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺭِ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑُﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.18‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .19‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 20‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ »ﮔﺮگ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ )‪433‬ﻫـ= ‪1041‬ﻡ(‪ 21‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯِ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺸﻢ ﺧﺪﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﺯﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼء ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻤﺪ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻣﺔ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،22‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﺾ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡِ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺭﺑﺾ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ژﻭﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴ ِﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍِﻧﻬﺎءِ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻟﻨﺠﺎﺭ‪ 23‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺎﺛﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺄﺱ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻓﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ُﺭﺳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻔﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻬﺎ »ﻭﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺐ« ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺿﻌﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﻋﺰﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﻝ ﺍﻻﺯﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪.«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻚ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴ ِﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻟﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺯﻡ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻌﺒﺔ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗُﺮﻙ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻱ ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺎﺯﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺣﺠﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻟﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﺎﻝ ﺑﻔﺮﻳﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻟﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪440‬ﻫـ )=‪1048‬ﻡ( ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪320‬ﻫـ )=‪932‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺰﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ »ﻭ ﭘﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻼﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.25‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪356‬ﻫـ = )‪966‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ً ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ )‪424‬ﻫـ = ‪1037‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﻗﻼﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪1048=) 440‬ﻡ( ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺄﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻤﻦ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻼﻉ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻔﺎﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻬﺎ »ﻭﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﺐ« ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺿﻌﻒ‪» ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪» :‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﻋﺰﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﻝ ﺍﻻﺯﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪.«...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺘﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻂﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ )ﻳﺎﺭﻕ ﺗﻮﻏﻤﻴﺶ( ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺼﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﺹ ‪ ،16‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺹ‪ 244‬ﻳﺎﺭﻕ ﺗﻐﻤﻴﺶ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ـ ﺹ ‪ ،197‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ـ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻂﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 423‬ﻫـ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺴﻲﺑﻦ ﻋﺪﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫)ﺹ‪ (16‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ـ ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،4‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ ـ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪.146‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺹ ‪363‬ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪425‬ﻫـ = )‪1033‬ﻡ( ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻏﺮﺿﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﻱ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳ ِﺪ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ًء ﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺲ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ )ﺹ‪(8‬؛ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻏﻨﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﻋﺰﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﺴﺒﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺿﻴﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ )ﺹ ‪(20‬؛ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ]ﺭﻱ[ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻣﻲ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻱ »ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ!« ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‪) ...‬ﺹ ‪.(263‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺻﻞ« ﻭ »ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺥ« ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻐﺘﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 404‬ﻫـ )=‪1013‬ﻡ( »ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ]ﺍﺑﻮﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ[ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ« )ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ (181‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎء«‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﭼـﻨـﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺁﺋـﻴـﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺳﻴـﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ »ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺳﻤﻂﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ـ ﺹ ‪.16‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻛﺬﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ )ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ـ ﺹ ‪.432‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪2‬ـ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.(285‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪.155‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊﺍﻻﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻆ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻘﺎﻥ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺘﺮ ﭼﻐﺮﺑﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻳﺒﻐﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑُﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﺟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﻐﺮﻝﺑﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ ‪.(18‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻟﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰ ﺹ‪.2‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪.2‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﻋﻘﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﺹ ‪.68‬‬

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‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬

‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺯﺭﻧﺞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ )ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ( ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ 1‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺸﻚ‪ 2‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 3.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺪﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻟﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﺑﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ »ﻣﻌﺪﻝ« ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺚ ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻧﺠﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻃﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻝ ﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ )ﻉ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺫﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖـ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺠﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻ ًﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ »ﺭﺧﺶ« ـﺍﺳﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ـ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 5.‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ ـ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪6‬ـ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﺭﺧﺶ ـ ﺍﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ـ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ )ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ«‪ 7.‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻧﺞ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺑﻚ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻌﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ«‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ )ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ( ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ )ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ( ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻴﺎﻥ )ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ( ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻞ )ﮔﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ( ﻳﺎﻓﺖ«‪ 9.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻜﺎﻓﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ )ﺯﺭﻧﺞ( ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﮕﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ« ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ‪ 11‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﻭﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺷﺔ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ »ﺭﻳﮓﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﻥ«‬ ‫)ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻢﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺠﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫‪65‬‬ ‫● ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻟﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﺑﺎء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺪﻝ« ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪» .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻐﻼﻥ ـ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ 13«.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭼﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﻏﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﻠﮕﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘـﻮﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﻏﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﺮ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ]ﺍﺳﺐ[ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺧﺘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﻜﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻪ )ﮔﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻥ( ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ«‪ 14...‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺗﻚ ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺚ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ُﺻﻌﻠﻮﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ‬

‫‪66‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻧﺠﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻃﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻝ ﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ )ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺑﻦﻧﺼﺮ ـ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﺩ َﺭﻳﻢ )ﺩﺭﻫﻢ( ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺍﺯﻫﺮ«‬ ‫)ﺑﻨﻲﻋﻢﺍﻭ( ﻭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻕ‪ 15‬ﺩﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻤﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻢ )ﺩﺭﻫﻢ( ﺑﻦﻧﺼﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ »ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﺎﻭﻙ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﺎﻭﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ُﺷﺮﻁ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫»ﺣﻔﺺﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ« ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﺷﻴﺮ« ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺭﺍﻣﺶ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﻼﺷﻴﺮ«ـ ﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ«‪ 18.‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ )ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ َﻋ ّﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ـ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯﻫﺮﺑﻦ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ـ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪) .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ »ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻣﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ )ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ )= ﻛﺎﺥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺯﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻓﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺿﻢ ﺯﺍء ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ!! ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﺷﺪ؟«‪) 22‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﮔـﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻭﺭﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﻠﺪﻍ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻴﻦ )=ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ«!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯﻫﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺰﺓﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻤﺰﺓﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﮕﺰﻱ )ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ )ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 23.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ )ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺲ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﺋﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻟﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪376‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻭ ‪4‬ـ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪376‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻚﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻟﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺞ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪346‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪145‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﻴﺮﺓ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮓﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ »ﺭﻳﮓ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ »ﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻥ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ »ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﻭﺿﻲ‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪204‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﻭ ‪ . 20‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ‪.205-202-200 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪68‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪270‬‬ ‫‪ .24-23‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪203 ،‬‬

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‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬

‫*‬

‫»ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﺔ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ«‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ(‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬

‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ـ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻦﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﺯﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓِﺮﺍﺵ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺪﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻦﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﻣﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؟ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻡ؟«‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ«‬

‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺮﺑﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ* ﻻﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺟﻮﺷﻦﮔﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻳﻒ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻟﻄﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻤﺮ )ﺷﺮﺍﺏ( ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻐﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ـ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﻻﻳﻘﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﺯﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻱ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ‬

‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺯﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺐ ﮔﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ« ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻛﻮ‪ ،6‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ُﻛﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ )ﺍﺑﻮﻳﻮﺳﻒ( ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ 7‬ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣِﻦﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ‪ 8«.‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻲﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻋﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‬

‫‪69‬‬ ‫● ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ـ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻦﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﺯﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓِﺮﺍﺵ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺪﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻱﻏﻼﻡ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﺸﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻻﺣ ْﻮ َﻝ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻻّﺑﺎﷲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨّ ﺎﺱ )ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺵ( ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ُﺳﺒْﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﻱ ﻧﺨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ـ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ُﻃ ّﺮﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫)=ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪ( ﻭ ﻣﻬﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺳﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ 9...‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪70‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺣﻔﺎﻇﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺶﻭﻧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻀﺮﺍء ﻛﻮﺷﻚ )ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺳﺒﺰﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ( ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ »ﺳﻴﻨْﻚ« )ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ(*** ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻌﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻥ َﻣﻠِﻚ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﺸﺐ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ( ﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ـ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﻢ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻻﺣﻮﻝ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻮﺓﺍﻻﺑﺎﷲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻲ؟ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺷﻚ ﺧﻀﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺣﻔﺎﻇﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺯ«‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﺑﻢ ﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ )ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ( ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ )ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ـ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﮔﻴﻦ )ﺧﻨﺪﻕ( ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺮﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺣﻔﺎﻇﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﮔﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ َﺣ َﺮﺱ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ )ﻛﺸﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ( ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﺔ ﺣﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﺐ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ )ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮ( ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻔﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻠﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺋﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﺔ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻼﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧ َ ْﻬﺞ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻭﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣ ِ ْﻠﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ُﻣ ْﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ َﺟ ْﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﻲ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ُﻣﻄﻼﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ُﻃﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 15«.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺰﻳﺴﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺲ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻕﺁﺳﺎﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻏﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺘﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﺦ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻬﺰﺍﺭ َﺟ َﻤﻞ ﺑُﺨﺘﻲ )ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺗُﻨﺪﺭﻭ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺧﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻬﺐ )ﺩﻭﺭﻧﮓ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ 18‬ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬

‫‪71‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻭﻭﺕ ﻏﺰﻱ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﻗﺠﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﺗﻨﮓ ﻗﺠﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﻗﻬﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﺠﺮﻱ» ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ »ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻡ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﺴﺘﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻱ«‪ 19‬ﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ـ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺩﺭﻡ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺪﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﻜﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺭﺩﻱ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺷﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﮔﺎﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ 20«.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﺎﻭﻙ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫● ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪72‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯﻫﺮﺧﺮ«ﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻗﺒﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻢ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺝﻭﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻟﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 21.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﻗﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ 22«.‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬

‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫● ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ َﺣ َﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ )ﻛﺸﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ( ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﺔ ﺣﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﺐ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ‬ ‫)ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮ( ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻔﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﭼﻮﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺠﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺎﻫﻮﺣﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ؟ )ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺏ« ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ـ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻲ؟ )ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺏ )ﺟﻮﻱ؟( ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ!‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪:‬ـ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ »ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﺘﻮ« ﺷﺪ )ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻢ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ(‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ )ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ( ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ؛ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺖ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺁﺏ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍء ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﻜﻲ**** ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳ َﻘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻮﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﺏ )ﻳﺎ‪:‬ﺟﻮﺏ(‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬

‫‪73‬‬ ‫● ﺭﻭﺯﻱ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻠﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺋﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﺔ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧ َ ْﻬﺞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ َﺳ َﻤﻜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑ َ ْﻜﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻴﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ »ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻼﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ »ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻲﺣﻔﺎﻅ« ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ‬

‫‪74‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﻜﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺭﺩﻱ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺷﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﮔﺎﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ »ﺍﺯﻫﺮ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﺘﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﭙﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻧﻴﻦ«‪ 25‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ‪ 26‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ »ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،27‬ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ‪،28‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻛﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ«‪ 29،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪178‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺑﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﺔ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ »ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻬﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺮﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﺠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﺘﻴﻖ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﺩﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪ« ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﺵ ﺧﺪﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭘﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﻫـﺮ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣـﺎﻫــﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺏ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ـ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﻠﻌﻢ ـ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،.‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻏﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺩ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ـ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑُﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺑﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ )‪238‬ﻕ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫)‪265‬ﻕ( ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋ ًﺎ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻢﺑﻦﻧﺼﺮ )‪244‬ﻕ( ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ )‪247‬ﻕ( ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ )‪254‬ﻕ( ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫* ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ‬

‫‪75‬‬ ‫** ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ً ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻚ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 311‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ )ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ( ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫*** ﻗﺼﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﺓ »ﻃﻌﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻟﻴﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺼﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻚﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.241‬‬ ‫**** ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪22‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻟﻄﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪74‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪296‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪60‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪84‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 200‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻭﺻﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪315‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪264‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪265 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻭﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪464‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪264‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪14‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪315‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺝﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ ﺹ ‪ 82‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪27‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪46‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺝ ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪14‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ‪) :‬ﻭﻫﻲﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻔﺎﺭﻳﻪ( ﺝ ‪،2‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪316‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪263‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪268‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻚﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪241‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪263‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻟﻄﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪133‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪267‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪9‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪261‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪135‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪204‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪263‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪135‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪263‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪47‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﻭﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪449‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪27‬‬

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‫ﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ُﻣ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ُﻣﺮﺍﺩﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫)ﻻﺭﻭﺷﻔﻮﻛﻮ(‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴّﺖ ﻃﻐﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻴﺮ َﻭﻳْﺲ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻧُﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ُﻣﻨ َْﺬﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫»ﺣﺪﻳﻘﻪ« ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﺶ َ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧُﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦﻣﻨﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ـ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ّﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻳﺲ ﺍﻗﻤﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﻌ ّﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺴﺘﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻟﺤﺴﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻭﻗﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺮﺏ ﻣِﻦﺍﻟ َﻌ َﺠﻢ«‪ 2.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺍﻟﻴَ ْﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﻔﺖﺍﻟ َ َﻌ ُ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ »ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ )ﮔﺮﺟﻲ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗِﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﺎﺕ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗَﺄﻧ ّﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﺕﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1126‬ﻫـ )‪1714‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺦ ﺍﺳﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺻﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺯﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻞِ ﻃﻼ )ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ُﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ُﺩﻡِ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻛﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻏﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪّ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ُﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﻮ )ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ( ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ« ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ـ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞِ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺮﺗﺎﺿﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺍ ْﻭﺭﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﻌﺘﻘ ِﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ....‬ﻭﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ُﻣﺮﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣ ِ ْﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫● ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ُﻣﺮﻳ ِﺪ »ﺑ ُ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺗَﻨْﻜﺮﻱ«‪ 6‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﻤﻴ ِﺮ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻱ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻮﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗَﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻮﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ »ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﺨﺮﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪،..‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺍُﻟُﻎ ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻜﻦ! ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ َﺟ ْﻮ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﻃﻐﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ »ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻃﺎﻫﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺟﻌﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﻤﺸﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ َﺩﺭِ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻀﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻛﺒﺔ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺪُ ﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻃﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ ﺍﻱ ﺗُﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭻ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻥّ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﺄ ُﻣﺮﺑﺎﻟ َﻌﺪْ ِﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺴﺎ ِﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺃﺑﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪـ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﺵ«‪ .9‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﺑﺴﺎﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴ ِﻢ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ َﻣﺮﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻔﺎﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ َﺣ َﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺷﻐﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪77‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ْ‬ ‫ﭗ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺳ ْ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸ ْ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﺔ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﺶ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ُﺳﻐْﺪ‬ ‫ﺐ«‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡِ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﺗ ِ ْ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﭼﻬﻞ ﺗﺎﻻﻥ )ﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﻻﻥ ‪ 27‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ(‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،11‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻣﻌ ّﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﱠﻪ ﻧ َﺒّﻲ ﺿَ ﻴّﻌﻮﻩ«‪ 12‬ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧ َ َﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺩِﻳﻮژِﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻮژِﻥ )ﺩﻳﻮﺟﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ( ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮژﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮژﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ َﺳﺮﻡ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻦ! ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮژﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮژﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻱ )ﺧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫●‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴْﺚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ُﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ َﻋﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ )ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ َﺳﻤ ِﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﺑﻦ ُﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ]ﺣﻖ[ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻋﻔﺎﻥ َﻃ ْﻌﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ..،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪78‬‬ ‫● ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ُﻣﺮﻳ ِﺪ »ﺑ ُ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺗَﻨْﻜﺮﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﻤﻴﺮِ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻱ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻮﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗَﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻮﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳّﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﻔﺎﻥ َ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻃﻌﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻋﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ 14‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑُﺴﺖ )ﺑﺎ َﺭﺗْﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺎﻩ( ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳ ِﺮ ُﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ 15‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﺔ ﺷﺎﺩﻳﺎﺥ »ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑَﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭِ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ]ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻤﻠﺔﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻤﻲ[ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻣﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻻ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈ ِﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ُﺩ َﺭ ْﺭ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ِ :‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣ ّﻘﺔ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺎﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺔﺍﷲ َﻋ َﻠﻴْﻬِﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ّ‬ ‫)ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻗﺼﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮ ْﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺴﻴّﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﻋ َﺮﻓﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ َﻣ ْﻲﺑُﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔ ِﺮ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ُﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ]ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ[ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗُﺮ َﻛﻚ‪ 18‬ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻗْﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ]ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷﺎﻩ[ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ »ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳ َﻔﺮ ﻭ َﺣ َﻀﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ُﻣﻼﺯﻡِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦِ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺩِ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ّ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ« ! ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜﻮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ »ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ »ﺗﻤﻦ« ﻭ »ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﮔﺮﺑﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻱ »ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻲ« ﺑﻴﺎﻭﻳﺨﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫● ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 600‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ‪300‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻢ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ـ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲِ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 300‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 900‬ﺗﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪1810‬ﻡ )=‪1226‬ﻕ( ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 22.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﭼﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ 23.‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ‪ 24‬ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪ 25.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ 7/5‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴ ِﺮ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﻴّﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻃ ّﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻓِﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧَ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻸ ﻭ َﻣﻸ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻗ ّﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺫﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﻳﺘْﺰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫● ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻦ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﺔ »ﺑِﻨﺪﻳﻜﺘﻴﻦ« ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﻻﻣﺒﺎﺥ« ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬

‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪّ ﺱ ﻛﺸﻴﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻣﻦ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫»ﻟﺌﻮﭘﻮﻟﺪﻭﻳﭻ« ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‪ .‬ﺳﻲﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧَ َﻠﺞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ »ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻛﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﺑﺎﺯ ُﻣﺮﻳ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞِ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺎﻥ ژﺭﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣ ِ َﻠ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺕ ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ َﻣﻴﺎﻣﻦِ ﺑ َ َﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء‪ُ ،‬ﻗ ّ ِﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﱡﺳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪ 28‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭِ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ!‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎپ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻏﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﻴﻠﻴﺮ« ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ »ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻭ ﭘﺎپ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ »ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﺨﺮﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،..‬ﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺍُﻟُﻎ ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻜﻦ! ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫َﺟ ْﻮ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﺭﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪ 30«.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﮕﺪﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫●ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺵ ﺳﺨﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﺎﺷﺖ ﺑﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﺩﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻣﺨﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺗﻒ ﻏﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ«‪ 32،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻛﻼﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ُﺻ ِ‬ ‫ﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﻳ ًﺔ »ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺻﺮﺍﺣ ًﺔ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ 33‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻠ ّﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ‬

‫● ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ْ‬ ‫ﭗ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺳ ْ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸ ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﺔ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﺶ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺬﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻗﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ُﻣﻌﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ َﭼ ْﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴّﺖ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻝ ‪936‬ﻫـ‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻻﻭﻝ ـ ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺨﻮ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،36‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮓ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺑﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻪﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪1020‬ﻫـ )=‪1611‬ﻡ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 37‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣِﻬﺮﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻻﺕ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﻠﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ »ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺑﻪ« ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻜﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ )‪1186-1160‬ﻫـ ‪1772-1747/‬ﻡ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ »ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻲِ ﺧﺒﻮﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻩ ﭘﺸﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺳﻄﻮﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ )ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺗﻮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮپ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ِﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮپ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ...،‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻔﻲ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻤﻴﺘﻘﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳ ِﺪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺎﻥ« ﭘﻴ ِﺮ َﺫ َﻫﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ْﺭﺷﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺴ ّﻠﺢ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺫﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻼﻛﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺼﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻋﻘﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻗﺮﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ُﺳﻠﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍُﺷﻨﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫● ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ُﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺭﻛﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ )ﻣﺜﻞِ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ( ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫● ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﺩﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ َﺣ ّﺠﺎﺝﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺛ َ َﻘﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻟﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪38‬‬

‫‪81‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ُﺳﻐْﺪ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡِ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺗ ِ ْ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﭼﻬﻞ ﺗﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫)ﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﻻﻥ ‪ 27‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ( ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻣﻌ ّﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ 41‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤ ﱡﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍ َ َ‬ ‫ﻠﺐ« ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟ َ ْﻤﻦ َﻏ َ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴ ِﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍ َﻻ ْﻣﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴْﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍ َﻻ ْﻣﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﺑﻨﺪﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ُﻗ ّﺮﺓﺍﻟ َﻌﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 42‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻀﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﺼﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍ ّﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ!‪ 43‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﺺ ﺧﻄﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ....‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻟﺔ ﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻓـﺮﻳـﺎﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩِ ﺩﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‬

‫‪82‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻓِﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ َﺧ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻸ ﻭ َﻣﻸ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺫﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﻛﻪ ﻛِﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒ ِﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ ﻓـﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺧُ ﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫َﻣ َﻠ ْﻜ ُ‬ ‫ْﺖ ﻣ ِ ْﻦ ُﻣ ْﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺂﻳ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ُﻛﻨ ُ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ َﻋ َﻠﻲﺍﻟﺪُ ﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ِﻃ ِ‬ ‫ﻴـﺐ ﻧ َﺴﻴ ِﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍ ﻟ َ ْﻢ ﻳَ ُﻜ ْﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻓﻴـﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻟِﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﻳـﻜـﺴﺮ ﻧـﺒـﻮﺩ َﺭﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑـﺎﺩ ﮔـﻴـﺘـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﺑـﻮﻱ ﻧـﻮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴـﺚ ﮔـﻮﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺒُﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﻼﻡ‪ 46‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ 25‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻍ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻛﺘﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻠﺘﻤﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻐﻤﺔ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ«‪ ...47‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺧﻴّﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻲﭘَ ْﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩِ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪«.....‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻦ!‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﺱ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺷﺔ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺁﺷﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ُﻋ ّﺸﺎﻕ ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﻳﻠﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﺓ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻄﻌﺔ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 50‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 51‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﻳﻮﻟﻦ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻲ‪» ،‬ﺭِ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‪ 52‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻴ ِﺮ ﻋــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــ ّ ِﺮ ُﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ َ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ ﺭﺧﺼﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻣﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ُﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧُ ﺼﻴﺔ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ِﻥ ُﻣﺠﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻡِ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷ ّﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‪ ...‬ﺟﺰء ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ُﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 54.‬ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﺝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑِﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩﺷﺎ ْﻭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺒُﻌ ﱠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩﺧﻮﺋﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ! ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺜْﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ُﻣﺮﺷﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‪...‬؟؟ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢﺍﻟﺨﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﺻﻮﻓﻴّﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ُ .‬ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ُ .‬ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﻜﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬

‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺑﺪﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻭﭘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺧﺎﺭ َﻛﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺠﻒ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﺎﺭﻛﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﻛﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴّﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫ ّﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‬‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻼ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭِ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ ُﻣﻌ ّﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺍَﺧْ ﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻧ َﻌ َﻠﻴْﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻮﺍ ِﻥ ُﻣ ّﻄﻬﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﻘﺪّ ﺱ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺠﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦِ ُﻣﺪﻭ ّﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ!‬

‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻭ ﻟ َ ْﻌﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫َﺳ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ؟ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﭘﻲ ﺷﻐﻠﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫***‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻊﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ّﺳﺠﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﺸﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻁ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭِ ﺧﻠﻴﻖ‪ْ ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻕ ﺍ ِ ْﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫● ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻏﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ... .‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﺭﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ »ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﮕﺪﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪ ًﺓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ« ﻳﺎ »ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻫﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦِ ﺍُﺧُ ﱠﻮﺕ«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ِﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻢ! ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﺴﻜﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳ ِﺮ ﭘﺎﻣﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﺸﺨّ ﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ُﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭِ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ِﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻣﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﭼﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻟﺴﻜﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒّﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺸﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻜﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻪ‪ ،58‬ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧُﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ُﻣﺴﺘﺒ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭِ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ُ :‬ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻋ ُﻠ ّ ِﻮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﻔﻲﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺤﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ »ﻏﺮﻭﺭِ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﺒّﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻼ ﺑﻪﺳ ِﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ـ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻏﺮﻭﺭ« ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻤﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء‬

‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻊﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻭﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ..‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻼ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺭﺱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ُﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﭽﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎ ِﻥ ُﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼ ِﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬

‫‪85‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻤﻴﺘﻘﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳ ِﺪ »ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮِ َﺫ َﻫﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ْﺭﺷﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ‪ ....‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ....‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻱ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻭ ُﻣﻄﺎﻳﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺨﻠﻖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﺭﻱ )ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ( ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻼ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺎﻛﻦِ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ ...‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1304‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ 61‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬

‫‪86‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﺺ ﺧﻄﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﻼ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ...،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﻼ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ ﺣﺮﻡِ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ ...‬ﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺪّ ﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﭼﭗ َﺣﺮﻡ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻛﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ َﺣ ْﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻧ َْﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍَﺟ ِﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻔﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ »ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺩﺍًﻟﻠﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮ َﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧ َ َﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ َ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦِ ﺩﻛـﺎﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩﭘـﺮﺳـﺘﻲ ﺑـﺎﻗـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔـﻔـﺘﻲ‪» :‬ﺑ ُ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﭘـﻨـﺪﺍﺭ ﺷـﻜـﺴﺘﻢ‪َ ،‬ﺭ ْﺳﺘَﻢ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑُﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﭘﻨـﺪﺍﺭ َﺑﺮﺳﺘﻲ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪َ .1‬ﻣ ْﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺹ ‪4‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫‪ُ .3‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪249‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺹ ‪ 42‬ﺝ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺹ ‪25‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻏ ّﺰﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻓﻀﻼﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﺰ ﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﭘﻴ ِﺮ ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺘﺎ )ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻓﻀﻼﻥ ﺹ ‪.(69‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪ 21‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺹ ‪ 28‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪5‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺑ ُ َﺤﻴﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻭﺭ ﺹ ‪98‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺭﺍﺣﺔ ُ‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﮔﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺹ ‪537‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ 194‬ﻭ ‪1233‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ ﺹ ‪37‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪1226‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺹ ‪296‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺹ ‪112‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪141‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺁﻝ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ )ﻛﻴﺸﻲ؟( ﺹ ‪36‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭِ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺹ ‪ ،164‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻭﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁ ِﻝ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺹ ‪83‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺹ ‪ 222‬ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪361‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ـ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺍﷲُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻤﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺽ« ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﺴ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ« ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻘﭽﻲﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﻃﻲ )ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﺔﺍﻻﺩﺏ ﺝ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.(257‬‬ ‫‪َ .25‬ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺍﻻﺛﺎﺭ ﺹ ‪447‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪281‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺹ ‪46‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺑُﺤﻴﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪18‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺑﺤﻴﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪15‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻭ ‪ .31‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﻥ ﺹ ‪226-225‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﻇﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ ﺹ ‪ ،26‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻭﻙ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ ﺹ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪16‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪ 10‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪184‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪43‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 5‬ﺹ ‪124‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 5‬ﺹ ‪126‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪:‬‬

‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺹ ‪58‬‬ ‫‪ُ .41‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺼﺺ ﺹ ‪305‬‬ ‫‪ُ .42‬ﻗ ّﺮﺓﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ!«‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍ ّﺭﻩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖﺳﻨﮓ ﺹ‬ ‫‪272‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧ ّﻠﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴّﺎﺕ ﺍ َﻻﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪ 271‬ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﻋﻴﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﻭ ‪ .48‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪ 156‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻞﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪421‬‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﻳﻠﻦ ﺹ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺹ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﺹ ‪44‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺷﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ« ﻧﺸﻮﺩ!‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ »ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫‪ .55‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﺎﻣﻮﻗﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻮﻗﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺹ ‪(541‬‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪ ،77‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺖﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚﻗﺪﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻗﻪ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .57‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪136‬‬ ‫‪ .58‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .59‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 29‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .1347‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .60‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻥﺍﷲ ﻳﺄﻣﺮﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺴﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .61‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪ 423‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 534‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .62‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺹ ‪ ،216‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺹ ‪187‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ َﺣ َﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ َﻫ َﻮﺱ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫)گ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻨﮕﻠﻲ(‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﻋﺪﻡِ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1042‬ﻫـ‬ ‫)‪1632‬ﻡ( ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ُﻣﻨﺘﻈ ِﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪1665‬ﻡ )=‪ 1076‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ )‪1669‬ﻡ = ‪1080‬ﻫـ‪ (.‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ 4،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ( ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1665‬ﻡ )‪1076‬ﻫـ( ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ 5.‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ«‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭِ ُﻛﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭِ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﺭ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﺭ( ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺮ؟( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﻻﺭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ »ﺳﻞ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦِ ﻓِﺴﻖ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﭘُﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻘ ّﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻥﻫﻮﻝ ‪ Van Heuvle‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﺔ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺍﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ )ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻗﺪﻏﻦ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﺓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺳﻜﻴﻦ ‪Sekin‬ﻫﺎﻱ »ﻭﻧﻴﺰ« ﻭﺍﻛﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 10‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫‪89‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺜ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻋﺪﻡِ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1042‬ﻫـ )‪1632‬ﻡ( ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪1665‬ﻡ )=‪ 1076‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ )‪1669‬ﻡ = ‪1080‬ﻫـ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﺭﺑﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ )ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺯﺭﺑﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻏﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺭﻱ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺯﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻱﺑﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ 12.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪1066) 1656‬ﻫـ‪ (.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪1677‬ﻡ )‪1088‬ﻫـ‪ (،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫‪90‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻘ ّﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪..‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺯﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻪ ‪1683=) 1096‬ﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺭﭼﻲﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺎﺋﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺸﺄﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺎء‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻪ )ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ( ﻋﺼﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1105‬ﻫـ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ( ﺗﺎ ‪ 1134‬ﻫـ )‪1721‬ﻡ( ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﺔ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻋﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ » َﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻧ َﻮﺍﻓِﻞ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄ ِﻊ ُﻃ ُﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻧ َ ْﻬ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻞِ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻐﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺷﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1120‬ﻫـ )‪1718‬ﻡ( ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻋ ّﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭِ ُﻛﻨﮓ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﺩ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﺓ ﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ«‪ 19‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻭﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ 20‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﭙﺎﻥﭘﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،21‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪ 999‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪) 22‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﺔ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻁ ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﭗ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘُﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻝﺍﻭﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 23،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﺓ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ )ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻃﺎﻋﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺗﻴﻐﻪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﺓ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 24،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ )ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪16‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻭ ﻏﻼﺋﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻏﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍُﺭﺯﻭﻳﻪ ﻃﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‪ 25‬ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ »ﺩﺭﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻓﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻲ »ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫)‪1042=1632‬ﻫـ‪ (.‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ َﺩ َﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ »ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻚ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺶﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻠﺮﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍ ً ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﺔ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬

‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ُﻣﻌ ّﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻋﻼﺝ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ »ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﻪ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1334‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ )ﺹ ‪ (186-168‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺍﺭﺯﺵ »ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ« ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ )ﺹ ‪ (289-278‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ«!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻏﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ُﻏ ّﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑَﻐﻼﻥ ﻭ ُﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ِﺧﻴﺎﻡِ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭِ ﻣﻄﺒﺦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺑﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ ﻏﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫● ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﺔ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﻋﻼﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻤﺎﺝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻠﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻏﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺍُﻟﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺮﺓ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ ...،‬ﻋﻨﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻏﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻏﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑُﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ‪،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬

‫● ﺵﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪1066) 1656‬ﻫـ‪ (.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪1677‬ﻡ )‪1088‬ﻫـ‪ (،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ َﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﺬﺍﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ »ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ 29.‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﭽﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺸﻤﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻣﻴـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ُﻣﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ُﻣﺸﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴ ِﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻑ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺑﺒـﻴـﻨﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ!‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫)‪618‬ﻫـ = ‪1221‬ﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 30‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﺨﻦﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،31‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ »ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ ﺑ َ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫]ﺣﺎﺟﺐ[ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ َﺣﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻧِﻜﺎﺡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻡِ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ ﺯﻧﮕﻲ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻚ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﻥ ﻣِﻬ ِﺮ ﺳﭙﻬ ِﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ُﻣﺨﺪّ ﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ«‪ 33،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ )‪622‬ﻫـ‬ ‫=‪1225‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺯ ِﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍُﺯﺑﻚ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪ«‪ 34‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ«‪ 35‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ )‪625‬ﻫـ=‬ ‫‪1228‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺧﻼﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻝﺍﻵﺧﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻀﺐ‬ ‫‪627‬ﻫـ )‪1230‬ﻡ( ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺩِ ﻇﻔﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪء ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪28‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ«‪ 37‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ »ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ُﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﺷﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ُﮔﻠﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻼء ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ِﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻫﺎ ﺯ ﻣـﻲ ﮔـﺮﺍﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑـﺮﺧـﺎﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﻛـﺮﺍﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑـﺮﺧـﺎﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻪ ﻣﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺪﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑـﺮﺧﺎﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺘﻤﺎﺋﻪ )‪628‬ﻫـ=‬ ‫‪1230‬ﻡ( ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺗﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﺭِ ﺃﻣﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ«‪ ...38‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ُﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻔﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻱ«‬ ‫»ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻥژﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﺛﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ]ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺍَﻟَﻨ َْﺠﻖ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ[ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭِ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺟﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﺶ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋ ّﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻔﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ـ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ُﻣ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺻﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ( ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻚ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ )ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ( ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺴﭙﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻓﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬

‫‪93‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻋﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ«‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻣﻴ ِﺮ ﺧَ ْﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻧ َ ْﻔﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ 40‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ َﻋ ْﻮ َﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺸﺎﺩﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﻭﻳﻞﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻴ ِﺮ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺠﺔ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪...» :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑ ُ َﺤﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟ ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ َﺟﻨّﺔﺍﻟ ُﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻟ ُﻤﺮﺳﻠﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻡِ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ )ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﻮﺳﻴﻮﺱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦِ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ُﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ُﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﺔ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺋﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺒﻴﻞِ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ َﺣ َﺮﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪39‬‬

‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺮ َﻭﻳْﺲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ِ ،‬ﻋ ْﺮ ِﻕ‬ ‫َﺣﻤﻴّﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴ ِﺪ ﺯﻥْ ﻃ ْ‬ ‫ﻼﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮ َﻭﻳْﺲ‪ ...‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻞِ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩِ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡِ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ‪ 1219‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞِ ﻟﻮﺍﻁ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻔﻞِ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ َﺣﻨَﻔﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ُﻣﺘﻈ ّﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ َﺭ ْﻛﺰﺍﺋﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭘﺪﺭِ َﻣﻠﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﭘُﻞِ ﺧﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻭﻝ« ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ )ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ‪1319‬ﻕ= ‪1901‬ﻡ( ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺱ »ﺃﻧﺎ ﻭﻻ َﻏﻴْﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻮءﻇﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ُﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 45‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻫﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭِ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪447‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪1038‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪203‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪173‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ ﺹ ‪787‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪336‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪145‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪171‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪187‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺯﺑﻴﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪4‬ﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ )ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻛﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 3‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻛﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ‪ 26‬ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ )ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪188‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪191‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪39‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﭙﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1670‬ﻡ )‪1081‬ﻫـ( ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﻔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 1684‬ﻡ‬ ‫)‪1095‬ﻫـ( ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻛﻤﭙﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺹ ‪(64‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪ ،127‬ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻘﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷﺖ(! ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻠﻘﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺭﺩﺷﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ ‪(259‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻛﻤﭙﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺹ ‪ 64‬ﻭ ‪ 625‬ﻭ ‪228‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﺹ ‪36‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪26‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ ﺹ ‪309‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 7‬ﺹ ‪136‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺹ ‪75‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺹ ‪ ،74‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 999‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ‪ 999‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ‪ 999‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪116‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪149‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ ﺹ ‪835‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ ﺹ ‪ .144‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻡﻧﺲ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ »ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﺴﺘﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺮ« )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪.(1488‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺹ ‪14‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺑﺤﻴﺮﺓ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪46‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻱﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1346‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﻭ ‪ .33‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪660‬‬ ‫‪ 34‬ﻭ ‪ .35‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪661‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺧﻼﻁ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪663‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪663‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪57‬‬

‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ـ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺗﻤﻮﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕﻫﺎ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑ ُ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫)ﺍَﭘَﻬﺮﻭﻳﺰ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺭﻳﺎﺽﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﺹ ‪30‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺹ ‪157‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪76‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻴﺔﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺟﺒّﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻫﻚ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ـ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺝ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐ ّﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(351‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳّﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳّﻮﺏﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪) ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .(5‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﻨﮓ ﺑُﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑُﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 60‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺔ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ! ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

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‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ُﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ُﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑُﺪّ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ُﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲِ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳ ّ ِﺪ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻜﺎﺡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌ ّﻬ ِﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻳّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ُﻣﺪَ ّﻭ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪّ ﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯِ« ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ِﻫﻠِﻨﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻜﺎﺡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ْﺷﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴْﻒﺍﷲ« ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭِ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ َﻋ َﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ َ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡِ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭِ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍء‬ ‫ﺍُﺗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﺎﺳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞِ ﻫﻤﻮﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﺳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻕ ﺍﻭ َﻋﺪْ ﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻨﺎ ْﻡﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ُﻇ ْﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻗﺶ ﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻬﺎ ﻻﺑُﺪّ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫َﻫﺪَ ﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ُﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ »ﻧُﺰﻭﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯِ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ » َﻣﺼ َﻠ ْﺤﺖﺑﻴﻦ« ﻭ َﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﻭ َﻣﺠﺎﻣ ِﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻲ« ﻭ َﻣﺠﺎﻟ ِ ِ‬ ‫»ﺣ ْﺴﻦِ ﻧﻴّﺖ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎ ِﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺲ ُ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺩﺍﺋ ِﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳّﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯِ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻞ ِﻫﻠ ِ ْﻦ« )=‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍ ِﻍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ (Philhellenes‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 2.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﺩﺍﺩِ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪37‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺴﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ )ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ( ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 137‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻜﺔ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳ ِﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮ َﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﺔ »ﻣﻮﺯﺍ« ﻫﻤﺴ ِﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ )ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ‪ 37‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﺎﻡِ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺷ َﻤﻦ‪ُ ،‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ُﻋ ّﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑَﻠﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻫﻠ ْ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴ ّﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ َﺣ ْﻤﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ »ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ َﻣﻠِﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺖ«‪ 4‬ﺍﺯ ﺑُﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪّ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﭘَﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻚـ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﺪﻭ َﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 5‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ »ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﭘﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮ ِﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑ َ َﺮﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﺑﻠ َﻌﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍِﺻﻄﺨْ ﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺴﺖ ـ ]ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻃﻴﺮﻭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡِ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ »ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ َﺣ ْﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﮕﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘُﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ« ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘّﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫َﻣﺮﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪّ ﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ َﻣ ْﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 7‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲِ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﻮﺕ َﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺳـﺮﺍﻳـﻨـﺪﻩ َﻓﺮﺗ ْ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻱ ﮔـﺎﻩ ﺍﺷـﻜـﺎﻧـﻴـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 19‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺨﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕـﻮﻳـﺪ ﺟﻬـﺎﻧـﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪّ ﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖِ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬

‫‪97‬‬ ‫● ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻳّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ُﻣﺪَ ّﻭ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯِ« ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫِﻠِﻨﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﺭِ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴْﻒﺍﷲ« ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ َﻋ َﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡِ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍء‬ ‫ﺍُﺗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﺎﺳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺜ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﻇ ْﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺳﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺍﻭ َﻋﺪْ ﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻨﺎ ْﻡﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻗﺶ ﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡِ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺟﺴﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺨﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺭ!« ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ...‬ﺷﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺘﺶ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻲ )ﻛﻪ( ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻩ ِ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ ُﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺗَﺮﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ َﻣﻠِﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻳﺎﻥ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ )ﻛﻪ( ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲِ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭ ُﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪َ 8«...‬ﻫ ْﻤ َﻮﻻﻳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪َ » :‬ﻫﺮ ُﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﺩ ُﻭﻥ ُﻛﻨِﻪ ﺭ ُﻭﺩ ُﻭﻥ ﭘﭽﻮﻧِﻪ«!‪ 9‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸ ِﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻣﺮﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦِ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬

‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺴﻢ«‬ ‫● ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻫِﻠ ِ ْ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴ ّﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ َﺣ ْﻤﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ »ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ َﻣﻠِﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑُﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪّ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭘَﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻚـ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ َﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫»ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﭘﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑ َ َﺮﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ َﺩ ْﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭِ ُﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ »ﺑﻮﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﺷﺎﺩﻳﺎﺥ« ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧُﺰﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭِ ُﺷﺴﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺳﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﭼﺎ ْﻭ« ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ 10،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ َﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﺸﻢ ُﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴ ِﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ُﻗﺘَﻴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡِ ُﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳ ِﺮ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘ ًﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞِ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺯﺩﺍﺋﻲ« ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺼ ِﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺧﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺷ ْﻬﺮﺍﻡ« ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ـ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ َﻃﺒَ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺥ ـ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﺑَﻠ َﻌﻤﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪...» :‬‬ ‫ُﻋ َﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻴﻢﺑﻦ ُﻣ َﻘﺮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡِ ﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡِ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺧﺶ ﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡِ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،13‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬ ِﺮ ﺿﻴﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ‪ ...14‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻲ )ﻛﻪ( ﻧ ُ َﻌﻴ ِﻢﺑﻦِ ُﻣ َﻘ ﱠﺮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ! ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺧﺶ ﺣﺮﺏ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ُ .‬ﻣﻨﺬﺭ ]ﺑﻦ َﻋﻤﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻧ ُ َﻌﻴﻢ[ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻮﻩ َﻃﺒَﺮﻙ ﺑﭙﻬﻠﻮﻱ »؟«‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺧﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏ ِﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ 15‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎ َﻭﺧْ ْ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ ]ﺭﺍ[ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ُﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭻ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧ ُ َﻌﻴﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﻙ »ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪22) «...‬ﻫـ‪652 = .‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻦِ ﺍَﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ »ﺑﺎ ﻧ ُ َﻌﻴْﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲِ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴّﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ َﻓﺮﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ«!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ َﺳﻨْﺪﺑﺎﺩ ﮔﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡِ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻮ ُﻣﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺍﺯ َﻣﻬﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴ ِﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻏﻨﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺟﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫َﺳﻴْﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 17‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎ َﻫ ْ‬ ‫ﺒﺬ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪،18‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺭ ِﻋ ْﺠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ َﺳﻨﺒﺎﺩ‪ 19،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺰﺍﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ُﺟ ُ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮ ْﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺑﻦ ﺍ ْﺷ َﻌ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺧُ ﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ 139) .‬ﻫـ‪756 = .‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯِ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯِ » ُﻣ َﺴ ْﻠ َﺴﻞ« ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ »ﻟ َ ْﻴ َﻠﺔﺍﻟ َﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ُﻫﺮﻣﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ُﻣﻨﻜ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 21‬ـ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺎ ُﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗَﺴﺎ ُﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺘ ّﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‪ُ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ُﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ )‪96‬ﻫـ‪.‬‬ ‫‪714/‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺍَﻣﺎ َﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳَﺰﻳﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﻟ ُﻤ َﻬ ّﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪﺑﻦ َﺟﺮﻳﺮ‪َ ،‬ﺭ ِﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻭﻡِ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﺑﻦﺍﻟ ُﻤﻬ ّﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺎﺭِ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ َﺳ َ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺬﺭِ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺎﺭِ ﺩﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎ ْﺭ ُﺷﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ُﻣﺨَ ّﻠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻻﻳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪﻭﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ُﻋ َﻤﺮﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ُ » ،‬ﻣﺨَ ّﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑَﻨْﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻡ ﻋﻄﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ َﻣﺤﺎ ِﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ُﺻ َﻠﺤﺎ ﺭﺍ«‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 26‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻓﻠﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ُﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺱ ﺁﻣﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ َﻗﺤﻂ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪّ ﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛِﺸﺖ ﻭﺑ َ ْﺮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ِﺷﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ َﺣ َﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﻮﺱ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻴ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻞﺑﻦ َ‬ ‫َﻣﻌﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻳَ ِﺪ ﺑ َ ْ‬ ‫ﻴﻀﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪...!23‬‬ ‫ﺑُﺨْ ﺘﻴﺸﻮ ِﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻔﻞِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻌﺎﻟﺠﺖ ﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ! ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪ ُﻣﺘﺤﻴّﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻪ‪ْ .‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ِﻋ ْﻘﺪﻱ ُﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺎﻳﺲ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳ ِﺪ َﻗﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯ ِﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘ ِﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺮﻭﻁ ُﻋ ّﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻀﺮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺯﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ]ﮔﺰ[ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻘﻲ ﺧُ ﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ِﻋ ْﻘ ِﺪ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑَﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ِﻇ ّ ِﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺑﺎ ْﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻠﻔﻞِ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳ ِﺪ ﻗﻄﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪ َﻭﺻﻴّﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﺎﺏ َﻭﺿْ ﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 24‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻤﻲـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻤﻮﻳﻪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻫﻘﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻫﻞِ »ﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻝ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ َﺣﻤﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ُﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﺮﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ[‬

‫● ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ُﻗﺘَﻴﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡِ ُﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮِ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘ ًﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺯﺩﺍﺋﻲ« ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻳَﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ«‪ 26‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ُﻣﺮﺩ )‪ 193‬ﻫـ‪808/.‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻭ َﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡِ ﺩﻫﻘﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪َ ،‬ﺩﻣﺎ َﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ُﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ َﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﺑﻦ ُﻛﺮﻳْﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁ َﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭِ ﻗﺒﻮ ِﻝ ﺩﻳﻦِ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ُ‬ ‫َﻭﻧ َﺴﻖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ َﺣﻤﺰﻩﺑﻦ ﺁ َﺫ َﺭﻙﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻳﻨﻪ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ َﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ُﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻮ ﻫﻮﻡ‬ ‫)‪Go Home‬؛ = ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ!( ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ِﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫)‪Welcome‬؛ = ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪] ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻦ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ 28،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ‬

‫● ﺻﺪﻭﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ َﺳﻨْﺪﺑﺎﺩِ ﮔﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡِ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻮ ُﻣﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺍﺯ َﻣﻬﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴ ِﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮِ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻏﻨﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺟﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ َﺳﻴْﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ« ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎ َﻫ ْ‬ ‫ﺒﺬ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ُﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻗﻀﺎء‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ُﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ َﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ َﺣ ْﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 29.‬ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗَﻌﺎﻟﻲ َﺣ ْﺮ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺩ ُﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁ ِﻝ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟْﺖ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ُﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪َ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ]ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩِ ﺣﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺏ[‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ِﺧ َﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍ ِﺟﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ! ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑَﺮ ُﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ َﻭﺻﻴﻒ‪ 30‬ﺑﺨَ ﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻢ ﻫﺪﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺧَ ّﻄﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ[ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞِ ﺯ ُ ِﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ »ﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻝ«‪ 32‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫َﻃ ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ »‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩِ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ َﺭﺑ َ ْ‬ ‫ﺾ[ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﮕﻔﺖ‪:‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩ َﺭﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ُﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ[ ﻣﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ْ ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺳﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ 33‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ » َﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ« ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭ َﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ُﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ َﻭﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌ ِﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺯﺍﺩﺓ » َﻗﺮﻧﻴﻨﻲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ »ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻣ ِ ْﻬﺮ ُﻫﺮ َﻣ ْﺰﺩﺍﻟ َﻤﺠﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ )‪ 65‬ﻫـ =‬ ‫‪684‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﺑﻦ ُﻛ َﺮﻳْﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣِﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ُﻫﺮ َﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻧﺪﻳ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑِﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺁﺏ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺪ!«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻣ ِ ْﻬﺮ ُﻫﺮ َﻣﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻼ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ َﻋ ْﻤﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻟَﻴْﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫َﺟﺪّ ﺵ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﻌﺪﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩ ِﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻃ َﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ ِﻥ ﺭﺟﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯ َْﺟ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺴﺘﻦِ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺑﻦ ﻋﺒّﺎﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﺧ ّﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ« ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍِﻓﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 36‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫»ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ »ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﺒﻞِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻣ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗَﻔﻀﻴﻞِ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺯِ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ«‪ ،37‬ﺍﻳﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗَﻔﺎﺧُ ﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣِﺪﺍﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﻢ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺝﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﺣ َﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ِ َﻋ َﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴ ِﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪99‬ﻫـ ]‪717‬ﻡ‪ [.‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ُﻣﺘﻌﻴّﻨﻴﻦِ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋ ّﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻘﻴ ِﻢ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ »‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻤﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧُ ّﺮﻩ‪ 39‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍ َ ْﺣﻮﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ‬

‫‪101‬‬ ‫● ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ُﻫﺮﻣﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ُﻣﻨﻜﺮِ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺎ ُﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗَﺴﺎ ُﻣﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺘ ّﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‪ُ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﭻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻌﻪ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﮔﻮﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﺕ ﺯَﺭﻉ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗُﺨﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺑﻨﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺷﺘﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﻣِﻴَﻢ‪...40‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍ َ ْﺣ َﻮﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻳّﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺮﺑﻨﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﭘُﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َﻗﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﺕ ﮔﺮﻡ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍَﺑﺎﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺷﺘﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ »‪...‬ﺍﺣﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍ َ ْﺣ َﻮﺹ َﺩﺭﺍِﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺹ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑَﺮ َﺩﻳْ َﻠﻢ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺑﻨﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺑﻪﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻣِﻴَ ْﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ‪ a votre santé‬ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦِ ﺟﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺨﺖ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ »ﺗﻴﻤﺮﻩ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺎﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...» ،‬ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺪّ ﻫﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮ ِﻉ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪102‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ »ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ!« ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺯﺍﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺳﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ » َﻗﺮﻧﻴﻦ« ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ُﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞِ ُﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ 43‬ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﮓ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻴﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ ..،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﻴﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧ َﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺪّ ﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ُﺳﻤﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑ َ َﻠﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ 45.‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ »‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ! ﺑﺮ ﺫ َّﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ـ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒ ِﻊ ﺍﻭـ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞِ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧُ ﺸﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥْ ﺑ َ ّﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﺶ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯِ َ‬ ‫»ﺷﻜﻨْﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣ ِ ْﻦ ﺍَﻳْﻦ؟ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ُﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ُﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ »‪...‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ُﻣﻼﺯﻡِ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ«‪...» .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ُﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻱ«!‬

‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴ ِﻢ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬

‫ﻻﺑُﺪّ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍَﺣﻔﺎﺩِ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﻓﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺑﻨﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺩﺍ ِﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻙ َﻓ َﺮ ْﺝ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪َ ،‬ﺣ َﺠﺮﺍ َﻻ ْﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑُﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑَﻴْﺖﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪّ ﻳﻦ«! ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻟَﻮﻻﺍﻟ ُﻘﻤﻴّﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ »‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ِﻝ ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺹ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﺣ َﻮ ْ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ َﺟ ْﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻻ ﺳﻴﺎ َﻣ ْﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺿﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋ ّﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻲﺑَﻜﺮ ُﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ َﺣ ّﻤﺎﺩﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﺑَﻜﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﻭﻩ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻴ َﻌﺘﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮ ْﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺯﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺒﺮِﺵ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ُﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻕ ﻗﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥْ ُﺭﺳﺘﺎﻕ ﻃ ْ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ُﻋ َﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥِ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺹ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﺣ َﻮ ْ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑ َ َﻠﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻨﻴﻦِ ﻓﻮﺷﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﺑﻦ ُﻛ َﺮﻳْ ْﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺒﺮﺓ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎ ِﻥ َﻋ َﺮﺏ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣِﺮﻱ َﻋ َﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻭﺍ ِﺟﻖ« ﺧﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ »ﻛﻮﭘﺎﻝ« ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴ ِﺮ ﺷﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍِﺳ ِﻢ ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺸ ِﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ْ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﺏ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺏ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ُﻗﺘَﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺩﻳﻨ َ​َﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ »ﺗ‬ ‫َﻔﻀﻴﻞ ﺍﻟ َﻌ َﺮ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ َﻋﻼ ّﻣﻪ ﺟﻼ ِﻝ ﺩ ّﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ »ﻧ َ​َﺴ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﺑﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞِ ُﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ 50‬ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ُﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻨﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻖ ﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،51‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﻴ ِﺮ َﻓﺘْﺢ« ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺭ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ َﻋ َﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑُﺮﺍءﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﻴﺮﺑ َ َﻠﺪ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ 52.‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻴّﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﺧ ْﻔﻴَﺔً‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ َﻋﺴﺎﻛِ ِﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑ َ َﻠﺪّ ﻳَﺖ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ ِﺮ ﭘُﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﭘﻴﺮﺑﻠﺪ«ﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑ َ َﻠ ِﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﮕﺎﻩ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﻡﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ِ ﺑﻴﺪْ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴ ِﺮ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﻴﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴ ِﻢ«‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ »ﻣﺎﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴ ِﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ُﻏﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺯُﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗَﻘﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻓﺘﻮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺑَﻐْﻲﺍَﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳِﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ُﻏﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺰﺍﻥ ُﻣ ْﺴﺘَ ْﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ َﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻳﻖ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑُﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍ َ ْﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ َﻛ ْ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻱ َﺷﻬﺮﻱ َﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻣﻨﻢ! ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ُﻏﺰ‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ْ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﺫﻱ َﻗﻌﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﺔ َﺳﺒْﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﻪ‪ 737) 55‬ﻫـ‪ = .‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪1308‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦ َﺣ َﺴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ َﺣ َﺴﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ َژ ْﺭ ْ‬ ‫ﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ُﻣﺘﻌﻴّﻨﺎ ِﻥ ُﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ّﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ُﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺗَﻨﺎ ُﻗﻀﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫ ِﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮ َﺭﺩ‬ ‫ـ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫●‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻣ ِ ْﻬﺮ ُﻫﺮ َﻣﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻼ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ َﻋ ْﻤﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟَﻴْﺚ ﻭ َﺟﺪّ ﺵ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﻌﺪﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ُﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩ ِﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻃ َﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ ِﻥ ﺭﺟﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯ َْﺟﺮِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺴﺘﻦِ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒّﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ُﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳ ِﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﻳ ِﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲِ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳَﻤﻦ ﻭ َﺭﺑﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺠﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﺯ ّﻫﺎﺩ ﻭ ُﻋﺒّﺎﺩ ﻭ ُﻗﻀﺎﺓ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ َﺩﻫﺎﻗﻴﻦ ﻭ َﻣ ُ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ـ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻧﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 414‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍ َُ ُﺭﺩِ ﺍﻭﻝ )ﺍﺷﻚ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ( ﺑﺮ ﻛِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺳﻮﺱ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍ ُ ُﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ )‪53‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ( ﺳ ِﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﺳﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ُﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ـ ﻣﺸﻐﻮ ِﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌ ِﺮ ﺍ ُﺭﻳﭙﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪...» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗ ّﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺎﻛﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫● ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ُﺳﻤﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑ َ َﻠﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺹ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ِﻝ ُﻣ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ »‪...‬ﺍَ ْﺣ َﻮ ْ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻻ ﺳﻴﺎ َﻣ ْﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ َﺟ ْﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺿﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣِﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋ ّﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(2327‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺩﻫﻦِ ُﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘُﺮ ﺯَﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.268‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪96‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.102‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.874‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻻﻳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻲ )ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﺸﻴ ِﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﺷﻴﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞِ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻟﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡِ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ـ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﻣﺆﻣﻦﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ُﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ َﺣ ّﺠﺎﺝﺑﻦ ُ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻟﺤﺮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (216‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﺠﻨﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺝ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ُﺯﺑَﻴْ ْﺮ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻨﺠﻨﻴﻖْ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ُﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ« )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (189‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﻲِ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﻼﺧَ ﻦِ َﻣﻨﺠﻨﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ »ﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ُﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩﻓﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﮓ ﺩ ّﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻙـﺎﻳـﻦ ﺷﺘ ِﺮ ﺻـﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳـﺎ ﺧَ ِﺮ َﺩ ّﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍُﻓ ِﺴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪....95‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺛﻤﺮﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪) ،‬ﺑﭽﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘَ ْﭻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .(.‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫َﻗﺪَ ﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻔﻊ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟ ُﻤ ْﺴﺘَ ْﻌﺼ ِﻢﺑﺎﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ُ‬ ‫ﺑَﺪْ ﺭﺑﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺒﻠﻮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺎﺑ ِﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻟﻨﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ« )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ ﺹ ‪.(213‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.276‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.1975‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﺍُﻓ ِﺴﺖ ﺹ ‪) 49‬ﺭﺳﺘﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻨﺒﻲ‪) ،‬ﺯﻳﻦﺑﻎ؟( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺧﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧ َْﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.251‬‬ ‫‪َ .17‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟ ِﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.210‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﭙﻮﻟﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪82‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺳﻨﺒﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ُ .20‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪،211‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،210‬ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ ِ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ ِﮔ ْﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ »‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ ِﺟﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻙ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ« )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪467‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑ ُ َﺤﻴْﺮﻩ(‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ َﺳﻨْﺒﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮ ُﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ؟« ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ ْﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻫﺮﻣﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ »ﻣِﻬﺮﺟﺎﻥ«‬ ‫)ﻣِﺮﺁﺕ ﺍﻟﺒُ ْﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪ (427‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣِﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺬﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻢﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫َﺻﻴْﻤﺮﻩ؟‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴّﺪ ﻭ َﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺰﺩِ ُﻋﻤﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪...» :‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ َﻏﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻱ؟ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ُﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ـ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ َﻋ َﺠ ْﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗَﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﺔ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﻗ ّﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ِ ﻛﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺔ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ!‪) «...‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻟﺔ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ ـ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪105‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﺏ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ُﻗﺘَﻴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺏ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺩﻳﻨَ َﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ »ﺗ‬ ‫َﻔﻀﻴﻞ ﺍﻟ َﻌ َﺮ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ُﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻨﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ ﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﻴﺮِ َﻓﺘْﺢ« ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ َﻋ َﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑُﺮﺍءﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﻟِﻚ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.88‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.48‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﻧﻄﻖ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪،35‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧ ُﻄﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،45‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ«‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(49‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﺍﻣﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺧﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ!‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﻭﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺪﻛﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦِ‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .83‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻔﺖﺑﺎﺭِ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺗُﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﺎﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪...» :‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ َﺻﺪْ ﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻥ ُﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪] ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ[ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘُﺸﺘﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑَﺮ ُﺷﺪ‬ ‫]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ[ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻦﺭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧ َ ْﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ]ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ[‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫َﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫]ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻛﻮﻻ[ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻦﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻭ‬

‫‪106‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﻴﺮﺑ َ َﻠﺪ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺤﻴّﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧُ ْﻔ َﻴ ًﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ َﻋﺴﺎﻛِﺮِ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑ َ َﻠﺪّ ﻳَﺖ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮِ ﭘُﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﭘﻴﺮﺑﻠﺪ«ﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮ َﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ َ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ! ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﺻﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‪ «...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪30‬ﻫـ؛‬ ‫‪650‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﻻﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻛﻮ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ :156‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺳﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻦﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪106‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ َﻋ ْﻤﺮﻭﻟﻴﺚ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ َﻋﻤﺮﻭﻟﻴﺚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ »‪...‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ َﻗ َﻔ ِ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺼﺒﺔ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘ ِْﺸ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ َﻭﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ َﻋﻤﺮﻭﺑﻦ ﻟﻴﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫َﻫﻲﺍﻟﺪُ ﻧـﻴــﺎ ﺍﻟــﺪَ ﻧﻴّﺔ‪َ ،‬ﻓﺎﺣــ ِﺬﺭﻳـﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ َﻻﺗَ ْﻔﺘَ ّﺮ ﻓـــﺎﻟـــﺪُ ﻧﻴـــﺎ ﺍﻟـــﺪﺑــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻳّـﺎﻣـﻬـﺎ ُﻋـﺠـﺐ ﻋـﺠـﻴﺐ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﻲ » َﻋﻤــﺮﻭ« ﻭ ﺩ ْﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻋـﺘـﺒـﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(67‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.71‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺑﻌﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦِ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧ َﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺹ ‪227‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ »ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ُﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ(‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.247‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.249‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.49‬‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ُﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻭ َﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼ ْﻠ ْ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﱠ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ َﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ُﻣﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻭ ُﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺍﻟﺼﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ »‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺔ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣِﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧ ْﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒُﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺳﺨْ ﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺧُ ْﺼﻴَﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ ﺩﺭ ُﻣﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴَ ْﻔﺸﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩ ُﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣِﻞ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ َﻋﻘﺪ ﺑَﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼ ْﻠ ْ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪﺑﻦ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻼ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺒُﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪(162‬‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﺯﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺭﻭﺯِ »ﺷﻜﻨﺒﻪ ُ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ )ﻣﺤﻞ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ( ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ َﻭﺩ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ِ ﭘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖﺑﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺯَﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ(‪ .‬ﺗُﻨﺪَ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲِ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﻗﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺯ ﭘﻲِ ﻓﺼﻞِ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫــﺮ ِﻭ ﺑـﺎﻡ ﻣــﻼﻗـــﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ!‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،262‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﺷﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) ،‬ﺑ َ َﺮﻗﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ ِ‬ ‫»ﺿﻴﻌﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧ ُﻬﺼﺪ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ِﻥ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩِ ﻧﻔﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡِ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍ ِﻥ ُﻣﻘﻴ ِﻢ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯ َﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﺭ ﻧـﺒﺎﺭﻳـﺪﻩ ﺯ ﺁﺳـﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛـﺠـﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳـﺎ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻳـﺎ ﭘـﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.263‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ ،137‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺞ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪ .221‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻗِﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﻬﺎ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ َﺷﻴْﺨَ ﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ!« )ﺭﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(220‬‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.25‬‬

‫‪ .52‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺨﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑ َ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺧُ ﱠﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺨﻬﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧَ َﺴ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ َﻋ َﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ‬ ‫ُﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗُﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﺥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ »‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ َﺭ ْﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍ ُﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﺥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ )ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﻚ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ؟(‬ ‫ﺧَ َﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮ ِﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ُﻛﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.16‬‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.135‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.212‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨّﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪َ .55‬ﺭ ْﻭﺿﺎﺕ َ‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.106‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋـﺮﺍﺑـﺌـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧـﺪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺧــﺘــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﺰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺸﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤـﻊ ﻣـﺤـﺒـﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻴـﺶ ﻣـﻲﻓـﺴﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺨـﺸﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﺯ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻋﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣـﻜﻢ ﺧـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﮕـﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ ﻣـﻌـﺼـﻮﻡ ﺑـﻲﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧـﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑـﺨﺎﻙ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔــﺮﻡ ﮔـﻮﺭ ﻛـﻨـﺪﻥ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﻣــﺔ ﭘـﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﺴﺘﺮﺩ‬

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‫ِﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ِﺩﻩ!‬

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‫ﺧﺸﻜﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺑـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﺘـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﻮ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﺧـﺮﺕ ﻳـﺰﻳـﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ(‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺋﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻌﺮِ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣِﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ! ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺷﻌﺮِ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻛﻼﻡِ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﻴّﺔ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ ﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍ ُ ُﻓﻮ ِﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﺓ »ﻣﻜﻴﻨﻪ«ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ »ﺻﺒﺎﻏﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﺮﺓ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﺟﺎﻳْﺪﺭِ َﻓﻴ ْﻠﻲ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑُﺮﺟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ! ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩِ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩ ِﻝ ﺧﺎﻛﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﺋﻲِ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥْ ﻧُﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑُﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁ َﻭ ْﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ » ُﻣﺘِﻞ ُﻗﻮ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺳﺎﺯﻭﺭ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 5‬ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭِ ﺳﺘﻴ ِﻎ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﻲِ ُﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑَﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻡِ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺲ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻍﻭﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ »ﺟﻨﮕﻞِ ﺗﻴ ِﺮ ﺗِﻠ ِ ْﮕﺮﺍﻑ«ـ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﮔﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩ َﻛ ْﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﺌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫ ّﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺑُﺮﺍﺯِ« ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ْﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ 2.‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ َﺩ ْﻭﻟ َ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻛﻬﺎ ﺑَﺨﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻭﻳَﺪ ﺍﺯﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﺥﻫﺎ َﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻳ َﺰﺩ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺛﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻌﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﻡِ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬

‫● ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮِ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻛﻼﻡِ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲِ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴّﺔ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ ﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ »ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ« ﻭ »ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﺓ« ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺷﻨﺎ َﻭﻧﺪ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻲ َﻣ ْﺮ ْﻍ« ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺯﻧﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ 3‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ »ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ« ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ِﺧﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ِﺧ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ َﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧَ ِﺮ‬ ‫َﺩ ّﺟ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ ـ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﺩ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻧ َﻤﻚ ﭘَ ّﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻞِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ«‪ 4‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺎ ْﺭ »ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ـ »ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺁﺭ«! ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻧُﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧُﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﺩِ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﺓ« ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ »ﺑﺎژ« ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻋـﻆ ﻧـﺎ ُﻣﺘّﻌﻈﻲ ﭘـﻨـﺪ ﺷـﻨـﻴـﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻪﻧﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦِ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ »ﺭ َﻫﻨْﮓ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑ ِ ْﺸﻨﻪ« ﻭ »ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﺮﺯﻩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺶ« ﻭ »ﺯِ ْﺷﻚ« ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺪّ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺐﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺩ ُﻫﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫َﺩﺭ ُ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍ ِﻥ« ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴ ِﻢ ﺩﻫﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘ ِﭙْﺴﻲ ﻛﻮﻻﺋﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑُﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ َﻣﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬

‫‪109‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨّﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩِﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ َﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻮﻡِ ﭼ ِْﺮ ْﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻭ » َﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ َﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺗَﺨﻄﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﺪُ ﺯِﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻋِ ْﻠ ْﻢ!‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺠـﺮﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻌـﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮِ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭِ ﻣﺮ ْﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭِ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﻲ ُﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍَ ْﻭﻟﻮﻳﱠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻮﻳ ِﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ »ﺑﻲﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻳﺮﺑُﺘّﺔ ﺟﺎ ﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡِ ُﺻﺒﺤﻲ ﻗﻤﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ُﻣﻎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡِ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍ ْﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺣﺮﺍ ْﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺤﻀ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ 6‬ﻭﻻﺑُﺪّ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺗُﺮ َﻛ َﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭِ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ َﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻴّﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ُﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻜﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍِﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬

‫‪110‬‬ ‫● ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﻡِ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ« ﻭ »ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﺓ« ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺷﻨﺎ َﻭﻧﺪ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻲ َﻣ ْﺮ ْﻍ«‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺯﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧُ ﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،7‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻗﺎﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺧُ َﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ُﻣﻨ َّﺠ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧُ ﻤﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺧُ ﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭِ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ُﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ُﻗﻤﺸﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺍﺻﻄﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻄﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ )ﻫﻤﻮﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ـ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺑُﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ (،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻌﻠﻲ َﻗﻬِ َﻔ ّﺮﺧﻲ‪َ ،‬ﺯ ْﺭﻧﻮﺟﻲ )ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏﺍﻟﻤﺘ ّﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً( ﻭ ﻣﻼﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺩ ّﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣِﻬﺮ ِﺟﺮﺩِ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ » َﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ« ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺪَ ﻧﻲِ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﺡ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ َﻋﻴﻨﻴّﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫)ﻫﻢﺷﻬﺮﻱ َﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ »ﻟﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺳﻠﻤﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻤﺘﺎﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻧـﻴـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ َﻓ ﱢﺮ ﻛـﻴـﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛـﻨﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻭﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛـﻨـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺑـﺰﺭﮔﺘـﺮ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣـﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛـﻨـﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﭘـﻲ ﺷـﻜـﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮ ّﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﭘـﺎﺭﻩ ﭘـﺮﺩﺓ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻏـﻴﺮﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨـﻚ ﺑـﻴـﺎﻭﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﺪ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ »ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩِ« ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ّﻃﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨّﻲ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ُﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ُﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫»ﺁﺑﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺛْﻨَﻴﻦ ُﺣﺴﻴﻦِ ُﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﭼﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ! ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭِ ﻏﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ َﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ْﻟﻮﺕ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﺑﺮﻳ ِﺰ‪ 8‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﻩ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ُﮔﻞ ﺯﺗﻴ ِﻎ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘـﺎﻱ ﺑـﻠـﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻳ ِﻢ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳ ِﻢ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ َﺣ َﺮﻡِ َﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﻗﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻐﺮﺿﺘﺮﻳﻦِ ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ِﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦِ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﺰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ َﺟ ّﺰﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ َﺣﺮﻳ ِﻢ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻃﺎﻗﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴ ِﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭِ« ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ 9،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﺒﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍ ُﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺧﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺸﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫َﻣ ْﻮ ِﻋ ِﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ُﻣﻨﻜ ِﺮ ﺗِﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺒّﺔ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻟ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻋﺮﻭﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺐ َﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ُﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺰﻱ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ُ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧ ْﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍَﺗ َْﺮﻙ‪ 10‬ﻭ َﻛ ْﺸﻒ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭ َﻭﺩ‪ ،11‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻧﺼﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑُﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺔ ژﺍﭘﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭽﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ْﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧ َﺪ!‪«...‬‬

‫‪111‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺳﺪّ ﻱ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺩﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 99‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗُﻦ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻞِ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﻛﻮﻫﺮﻧﮓ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨ ًﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﻫﺮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺏ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ »ﻣﺎﺭﺑﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩ ّﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭ ُﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﭼﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺁ َﺭﺩ! ﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﻩ ‪150‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍ َ ِ‬ ‫ﺭگ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﻮﻩ ﭼﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ُﻋﻤﻘﺶ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﻭ ُﻣ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ َﺭﺑْﻊﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻲ »ﺁﺑﺨﻮﺭ« ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮﺓ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺳﺪّ‬ ‫ﺖ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺪّ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﮔﻴ ِﺮ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺩ ّﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧ َْﺸ ْ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺪّ ﻛﻮﻫﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬

‫● ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡِ ُﺻﺒﺤﻲ ﻗﻤﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻮﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ُﻣﻎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡِ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍ ْﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺣﺮﺍ ْﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨّﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ َﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻮﻡِ ﭼ ِْﺮ ْﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻭ » َﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫َﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺗَﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ِ ْ ‪13‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﺪُ ﺯِﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻋﻠ ْﻢ« !‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﻣ ّﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺒَﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﻳـﺎﺩ ﻛـﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ُﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧ َ َﻔﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺁ َﻭ ْﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﺯﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻧﻮﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺴﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﮕﺸﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺦ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺷﻴ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ )ﺍﺭﺩﻱﺑﻬﺸﺖ ‪ (1354‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋ ْﺮﻕ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎ ِﻥ ُﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ُﻣﺴﺘﺪّ ﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫َﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪّ ﺩ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪّ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬

‫● ُﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺮ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻜﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍِﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟٍﺔ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠ ِﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗَﺠﺎﺭِ ِ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺍَﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳ ِﺪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ّﺳﺤﺎﺭـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ »ﭘَ َﺮﻧ ْﺪﮔﻮﻧﻪ« ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ـ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ »ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ْﻛﺲ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﺭِ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠ ِﻢ ّ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﭘُﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭِ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺩِ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ـ »ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﻠﻮﺍﺭ« ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭِ ﭘﻴـﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﻘـﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﻴـﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻞِ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻞِ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺼ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ(‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.192‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧَ ﺒﻴﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻄﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ َﮔ ْﻮ ْﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ُﮔﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺗُﺮﺷﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ َﻛﻬﻨُﻮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ُﺩﺯﺩﺍﺏ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑُﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺳﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧَ ﺒﻴﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ َﻫﺒﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺎﺋﺚ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎ ِﻝ ﺧَ َﺮﻧ ْﺠﺎ ِﻥ ﻓﺴﺎ!‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺧَ ﺒﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧُ ﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺰﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﻴﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑ َ َﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ َﻋﻮﺍﻳ ِﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ُﻃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .8‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ »ﺁﺑﺮﻳﺰ« ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻴﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫»ﺣ ْﻮﺿَ ﻪ!« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ َ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺑﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ‪Bassin‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻮﺽ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺿﭽﻪ! ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺣﻮﺿﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺓ« ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫»ﺣ ْﻮﺯﻩ« ﻣﺸﺘﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ َ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺿﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﺑﺮﻳ ِﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻳ ِﺰ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺮﻳ ِﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺽ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺳﻦ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ُﻣﻌ ّﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ َﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ! ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪» :‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 400‬ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ!«‬

‫‪ .11‬ﻧ َﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲِ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،35‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪.93‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴ ِﻢ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺳﻲﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫)ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪.(1354‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ »ﺍ َ ْﻭﻟﻮ ﱠﻳﺖ«ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﻼ ِﻝ ﺩ ّﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺠـﺮﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻌـﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧ ِﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭِ ﻣﺮ ْﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﻲ ُﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍ ْﻭﻟﻮ ﱠﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬

‫ﻏﻢ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑـﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺓ ﺩﺭﺑـﻨـﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﻟـﺒـﻨـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻟـﻄـﻴﻒﺗـﺮ ﺯ ﺑـﻬـﺎﺭﺵ ﺧـﺰﺍ ِﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻨـﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻬـﺎﺭ ﭼـﻬـ ِﺮ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﮔـﻮ ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﺗـﻤـﺎﺷـﺎ ﻛــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻏـﻢ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺗﺶ ﺧﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻧـﭽـﻪ ﻏـﻢ ﺑﻔـﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﺷـﺎﺧﻲ ﻓﺘﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻮ ﺳـﻔـﻴﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺮﻑ ﭘـﻴـﺮﻱ ﻣـﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬـﻔـﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣـﻦ ﺁﺗـﺶ ﺩﻣــﺎﻭﻧـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﻻﻟـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧـﺰﺍﻥ ﮔـﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭ ﻟﺒﻢ ﺷﻜﻔﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺯﺣﺴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏـﻢ ﺧـﺰﺍﻥ ﻏـﺰﻟـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻜﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﻤﺬﺍﻕ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

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‫ﺗُ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﻙ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

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‫‪ ...‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺒﺔ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻫﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺻ ّﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡِ ُﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 1‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡِ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗُﺮﻛﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮓ ﺧﺮﺱ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺪّ ﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪2‬ـ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧ ْﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻞِ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ َﻣﻠِﻚﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﻱ«‪ 3‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺒﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻲ ـ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺓ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻦ ُﻭﺷﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧ ِﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩِ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪...» :‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫َﺟﺪّ ﺓ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻢﺑﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻨّﻒ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﻴﻮﺱ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧ ِﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ 4«...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺒﻜﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗُﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﻜﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩِ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ِﻉ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﺗُﺮﻙ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻳﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ِﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ‬

‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﻼﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ«‬

‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍء ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﺥ ﻳﺴﺎﺭﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻘﺒﺎﺩﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ«‪6‬‬ ‫ﻭ»ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺥﺑﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﺭﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻦﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻘﺒﺎﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞِ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ]ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪947‬ﻫـ‪/‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪1540‬ﻡ[ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬ ّﻛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﻳﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺷﭽﻲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺘﻤﺶ ﻗﻮﺷﭽﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻭﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ ]‪731‬ﻫـ‪1331/‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺑﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺏ ﻣﺜﻮﺍﻫﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺯﺑﻴﮓﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻗﻔﭽﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺪْ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .9«...‬ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﮔﺮﮔﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻡﺑﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻧﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺍﺯ ‪930‬ﻫـ‪1524 /‬ﻡ ﺗﺎ ‪948‬ﻫـ‪1541/‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ 10.‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﺣ ّﻜﺎﻡ ﻻﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﻲ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺒّﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ُﻏ ّﺰﻱ )ﻋﺰﺗﻲ؟( ﻭ ﻣﺨﻴﺮﻱ )ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ؟( ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻀﻞِ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ َﺣ ِ‬ ‫ﺴﺐ ُﻣﻨﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻗِﺪَ ﻡِ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑُﻄﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭِ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ِﻋ ْﺮ ِﻕ ﺯﺍﻛﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪّ ﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡِ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭِ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧ ُ ّﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺣﻤﻴﺘﻲ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺣﻤﻴﺘﻲﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ِﺣ ْﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟ ُﻤﺴﺘﺮﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻑﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻦﺧﺎﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺷﻲ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ‪ ...‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡِ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ُﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺚ ﺻ ّﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡِ ُﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ َ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡِ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻮﺱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﻗﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻛﻴﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻭﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ـ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺒ ِﺪ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻟﻔﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺧﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﻭﻟ ِﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻜ ِﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣ ّﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑَﻴْﺖﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ ـ ﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺷﻴﺞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﻴﻼﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺓ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﺳﺐ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،21‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 63‬ﭘﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﻮﻧ ِﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ 22‬ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩِ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫‪116‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ....‬ﺁﻝ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺧﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ُﺭ ِﺥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ُﻋ َﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﺍ ُ َﺩﺑﺎء ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡِ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗَ َﻔ ﱡﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻲِ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ُﻋ ْﺮ َﻭﺓ ُ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،23‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ ﭘﻴﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪّ ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺯﻫﺪ ﻭ َﻭ ّﺭﻉ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺷﺪ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻣ َﻠﺒّﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻴﻦِ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻦِ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻱ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 25،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻤﺎﺋﻪ ]‪480‬ﻫـ‪1087/‬ﻡ[ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺧﻮ َﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺒَﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ُﻣﻄﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،26‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.«...‬‬

‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪322‬ﻫـ‪934/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺳﻢﺑﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺎﺩﺭﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﻋﺪﻩ)؟( ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻤﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ِﻥ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...،‬ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ُﺟﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺿﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﻟﺠﻼء ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﻭﺳﺖ«‪) .29‬ﻓﻮﺕ ‪175‬ﻫـ‪791 /‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﺑﺎﻑ ﻳﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ُﺟﻞِ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﺑﺎﻑ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠ ِﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮ‪ 30‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏ ِﻢ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺼﺮ ـ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻦﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ـ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ َﻣﻠِﻚ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧ ْﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﺴﺐ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ُﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺒـﻢ ﻫـﻤـﻴﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻔﺔ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ُﺟﺮﻣﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘـﻢ ﺯﻧـﺴﻞِ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧـﺰ ﺗﺨﻤﺔ ﺗﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺯﺻ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﺐ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰ ﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ 33.‬ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺗ ِﻢ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﭽـﻜﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑـﻜﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻫـﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺴﻮ ﺑﺒُﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺻـﺒﺢ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﺩ ﻧ َ َﻔﺴﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﻳﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﻇﻠﻤﺔ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻡ‬

‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎﻇﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1214‬ﻫـ‪1799/‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪...» :‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺎﻇﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺐﺍﻟ ّﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ َﺭ ْﻃ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺧﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻪﻛﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ 36‬ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ َﻇ َﻠﻤﺔ ﻫﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺧ ِﻤﺮﻫﺎﻱ ُﺳﺮﺥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻤﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯِ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻮ ّﻃﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﺒﻮﺟﺎ‬ ‫‪ Khambuja‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻛِ ِﻤﺮﻫﺎ ‪) ،Khmers‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ ،(845‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ َﻋ ّﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎ ِﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩِ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻡﻓﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻞِ »ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﭽﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻛﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ 39.‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺑُﺪّ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،40‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﺘﻬﺎ ـ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﺁﻭﺍﻧ ْﺲ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴ ِﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﭘﻮﺍ ِﻥ« ُﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ 41‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷﻤﺎﺧﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟ ُﻤ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺩ ّﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ...‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﺟﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪44‬ـ‬

‫‪117‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻘﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﻟﺘﻠﻤﻴﺬ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺟﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻨّﻴﻦ‪ 46‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻴﻪ‪ 47‬ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦِ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎـ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﭘﻮﺍﻥ ‪ «Point‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎ »ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ُﺩﻡِ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺼ ِﺮ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﺧﻮﺍﻫ ِﺮ ﺳﻨﺠ ِﺮ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.52‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﻃﻠﻪ‪) 53‬ﻫﭙﺘﺎﻟﻲ( ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒَﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯ ِﻥ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫● ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ـ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ُﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ُﻋ َﺮﻓﺎ ﻭ ﺍُ َﺩﺑﺎء ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡِ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗَ َﻔ ﱡﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻲِ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ُﻋ ْﺮ َﻭﺓ ُ‬

‫‪118‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ؟ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭِ ﺯﺭﺑﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 54.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯ ِﻥ ﻳﻜﺸﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻫﻢﻛﻼﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 55.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺪ ِﻝ ﻣﺰﺩﻛﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻔﺎﺩِ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪56‬ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳـﻢ ﺁﻗـﺎ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑـﻮﺫﺭﺟﻤـﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺜﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧ ْﺪ‪ ،58‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧ ْﺪ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ َﻋ ّﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎ ِﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩِ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻡﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺧﻤﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞِ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ]ﻛﻪ[‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....59«.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺷﻬﻴ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑُﺪﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ـ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭِ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒ ِﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻤﺆﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﺒ ِﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﻦِ َﻣﻠِﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ 61‬ـ ﻭ ُﻫ َﻮ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥَ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻟِﺪْ ُ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺔ َﻣﻠِﻜﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ َﻣﻠ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑ ُﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﻩ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﺩﻳْ ِﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ َﻋﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ّ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻤﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﻤﺔ ﻗﺒ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ 63،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻏﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻝﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺴ ِﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 65.‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻢﻭﮔﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺻﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﺴﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻡ ﺯﻳـﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﺧـﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﺋـﻲ ﻛـﺰﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻧــﭙَ ﱠﺮﺩ ﺑـﺮﻭ َﻛــﺮ ْﻛ ِ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺗـﻴـﺰ ﭘَــﺮ‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺥ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺎﻻ ﻓـﺰﻭﻥ ﺑـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒـﺸـﺘـﻪ ﺑــﺮﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭﮔــﺎﻩ ﻣـــﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑـﺰﺭﮔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟـﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﭙـﺎﻩ ﻣــﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺑـﺮﺁﺭﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭﮔـﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧـﺒـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻴـﻨـﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﮔـﺮﮔـﻮﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﻛـﺎﺭِ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎﺭﮔــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧـﻴـﺎﺑــﺪ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻧـﺰﺩ ﻣـﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍِﻥّ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻌﺒﺮﺓ ﻻﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻷﺑﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ؟‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ُ :‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ؟‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻣﺶ؟‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ـ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴ ِﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺄﻣﻞﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ 67.‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺧﻤﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍُﺯﺑﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ُﻛﺸﻲِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬

‫‪119‬‬ ‫● ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﺘﻬﺎ ـ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮ ً‬ ‫ﻻ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ [...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ] ُﻭﻟِﺪْ ُ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺘَ ْﻔﺘَﺢ ُﻗﺴﻄﻨﻄﻨﻴّﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺪ َﺭ ُﺟﻞٍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩ ٍﻝ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺴﺠ ِﺪ ِ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ ﺑُﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ُﻛﺸﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯِ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕـﺬﺭ ﺯ ﻭﻋـﺪﻩ ﻭ‪َ ،‬ﻣﻲِ ﻧـﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻞِ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺿﺮﺭ ـ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﻢ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭِ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﮋ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﻲ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫‪120‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ُﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﻃﻠﻪ )ﻫﭙﺘﺎﻟﻲ( ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮِ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒَﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮِ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻫﻢﻛﻼﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ َﺩ َﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭِ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﺎﻡِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷـﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ 71‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺶ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡِ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻣﻤﻴّﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ُﻣﻤﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺰﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﺗ ِﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳ ِﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪....‬‬

‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺿﺮﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻇﻠ ِﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳ ِﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﭼِﺒْ َﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧـﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻓﻲ َﺯ َﻣﻦِ َﻣﻠ ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩِ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ُﻭﻟِﺪْ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺿﺮﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ُﻛﺸﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ؟ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻤﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺼ ِﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ُﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺑُﺮﺩِ ُﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺒّﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻋﻨﺪﻟﻴﺐ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻮ ِﻍ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻃﺒَﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﺓ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲِ ﺍﻳﺎﻡِ ُﻋﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺷﭙﻨﮕﻠﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ُﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪء ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ُﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠ ّﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺘْ ْﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ِﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ُﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﭙﻨﮕﻠﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ِﻥ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ِﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺘﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ـ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﺷﭙﻨﮕﻠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ....‬ﭘﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯّﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻﺩﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨ ّﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛـﺰﻳﻦ ﺗـﺨﺖ ﺑـﭙـﺮﺍﮔﻨـﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﭼـﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳـﺪ ﻛـﺰ ﺗـﺎﺯﻳـﺎﻥ ﺻـﺪ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫـﻴـﻮﻧـﺎ ِﻥ ﻣـﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﮔـﺴـﺴﺘﻪ ﻣـﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔـﺬﺭ ﻳـﺎﻓـﺘـﻨــﺪﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧـﻤـﺎﻧـﺪﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﺁﺗـﺶ ﺑـ ُﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺗـﺸـﻜــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻱ ﺗـﻴـﺮﻩ ﻧـﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺟـﺸﻦ ﺳـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺷـــﺎﻩ ﺟــﻬـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻨـﮕــﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓـﺘـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻳــﻜــﺴــﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛـﻨـﻮﻥ ﺧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘـﺎﺳـﺦ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﭘـﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣـﺎ ﺑـﺨـﺖ ﮔـﺮﺩﻥ ﺑـﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ«‪....‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ُﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ُﻣﻨﻘﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎ ِﻝ ُﺭ ُﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡِ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺼ ِﺪ‬

‫‪121‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑ َ َﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬

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‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮِ ﻋﺪ ِﻝ ﺍُﺯﺑﻜﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻦِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ 74‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﺣ ّﻜﺎﻡِ ﭼﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍُﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑَﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭِ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ُﻣﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭِ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ُﻣﻬ ّﻤ ِ‬ ‫ﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩِ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ )ﺁﻫﻦ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻟ َﻘﺪْ ﺍ ُ ْﺭ َﺳﻠﻨﺎ ُﺭ ُﺳ َﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺒَﻴﻨّ ِ‬ ‫ﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘِ ْﺴ ِ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥَ‬ ‫ﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻘ‬ ‫ﻟﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻬ‬ ‫ﻌ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍُﻧ ْ َﺰﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍُﻧ ْ َﺰ َ َ ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺱ َﺷﺪﻳﺪْ ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﻣﻨﺎﻓ ُﻊ ﻟﻠﻨّ ِ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‪....‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳَﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ْ‬

‫ُﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﺴﻜ ِ‬ ‫ﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻐﻮﻝﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪...» ،‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﮕﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ َﺩﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺎﺱ ُﻣﻜﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﭘُﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬

‫● ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮِ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮِ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭِ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﮋ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪122‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻴ ِﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺗﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﭽﺎﻗﻲِ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍ ّﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭِ ُﺳﺮﺥ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ »ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗُﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ُﻣ َﺴ ّ ِﻜﻦِ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺩ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﭽﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘـﺖ ﭼـﻮ ﻧـﻤﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳـﺎﺏ ﻛـﻨـﻴـ ِﺰ ﻣـﻄـﺒــﺨـﻲ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻝ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ـ ﻛﻪ ُﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧُﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ َﺳ ْﻤﺒُﻞِ ﻋﺪﻝ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺳﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ َﺳ ْﻤﺒُﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫● »‪ ...‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫]ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ[ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﺘﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤ ّﻠﻘﺎﺕ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﺘﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲﻭﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻲﻭﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪) .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻲﻭﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ!(‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺩﻓ ِﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﺷﻤﺴﻲِ ﺧﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦِ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣ ِ ْﻠﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺳﻲ ﭘُﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻳﺎﺑَﺪ‬ ‫ـ ُﺻ ِ‬ ‫ﻜﻮﻙ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﺱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻮﻳَﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ]ﻛﻪ[ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ـ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ ...‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳَﻨْﺒَﻐﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪَ ﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻋﺪﻝ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻬ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧ َﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺮ ِﻉ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ِﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﻣﺮﺍﺳ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺘﻈ ّﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻈﻠ ِﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍ َ ْﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ َﻫ ْﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒ ِﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﺪ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪....‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺒّﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ـ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺣﻖ ـ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧُﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫]ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ[ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﺘﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤ ّﻠﻘﺎﺕ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﺘﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪َ ،‬ﺣ َﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ُﻇ ْ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻟﺶ ﻭﺻﻒﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ـ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ُﻣﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ُﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦِ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎء ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻡِ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩِ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ‬

‫‪123‬‬ ‫● »ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪َ ،‬ﺣ َﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ُﻇ ْ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦِ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲِ ﺭﺳﻤﻲِ ﺍ ّﻭ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ِﻥ ﺩﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﺼﻔﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﻮﺧﺘﺔ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ َﺣ َﺴ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ُﻃﻐﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ َ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻦِ ﻋﺮﺏﭘﻮﺭِ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻲ؟‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏﺑﻦ ﻟﻴﺚﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻝﺑﻦ ﺣﺎﺗﻢﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭﺑﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﺩﺑﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺑﻦ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺩﺑﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪) ...‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏﻟﻴﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (75‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ ﺩﻳﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺧﺎﻗﺎ ِﻥ ﺗُﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ]ﺑﻮﺩ[‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑُﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪) «...‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ (1087‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺣﻤ ُﺔﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫]ﻧﺴﺐ[ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞِ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡِ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪) «....‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (58‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻡﻭﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺑﻠﻌﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪1077‬؛ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺑﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ‪،‬‬

‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .(25‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ُﺧﺪﺍﺓ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺰﺩﺑﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦﺑﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗِﺒَﻞِ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﺑﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) ..‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪ ،(110‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ُﺭﻡ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻜﺎﻭﺱ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪2‬؛‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱﺑﻦ ﻭﺷﻤﮕﻴﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭـ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﻭﺱﺑﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ) ُﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.(143‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ »ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﻮﺭﻧﺪ« )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،(220‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺪﺭِ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﻐﺮﻝ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪434‬ﻫـ‪1043/‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺳﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ ،266‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺍﺣﺴﻦﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦﺑﻴﮓ ﺭﻭﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .77‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﺼﺪﻭﺷﺶ ﻫـ‪1500/‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴ ِﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ)؟(‪) .‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ‪.(65‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.293‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﻗﻮﻥﻟﻮﻥ‪ Baptist van Loon Johannes ،‬ﻻﻫﻪ‪ 1373 ،‬ﻫـ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻛﺴﻠﺴﻴﻮﺭ‪ ،1921 ،‬ﺹ ‪.156‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺷﺮﻓﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.474‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺸﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻜﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻝ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،84‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ؛ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﺎﻭﺭ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.387‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.11‬‬ ‫‪ِ .12‬ﻋ ْﻘﺪﺍﻟ ُﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ 145‬ﻭ ‪.147‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.59‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻢﺍﻻﺳﺤﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻄﺎﺋﻢﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ُﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ُﻣﺤﺪّ ﺙ ﺍﺭﻣﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.78‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.260‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﺔ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪...» :‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲِ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﮔﺮ« ﻭ »ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ«‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﻣﺴ ّﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍ َﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩ َﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻠ ِﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﻜﻲﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭ َﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪّ ُﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻤﻴﺮ!‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳ ّﻤﻲ ُﻣﻬﻠﻚ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻟﺒ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩِ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭِ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1358‬ﺹ ‪ (856‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺳ ِﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﭼﺮﺥﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻛﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍ ِﻍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ـ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎ ِﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.152‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﻦﺑﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭﺑﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺟﺮﺩﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﺑﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻢﺑﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺏﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦﺑﻦ ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺏﺑﻦﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﻛﻴﻮﺱ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ ﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪) .‬ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪،‬ﺹ‪.(122‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.190‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،153‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪ .9‬ﺟﺎﻣﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺘﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(5‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻭ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ ‪ .(73‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﺎ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ّﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭِ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞِ ﻋﺎﻡ »ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺭﻫﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﺷﻴﺨﻌﻠﻲ‪...» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻭﻻﺵ ﺳﻮﺧﺮﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪) «...‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺷﻴﺨﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ (32‬ﻟﻐﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻠﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﮔﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺩ = ﮔﻴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ )ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺰﻝ ﺍﻭﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪54‬؛ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪.21‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭِ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺗﻘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺎﺭِ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭِ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻧﺴﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1333‬ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩِ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ْ :‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﭽﺔ ﺣﻼﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻮﻳَﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ!‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.54‬‬

‫‪125‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻣﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.(621‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺹ ‪.(621‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻋﺎﻟِﻤﺎ )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫ﺃﺻﺒَ ْﺤ ُ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺴﻴْ ُ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺟﺎﻫﻼ ﻭ ْ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ َ‬ ‫‪ .(131‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ )ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (33‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻓﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.623‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﺔ ُﻣﻄﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻞ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ ﻣﺰﺍﺭِ ﻣﻨ ّﻮﺭِ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ُﻣﺪّ ﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.170‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪....44‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﺒﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.60‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻻﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .231‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻴ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻚ ﺧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ )ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﺮﺗﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪...» :‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ َﺭ ِﺣ َﻤﻪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻴﺌﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎء ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛـﻮ ﺯﻣـﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﻣـﻲ ﻧـﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺨـﺖ ﺑـﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴـﻪ ﮔﻠـﻴﻤﻲ ﻧـﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﻋﻤ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣـﻌﺬﻭﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﮔـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻣـﺎﻣـﻲ ﻧـﺮﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «...‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ‪ (67‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪126‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،289‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪84‬؛ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.19‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠ ِﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗُﻨﺪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ُﺟ َﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫)ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺹ‪.(8‬‬ ‫‪َ .34‬ﺷﻬﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ َﺣ َﺴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ُﻣ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟ ُﻔ َﻮﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧُ ﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪695‬‬ ‫ﻫـ‪1296/‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻡ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺠ ِﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ 305‬ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺼﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻨﻲ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ـ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪ 68‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡِ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻢ ﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻢ ﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭِ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑُﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮔﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻧﺸﻴﻦِ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢﺑﺎﷲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ُﻣﺴﺘﻌﺼﻢ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺩ ﻛﻦ! ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺒﺎ َﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺍ ِﻝ ُﻣﻠـﻚ ُﻣﺴـﺘﻌﺼـﻢ ﺍﻣـﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤـﺆﻣﻨـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑ ِﺪ ﺣﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻤﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺬﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﺘﻐﻔﺮﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ!‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺳـﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺮﺍ ﻧﺼـﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺤﻔﻞِ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻧﺒَﺮﻱ!‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﺗُﺤﻔﻪﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪151‬؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﭙﻮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﮕﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﻨﻪ‪1958 ،‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.237‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺹ ‪345‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 13‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪....1354‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.272‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖﺳﺮ ﺹ‪(73‬‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 62‬ﻭ ‪،75‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.79‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳ ِﻤ ِﻪ ﺛ ُ ّﻢ ﺧﻔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺳﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑَﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ُ ،‬ﺳ ّﻤﻴَ ْ‬ ‫ﺖ ْ‬ ‫ﺷﻄﺮﺍﺳﻤﻪ‪) .‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪.384‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺩ ُﺭﻣﻮﻥ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭ َﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻠﺨﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺟﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭِ ﺍﻭ »ﺟﻨﻲ« ﻏﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺒّﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪(554‬‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻨّﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﻫﺠﻮﻳﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻼﺡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪634‬ﻫـ‪1236/،‬ﻡ‪) .‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﺔﺍﻻﺩﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪8‬ﺹ ‪ .(128‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔ ِﺮ ﺍﺑﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺹ ‪.(275‬‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﻮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﺐ ﺍﻻﻣـﻮﺭ ﺍﻟـﻤﻄﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻓـﻘـﺎﻝ ﻟـﻲ ﺍﺑـﻦ ﺟﻤـﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﺳـﺄﻟﺘــﻪ ﻋــﻦ ﺍﺑـﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ‪733 :‬ﻫـ‪1333 /‬ﻡ‪) .‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻻﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 7‬ﺹ ‪(446‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪ 966‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 150‬ﺭﻭﭘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ! )ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1989‬ﺹ ‪.(55‬‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻄﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭ )ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ُﺷﺨﻢ( ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ُﺩﻡِ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭِ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ُﺩﻡِ ﮔﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺪُ ﻧﻴﺎ َﻣ ْﺰﺭﻋ ُﺔ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ِﺓ!‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ‪85 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﺹ ‪125‬؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺯﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﻭﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺹ ‪ ،(318‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (2156‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑُﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﻳُﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥَ ُﻭﻟِﺪَ ﺑﻬﺎ ) ُﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ(‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .55‬ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪97‬؛ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻠﺒﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪461‬؛ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.31‬‬ ‫‪ .57‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .58‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﺑﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻬﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻧﮓﺑﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺑﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﺑﻦ ﺁﺫﺭ ﮔﺸﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﺑﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﺯﺍﺩﺑﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺒﺬ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺯﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‪) ...‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.(75‬‬ ‫‪ .59‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.35‬‬ ‫‪ .60‬ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .61‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ )ﺹ ‪ (43‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﻦ َﻣﻠ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩ ِﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﺮﻭﺍﻥَ ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ‬ ‫ُﻭﻟِﺪْ ُ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ )‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .62‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪346‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪64‬‬ ‫‪.63‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .64‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪482‬‬ ‫‪ .65‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ـ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1368‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪21‬‬ ‫‪ .66‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪162‬؛ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻡ ـ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ُ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ )ﭼﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻪ( ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ »ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫‪127‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ؟ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔـﻴﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻮﺷﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ؟‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .67‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪551‬‬ ‫‪ .68‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺹ ‪327‬؛‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭِ ﺑُﺴﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣـﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺑـﺮ ﮔﻨﺒ ِﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ .69‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ؟‪...‬‬ ‫‪ .70‬ﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪274‬‬ ‫‪ .71‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﺩﻗﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ«‬ ‫)ﺑ ُ َﺤﻴﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪ ،(624‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻝ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫‪ .72‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،1356 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.67‬‬ ‫‪ .73‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،1356 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.71‬‬ ‫‪ .74‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.260‬‬ ‫‪ .75‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍ‪.‬ﺍﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻴﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،1976 ،‬ﺹ ‪....15‬‬ ‫‪ .76‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪236‬؛ ﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪275‬‬ ‫‪ .77‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪235‬‬ ‫‪ .78‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ ‪564‬‬ ‫‪ .79‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪163‬؛ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺘﻜﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪ .80‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺹ ‪75‬؛‬ ‫‪ .81‬ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.572‬‬ ‫‪ .82‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻘﻠﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪116‬؛ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ! ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ـ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ِ .83‬ﻋ ْﻘﺪﺍﻟ َﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.84‬‬ ‫‪ .84‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ـ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.21‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

‫ﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭ ُﻣ َﻐ ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫*‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺴﺒَ ًﺔ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺯﺍ«‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻴّﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ َﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴّﺖ«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘّﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞِ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺯِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴّﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ـ َﻣ ْﻮﻛﻮ ِﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻮ ِﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ »ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧ َ​َﻈﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲِ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ُﻋﻤ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‪ 1‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻛﺎﺕ«‪ 2‬ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢﺳﺎﻻﻥ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯَﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ّﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺆﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣ ِﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ »ﻛﺎﺕ« ـ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻡِ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺵ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ )ﺍﺷﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ( ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﻋ ُﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ َﺳﻨ َ​َﺠﺮ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﺳ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ َﻃ ْ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌ ًﺎ ‪ 452‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ )‪ 18/8‬ﺩﺭﺻ ِﺪ ّﻛﻞ ‪2500‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ( ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ُﻣﻔﺎ َﻭﺿَ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪َ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺸﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 147‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 191‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑُﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺵ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺼﺘﻢ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮ َﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ُﻣﺪُ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳّﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺫ ْﺭ ُﺟﻤ ْﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ُﻣﺪ ﱠﻭﻥِ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 531‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 579‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﺎ ُﻫﻢ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲِ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻓﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑ ُ ُﺰ ْﺭﮔ ِﻤﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ُﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ِ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ِﻋ ْﻠ ِﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﻭﺷﻦِ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧُﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﻣ ْﺮﻏﺰﺍﺭِ ﭘُﺮ ﻣﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ َ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪ «...‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳّﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ َﻣﻠِﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ! ﻣﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨ ِﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ«‪ 3.‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧَ َﻄ ِﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧـﺪﮔـﺎﻧـﻲ ﺑَﺘَﺮ ﺍَﺯ ﻣـــﺮگ ﺧـﻄـﺮﻫـﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘُﺮ ِﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨَﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣـﻴـﺦ ﺗﻴـﺰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍ َﻫﻨَﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻨـﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩِ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﻧـﻮﺷﻴـﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑُﺪّ ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ُﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ« )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻔﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﺔ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭘُﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏ ِﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪ 5‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤ ًﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴّﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘّﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻨﻴـﻦ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺟ ِﻤﻬﺮ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜـﺴﺮ ﺷﮕـﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻲ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻴـﻨـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴـﺪﻩ ُﻛﻼﻫـﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺑــ ِﺮ ﺳﻴـﺎﻩ‬

‫‪129‬‬ ‫● ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲِ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ُﻋﻤﺮِ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻛﺎﺕ« ﻗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢﺳﺎﻻﻥ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯَﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺑﺨـﺸﺶ ﻓـﺰﻭﻧـﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻛﺎﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﺩﺵ ﺁﺳـﻤــﺎ ِﻥ ﺑـﻠــﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑـﮕﻮﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠـﻚ ﺭﻫﻨـﻤﻮﻧـﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺨـﺘﻲ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﺑـﻬـ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺑـﺨـﺘـﻲ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺯﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ َﺟﻴْﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 301‬ﻫـ‪ 913/‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦِ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺗ ِﺰ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡِ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎ ِﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁ َﻭ َﺭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ‬ ‫»ﺳ ْﻌ ِﺪ ﺧﺎﺩِﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﻭ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ َ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻧ ْﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ َﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ« ـ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ُﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ )ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻡ ّﻛﻞِ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫ ّﻤ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ُﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ُﺩ ﱠﺭ ُﺓﺍﻟ ِﻌ ْﻘ ِﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡِ َﻣﺪﺍﻳﺢ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ُﻣﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦِ ‪ 29‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ـ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲِ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ َﻗ ْﻮﻡِ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫‪130‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻡِ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻼﺵ ﺳﻮﻡ )ﺍﺷﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ َﻋ ُﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻬﻤﺎﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ َﺳﻨَ َﺠﺮ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ َﻃ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 452‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ )‪ 18/8‬ﺩﺭﺻ ِﺪ ّﻛﻞ ‪ 2500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪....‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﮔﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻲ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ َﺻ ْﺮ ْﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﺁﺧ ِﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺩﭼﺎﺭِ ﺻﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 7.‬ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ُﻋﻤﺪﻩ ُﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺨﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫َﻋ ُﻀ ْ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺍﻣﻴ ِﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡِ »ﮔﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ!‬

‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺼﺮﺑﻦ ﻫﺎﺭﻭ ِﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﻣﻄ ّﻬﺮﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ 8‬ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺮ َﺣ ّﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ 9‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫َﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ َﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻭ ُﻏ ّﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ َﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ُﻏﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺍَﻧ َﺲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ُﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‪....‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜ ِﺮ َﺳﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡِ ﺗُﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳّﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥِ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺗﻴﺴﺖﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ »ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﺪﺑ ّ ِﺮ ُﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪] ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺳﻌﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ( ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ َﺩﺭِ ﺧﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍ ُ َﻣﺮﺍء ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ َﻭﻟّﻲﺍﻟ َﻌ ْﻬﺪْ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍُﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ 10.‬ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ »ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ َﻤﻔﺎ ِﺧﺮ َﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺧَ ﻴّ ِ ِﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍء ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺋﻲ ُﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﻬ ِﻢ ﺍَﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺒَﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼ ِﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺎﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ُﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴّﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺷﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗِﺒْﭽﺎﻗﻲ ﻋﻬ ِﺪﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻏﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 12،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ )ﻣﺮگ ‪ 724‬ﻫـ ‪1323 /‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻡ‪ ،(.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﻏﻴ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧ ُﻤﺮﺩ«!‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩ ِﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻫـﻤـﻪ ﻣـﺮ ِﻍ ﺍﺳـﻴـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗـﻔـﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛـﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺠ ِﺪ ﺟﺎﻣ ِﻊ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩِ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ‪ 43‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﺱ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 820‬ﻫـ ‪ 1417 /‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ُﭼﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣ ِﺮ ﺧَ ﻄﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ َﻣﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍ ِﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ )‪ 850‬ﻫـ‪1446 /‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ َﻓﺘْ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ »ﺑﭽﺔ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺟﻨﮓِ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟْﺪُ ﺭﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻩ ﺗﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭِ ﺩﺷﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧَ ﺒﻴﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ‪ 930‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 984‬ﻫـ )=‪1576-1523‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 54‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘ ِﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫َﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣ ّﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻮﺍﺳﻴّﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣ ِﺮ َﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ« ﻭ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ َ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣ ّﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﺓ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖِ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ‪ 42‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ )‪ 996‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1038‬ﻫـ = ‪1587‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻢﺑﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪1628‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳ ِﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑَﻴْﻜﺘﺎﺵﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳ ِﺮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ«‪ 17.‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﺷﺼﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ )ﻭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 1101‬ﻫـ‪1689 /‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪27‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ُﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ُﺳ َﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ 160‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ‪ 48‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 273‬ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ُﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬

‫‪131‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ »ﺩﻭ َﺳ ْﺮﻃﻼ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛ ِﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺤﻴّﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧُﺸﺪ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞِ َﺩ ْﻭﻟﺖ َ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺨـﻮﺭﺩ ﻛـﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻳَﺪ«!‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳ ْ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎ ْﺭ ْ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻧ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻭ َﻣﺼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ُﻭﺯَﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﻭ ّﻛﻞِ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺧَ ﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺬﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷﺮﻳﻚ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧ َﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗَﺒَ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ُﻭﺯَﺭﺍء‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ )ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ( ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠ ِﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍﻭﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭِ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻّﻙﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ َﺭ ْ‬

‫● ﺑﻮ َﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُﻣﺪُ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳّﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺫ ْﺭ ُﺟﻤ ْﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬

‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻩ ﻓـﺮﺳﺘـﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧُ ﺮﺍﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺧُ ﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﻣـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜـﻦ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ َﺳ َ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﺭ ﺩﮔـﺮﮔـﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺷـﻪ ﺑﺮﻫـﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ َﻋﻴّﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺷـﻪ َﺳﺮﻫﻤـﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺴﻨّﺪ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﻧـﺸﻮﺩ ﻛـﺎﺭِ ﺩﻳـﻦ ﻭ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﭘـﺮﻳـﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻧﻴـﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ُﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎ ِﻥ ﺗﻨﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛِﺶ َ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ِﺳﻴَ ِﺮ ﺧـﺴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﻓـﺘـﻪ ﻧــﮕـﻪ ﻛـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ َﮔ ِﻪ ِﮔـﻠﺸـﺎﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺧـﺎﻗـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ َﻣﻠِﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ُﻣﻠـﻚ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺳﻠـﻄـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﺔ ﻛـﺎﺭِ ﺩﻳـﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻱ ﭘُﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻲِ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧ ْ‬ ‫ْﺶ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﭘَﺮﻱ ﺑُﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﺻـﻒ ﻧـﻴـﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ُﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻩ ﻗـﻮﻱ ﺗَـﺮ ﻧ َﺒُﺪ ﺯ ﺧُ ﺴـﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻭﺱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭼﻮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧـﻴـﺰ ﺍﻧـﻮﺷﻴـﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺎﻩ ِ ﺟـﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺰﺭﺟ ِﻤﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺑُﺪَ ﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑ ُ ْ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ َﻣﺪَ ﺩِ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺳـﻬـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺄﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫َﺳﻬـﻞ ُﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛـﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ُﻣﺸﻜـﻞِ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﻟﺼﻤﺪ ﺑُﺪ ﺁﻧـﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍ َﺭﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ِﺪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩ ﭼـﻨـﺎﻥ ﻛـﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ُﻣﻠﻜﺖ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎ ِﻥ ﻋـﺮﻭﺱ ّ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ُﻣﺪ ﱠﻭ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 531‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 579‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎ ُﻫﻢ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲِ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑ ُ ُﺰ ْﺭﮔ ِﻤﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ‪ 19‬ﻫـﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯِ ﭘـﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺏ ﻳـﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀـﺮﻳـﺐ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺳـﺎﻋـﻲِ ﻧ َ ّﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ُﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯ ﭘـﺲ ﺁﻣـﺪ ﺯ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠـﻜﺖ ﻃـﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ـ ﭼﻮ ﺑﻮﻧ َﺼﺮ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ُ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﮕ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦِ ﻧـﺒـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙـﻬﺒَ ِﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼـﻮ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦِ ﻋـﻠـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘـﻮﺩﺓ َﺩ ْﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨـﺖ ﺩﺭﻳـﻎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ َﺣ َﻀﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭِ ُﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺶ‬ ‫َﺻ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺑـﺰﺭﮔـﺎﻥ ﺯﺗُﺮﻙﻭﺗـﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻫـﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗـﻴـﻎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﻲ ﮔـﺮﻓـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫َﺩﺭﺩ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻋـﺪﺍء ﻭ ﺑـﺮ ُﻣـﻮﺍﻓِﻖْ ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫)‪ 1298‬ﻫـ‪1880 /‬ﻡ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺎ ْﺭﺩِ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ُﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺎ ِﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺍَﻣﺮﻱ ُﻣﺘَ َﺤﺘّ ِﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬

‫ـ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍَﺻﻞِ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ُﻣﺪُ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻠﻮﻙ َ‬ ‫ﻠﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻙ ُﻣ ُ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍَﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻻ َﻏﻴْﺮﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ َﻛﻼ ُﻡﺍﻟ ُﻤ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻣﻠﻮﻙ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺯَﺭﺍء ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ُ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ُﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ َﻛ ْ‬ ‫ﺶـ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺦ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻛ ّﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺭِ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﺣﻤﻞِ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ُﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ْﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،21‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻮﺯﻭﻙ« ﻭ َﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟ َﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦِ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ )ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ(‪...» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺮ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭ َﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺸﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻳﻚ ِ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ُﻣ ْﻄ َﻠ َﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ْﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﺷﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘُﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴّﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻳّﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ُﻣ ّﻌ ِﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ِﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ َﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡِ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ُﻣﺼﻠﺢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻴّﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭ َﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪133‬‬ ‫● ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺯﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫َﺟﻴْﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 301‬ﻫـ‪ 913/‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦِ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮِ ﺗ ِﺰ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡِ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎ ِﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁ َﻭ َﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ُﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴّﺖ ﺳﺪّ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺍ ِﺧ ِﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ِﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩ ﻓﺘـﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘـﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﮔـﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺍﻧـﺸـﻤـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ِّ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﻱ ﭘـﺎﺩﺷـﺎ ﺭﻓﺘـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻋـﻘـﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺴـﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻭﺯﻳـ ِﺮ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻗﺺ َ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﮔـﺪﺍﺋـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﻓﺘـﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻛﺒ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻼ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻛﻮ« ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﻬﻨ ِﺪﺱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ِ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯَﻋﻴﻤﺎ« ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺺ َﻋ ْﻘ ْﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺴﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧ ْﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒَﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩ ُﻭﻻﺏ ﺗﺎ َﺭ ْﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀ ِﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴ ّﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻤﻮ ّﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﻛ ِﺰ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺟﻤ ِﻊ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍَﻧ َﺲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍَﻧ َﺲﺁﺑﺎﺩِ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ« ﺑﺮ »ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ« ﺑﻴﺸﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ َﻣﺨﻄﻮﻁِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭِ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧَ ﺮ ﮔ ْﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺧُ ﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬

‫‪134‬‬ ‫● ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺿﻤﻦِ ‪ 29‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ـ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲِ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ َﻗ ْﻮﻡِ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ُﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩـ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭِ ﺩﻭ ِﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ُﻣﻮ ﱠﻗﺖ«!‬

‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎ ِﻥ َﻣﺸﺎﻏِﻞ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍ ْﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺨﺘﺺ ﺳﻮﺍ ْﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕِ‬ ‫ُﻣ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺝ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺧ ِﺮ ﺑ ُ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍ َ ْﺻ َﻠﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲِ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫َﻓﻀﻴ ْﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺸﺎ ِﻏﻞِ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟ َﻤﺜَﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻦِ َﺻﺒّﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﺭﻳّﻪ‪» ،25‬ﻧ َ َﻤﺪﮔﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩ؟‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧَ ِ‬ ‫ﻔﻴﻒ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩ ُﻭﻙ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻣﺪ ّﺭﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﮔﻴﺮ)؟( ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺱ ﮔﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﺑﻮﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ْ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ُﻣﻘِ ّﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨُﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑَﺮ ُﺳﻔﺎﻝ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻠﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ »ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩﮔﺮ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﺒّﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ُﺣﺴﻴﻦِ ﺗﻮﺗﻮﻥﺑُﺮ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧُﻘﻄﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ »ﺗ ِ ْﺮ َﻛﺶﺩ ُﻭﺯ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻴ ِﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪» ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﺒﻨﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣِﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩ ّﻛﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍ ُ ْﺻ ُﻄﺮﻻﺏ َ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻎﺑﻴﮓ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ َﻫﻔﺖ ِﻃ ِ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻕ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺒﺰﻱﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 28.‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩِ ّ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﻣﻠﻬﻤﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ ّ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻳّﻪ ﺳﺘُﻮﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦِ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻩ َﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ َﻛ َ‬ ‫ﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨـﺖ ﺯ ﺗـﺨﺘﺔ ُﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺵ ُﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺩﻻﻙ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻙﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﺒﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﻤﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ُﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ُﻛﻔ ِﺮ ﺍﺑﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺠﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ َ‬ ‫»ﺷ ْﻌﺮﺑﺎﻑ«‬ ‫َﻣﻠِﻚﺍﻟ ُﻤﺘّﻜﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩِ ﻃﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ » َﻏ ْﺮﺑﺎﻝﺑﻨﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 31.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﺎ ِﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ »ﺑَﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ »ﺑَﻨﺪﮔﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ »ﻃﺒّﺎﺥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،32‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺒﻮﺳﻪﭘَﺰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪،33‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﺑﺎﺩﻱ َ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫»ﻻﺟ َﻮ ْﺭﺩﺷﻮﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﻁ َ‬ ‫َﻣﻠِﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﻮﻫ ِﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﻦِ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ« ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺣ ّﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ّ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺁﻫﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ِﻥ ﺗُﻨﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻳّﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣِﺜْﻞِ ُﮔ ْﻞﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ )ﺑﺎ ﺿ ّ ِﻢ ﻛﺎﻑ(‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﻓﺘﻴﻠﺔ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﺔ ﺷﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ » ِﮔ ْﻞﮔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ »ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭِ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﺻﻒﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﺨﻤﺎﻕﺳﺎﺯ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴ ِﺪ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﺍﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺨﻲ ﺷﺎﻋ ِﺮ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ُﻗﺮﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ( ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺓ ﭘُﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ 37.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ َﻣﻴ ْﻤﻮ ِﻥ ﻗﺪّ ﺍﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﻣِﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﻗﻮﺯﺡﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺒﺮﻳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣ ْﻤﺪﺍ ِﻥ َﻗﺮ ْﻣ َﻂ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﻣﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ »ﻗﺲ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ« ـ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ـ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،38‬ﻭ ﺍﻟ ُﻤ َﻘﻨﱠﻊ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢ »ﻛﺎﺯﻩ«ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﮔﺎﺯُﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﭼﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻮﺷﻪﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ(؛ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺠﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗ ِﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻣﺤﺘ ِﺸ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﻲ َﺷ ْﻌﺮﺑﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺰ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻲ ُﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ َﺷﻌﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩﻡ َﺷ ْﻌﺮ ﺑـﺎﻓـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻌـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧّ ﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺎ ِﻝ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑُﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜ ِﺮ َﻗ ّﻔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫) ُﻗﻔﻞﺳﺎﺯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻛﺘّﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻧﺼ ِﺮ َﺳ ّﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺰﺓ َﺳﻜﺎﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ِﺝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺒﺔ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺣ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻛﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻨﺠﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻔﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ِ .‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻡِ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻔﺸـﻜﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞِ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻴﺶ ﻭ َ‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﻣﺎﻝ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻭﺷﻤﮕﻴ ِﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭِ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ َﻣ ْﺮﺩﻭﺍﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻟﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ِ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧ َّﺨﺎﺱ )ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻓﺮﻭﺵ( ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﻧ َْﻄﻊﺩﻭﺯ« ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻲِ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﺵ«‪ 40‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 41‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑُﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﺯﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨّﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩِ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴ ِﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺩ ّﻛﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻲ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ )ﻓﻮﺕ ‪569‬ﻫـ ‪1173‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﺔ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،42‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژِ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺒِﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻟِﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﺔ ُﻭﺭ ُﻭﺩ ُﺳﻮﺯ ِﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻃﻲِ ﺗ ُّﺠﺎﺭِ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﺼﻒ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ! ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺯ ِﻥ ﺧﻴّﺎﻃﻲ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﻥﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮ ِﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲِ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ َﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﺷﻐﻞِ »ﺍَﻛﺎﺭ« )=ﺯﺍﺭﻉ( ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺟﺰء‬ ‫َﻋ َﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍ َ َﻛ َﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ 43‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻧﺼﺮ ﺻﺒّﺎﻍ )ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯ(‬ ‫ﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭِ‬ ‫ُﻣﺪَ ّﺭ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺟﺪّ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 44.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪّ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻔ ِﻊ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑَﻨْﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮِﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺑَﻨﻲ ّﻋ ِﻢ ﻣﺤ ّﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺯَﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘَﺴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟَﻴْﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺭ ُﻭﻳْﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦﺩﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪّ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺘﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ(‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡِ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪِ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎ ْﺭﻛﻴﻨْﮓﺩﺍﺭ«‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬

‫● ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮِ َﺳﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡِ ﺗُﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ﺳـﻌـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳّﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮِ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺗﻴﺴﺖﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪136‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫»ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫)ﻧﺠﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍ ِ ْﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻴّﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧُﻮﺡ ﺩ ُﺭﻭﺩﮔﺮ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑ ّﺰﺍﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺗُﻜﻤﻪﺑَﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺯﺭِﻩﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ُﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺯَﻧﺒﻴﻞﺑﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ِﺟﺮﺟﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ِﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺯّﻛﺮﻳّﺎ ﮔﻠﻴﻢﺑﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﺎﺯُﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮ ِﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ِﺟﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺪﻩ! َﺩ َﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ!‬

‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧُﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ُﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭِ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺒّﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻴﺪ ِﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁ َﻭ ْﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭِ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻔﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ُﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ َﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣِﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤ ًﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻋﺎ ّﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖّ ‪،‬‬

‫● ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮِ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭِ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺎﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ُﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺁﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴّﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺷﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗِﺒْﭽﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻬ ِﺪﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﻑﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻏﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ َﺣ َﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »‪...‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪َ ،‬ﺩ َﺭﻣﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮ ْﺭ ْﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳَ َﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡِ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ‪ُ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ َﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ُﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑَﺘﱠﺮﻳﻦِ ﻋﺎﻟِﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ِ ُﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥْ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬

‫‪...‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ُﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺫﺭﺟﻤﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ »‪...‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ( َﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻭ ُﻣﺴ ﱠﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻫﻞِ‬ ‫ِﺟ ْﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑُﻴﻮﺗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩ ّﻭﻡ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﺔ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴّﻢ ُﻛﺘّﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞِ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ َﻃ َﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣ ّﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ِﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ُﻓ َﻘﺮﺍء( ﺍﺯ َﻋ َﺠ َﺰﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫َﻣﺴﺎﻛﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭ ﻋ ّﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻔﻠﻮﺝ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ َﺷ ّﻞ ﻭ َﻣ ُ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨ ِﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﻓﺎ ِﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺩﻳﻤﺎﺱ« ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭ ِﻭ ْﺷﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡِ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎ ُﻛﻨﺴﻲ )‪ (Conseille‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »‪...‬ﺭﻋﻴّ ْ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺑﻲ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟِﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ« ! ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣ ّﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ!‪ 52‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺷﻜﻔﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ »ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞِ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﺮﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ َ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻛﺎﺭ ُﻣﻄﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫َﻃ َﺮﺏ َﺭﻭﺍﺟﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ُﻣﻄﺮِﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ َﺩ َﺭﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻱ«‪ .53‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠ ّﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡِ‬ ‫ﺗَﻌﺎﺩ ِﻝ ﺗﻨﻈﻴ ِﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣ ِﺪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ُﻣﻄﺮِﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺻﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ )ﺩﺭﻡ( ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻙ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﻳْﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ َﻫﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩِ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ّﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘِﻦ ِﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺞﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻫ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 468‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﺯﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻭ ‪ 1600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺞ ﺑﺎ ْﺩﺁ َﻭ ْﺭﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﭘﻮ ِﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻭ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺭِ ﺧﺎﻟِﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ َﻋ َﺮﺏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪628‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ِﻫ ْﺮﻗِﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪّ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ َﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ْﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻧ َﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺑُﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﻦ ُﮔ ُﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﭘُﺮ ُﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻌ ّﻠﺖ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴ ِﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﻨﻲ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ َﻓﺮﺷﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺪّ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ 54«..‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧّ ﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺗﻢﺑﺨﺸﻲِ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺪّ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ َﺟ ْﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡِ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪137‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ‪40‬‬ ‫● ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ‪ 42‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ )‪ 996‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1038‬ﻫـ = ‪1587‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻢﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪1628‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮِ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑَﻴْﻜﺘﺎﺵﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮِ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮپِ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ِﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻴّﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜَﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ُﺳ ِ‬ ‫ﻘﻮﻁ َﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ُﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻲﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ !55‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪َ ،‬ﻣﺜَﻼ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﺋﻴﻦِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩِ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ ﻣﺰﺩﻛﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯَﻧﺪﻳﻖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﺟﺰء ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ َﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺻ ِﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗَﻦ ﻫﻴﺮﺑَﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺴﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ«! ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺮﺑ َ ِﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﺩ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭِ ﺍﻣﻮﺭِ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫َﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟ َﻌ َﻤﻞِ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺮﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ َﻣﺬ َﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭِ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻣﻮﺑﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ‬

‫‪138‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍَﺻ ِ‬ ‫ﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ُﻣﺪُ ﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﺍَﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻻ َﻏﻴْﺮﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻠﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻮﻙ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻙ ُﻣ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤ ُ‬ ‫َﻛﻼ ُﻡ ُ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻣﻠﻮﻙ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺯَﺭﺍء ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ُ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺑﺪ ـ ﻻﺑُﺪّ ﺟﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﻛﻢﺍﻃﻼ ِﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ـ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺧَ َ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧَ ﻸﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩ ِﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﺓ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧ َﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧَ ﻸ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘُﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭِ ُﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑَﺪﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ُﻣﻐَﻴﻼ ِﻥ« ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﺑ َ َﺮ ُ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭِ ُﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﺔ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ َﺩﻭﺍﻧَﺪَ ﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻼﻥْ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ُﻣ‬ ‫ﺣـﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ُﻣ ﱠﺸﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﺑﺪﻱ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭِ ُﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦِ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺎﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ُ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﻴﭽﺪ؟‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑـﺴﺎﻁ ﭘـﺮﻧﻴـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺧَ َﺴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ِ ُﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ُﺣ ّﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ُﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺎﻳَﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ُﻇﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭِ ُﻣﻐَﻴﻼﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺭِ ﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ! ﺗﻮ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﺩﺭ َﺭﺑْﻊﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻨﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻔﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺩﻳـﺔ ﺧـﺎﺭ ُﻣﻐَﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺞ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪57‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺧﺎﺭ‬ ‫ُﻣﻐَﻴﻼﻥ ﺧُ ﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﻣﻐﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺧُ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ َﺭﺣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺗ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َﺮﻙ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫»ﺳ َﻠﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻋﺮﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُﻛﻨﻴﺔ »ﺍ ُ ّﻡ َﻏﻴْﻼﻥ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺨ ّﻔﻒ ﺁﻥ ُﻣﻐَﻴْﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻌﻨﺔ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍ ُ ّﻡ َﻏﻴﻼﻥ ُﻛﻨﻴﺔ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺧﺘ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ُﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﺑ َ َﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ُﻣﻐَﻴْﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩِ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‪ُ ،‬ﻓﺤﺸﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ُﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲِ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ َﺟﺒّﺎﺭﻩ‪ 58‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ُﻣﻐﻴﻼ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻃﺎﺋﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲِ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭِ ُﻣﻐَﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺿﺤﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺭﻣﺎﺋﻴﻞ« ﻭﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺿﺤﺎﻙ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺤ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺎﻙ ﻣﺎﺭﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ُﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ـ )ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ(ـ ﺁﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻣﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺧﺎﺭِ ُﻣﻐﻴﻼ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ِﻍ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻳﻚ َﻣﺜَﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ » ُﻭﺿﻮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦِ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗـﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫َﻗﺪَ ﻣﻬﺎ ُ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧ َﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩِ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻠﻮ ﺷﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﺔ ﻟ َ ْﻮ ْ‬ ‫ﺙ ﺑَﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧَ ﻴْ ِﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﭘُﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑَﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺪّ ﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻮﺧﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،59‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛ ِﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫ ّﻤﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗُﺮﻛﻲِ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲِ‬ ‫َﺣ َﻀﺮﻱ( ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎ ِﻥ ِﺣ َﺮﻑ ﻭ َﻣﺸﺎ ِﻏﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛ ّﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻮ ِﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ُ ،‬ﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﺤﻖّ ُﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻟ َ َﻘﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،60‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺋﻢﺍﻟﺨَ ْﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ َﻣﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻪ َﻛﺜ َْﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻣﻲ ُﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ُﻣﺠﺎ َﻣ َﻌ ْ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ َﻛﺮ ﻭ ُﮔﻨﮓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،63‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝـ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ َﺳ ْﻤﻨﺪﺭ ـ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫‪139‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺟﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ُﻣ ّﻜﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻟﻌﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ُﻣﻘﺒﻞ )ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﺮﻑﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ( ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺨﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫َﻣﻠِﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪َ » :‬ﻣﻦ َﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺗ ُْﺮ َﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ«!‪ 65‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭِﺩِ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺯ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌ ّﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ َﻗﻴ ّﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‪...،‬‬ ‫ُﻗﺮﺍﺿﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍَﻳﺘْﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯَﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶﻣﺂﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ُﻣﺪّ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ َﻃ ْﻌﻦ ﻭ ﻟ َ َﻌﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺧُ ﻠﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻱ َﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻣﺂﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑُﺪّ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫● ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ َﺧﻴْﺮِ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮِ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫ ّﻤﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫)ﻧﻪ ﺗُﺮﻛﻲِ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲِ َﺣ َﻀﺮﻱ( ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎ ِﻥ ِﺣ َﺮﻑ ﻭ َﻣﺸﺎﻏِﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛ ّﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻮ ِﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬

‫‪140‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﻱ ﺍِﺩﺭﻳﺲ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ِﻃﻨﻲ ُﻛ ِ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ُﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭِ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺖ«؟‬ ‫» ُﺩﺷ َﻤ ْﻦ ُﺩ ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘّﻪ ﻣﻦ ُﻣﺪﺍﻓ ِﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩ ّﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ُﻣﻐَﻴْﻼ ِﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ُﮔﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎ ِﻥ َﻣ َﻌﺮﻓْﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑُﺪّ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴ ِﻎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻲِ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺩ ّﻭ ْﻡ ﻧ َﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦِ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ‬ ‫ُﻣﺤﺘَ ِﺸ ِﻢ ُﻗﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻫﻮﻻﻛﻮﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗ َ​َﻮ ُّﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭ َﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻞِ »ﻭﻓﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌ ّﻠ ِﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻭﻓﺎﻱ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ« ﺍ ِ ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ 68‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞِ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﻋﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﺎﺫﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮ َﺭﺩ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﺎﺫﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ِﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ!‪ ،69‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺟﻬﺖ‬

‫● ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ َﻛﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ُﮔﻨﮓ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝـ ﻣﺜﻞ َﺳ ْﻤﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ ﺟﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ُﻣ ّﻜﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻟﻌﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑُﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺎﻉ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪َ :‬ﺣ َﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺪ!‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭِ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻗﻠ ِﻢ ﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺘﻌ ّﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗُﺮﻙ ] َﻣﻠﻜﺸﺎﻩ[ ﺑﺎﺵ! ﻭ َﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺎﺯ«!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧـﻮﺭِ ﭼـﺮﺍﻍ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻧــﺎﻳَــﺪ ﺧَ ـﻴْﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ َ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍَﺑْﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳَﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻻﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﻬ ّﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺍِﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭِ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿ ِﻊ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ـ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞِ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺘﺰﻟ ِﺰ ِﻝ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ُﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦِ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ«! ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧَ ﻴْ ِﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﻛِ ْﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﭘَﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛِ ْﺮﻡِ ﭘﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ِﮔ ْﺮﺩِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗَﻨﻴﺪَ ﻥ؟‬ ‫ﭘـﺮﻭﺍﻧـﻪ ﺷـﻮ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳَﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ َﻗ َﻔﺲ ﭘَﺮﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ُﻣﺪﺍﻓ ِﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺍ ّﻭﻟَﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ُﻣﺪﺍﻓ ِ ِﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺩ ّﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲـ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣ ّ ِﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ُﻣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞِ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪـ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎ ِﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ُﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻡ ﺑـﻤﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔـﺘـﻢ ﻧﻤـﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺍﻳـﻤـ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃـﺎﻋـﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻤﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ُﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞِ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺰﺓ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴ ِﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻣ َﻮ َﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﻣﻮ ّﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎ ِﻥ ُ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ »ﺩﺍﺳﻨﻲ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﭘَ َﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻡِ ﻛﻠﻴّﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ َﻣ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧ َﺪ«!‪ 71‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ُﻣﺤﻴﻲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ َﻋ َﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ُﻣ َﻮ ّ ِﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ُﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ!« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ »ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺭِﺿﻮﺍﻥـ ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ـ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ژِﻧِﺮﺍﻝ ُ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒَﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺟﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ـ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪـ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ُﮔﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞِ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯَﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭِ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧَ ِﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻻﺍَﻗّﻞ ﭘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺗَﺮﻛﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠ ِﺪ‬ ‫»ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ« ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ‬

‫‪141‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧَﺒﺮﺯَﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻗِﺒَﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﺭـ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻗﺒﻠﺘﻴﻦﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )ﺑﺠﺰ ﻣﺴﺠ ِﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ‪ 73‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺴﺠ ِﺪ ﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟ ُﻤ ْﻘﺪَ ﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﻐﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟ ِﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ـ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴ ِﺮ ﻗِﺒﻠﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫)ﻛﻠﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪(.‬‬

‫ﺑ ِ ّﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧَﺒْﺮﺯَﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻭﻗِﺒَﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧ َﺒﺮﺯَﻥ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﺭـ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻭﻗﺒﻠﺘﻴﻦﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩِ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺁﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ُ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩِﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺯ ﺩﻟﺒـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺎ ﺯ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎﻳـﺴﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺑَﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘـﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺳـﻜﻨـﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘـﻦ‬ ‫ﻳـﺎﺭِ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻳـﺎ ﺍﺳـﻴ ِﺮ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺟـﺎﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑ ِ ّﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧ َﺒْﺮﺯَﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺒَ ْﺮﺯَﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘَﺮ‬ ‫)ﺑﻠﺦ( ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺮﺯَﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬

‫‪142‬‬ ‫● ﻳﻚ ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦِ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ُﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ َﻣ ْﺮ ْﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩِ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺍ« ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﻩ! ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻘ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻣﺮﻭ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ُ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ُﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ُﻛﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﺮ ْﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ«‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻧﺒﺮﺯّﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑ َ ْﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞِ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ُﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟ ِ ِﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺤ ّﻤﻞ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧ َﺪ‪ «...،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺒﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺓ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺠﺎ ِﻉ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦِ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞِ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ )ﺑﻠﺦ( ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ـ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑ ِ ّﺴ ُﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ّﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ 74.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺯﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳ ِﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿ ِﻊ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻟﻐﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑُﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ َﻗﻤﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧ َﺒﺮﺯَﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡِ » َﻛﻴْ ِﺪ ﺑ ِ ّﺴ ُﻮﺱ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻴﺎ ِﻝ ﻛﻨﮕﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩِ ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑ ِ ّﺴﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡِ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 75‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺑُﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭِ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ »ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﺭﺡ ﺑ ّﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ َﺟ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‪ُ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦِ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ُﻫﻮﻱ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩِ ﺳ ّﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ َﻣ ْﺮ ْﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺯﺍ« ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﻩ! ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ 76 .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻘ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﻣﺮﻭ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻻﺩِ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧُ ﺪﺍ ُﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ُﻛﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﺮ ْﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ«‪....‬‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘﻴﻦِ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ! ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺑﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ َﻣ ْﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،77‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩِ »ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ُﻛﺶ« ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﺵ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ 78.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ُﻇﻠﻤﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕ ِﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ!‬

‫ﻟ ْﻌﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ »ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧ ِ ْﺮ ِﺥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ َﺭﺩ« ﻭ » َﺭﻗﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻳ ِ ْﺮﻟﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯِ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭ َﻭﺩ؛ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻠﺒ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ َﻣ ْﻮﻗ ِ ِﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑُﻄﻮ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ َﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭِ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻴﻄﺎﻟﺐ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑُﺮﺩ )ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻗِﺒْ َﻠﺘَﻴْﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻲ! ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍَﻳﱡﻬﺎﺍﻟﻨْﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍ َ ّﻣ ِﺮﻧﻲ ُﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳّﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍَﻟ ْ َﻌ َﻦ َﻋﻠﻴّﺎ َﻋ َﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟ َ ْﻌﻨَﺔ‪،79‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ـ َﻭﻟ َ ْﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ـ ﻟَﻌﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟‪....‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳ ِﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 310‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪379‬ﻑ‪70) .‬ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜ ِﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻏﻨﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪47‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪334‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪202‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪150‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.188‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﮔﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪) .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ُﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺝ‪ 6‬ﺹ‪.(412‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ُﺟﺮﺑُﺰﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺫِﻟّﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩ َﻫﻨﺖ ﭘﺮ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺔ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺂﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺳﻨﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻠﻜﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩِ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺧُ ﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺼﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺗﺎ ُﻣ ِ‬ ‫ﻠﻚ ﻳَﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍِﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ« )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪(448‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﺋﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 511‬ﻫـ‪ 1117/.‬ﻑ ﺗﺎ ‪552‬ﻫـ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ 1157‬ﻑ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪َ .10‬ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺣﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ‬ ‫‪ 723‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪.506‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﭽﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،...‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﮕﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ َﺩﺭِ ﻛِ ْﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺱ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴ ِﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪(236‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ُﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻴﺪ َ‬ ‫)ﺣ َ‬ ‫‪َ .13‬ﻣﻄ َﻠ ِﻊ َﺳ ْﻌﺪَ ﻳْﻦ ﺹ ‪.58‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪.601‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1350‬ﺹ ‪.979‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪16‬؛ ُﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪149‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪475‬‬

‫‪143‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻓﻊ ﺹ ‪.168‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺹ ‪.241‬‬ ‫‪.20‬‬ ‫‪» .21‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺩِ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑُﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ُﻛﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﺧﻮﻙ[ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻫﻼﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ُﻣﻘِ ّﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟«‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺹ ‪(56‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸ ِﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺗﻮﺯﻭﻙ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،4‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ُﻣﻨﺸﻲِ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ َﺯﻳْﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ َﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ُ َ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ ﻭﻻﺗَﻨ ُْﻈ ْﺮ ﺍِﻟﻲ َﻣ ْﻦ َﻗ َ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ ْﺮ ﺍِﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ َﻗ َ‬ ‫ﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ُﺟﺮﺟﻲ ﺯَﻳﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ َﻣ ْﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭِ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻻﺑُﺪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴّﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧـﻈـﺎﻣﻴّـﻪ ﺍِﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗِﺬﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍِﺩﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳّﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞِ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭِ‬ ‫»ﺧَ َ‬ ‫ﺮﮔ ْﺮﺩ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧُ ﺮﺟﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫»ﮔ ْﺮﺩِ« ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺹ ‪125‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ َﻓ َﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﭘﻴﭻ ﻣﻴﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ُﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻨّﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪َ .27‬ﺭ ْﻭﺿﺔ ﺧُ ْﻠﺪْ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪67‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ‪47/2‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧ ُﻒ‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪59‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺹ ‪57‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﺹ ‪627‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﮔﻠﭽﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪168‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪168‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ّ .36‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪88‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﺮﺏ ﻭﭼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ )ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ(‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴّﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇ ِﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﺍﻣﻄﻪ‬

‫‪144‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺧُ ﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻡِ ﻧﺠﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ َﻣ ْﺤﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ُﮔﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻭﻻﺷﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻼﺷﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻼﺯﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ َﻣﻴْﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮ ِﻭ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻜﺮ!« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪َ .41‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟ ُﻔ َﺤﺼﺎ‪ :‬ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪249‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﻟُﺒﺎﺏ ﺍ َﻻﻟْﺒﺎﺏ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪91‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ َﺟﻨّﺎﺑﻲ )ﮔﻨﺎﻭﻩﺍﻱ( ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻗ ِ ْﺮ ﻣﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ »ﺍ َ ّﻛﺎﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ َﻫﺠﻮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧـﺮﻗﺔ ﺗﻘـﻮﺍﻱ ﺷـﺮﻳﻌـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺑ َ َﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃـﺮﻳﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻓـﻮﻃﺔ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﻛﻪ ُﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯِ ﺟﺰﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺕ!‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗـﻮ ﺳﻴـﺎﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ »ﺗﺎﺝ« ﭘﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦِ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ُ .46‬ﺷ َﻌﻴْﺐ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﻨﺎ َﻛ َﺤ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺍ َ ْﺟ َﻤﻞِ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦِ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻔﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ُ ...‬ﺷ َﻌﻴْﺐ ﺭﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﺼﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ« )ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳـﻤ ْﻦ ﮔﻬـﻲ ﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺒﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ُﺷ َﻌﻴﺐ ﻛﻨَﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞِ‬ ‫ﻃﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ّﺎﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻨ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ .47‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺭﻳّﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﮔﺎﺯﺭ )ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫َﺷﻮ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ َﺟ ّﻤﺎﻝ )ﺷﺘﺮﺑﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﺹ ‪(346‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )ﺷﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﺭِ َﺣﻠﻴﻤﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﭼﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘَﺮ َﻭﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ« )ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺹ ‪.(219‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﺹ ‪224‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪140‬‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫‪،179‬‬ ‫ﺹ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ُﺪّ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧ َ َﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ـ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ُﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺪّ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻻﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨ ِﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »‪....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ُﺷﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻲِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺪ‪] ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ[ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺪّ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ«‪] ...‬ﻭﺑﺎﺯ[ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑَﺪْ ﻭﺍﻟﻲِ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ َﻭﻗْﺮ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﺩِ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺳﺪّ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ِﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ِﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ« )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪....(215‬‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺟﻴﺒﻲ ﺹ ‪.25‬‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔ ﺧﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.391‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪ ....122‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ ،350‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ«! ﺭﻭﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﻃﻼﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎژ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭِ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺪ ِﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﺪ! ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﺪ! ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ُﻣﺸﺖ ُﻣﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ّ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦِ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺔ ﻃﻼ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘُﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ! ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ .55‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪247‬‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪350‬؛ ﺍﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪766‬‬ ‫»ﺣ ّﺠﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ‬ ‫‪ .57‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺁﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫)ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺹ ‪ .(489‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻃﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪) .‬ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺷﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ‪.(22‬‬ ‫‪» .58‬ﻭﺟﺒّﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﻛﻲ )ﻛﻪ( ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ُﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ُﻣﺮﺍﺩِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺖ َﻋ ﱠﺰ َﻭ َﺟ ﱠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺟﺒّﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳ ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ْ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ«‪) .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.(27‬‬ ‫‪ .59‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺦ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻠ ِﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍ ِﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ!‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .60‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩِ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍ َﻭﻳﺲ ﺟﻼﻳﺮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻌﺪﻟ َ ِﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄـﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺍ َ ْﺣ َﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﻋـﻠﻲ َﻣ َ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍ ُ ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺲ ﺣﺴﻦِ ﺍﻳﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻫﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ِﻋﻠ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ «...‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫»ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ َﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻋﺴﻜ ِﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭِ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﮔﻠﻪﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ«‪َ ) .‬ﺭ ْﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺴﻼﻃﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺹ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺭِ َﻣﻌﺠﻮﻥ ِ‬ ‫‪ .(64‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺵ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﭙُﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ُﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙـﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﻮﺍ ﻣﮋﺩﺓ ﺑﻬـﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َﺩﻡِ ﻫـﻮﺍ َﻣـﺪَ ﺩ ﻧــﺎﻓـﻪ ﺗـﺘـﺎﺭ ﺩﻫـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩ ِﻝ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴ ِﻢ ﺑﺎﺩِ ﺻﺒـﺎ ﺑﻮﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﻒ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﻫـﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﺣﺴﺎﻡِ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡِ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭِ ُﻣﻠـﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺸﻴ ِﺮ ﺑـﻲﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺣﺴﻮﺩﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨُ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻙ ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺶ ُ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺷ ِ‬ ‫ﺮﺏ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .61‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِﻝ ﻛﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫َﺷ َﻌ ِ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ! ﻭﻓﺎﺗﺶ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻨﻪ ﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﻳﻪ« )‪730‬ﻫـ ‪1329 /‬ﻡ( )ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪.(379‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﻴﺮ‪ ...» :‬ﺩﺭﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﻔﻆ »ﺧ ّﻠﺪ ُﻣﻠﻜﻪ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ!« )ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‪ 4‬ﺹ‪.(679‬‬ ‫‪ .62‬ﺍﻭﻟﺠﺎﻳﺘﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺍ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍِﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞِ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺽ ﺯﺍﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﺗَﻨﺎ ُﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ َﻫﻴْﻀﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺨ َﻤﻪ ُﻣﺆﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ُﻣﺴﻬﻼﺕ ﻭ َﻗﻮﺍﺑ ِ ْ‬ ‫ﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮ ِ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﺑﺾ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺍﻟﺪَ ﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮ ِﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ُﻣﺠﺎ َﻣﻌﺖ! ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪716‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)‪1316‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫) َﻣ ّﻄﻠﻊ َﺳ َﻌﺪﻳﻦ ﺹ ‪(22‬‬ ‫‪ .63‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪387‬‬ ‫‪ .64‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﺧﺮ ‪658‬ﻫـ‬ ‫)‪1259‬ﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ ﺯﻧﮕﻲ؛ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ‬

‫‪145‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻲ ‪ 17‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪) .‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ ‪.(732‬‬ ‫‪.65‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﻲِ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪278‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .66‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻏﻮ ِﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧ ُﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪ .67‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴ ِﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ َﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻨﺪﺭِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻄﺎﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫‪» .68‬ﺍ ِ ْﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ!‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻦ! ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳَﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ!‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ!«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺥ ﺹ ‪(104‬‬ ‫) َﺭ ْﻭﺿﺔ ﺧُ ﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ّ‬ ‫‪ .69‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .70‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﻳْﺒﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎء »ﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻲﺳﻨّﻪ ‪«990‬‬ ‫‪.71‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ َﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪90‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ .72‬ﻗﺼﺺﺍَﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﺹ ‪6‬‬ ‫‪ .73‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻟ ِ ْﻘﺒ َﻠﺘَﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑَﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦِ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ْﺭ ْ‬ ‫ﺙ‪.‬‬ ‫ْﺖ‬ ‫‪ .74‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ 1435‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ َﻛﻨ ْ ُ‬ ‫‪ .75‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪1432‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺍ ُﻻ َﻣﻢ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪466‬‬ ‫‪ .76‬ﺗ َ​َﺠﺎﺭِ ُ‬ ‫‪ .77‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪ ،2146‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺍﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫‪ .78‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﺹ ‪.296‬‬ ‫‪ .79‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻟ َﻌﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺩ! ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟ َﻠﻌﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ! ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﺩ! ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻦ‬‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ! ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﺿﻤﻴﺮ‪َ ،‬ﻣ ْﺮ َﺟ ِﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬

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‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻟـﺘـﻨﮓ ﺑـﻴـﻨﻲ ﺭﻋﻴّـﺖ ﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻋـﻴـﺖ ﻧﺸـﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺑـﻴــﺪﺍﺩ ُﻛـﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﭘـﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎﺵ ﺗـﺎ ﻫـﺮﭼـﻪ ﻧﻴّﺖ ﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧـﻈـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻼﺡ ﺭﻋـﻴـﺖ ﻛـﻨـﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪1666) 1077‬ﻡ( ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻏﺎ ُﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ 1‬ﻭ ﺻﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ )ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﺗﻪﺭﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣـﺎﻃﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺧﻂ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻴﻞِ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ْ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳ ِﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻃﻼ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1667) 1078‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺦﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺷﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ُﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭِ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬

‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ«‬

‫ﻏﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ 4.‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ 5.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒّﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑ َ ْﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ 6.‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺛُﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ 7.‬ﺭﺷﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎء ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪّ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ 5 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 8.‬ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ‪ 6‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺟ ّﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻤﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﻳﺪﻡ!‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ(!‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﻫﻲ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ـ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔ ْﻠﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﮔﺘﻴﺮﺩﻱ!« )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ( ﻭ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳّﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ )ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 12.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭﻟ ِﺪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ َﺳﻴ ْﻔﺎء ﻛﺎﺷﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ‪ 150‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦِ ﻓﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ 15.‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺎء ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬـﻨﺸﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨَ ﺴﺖ‬ ‫َﺩﺭِ ﺧَ ﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺒﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧـﻜـﻮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭِ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬

‫‪147‬‬ ‫● ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﻳﺪﻡ!‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ(!‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼ ِﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻮﻝ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺻﻴّﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﺭﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺟﻮﻻﻫﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﮕﻲ ﺳ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ّﻛﻠﻪﭘﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮﭘﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻠﻪﺩﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ«‪ 17‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺴﺒﺎﻑ ﺟﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻪﭘﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ » ِﻫﺮﺑِﺮﺩﻭﻟﺮﺱ« ﺷﺮﻓﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺍﻛﻮﻱ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﺗﻴﻦﻓﻠﺮ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻛﺎﻱ ﻃﻼ )ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻛﺎ = ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺮﻩ( ﺷﺮﻓﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻛﺎﻱ ﻃﻼ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ...‬ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻛﻠﻮﺩ ﺩﻻﻟﻦ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ )ﺁﺋﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺎﺏ ﻃﻼ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺻﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻔﺖ ﻃﭙﺎﻧﭽﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ( ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬

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‫● ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ‪ 150‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦِ ﻓﻴﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻣﻨﺎء ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬـﻨﺸﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ َ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫َﺩﺭِ َﺧﻴﺮ ﺑـﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺒﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥـ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ(‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳ ِﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺷـﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﭙـﻴﭽﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﺨـﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯ ﺑﻴـﺪﺍﺩﮔـﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻣـﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﻛـﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩِ ﻫـﻨـﺮﻣﻨـﺪ ﺑــﺮﺗــﺮ ﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﻨـﺎﺭ ﻛـﻮﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺞ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﺠﺎ ﮔﻨـﺞ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ِ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔـﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺔ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ‪ 900/000‬ﺩﻭﻛﺎ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍء ﺁﻥ ‪ 24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪18‬‬

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‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫)‪1104‬ﻫـ‪1692/‬ﻡ(‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺿﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲ َﺩﻭﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺑﺮﭘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴّﺎﺡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ »ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺑُﻄﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺦﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻃﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨ ّﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻨﻔﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺭﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ُﻣﺒﻠﻐّﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﻲ ﺍﺯﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺶﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ؟‪...‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ! ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ »ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 22‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1077‬ﻫـ )‪1666‬ﻡ( »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ 24«.‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺑ َ ْﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺳﻤﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻄﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼ«‪ 25‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮِ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ )ﺍﺯ ‪1086‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪1101‬ﻫـ = ‪ 1675‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1689‬ﻡ( ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺔ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ »ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﻳﻚ )‪1689=1101‬ﻡ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺨﻌﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻡ ﺑﺬﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣ ّﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺭﺑﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺨﻌﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ »ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‪ 28.‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬

‫‪149‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣ ْﺼﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺤﺪ َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺭﻣ ِﺰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﺔ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ! ﻭ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫» ُﻣﺴﻜﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ 30.‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ )‪ 1038‬ﻫـ‪1628/‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺫﺭﻉ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﺔ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺪﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ُﻣﺰﺩِ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ‬

‫● ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩِ ﻗﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮِ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺷـﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﭙـﻴﭽﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﺨـﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯ ﺑﻴـﺪﺍﺩﮔـﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻣـﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﻛـﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩِ ﻫـﻨـﺮﻣﻨـﺪ ﺑــﺮﺗــﺮ ﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﻨـﺎﺭ ﻛـﻮﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬

‫‪150‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻲ »ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻨﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ َﻋ ّﺰ ﺫِ ْﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ«‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺽ ﻣﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺗﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ )ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬

‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻮﻫﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫● ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴّﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺔ ﺳﺮِ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ‪ 900/000‬ﺩﻭﻛﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍء ﺁﻥ ‪ 24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻚ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺮﻧﮓ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻀﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ! ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻳّﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴّﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴّﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ‪ُ 10‬ﺳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ« ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻴﻮﺗﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺁﺧﻮﺭﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﺯﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫)ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻥ( ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺑﭽﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡﺳﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺠﺰﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺒﮕﺮﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﺮﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫‪151‬‬ ‫● ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺠﺰﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺒﮕﺮﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﺮﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ِﺷﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ َﻋ َﺴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ِﺷﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ َﻋ َﺴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺴﺲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺷﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺮﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧ َﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺷﺐ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦِ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﮓ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻤﺔ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬

‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺔ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻧﺖﻓﺮﻩ ‪ Mr. Mont Ferre‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 38‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺦ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎء ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻛﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫‪152‬‬ ‫● ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺿﻌﻒ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺭﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫َﺳ ِﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ 39‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺷﻖ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ«!‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓ ًﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ُﻣﺴﺘﺤﻔﻆ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻫﺮﻭﺩﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ »ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﻣﮕﺎﺑﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ« ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻣﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻋﻤﻠﺔ َﻃ َﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺰء ﻋ ّﻤﺎ ِﻝ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺴﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ«! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭگ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺟﻠﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪111‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ )ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﺹ ‪(36‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪147‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪150‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪145‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪157‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪199‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺹ ‪ 174‬ﻭ ‪188‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪183‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺗﺎﻭﺭﻧﻴﻪ ﺹ ‪845‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪) ،139‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻲﮔﻮﻱ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺹ ‪(465‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪ 151‬ﻭ ‪157‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪186‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺹ ‪306‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪140‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﻭﻗﺎﻋﺪ ًﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﺹ ‪55‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺹ ‪ 125‬ﻭ ‪ ،132‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭِ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺩﻭﻥ ژﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺹ ‪ 257‬ﻭ ‪261‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،18‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﭙﻔﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪) «.‬ﻛﻤﭙﻔﺮ ﺹ‬ ‫‪(91‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪ 82‬ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻴﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪.23‬‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﻭ ‪ .24‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪ 216‬ﻭ ‪217‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪86‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺭﻭﺿﺔﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺝ ‪ 8‬ﺹ ‪490‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪1079‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 7‬ﺹ ‪159‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪ ،273‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺂﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﺨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍ ِﻥ »ﭼﺸﻢ ﺯﺧﻢ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪153‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ« ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ »ﻓﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ«!‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪245‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺹ ‪242‬‬ ‫ﺲ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﺭﻭﺭﺓ ُﻛ ِﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪ .191‬ﻭﻟَﻴْ َ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ »ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ )‪1306‬ﻕ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻚ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﺔ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﮕﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ّﺩﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﺔ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻦِ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪) «.‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴّﺮﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺹ ‪.(110‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺽ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻗﺒﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 18‬ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪35‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.32‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪.134‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪.180‬‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪107‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺹ ‪49‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪ 33‬ﻭ ‪35‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪ 173‬ﻭ ‪175‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺷﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،36‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ )ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪.177‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪989‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪206‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﺹ ‪207‬‬

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‫ﻛﻮچ ﺑﻠﻮچ‬

‫‪*1‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴ ِﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞِ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡِ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺰء ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ـ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ )ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ )ﺁﻝ ﺑﻮﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ )ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ )ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻝ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ )ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑُﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ 2‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻢ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭگ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ )ﻗﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ( ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ«‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛ ِﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭگ ﺑﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ّ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍِﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺨﻴ ِﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺿﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ«ﻫﺎ‪ 3‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ـ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻭ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ُﻃﻐﺮِﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲـ‪» 4‬ﻋﺸﻮﺭِ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸ ِﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﻐﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺗﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1022‬ﻫـ‪1613/‬ﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟ ُﻤﻠﻜﺶ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻓﻬﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﻛﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻲ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ( ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﻗﻨﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺯﻙ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺬﻻﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻩ« ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺨﺎﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻠﻮچ« ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ(‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﻏﺎﺯﻱ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.7‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭘُﺮ ﺩﻝ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ َﻋ َﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺩﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺯﺩِ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺩﻱﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺧﺒﻴﺺ )ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ( ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺟﺴ ِﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺩﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻗﭽﻪ ﻭ ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ُﻓﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰﺓ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ـﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪...» :‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﺓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪....10‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻐﺎ ﺳﺘﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪـ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫‪155‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭘُﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺷﻜﺮﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯ ّﺭﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﮕﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫َﻋ َﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺩﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺯﺩِ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺑﮕﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﺔ ‪1720‬ﻡ ‪ /‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻵﺧﺮ ‪ 1132‬ﻫـ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 13‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺎﻏﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪1722‬ﻡ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺫﻱﻗﻌﺪﻩ ‪ 1134‬ﻫـ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬

‫‪156‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻄﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪـ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭِ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ ﭘُﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻓﺮﺡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒّﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟ ِﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ )ﻧﺎﺩﺭ( ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻨﺔ‬ ‫‪ 1152‬ﻫـ‪1739 /‬ﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﺻﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﻨﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﻫﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯ ّﺭﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩ ِﻝ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮﻃﻦ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎ ُءﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﻥ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ُﺳﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻄﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ُﺣﻜ ِﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭِ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻄ ِﺮ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻴّﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1218‬ﻫـ‪1803/‬ﻡ(‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦِ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِﻥ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ )ﺍﺯ ‪1218‬ﻫـ‪ 1803/‬ﺗﺎ ‪1240‬ﻫـ‪1825/‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫِ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲِ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ 19‬ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ )ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ( ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺷ ّﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،21‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺏ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﻬﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭِ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ 22.‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩِ ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻲ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﭽﻲ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘ ِْﺴ ْ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺓ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺓ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺩﻱﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﻋ َﻤﺮ ﺍﺯﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺽ َﺳ ْﻬﻠﻬﺎ َﺟﺒَ ْﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎء‬ ‫ﻫﺎ َﻭ َﺷﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗَ ْﻤﺮﻫﺎ َﺩ َﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﺑ َ َﻄﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧَ ﻴْﺮﻫﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺿﺎﻳ ِﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﺋﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻫﺎ َﻃﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺜُﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻣِﻨْﻬﺎ‪َ ...‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺪﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ـ ﺃ ُﻣﺨﺒِﺮ ﺍَﻧ َْﺖ ﺍَﻡ َﺳ ّﺠﺎﻉ؟‬

‫‪157‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .26‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴ ِﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ 27‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻫﺪﻳﺔ ﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻡ«!‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻮچﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ«‪ 28‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ »ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﻱ)؟( ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﭙﺎﻧﭽﺔ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺷ ّﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺏ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ُﻣﻬﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪158‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﺓ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ 30:‬ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎ ِﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛِ ْ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭﮔﻲ‪ «....‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻠﻮچﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺯﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺗﺔ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺯﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫● ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﻦ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻲ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺁﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 33.‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ‪ «...‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺪﻟﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭﻭﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‪ ،34‬ﻫﻮﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ...،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮ]ﻣﺎ[ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺎﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻫﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ 35،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺐ ‪ 21‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﻭﻟﻲ ‪ 1304‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‪ 36‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻲ ـﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ـ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﻁ ـ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ُﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑُﺮﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑِﻨ ِ ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 731‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘُﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ! ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1303‬ﻫـ‪1886/‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 38،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ! ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻤﭙﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺑَﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭ ُﻭ ُﺣﻨﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬

‫‪159‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫●‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮِ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ً‬ ‫ﻻ ﻫﺪﻳﺔ ﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ »ﺁﺩﻡ«!‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬ ِﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻀﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺣﺎﺫﻕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻨﺎﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈ ِﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‪«....‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1888‬ﻡ‪1305/‬ﻫـ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﻫﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ُﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮء ّﻇﻦِ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻔﻠﺘ ًﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﺒﺎﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺏ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫‪160‬‬ ‫● »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭِ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﺓ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎ ِﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛِ ْ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭﮔﻲ‪ «....‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﻭ ﺯﻧﮕﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﺔ ﺯ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 42...‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕ ِﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴ ّﺰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ِﺟ ْﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘ ّﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑُﺪّ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻴﺖ ﺭﻋﻴّﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣ ِﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭِ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﻴ ِﻢ ﺑﺎ ِﻍ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺳﺮِﭘﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑ َ ْﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮﻥ ﺯﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻮچ ُﻛﺮﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭِﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ُ ،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻡﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺋﻴﻞ ‪1297‬ﻫـ‪ 4/‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1880‬ﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺧﺘ ِﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻟﻲﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ِﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭼﺎﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺅﻑ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ًﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭ‪ 45‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺭ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ـ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ‪.«...‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲ َﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‪،47‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺩِ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻴﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﭘ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﻚ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻒ ﻫﺮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ُﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳ ِﺮ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻭﻡ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻗﻨﺒﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﮔﺸﻨﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺒﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺒﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ‪...» :‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪....«...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ »ﻛﺎﺥ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﺳﻮﺭ« ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺗﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﮔﺠﺴﺘﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻛﻮچﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻖﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺰﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﺳﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻘﻌﺔ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻟﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻘﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ 50‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ْ‬

‫‪161‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺼﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﺘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺟﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻠﺘﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴﺔ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.«...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ »‪...‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ 54،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺃﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ 55«...‬ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫● ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮِ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭِ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﻴ ِﻢ ﺑﺎ ِﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺳﺮِﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑ َ ْﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮﻥ ﺯﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻮچ ُﻛﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪162‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔ ِﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻟﻲِ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩِ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲِ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡِ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺦ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ‪1319‬ﻫـ‪ 22/‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪1901‬ﻡ‪ .‬ـ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﻳﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮓﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻄﺮﻭﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜ ِﺮ ﺳﻔ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻔ ِﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩِ ُﮔﻠﺪﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ! )ﺁﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫● ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ًﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺏﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ـ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ‪.«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺠﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﭘﭽﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪» :‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺄﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ً ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ُﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ! ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ؛ ﻛﻮ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮپ ﻫﺎ ﻛﻮ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﻮﭘﭽﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 58‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻭﻓﻲ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎ ِﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﻫﺘﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺤﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺯﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺏ ﺛﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ(‪ 60‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻏﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺫﺭﻉ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﭘُﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ّ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳ ِﺪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟ ّﻠ ُﻬ َﻢ َﺣ ّﻮ ْﻝ ﺣﺎﻟَﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﻦِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎ ِﻝ‪ .‬ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍ ﻣ ِ ْﻦ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺫﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻒ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺑﻲﻗ ّﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭﺷﻮ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑ ُ ِﺰ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻬﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ!‬

‫‪163‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪...‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫●‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺳﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲ َﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺩِ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛ ِﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺮﺓ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﭙﻮﺳﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣ ِﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ! ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ .63‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﺦﺧﻮﺍﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺪ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻃﻨ ًﺎ ﻳﺎﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﻮﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺛﻠﺚ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ َّ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣ ِ ْﻦﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ؟ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺖ ﻻﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ُﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ َﻗ َﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭگ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻭﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻧ ّﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ‬

‫‪164‬‬ ‫● ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ِﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻋﻠﻒ ﻫﺮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ُﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮِ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﭘﺴ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﺖﭼﻲ!‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺛﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 66،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ 67،‬ﺗﺎﺧﺖﭼﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻥﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻜﻲ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻟﻘﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺝ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴ ِﺪ ﻟﻨﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﺩﺯﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻮﺕ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻫﻢﺷﻬﺮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍ َ ْﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍَﻟﺒْ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ُ‬ ‫ﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺯﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺶ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎ ِﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪـ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،70‬ﻭ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻄﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻃﻨ ًﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 71،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞِ ﭘﺪْ ﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪1898‬ﻡ‪1316/‬ﻫـ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ »ﻛﻤﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮچ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ ،1898‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗ ِﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﻦِ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻞِ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺘﺄﺧ ِﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ »ﺍﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ؛ ﺍﺧﻤﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻛﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ـ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﭽﻲ ﻛﻼﺕ ـ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﭙﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﮔﻠﺪﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﮔﻠﺪﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺼ ِﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﻫﻚ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻢ ـ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ـ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭِ ﻣﻦـ ﻣﻴﺎ ِﻥ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻜﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﻲ ﺳ ِﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺟﺰ ـ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﻉﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ »ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒ ِﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﺡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ِ‬ ‫»ﺗﻖ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ـ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻴّﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻠﻮﻛﻲ‪ ،75‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﺷﻬﺎ‪ 76‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞِ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥﻛﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ِﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺐ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺁﺫﻭﻗﮕﻲ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ـ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ )ﺑﺎﺩ( ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯِ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧ ﱠَﻮﺭﺍﷲُ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫َﻣﺮ َﻗﺪَ ﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫‪165‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎ ِﻥ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﺽ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﺪﺑّﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ 79‬ـ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺳﻮﺧﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬

‫● ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻭﻡ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻗﻨﺒﺮ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﮔﺸﻨﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺒﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪....«...‬‬

‫‪166‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻠﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.195‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ ‪.343‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ‪551‬ﻫـ‪1156/‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.371‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪625‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ـ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ »ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻧﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ »ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﺹ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺒﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،393‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﻟﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪51‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.386‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.115‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪202‬؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻼ ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ 460‬ﺑﺒﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.665‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.756‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.735‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺓﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻓﻠﺰﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ »ﻋﺎﺋﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪) .‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺹ ‪(338‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.759‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.385‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺹ ‪.381‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻻﻣﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﭼﺎپ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺹ ‪ ،7‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺻ ِﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻀﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻌﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻻﺷﻌﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺰﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻏﻀﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻭ َﺷﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻞ ﻭﻟ ِ ّﺼﻬﺎﺑ َ َﻄﻞ ـ ﺍِﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﻮﺵ ﺑﻬﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍِﻥ ﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﺟﺎﻋﻮﺍ‪) ...‬ﻋﻘﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(121‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﻗﻄﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ )ﺩﺯﺩﺁﻥ( ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ!‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﺸﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﺎﻓﻲ؟‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.399‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪» :67‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﮕﺲ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻃﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬ـ )ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.358‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﻧﺎﺳﺦﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.396‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.18‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.105‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 28‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.269‬‬ ‫‪1883 .34‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ ،3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪ ،203‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺁﺕﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ )ﺹ ‪.(283‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ 16 .36‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪1877‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ـ ﭘﺪﺭ ـ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪) .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺹ ‪ (36‬ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ )ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1333‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺍﻭ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻪ ‪ 1303‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ «...‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .39‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .40‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ .41‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ؛ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.144‬‬ ‫‪ .42‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ ‪.19‬‬ ‫‪ .43‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 390‬ﺑﺒﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .44‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.137‬‬ ‫‪ .45‬ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .46‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻓﻲ ﺹ‬ ‫‪.67‬‬ ‫‪.47‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.142‬‬ ‫‪ .48‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،267‬ﺍﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .49‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.75‬‬ ‫‪ .50‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺗﻮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﺶ ﺑﻜﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫‪ .51‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻪ!‬ ‫‪ .52‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.54‬‬ ‫‪ .53‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.68‬‬ ‫‪ .54‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .55‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ ،69‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .56‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪1316‬ﺵ‪1937 /‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼء ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺍﻟ ّﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .57‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.37‬‬ ‫‪ .58‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،27‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫‪167‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ!‬ ‫‪ .59‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.11‬‬ ‫‪ .60‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ = ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .61‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪.69‬‬ ‫‪ .62‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.76‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ .63‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .64‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.60‬‬ ‫‪ .65‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.45‬‬ ‫‪ .66‬ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲ!‬ ‫‪ .67‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .68‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺧﺖﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻻﻧﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .69‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.48‬‬ ‫‪ .70‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .71‬ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ! ﺩﻳﮓ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻳﮓﺑﺮ« ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺕﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺻﻒﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪1315‬ﻫـ‪1897/‬ﻡ ﺗﺎ ‪1318‬ﻫـ‪1901/‬ﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .72‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺹ‪.145‬‬ ‫‪ .73‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.266‬‬ ‫‪ .74‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.142‬‬ ‫‪ .75‬ﺻﻠﻌﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻟﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻧـﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻓﺘـﻴﻢ ﻗـﺎﺻـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭِ ﻣـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﺎﺭِ ﻃﺮﺍّﺭِ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ »ﺻﺎﺩ« ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍِﺑﺪﺍﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ »چ« ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﻮﻏﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻟﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻟﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﻮﻙ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﻮﻙ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻻﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .76‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .77‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.77‬‬ ‫‪ .78‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .79‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ »ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬

‫*‬

‫ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺑﭽﻨـﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛـﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ ﻋﺎﻓﻴـﺖ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻟﻒ ﻏﻤﮕﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﺷـﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬

‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺓ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮژﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ!‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻘﺮﺏ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ«‪ 2‬ﻟﺐ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻴﺮﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺭﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ »ﺁﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻞ« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ«‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ ﺯﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1319‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‪1901 /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺒﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1304‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ‪ 1925 /‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 1927/1306‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 562‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻤﻘﺎﻳﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﺘﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﺾ ـ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖﻫﺮﺗﺴﻔﻠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ »ﻣﺪ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪ 1346‬ﻕ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﻣﺬ ‪1306‬‬ ‫ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻋﻴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1307‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ )‪ (1928‬ﺩﺭ ‪167‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﭽﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪...» :‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻀﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭽﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1308‬ﺵ‪1929/‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1310‬ﺵ‪ 1931 /‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪ 241‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫‪169‬‬ ‫●ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻟﺐ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﭘﻴﺮﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭِ ﺭﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻬﻢ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍﺧﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﻼء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ )‪1306‬ﺵ( ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺖ ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﻣﻔﻀﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺫﻛﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ـ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﺒﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬

‫‪170‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺫﻛﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺒﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )‪1307‬ﺵ( ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﮔﺰﻟﻮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻘﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬‫ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻘﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬‫ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ]ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ]‪1312‬ﺵ[ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺫﻳﻘﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ـ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺂﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻦﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍء‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺘﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺂﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ 5‬ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻤﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪ 6.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﭽﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﭽﺎپ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻊ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻪ )ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1306‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﻞ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ »ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟـﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳـﺶ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻧـﻜﻪ ﭘﻴـﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷـﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ‬‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﺠﻠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬

‫‪171‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ )ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ( ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺰﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﭽﺎپ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ؛ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺰﻩ ﻭ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ«‪ 7‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪172‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬

‫ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬

‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﺓ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ 8‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺪّ ﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻤﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ؟ )ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1300‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ( ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻧﻴﻤﺴﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬

‫● ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﺴﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺂﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻤﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﻨﺠﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﺴﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ »ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ« ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1326‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪ /‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ‪ 15‬ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪) 1366‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪1947‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺑﻤﺮﺽ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﺿﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺿﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻋﻢ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ 10‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ )ﻣﺸﺎﻕ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳـﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮ ﺑﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺟﻞ‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ!‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪) .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪(1305‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻘﻠﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺹ ‪18‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻛﺒﺎﺗﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ )ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ( ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﭘﺎﻛﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻤﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻤﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺄﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻤﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﺮﺓ ﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 28‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ..‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﻬﺪﺓ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1310‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪،1311‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1311‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1311‬ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1313‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1313‬ﺵ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼء ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﺒﺎء ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻫ ًﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﭙﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺘﺨﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1341‬ـ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻛﺒﺎﺗﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣـﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺯﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1307‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﻤﺂﻝ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ« ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1311‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1310‬ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 700‬ﻭ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ‬

‫‪173‬‬ ‫● ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺰﻩ ﻭ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ« ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧ ًﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﻗﺼﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺹ ‪ (395‬ﺑﻨﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪...» 1321‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﻢﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏﺗﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) «...‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺹ‬ ‫‪ ،(93‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﺔ ‪ 3‬ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ‪ 1311‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ـ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ‪» ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 3‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 1312‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﺩﻳﺔ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‬ ‫)ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺹ ‪ .(114‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ« )ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻢ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺵ ‪ 73‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪26‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺑﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 1310‬ﻭ ‪ 1314‬ﺵ‪) .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺤﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ(‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛـﺮ ﺑﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻮﺭ ﺑﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎ!‬

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‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.« ...‬‬

‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺮ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﻴﺨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺨﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﺳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ 1‬ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻮﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻣﮕﻮﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ«‬

‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪1327‬ﻕ‪ 1909/‬ﻡ ﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻧﺴﻮﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺘﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻨﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬

‫● ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﻴﺨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺨﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 7‬ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﭘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﭘﺮﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻗﻨﺴﻮﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻗﻨﺴﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺰﻱﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻨﺴﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ »ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬

‫‪175‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪/1337‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 1919‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺵ( ﻣﻔﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ!« ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺳﻮ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ...‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...،‬ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻙ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،..‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ..‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‪ ...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪176‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻮﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻣﮕﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻒﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﮔﻔﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩژ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻖ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﺫﻱﺣﺠﺔ ‪ /1339‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1921‬ﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪﺵ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺍﻡ ﺑﺸﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ‪ /‬ﺯ ﻏﺼﺔ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯ ﻏﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﻦ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻭﻃﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺘﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ‪ 14‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪ 1300‬ﺵ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 7/1340‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1921‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ...‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻜﻤﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺟﺰءﻻﻳﺘﺠﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﺒﻐﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻌﺸﻊ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺂﻝﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﻙﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻭ »ﺷﻘﺎﻗﻠﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) 9.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻘﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫)ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ( ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪1343‬ﻕ‪1914 /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻄﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﺨﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ‪(S.P.R)10‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ )ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪ /1338‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫‪1920‬ﻡ( ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪177‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1334) 1915‬ﻕ( ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،1919‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 11‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ‪/1337‬ﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺵ( ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺬﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﺔ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫● ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫‪178‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﭽﻨﮕﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1298‬ﺵ‪ /‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪ /1337‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﻣﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺴﻜﺮ ﻭﺗﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ )ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ /1299‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪1920‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫● ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻒﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﮔﻔﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩژ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻭﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 27‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1299‬‬ ‫)ﺫﻳﻘﻌﺪﻩ( ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ 17.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻭﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺻﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ )ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ(‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺰﺍﻕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻭﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ 18.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﻤﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺳﺎﻭﻳﺖ« ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 19.‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻠﺔ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1919‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻊ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻭﻳﺘﻲ )ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺳﺤﻖ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺨﻢﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺩﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻤﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻤﺴﻜﻮ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 20.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺛﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1299‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻜﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‬

‫ﭼﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘـﺪﻳـﺪ ﺁﻳـﺪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺎﻣـﺪﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫‪179‬‬ ‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺒﻠﺔ ‪ 1300‬ﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻌﺸﻊ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﻙﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ )‪ 17‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ /1920‬ﻋﻘﺮﺏ ‪ 1299‬ﺵ‪ /‬ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪1339‬ﻕ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﺮﺏ ‪ 1299‬ﺵ )‪14‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ‪ /1339‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1920‬ﻡ( ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪180‬‬ ‫● ﭼﺎﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪1343‬ﻕ‪1914 /‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻄﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺁﺗﺮﻳﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﻗﺎﺑﺎﺑﺎ« ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻲﺩﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻭﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻄﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ً‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪..‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ....» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻔﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻲ؟ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﭼﻪﻭﺭﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻴﮕﺸﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﭻ ﺻﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﮔﻴﻠﻚ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻼﻱ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺠﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺗﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻜﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮﻳﻜﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ )ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺆﺩﺏﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻮﺳﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1921‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ 18) .‬ﺟﺪﻱ ‪/1299‬‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪(1339‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻴﺔ ‪) 1920‬ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪(1338‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺘﻲ ﺑﻤﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻄﻨﻄﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 30‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ! ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ )ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻨ ًﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ!«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪ 30‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫‪181‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ«‪ 31.‬ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 387‬ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 26‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪) 1920‬ﺻﻔﺮ ‪ (1339‬ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ...»:‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ«‪ ....‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 27‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻤﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ )ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء )ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬

‫● ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1334) 1915‬ﻕ(‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪،1919‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫● ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 28‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ )ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ )ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺒﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﮕﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﮕﻲ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ!‪ 35‬ﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ »‪ ...‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺰﺍﺟﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺒﺎء ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺯﺩ »‪...‬ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻳﻴﻼﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﻦ ﺑﺨﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‪) ...‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺹ‪(388‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪175‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪259‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

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‫‪ .5‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪896‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺹ ‪222‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺹ ‪410‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﺮﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻏﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻘﺸﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ! )ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ(‬

‫‪10. South Persia Rifles‬‬

‫‪ .11‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪22‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪44‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺹ ‪ ،157‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺹ ‪185‬‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺹ ‪ 230‬ﻭ ‪268‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﻌﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﭘﻄﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻤﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ )ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻟﻴﺎﺧﻮﻑ(ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻘﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻮﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻭﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ‪ Starosselski‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ(‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺝ ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪31‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪64‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪225‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ،1299‬ﺹ ‪ ،30‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺪﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪192‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺹ ‪ 35‬ﻭ ‪37‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ،1299‬ﺹ ‪ 35‬ﻭ ‪37‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪231 -195 -185‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪269‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺹ ‪283‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪511‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،24 ،‬ﺹ ‪93‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 21‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،24 ،‬ﺹ ‪99‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،24 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 7‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ؟«‬ ‫‪ .36‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1920‬ﺁﻳﺮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫)ﺩﺭ ‪ (1972‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﺔ ‪) 1919‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ(‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) «...‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ـ ‪(281/30‬‬ ‫‪ .37‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 3‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪1921‬‬ ‫‪ .38‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ‪ 6‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪1921‬‬

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‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪1919‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻋـﻨﺎﺻـﺮ ﺑـﻲﺭﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺁﻳـﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋـﻨﺎﺻـﺮ ﻫـﻤﺪﮔـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻫﻠﺪ‬ ‫)ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ(‬

‫ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺖ ﺯﻏﻮﻏﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﻧﮕﺌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ *.‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ )ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...» .‬ﻓﻘﺮﺍء ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﻡﭘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻼﻑ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻱ ‪230‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻗﺼﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻟﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻟﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ )ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪ /1336‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 1918‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ /1339‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪....(1920‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ‪ 1919‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫)ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ = 1919‬ﺫﻳﻘﻌﺪﻩ ‪ .(1337‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 1907‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 1907‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ‪1919‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻨ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ )ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ( ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻘﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ 4.‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﺘﺎژ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﻜﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺰﺣﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﻕ )‪1919‬ﻡ( ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ 6‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ـ »ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻔﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﻻﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺲ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬

‫‪185‬‬ ‫● ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺖ ﺯﻏﻮﻏﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﻧﮕﺌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﺨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻣﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻔﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﻠﺴﻜﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻛﺲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ »ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻃﻠﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬

‫‪186‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...» .‬ﻓﻘﺮﺍء ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﻡﭘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍء ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻼﻑ« ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ »ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻓﻲﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺎ ‪ 31‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎء ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ‪ Derby‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑـﺮﭘـﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴـﻢ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪) 1920‬ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪ (1338‬ﻣﺴﺘﺮﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺘﺒ ًﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻭﻱ ﺳﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻼ ﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﺻﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓـﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨـﻄـﻖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﭘﻬـﻠﻮﺍﻧـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻐـﻠﻄـﺎﻧـﺪ ﺧﺴـﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸـﻪﺍﻱ ﻏـﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻛﺴـﻲ‬ ‫ﻛـﻮﺭ ﮔـﺮﺩﺩ ﭼﺸـﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺠﻜـﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨـﺪ ﮔـﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺥ ﮔـﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﻚﺑﺨـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺐ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻃﻪ ﺯﻣﻴـﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺘـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑـﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛـﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﺮﻛـﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫـﻴﺖ ﺗـﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﭼﻴـﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﻧﮓ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫)ﺗﻘﻮﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

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‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﻧﮓ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﭘﻠﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﺸﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺍﻭﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﻠﺸﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﻃﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺄﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻤﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺛﻪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ )ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺷﻮﺍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍء‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﻤﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ‪ 39‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺳﺪ ‪ /1299‬ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪، 1338‬‬ ‫‪ 1920‬ﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻼء ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﺭﺍء‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﻼء‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء(‬

‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬

‫● ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1907‬ﻭ ‪ 1919‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 1907‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ‪ 1919‬ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻨ ًﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬

‫‪188‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫* ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ ‪352‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،22 ،‬ﺹ ‪ 417‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪30‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ! ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺒﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﺰﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺳﺮ« ﻭ ﻳﻚ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺮگ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )؟( ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪(954‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺷﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﺰﻋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ »ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ«! ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ )ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎء( ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1325‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ »ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻦ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »‪...‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪(94‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺹ‬ ‫‪(147‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪38 ،36‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪145‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،22 ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،428‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪) .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪24 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(85‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪161‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪175‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ )ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ(‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ )ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ(‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ )ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﺍﺋﻲ(‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﻔﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺪﻏﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎء )ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ(‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷـﺘﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻨﺎ ﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺳﻨـﺎ ﻓـﺘـﻨﻪ ﻛﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺳـﺎﻳـﻪ ﻭ ﻓـﺘـﻨـﻪ ﺑـﻲﺻﺪﺍ ﻓﺘـﻨﻪ ﻛﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳــﺔ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻓـﺘـﻨـﻪ ﻛـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1299‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ!« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

‫‪189‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 754‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 19‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪1920‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 11‬ﺍﻭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺍﻭﺕ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 90‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﺍ ً ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1919‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« )ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ(‪) .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،22 ،‬ﺹ ‪.(430‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ]ﻣﺠﻠﺲ[ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ـ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺍﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ؛ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻜﻮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪(1354‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 3‬ﺹ ‪ 170‬ﻭ ‪173‬‬

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‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪1299‬‬

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‫ﮔـﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﺑﺘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ )ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪،(1920‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺟﺪﻱ = ﺩﻱ ‪1299‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺟﺪﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ً ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺩﻟﻮ ‪) 1299‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ /1339‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪(1921‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺕ ‪1299‬ﺵ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺝ‪ 1339 2،‬ﻕ )‪ 19‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪1921‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻨﮕﻲﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﺩﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻨﮕﻲﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻮﺕ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ »ﺷﻬﺮﻧﻮ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ«‬

‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪ -...‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺕ )ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ( ‪ 21/1299‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪1921‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺨﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﺤﻘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ـ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ـ ﻣﺎژﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ(‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﻌﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺂﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ـ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ـ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻴﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﺓ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻘﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻄﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺅﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻘﻴﻨ ًﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻄﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ )ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ( ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﺔ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﻚ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﺁﻳﺮﻥﺳﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻄﻖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻠﺒﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﺒﺔ ﻛﺎﻩﮔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬

‫‪191‬‬ ‫● ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ... :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺫﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﺤﻘﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻬﻴﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺑﻘﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻬﻴﺞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﺒﺔ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫‪192‬‬ ‫● ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺠﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ« ﺑﺮﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻭﺑﺒﻨﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﺣﺔ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ً ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻚﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ً ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺨﻞ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺂﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺘﮕﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ـ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻮﻥﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬ـ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺤﻜﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪9‬ـ ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ـ ‪1339‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 22» :‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ،1921‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﻮپ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ‪ 21‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺫﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻤﻜﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ..‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ «...‬ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﻌﺎﺿﺪﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺠﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ 6 ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻮﻡ‪ 7‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺓ ﭘﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ« ﻋﻼﺝ ﺩﺭﺩ »ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺣﻮﺕ )ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ( ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎـ ﻧﺼﺮﺓﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﺳﻬﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ـ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ـ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ـ ﻟﺴﺎﻥﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻤﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ـ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ـ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻀﺪ ـ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﮕﺮـ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻡ ـ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ـ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻳﺎﻧﺲ ـ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺪ( ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻟﭽﻲ ـ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭﻟﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ـ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ـ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ـ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺿﻴﺎء ـ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻤﻦ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ‬

‫‪193‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻬﻴﺌﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﺻﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ )ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ( ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﺭﺓ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻘﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﺡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻠﻔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬

‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ...:‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ )ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺡﺁﺑﺎﺩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ]ﺷﺎﻩ[ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻤﺮﺵ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﺟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ!‬

‫‪194‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺎﻏﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺭﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻋﺸﺮﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪....‬‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎء ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ‬ ‫)ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ...‬ﺑﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ‬

‫● ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ )ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺡﺁﺑﺎﺩ( ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ]ﺷﺎﻩ[ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻤﺮﺵ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1300‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 11.‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ‪ 1300‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ً ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪1921‬ﻡ‪ (1300 /‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻱ ‪ 17) 1300‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪ /1339‬ﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪1921‬ﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻩ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻩ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«!‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻠﻚﺁﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﺮﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﺮﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺂﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻓﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺂﺩﺭﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﺮﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻀﺎﻱ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ« ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻘﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ( ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍء ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬

‫‪195‬‬ ‫● ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻱ ‪ 17) 1300‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪/1339‬‬ ‫ﻣﻪ ‪1921‬ﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻩ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«!‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؟« )ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺤﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺓ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ـ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺓ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺑﺎﺯﺁ«ﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ‬

‫ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬

‫‪196‬‬ ‫● ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ «1919‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻛﻒ )ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﻮﺍ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻧﻴﻦ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻣﻜﻴﻦ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮﻱ( ﮔﻮﺳﻒ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻨﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻴﺦ )ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩژﺑﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻓﻌﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ »ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﻗﻮﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ ‪ /1300‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪1921‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻛﺖﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ!‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻛﺖﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻧﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺣﻨﺎﻓﺪﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺣﺴﺐﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﺑﺠﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻳ ًﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﺠﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻊﻭﻗﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫)‪ 5‬ﺳﻨﺒﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺮﺓ ‪8425‬ـ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء(‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻴﺨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻤﺼﺎﺩﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻤ ًﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﺤﺾ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪....‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬

‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ‪ 12‬ﻓﺮﺳﺨﻲ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺗﭙﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﭙﺔ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﭙﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﭙﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﺸﻨﮓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺗﭙﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﭙﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﭙﺸﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻏﺮﺓ ﺻﻔﺮ ‪1340‬ﻕ= ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1921‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺳﻄﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻠﻘﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﻐﻢﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺿﻴﻐﻢﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻔﺮﺍﻥﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻤﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺻﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻐﺮﻭﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮپ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻌﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺒﺮﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻌﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻤﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﺮﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ‪ 13‬ﻋﻘﺮﺏ ‪ /1300‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1921‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭﻃﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬

‫ﻏﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺧﺎﻟﻮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻮﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬

‫‪197‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻮﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻓﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﺔ »ﻣﺎﻭﺯﺭ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻣﺎﻭﺯﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻭﺯﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻪ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺭﺩ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺠﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎ ﺧﻢ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺑﻨﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻄﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺒﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﻮﺩ ‪ 45‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﺑ ًﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬

‫‪198‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪﺳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﺳﺮﺍ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰء ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻡ »ﭘﺴﻴﺨﺎﻥ« ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ »ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻟﻪ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺻﺪ ﺑﻔﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﭘﻮﺭﺗ ًﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺭﺍﭘﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ«‪....‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺏ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﻳﺎﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺋﻮﻙ )ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ )ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺟﻬﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﺮﻱ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻟﺶ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﺋﻮﻙ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻃﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯﺑﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﺋﻮﻙ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺕﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻦﺁﺑﺎﺩ )ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﻓﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ »ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺱ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﻡ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ )ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ )ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ( ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ «1919‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻛﻒ )ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﻮﺍ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻣﻜﻴﻦ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮﻱ(‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﻒ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻨﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻴﺦ )ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩژﺑﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ 25‬ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻓﻌﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ »ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻚ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺯﺍﺋﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ...‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭻﻭﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺦﻭﺑﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺑﻲﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ‪ُ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻥﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،..‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﺟﺮﺋﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫‪199‬‬ ‫● ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻴﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺬﻟﻚ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺨﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺟﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﺴﭙﻮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺑﻮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ)؟(‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﺔ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﺔ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ« ﻻﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻤﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫‪28‬‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﺴﭙﻮ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﺴﭙﻮ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﺴﭙﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ«!‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ »ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﺴﭙﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻑ! ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ‬ ‫‪31‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪243‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1920‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻤ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1919‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1921‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺣﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺝ ‪ 2‬ﺹ ‪15‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،24 ،‬ﺹ ‪110‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺓ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،24 ،‬ﺹ‪(69‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﮕﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ُﮔﺮﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻏﻴﺐﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ـ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! )ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ‪.(1284‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺹ ‪118‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺹ ‪170‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،4‬ﺹ ‪359‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ )ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ( ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺭﻋﺪ! ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﻮﻧﺴﻠﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻳﻦﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ،1299‬ﺝ ‪ 1‬ﺹ ‪174‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪244‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎء ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫‪201‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺐ ﺑﺨـﺖ ﺳـﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺳـﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧـﻜـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻴـﻦ ﺗـﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧـﺎﻧـﻪﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧـﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﺑـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻋـﻤـﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﻬـﺪﻩ ﺑـﺮ ﻧـﻤــﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨـﺰﻝ ﺑـﺪﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺣﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‪..» .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻗﻴﺪﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﺧﺮ ‪ ،1339‬ﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1336‬ﺹ ‪14‬‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪352‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺹ ‪288‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1299‬ﺹ ‪290‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻌﺶ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ« )ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺹ ‪.(16‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺹ ‪329‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ »ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺁﺭﺍ«‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺹ ‪233‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺷﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪486‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻫﻮﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪4‬ﺹ ‪232‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪ 227‬ﺗﺎ ‪240‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺳﺎﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻜﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻜﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﺓ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ 4‬ﺹ ‪296‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪) ،‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ (1349‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻗﻨﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬

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‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ )‪1957‬ﻡ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺁﻓﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻠﻤﻦ‪5‬ـ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ« ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻌﺪ ـ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻴﺪ ـ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ـ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ« ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻟﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍَﻋﺜﻢ ﻛﻮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬

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‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﺭ‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻢ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪1951‬ﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻚﻭﺑُﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻨﻮ‪ 1‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ 2،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺭﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﺳﻪ‪ 3‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺍﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1954‬ﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦﺳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ«‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺤﻂ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫)‪1960‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺋﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ )ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪1962‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻼﺝ« ﻭ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻫﺪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 8.‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻴﻀﺎ« ﻣﻮﻟ ِﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﻼﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ُﻣﻜﺮﻱ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ 58‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ 9.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻛﻮﻧﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺷﺪﺍﻻﺯﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ« ﻳﺎ »ﺭﻳﺎﺽﺍﻻﻟﻮﺍﺡ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﭼﻴﻦِ ﺯﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﭼﻴﻦِ ﺧﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭِ ﻗﺤﻂ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ـ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻮ ِﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ـ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺐ ّ‬ ‫ﻗِﺪّ ﻳﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳ ِﺮ ﭘُﻤﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻤﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎ ـ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘُﻤﭗ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺸﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻐ َُﺮﺑﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍء ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻜﻢ ﭘُﻠﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻄﺮﻱ ﺁﺑﺠﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﭘﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ـ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﻫﻴﭻ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ ـ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﮔﻨﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ »ﺟﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ« ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ 11‬ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪203‬‬ ‫● ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺾ ُﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺣ ّ‬ ‫ﻼﺝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮِ ﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ُﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ـ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻼﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭ »ﺣﻼﺝ« ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ 30» :‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1923‬ﻡ‪/‬ﺝ‪1342/2‬ﻫـ(«‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ـ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﻼﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ـ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﻼﻁ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺸﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪـ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‪«...12‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡﺟﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻼﺝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪204‬‬ ‫● ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺷﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺘّﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔ ًﺎ ﻣﻦﺍﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ«‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻗﻠﻢ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ »ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ 13‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ُﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﭽﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺘّﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔ ًﺎ ﻣﻦﺍﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ« ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ! ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﻠﻨﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ» »ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺨﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺤﺎﺭﻳﺮﺍﻻﺩﺑﺎء‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆﺍﻟﺸﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻤﺔﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪] .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ[ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻣﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻠﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ُﻗ ّﺮﺍء ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻀ ِﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ـ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧُﻘِ َﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻓﻼﻧﻲ« ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺎﻻﻧ َﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺩِ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ]ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻭ[‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌ ّﻤﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﺶ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ »ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺒﺎﺑﻢ« ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ »ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﻔﺼﺤﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﺎ ّﻣﺮ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ـ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑِﻌ ُﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﺲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻣ ِ ُﺴﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩِ ُﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﻼﺟﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺑ ِ ُﻌﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﺋﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺛﺎﻣﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺛﺎﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪّ ﺍﺡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻼﺝ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻫﻴﭻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻲﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ‪:‬ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻼﺝ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﻼ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ...،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ» »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ـ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ »ﺳﻔﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ـ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ » ُﻣﺮﻭﺝﺍﻟﺬﻫﺐ« ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻭ« ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ« ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ـ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ »ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ‪ 20‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.21‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬

‫‪205‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﻊ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ـ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻼﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪ ّﺭﺳﺎ ِﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻼﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ]ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻼﻫﺎﺩﻱ[ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻻﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.22...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ ـ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ُﻫﻨﺎﻙ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺎﺯﭘﻮﺭ« ﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫● ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﻠﻨﺪﺍﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ» »ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺨﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺤﺎﺭﻳﺮﺍﻻﺩﺑﺎء‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆﺍﻟﺸﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ـ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻤﺔﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪] .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ[ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻣﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻠﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫‪206‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍ َ ْﻭﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒﺍﻵﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ـ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻠﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﺣﻼﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺰﻻﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻜﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻼﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻲ ـ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧـﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻨـﺪﻱ ﺩﻫﻤﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻞِ ُﻛ ّﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻠﺲـ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻠﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ـ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ُﻗ ّﺮﺍء ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪـ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮِ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ـ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧُﻘ ِ َﻞ ـ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻓﻼﻧﻲ« ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ـ ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﻼﻁ »ﻳﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﻟﺜﻜﻠﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻗ ّﻠﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻲِ ﺳﻄﺤﻲِ ﺳﻄﺤﻲِ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ـ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ـ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ » ُﺩ ّﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ُﺩ ّﺭﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ـ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺒْﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﻮ ِﻥ ُﻓﺤﺸﻲ ـ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎء ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩِ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﻮﺧﺘﺔ ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 25.‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ ـ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑَﻴْﻨﻮﻧﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻴّ ِ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺩ ّﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎء ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﺰ ﻛـﺎﺥ ﻫﻨـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﺆﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ـ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻩ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻱ ـ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺤﺸﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﺎﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ـ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﺔ ﻣﺎﺩﻟﻴﻦ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ 27«...‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ »ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫]ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ؟[ ـ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎﺥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﮔﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑَﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ُﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺐ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ‪1901‬ﻡ‪ 1319 /‬ﻫـ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ]ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ[‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﮔﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟ ِﻢ ﺗُﺮﻙﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭِ ﮔﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﺢ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﮔﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﮔﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ـ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﻠﺴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪207‬‬ ‫● ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒﺍﻵﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ـ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻠﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺣﻼﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺰﻻﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪1926‬ﻡ‪ 20] .‬ﺝ ‪ 1344/2‬ﻫـ[‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﮔﻴﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ »ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ«‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻣﻴﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎ ِﻝ ﻭﻗـﻒ ﻧـﺒـﻴـﻨﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺗﺴﻤﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ‪1945‬ﻡ‪1364/‬ﻫـ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﺋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬

‫‪208‬‬ ‫● ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻮﺗﺴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ »ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻮﻟﻮگ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺗ ْ​ْﺴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﺪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ! ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩِ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ـ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ـ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺫ َﻫﺒﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺭﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ـ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺨﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 30.‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ُﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜ ًﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 31.‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﻨﻈ ِﻢ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺷﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ‪ 1210‬ﻫـ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1260‬ﻫـ‪ 1795/‬ﻡ ﺗﺎ ‪1844‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺮﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭِ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻦ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ! ﻳﺎ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻮﺗﺴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ »ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻮﻟﻮگ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﻡِ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ـ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺗ ْ​ْﺴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺗﺴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ »ﺑَﻌﻠﻴﺎﺑﺎﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ »ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﻪﻧﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪32‬؟ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦِ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩِ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻮﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺮﻭﮔﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺑـ ِﺪ ﻣـﻄـﻠﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ »ﺭﺍﺕ« ﺳﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬

‫‪209‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﺵ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺳﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺳﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻫﺰﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ـ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻮﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﺰء ﺍﺷﻴﺎء‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭ‬

‫● ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ِﻥ ﺣﻤﻮﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﻴﺨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺮﻭﮔﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ »ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ 35«.‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺻﻔﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺩﻟـﺒ ِﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧـﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻓــﻠــﻚ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﻧـﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ ﻛـﻨـﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓـﻠـﻚ ﺧـﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺧـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍء ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ :‬ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ژﺭﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻐﺮﺑﻴﻦ« ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻢ ﭘﻠﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1. H. Rabino‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ« ﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3. R. Grosse‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪) .‬ﻛﻼﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.(247‬‬ ‫‪5. Brockelmann‬‬ ‫‪6. Louis Massignon‬‬

‫‪ .7‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺹ‪ 71‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺹ ‪.257‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ـ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ« ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﺋﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،8‬ﺵ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.70‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﻡ ـ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻛِ ْﻠﻚ« ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺫﻛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ـ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﺩﺑ ًﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ـ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ُﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )‪1935‬ﻡ‪ 1354/‬ﻫـ‪ (.‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﻇﻞﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ )ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 1327‬ﻭ ‪ 1333‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ‪1909/‬ﻭ ‪1915‬ﻡ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ )؟(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻴﺎ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ« ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ! ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﻳـﻢ ﺁﻧـﭽـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻏـﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺍﭘﻴﻜﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﺩﻱ ﺭﻓـﺖ ﻭ ﻓـﺮﺩﺍ ﻧـﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﺍﻣﺸـﺐ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼـﻨـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻣﺸـﺐ ﺗـﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮ ﻓـﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﺳـﺪ ﻓـﻜـﺮ ﻓـﺮﺩﺍ ﻛـﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﭘـﻴـﭽـﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋـﺎﻟـﻢ ﭘـﻴـﭻ ﭘﻴـﭻ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﻳـﺰﻳـﻢ ﺍﺯﻳـﻦ ﻛـﻮﭼـﮕـﺎﻩ ﺭﺣﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘـﻴـﺶ ﻛـﺎﻓﺘـﻴـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﭘـﻴﻞ‬

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‫ﺧـﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﻳـﻢ ﺁﻧـﭽـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏـﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻧـﺸـﻴـﻨـﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﺩﻱ ﻛـﻨـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺒـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟـﻬـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻴـﻘـﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺟـﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺨـﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺳﺨـﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﺟﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﺟﻮﺋﻲ؛ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻦﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13. Orient‬‬

‫‪ .14‬ﺍﻳﻀ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،105‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻃﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺵ َﻭ ّﻕ َﻭ ّﻕ!‬ ‫‪ .15‬ﻛﻼﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪135‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﮔﻠﭽﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺵ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪ ،93‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17. H. Massé‬‬

‫‪ .18‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ 142‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓـﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﻛﻔﻨﺶ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺖ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﺧ ِﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺩٍ ﻳَﻜﺒْ ُﻮ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩـ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ » ُﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﺍ ً ﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﺲ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﻩﻭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪68‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪87‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪195‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪226‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪...» :‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﺤﺢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ؛‬ ‫]ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ‪ 719‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺮ ﺩﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 40‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻟ ُ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺘﺮ »ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻓﻬﻢ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ]ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻥ[‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ )ﻗﻄﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺸﺖ( ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪) «....‬ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(413‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪26‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪406‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ِﻝ ﻣﻨﺸﻲِ ﺟﺪّ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﺴﺘﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ؟‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .32‬ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .33‬ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺘﻜﺪﺓ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.174‬‬ ‫‪ .34‬ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪) 31‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻴﻘﻪ ـ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻮﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .35‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،604‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺷﻴﺎء ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭِ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬

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‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪1028‬‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﻠﻚﺷﺎﻩ ]ﻏﻼﻡ[ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻪﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ـ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪25‬ـ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ـ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪1344‬ـ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ـ ‪ 618+ 48‬ﺹ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ِﻥ ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻮﺭ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﮕﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﮓ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺻﻒ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﺻﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ«‬

‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮ ]ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﻩ[ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ«‪ 2.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺨﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘ ًﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ـ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ـ ﻣﻤﺘﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻎﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺧﻼﺻﺔً( ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺜﺔﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻓﻬﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ )ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،3‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﺘﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻃﻲِ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺛﺔ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﻻﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧ ِﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ »ﺑﻨ ِﺪ ﻣﻮﺩﻭﺩ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻙ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺯﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬

‫‪213‬‬ ‫● ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﺔ ﺯﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴ ِﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﻢ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻳﻢ(‪ ....5‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻖﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺩِ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ!!«‪ 6‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺧﺎﻟﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭻﺩﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙ ِﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎ ِﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜ ِﻢ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﺔ ﺯﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪214‬‬ ‫● ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﻟﺸﻜﺮِ ﺷﻮﻡِ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳ ِﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺯﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺍﻭﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻼﻉ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻼﻉ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ »ﺗﺮﺧﻮﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﺗﺮﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺯﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺽﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡِ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡِ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪ 8.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺧﻨﺪﻗﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺫﺭﻉ‬ ‫)؟( ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﺷﺪ‪ ...9‬ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻲ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 10‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﺯﺑﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ »ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺐ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﻨﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 55‬ﻭ ‪ 56‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩژِ ﻫﻔﺘﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻘﻮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭگ ﺑﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪ 89‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺠﻢﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺒﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻖ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺧﺒﻴﺺ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻙ )ﺑﺮﻭﺯﻥ ﺫﻭﻕ( ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ِﮔﻞﺑﺎﻑ! ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﻞ )ﻣﻐﻮﻝ( ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 116‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪ 141‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺒﻲ ﺑـﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪ ًﺓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ »ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ« ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ( ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫)ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﻱ(‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!!‬ ‫ﺹ ‪ :184‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺖ ]ﻛﺬﺍ[ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ »ﺡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ »ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺖ« ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺘﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ 194‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ«‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩِ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺘﻠﻮ )ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻢ ﻗﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺎ( ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ ،202‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑ ِﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻨﺔﺍﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍَﺷﻬﺮ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﺔ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻮﺭﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺭﻥ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ‪ 983‬ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 984‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ 12‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﺒﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪ 406‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺓ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫‪ 464‬ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻝﺍﻻﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻃﻦ )ﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺕ« ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻁ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪ ًﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪332‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﺤﺪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﻢ =‪ 1040‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 1028‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ]ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺖ[ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1002‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪215‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤ ًﺎ« ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ )‪ (1028‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ 401‬ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﺤﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻏﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣ ِﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ »ﻣﻴﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ )ﻣﻴﻢ = ‪ (40‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ )‪(1040‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 1000‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺂﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎ ِﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺹ ‪ ،364‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫»ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ« ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻝﺑﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻴﺦ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻟﺤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬

‫● ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺮﻳﻜﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭِ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫]ﻣﺮﺩﻡ[ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭِ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮِ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻱ«‪.‬‬

‫‪216‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﺤﺐ ﻋﻠﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩِ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻓﻆ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻢﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 13.‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺳﻴﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤ ًﺎ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻚﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮓﻭﺗَﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫● ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻄﺮ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻃﻤﻐﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ »ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻞﺑﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ« ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻞﺑﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺯﺍﺩﻩ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ« ﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒ ِﺮ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏﻟﻴﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ 14‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻞﺑﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ! ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1028‬ﻫـ‪1619/.‬ﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪980‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ »ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻠﻮﻙ« ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎ = ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 125‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤ ِﺪ ﻣﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ »ﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻚ )ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺷﺎﻩ( ﺭﻛﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺑﻮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺑﻮﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ »ﻣﻬﺪﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺟﺎﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﭘﺮﻳﺰﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻢ« ﺣﺮﻡِ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺒﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ »ﻓﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻬﻢ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﻮ َ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻥ ﻣ ِ َﻦﺍﻟﺠﻮ ِﻉ ﻭ ﻳَﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﺑﻪ! ﻃﺒﺲ ﻋﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻲ‪ ...‬ﻳَ ُ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ!!«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩِ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺤﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺯﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺗﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،15‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻛﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﻟﺸﻜ ِﺮ ﺷﻮﻡِ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ«‪ 16‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳ ِﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺔ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻦِ ﻓﻮﻻﺩِ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻫﻴﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺯﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺍﻭﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻚﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺑﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫)ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ( ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ )=ﻣﻮﻗﻊ( ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭِ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫‪217‬‬ ‫● ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻡِ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡِ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ!‪ ...‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗ ِﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،18‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﺔ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ )ﻭﻗﺘﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻼ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﻜﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 21.‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ]ﻣﺮﺩﻡ[ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭِ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘ ِﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺖﻭﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻦﻫﺎ‪ 23،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﭼِﺰﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺪﻳ ِﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺻﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫‪218‬‬ ‫● ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎ ِﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩِ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﺭِ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ِ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﺓ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺳﻔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺎ ِﻥ ﺟﻐﺘﺎﻱ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭِ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱﺗﺨﺖ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﻄﺮ ﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻃﻤﻐﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺍﻕﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺓ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ]ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺸﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫)ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﺯﻫﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ؟( ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺸﻴﺮﺓ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪ ....‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﺎﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ )ﺩﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ!( ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺓ ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻙ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺷﺶ ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ )ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﻠﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺑﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻡِ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡِ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ!‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ َﻋﻘﻴﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡﻭﺧﻮﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧ َﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﻙﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻠﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭِ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺵ‪ ،28‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺩﺯﻙ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪» :‬ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ«‪ ،29‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻟﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ !!30‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ )ﺹ‪ (507-506‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻚ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ »ﮔﺮگ« ﻭ ﻟﻮﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫* ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1345‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪ 12‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺹ ‪.13‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎءﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺹ ‪.4‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺹ ‪ 397‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻳﺎﺩِ ﺩﺧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻼﺣﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻴﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻼﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻗﺎﭘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬

‫‪219‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺹ ‪ 349‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺹ ‪.145‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺹ ‪.260‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺫﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺫﺭﻉ؟‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﺹ ‪.336‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .12‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺹ ‪.474‬‬ ‫‪ .13‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻟﺴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏـﺰﻟﺶ ﺳـﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧـﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻔﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .14‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ .16‬ﺹ ‪ 104‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ .17‬ﺹ ‪ 113‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .18‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .19‬ﺹ ‪ 138‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .20‬ﺹ ‪.125‬‬ ‫‪ .21‬ﺹ ‪ 220‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .22‬ﺹ ‪127‬‬ ‫‪ .23‬ﺹ ‪424‬‬ ‫‪ .24‬ﺹ ‪.143‬‬ ‫‪ .25‬ﺹ ‪.370‬‬ ‫‪ .26‬ﺹ ‪ 389‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .27‬ﺹ ‪.433‬‬ ‫‪ .28‬ﺹ ‪.198‬‬ ‫‪ .29‬ﺹ ‪.485‬‬ ‫‪ .30‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺹ ‪178‬؛ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ )‪ 1028‬ﻫـ ‪1619 /‬ﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﻏﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺹ ‪.(441‬‬ ‫‪ .31‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪.18‬‬

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‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ 1‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ـ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ »ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻬﻤﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﻋﺔ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ = ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻝﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ )ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1940‬ﻡ( ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﭼﻜﺴﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻳﻜﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﭙﻮﻟﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻛﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺖﻟﻮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﺔ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﻮﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻋـﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭﺻﻔﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ »ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺮﻙ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺤﺢ »ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺓﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎ ﮔﺘﻴﺮﺩﻱ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻨﺎﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﻠﻤﻴﺮﺳﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺧﭽﻲ ﺳﻦ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻟﺪﺍﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻜﻤﻴﺶﺳﻦ ﺍﺷﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺶ ﺳﻦ ﭼﻮﺧﺪﻥ ﮔﻠﻤﻴﺮﺳﻦ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪4‬؟ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺔﺍﻟﺼﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺪ؛ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮﺵ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻓ ًﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﻳﻞﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺖ »ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﺪ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪221‬‬ ‫● ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﺮﻙ« ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻛﻲ ﻭﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻃﻮﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8/5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 3‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ‪ 6‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬

‫‪222‬‬ ‫● ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1700‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘ ًﺎ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻩ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪ ...‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻛﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ؛ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘُﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ!‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻘﻠﻲ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻭﻧﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻛﻔﻠﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﻼﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪) 8‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ »ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﺁﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ «9‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ )‪ 500‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻛﻨﻴﺰ( ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺘﺢﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ‪200‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ )‪ 100‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﻛﻨﻴﺰ( ﺟﺰﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .«10‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﮔﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻱﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻲ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﻗﺎﻋ ًﺎ ﺻﻔﺼﻔﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ )ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻘﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ(؛ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ًﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺠﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ »ﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﻣﻴﻪ« ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ؛ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍء ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺵ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﺓ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪*.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1348‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺹ‬ ‫‪ 348‬ﻭ ‪.259‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻱ؟ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ؟ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ؟ )ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﮔﺎﺗﻮﻏﻲ ﻛﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪(70‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺰﻋﺒﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﺤﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪223‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺷﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺷﭙﻮﻟﺮ ـ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻟﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‪» ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ـ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫)ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﻞ ـ ﺟﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ـ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ »ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺮﻙ«‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ـ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻲ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﮋﻭﻩ ـ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ‪» ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺍﻻﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺋﻲ ـ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪» ،‬ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻘﻠﻲ‪» ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ـ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪» ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ ـ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‪» ،‬ﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻏﺎﻥ ـ ﺯﻛﻲ ﻭﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪» ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ ـ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺗﺮ ـ ﻛﻨﺖ‪» ،‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ« )ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ـ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪» ،‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻲ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ـ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« )ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ـ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‪» ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« )ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﺭ ـ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺭﺑﻊ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ـ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻜﺴﻮﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮ ـ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‪» ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ـ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ .9‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺹ ‪224‬‬ ‫‪ .10‬ﭘﻄﺮﻭﺷﻔﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺹ‪148‬‬ ‫‪ .11‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1326‬ﺵ ‪ 24 /‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪1947‬ﻡ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎژﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎء ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎژﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﮔﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰء ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺑﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫* ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺮگ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ«‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ـ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮ ﺑﻲﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺣﻞ ﮔـﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑ ِﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣـﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﻣـﻲﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﻲﭘـﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﻞﮔﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪1296‬ﻫـ ‪ 8/‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1879‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻲﻭﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 1258‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1311‬ﻫـ ‪1893 /‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻔﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪225‬‬ ‫● ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﻪﻓﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ]ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ[ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪] .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ[‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1317‬ﻫـ‪1899 /‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ‪1324‬ﻫـ‪1906/‬ﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻣﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬

‫‪226‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﮔـﺰﻳـﺪﻧﺪ ﻫـﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻮﻱ ﺷـﻬـﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﺭﻣـﻴـﺪﻧـﺪ ﻫـﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺩﻭ َﻛﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﭼـﻨـﺪ ﺳـﭙـﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺷـﻬـﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻫـﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻦﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻧﻨﺪـ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﻓﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺣﻲﺣﺎﺿﺮـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖﻭﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻗﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﮔـﺰﻳـﺪﻧﺪ ﻫـﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻮﻱ ﺷـﻬـﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﺭﻣـﻴـﺪﻧـﺪ ﻫـﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺩﻭ َﻛﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﭼـﻨـﺪ ﺳـﭙـﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺷـﻬـﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻫـﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻟﻪ ـ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﻛـﺸﻮﺭِ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘـﺎﺩﺷـﻬـﺶ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻭﻃـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ُﺣ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺗـﻮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴـﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦِ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗـﺒـﺎﻝ ﺗـﻮ ﭘـﺎﻳـﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺑﻠـﻨـﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪....‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻢﺍﻟﺘﻠﻤﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻌﻢﺍﻻﺳﺘﺎﺫ‪....‬‬

‫ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺋﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪1300‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1305‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ‪ 1926‬ﺗﺎ ‪1931‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ـ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺪﺍﻻﺩﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪...» :‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ـ ﻣﻮﻗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻲ ﺟﻮﮔﻨﺪﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﺎﻑ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺁﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺠﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ«‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ )ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ( ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍَﻭ« ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 26‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺸﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1344‬ﺵ‪/‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪1965‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪227‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺮگ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﺭﺷﺪﻳﻪ( ﻣﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﻛـﺸﻮﺭِ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘـﺎﺩﺷـﻬـﺶ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻭﻃـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ُﺣ ّ ِ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺗـﻮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦِ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴـﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗـﺒـﺎﻝ ﺗـﻮ ﭘـﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺑﻠـﻨـﺪﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬

‫‪228‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ« ـ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻴﺎﺭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺗﻪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ »ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ‪1288‬ﻫـ‪ /‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪1971‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺗﻪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ـ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ـ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧ َﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺻـﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘـﻮﺭ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﻓـﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﮔـﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧ َﺪ‬

‫● ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰء ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻭ ﺯﻟﻴﺨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻟﻴﺨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﮔﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ـ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻭ ﺯﻟﻴﺨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺒﻚﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻮ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤ ًﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻢﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ـ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻦ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻬﻦ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‪ 2،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧـﻮ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻚ ﺑﺪﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛـﻬـﻨﻪ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓـﺘـﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳـﻢ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺳﻤﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ـ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳـﻜﻲ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎء ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻣـﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣـﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪229‬‬ ‫● ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ؟‪....‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻣﺮﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1326‬ﺵ‪ 21/.‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪1947‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐـ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ًﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1306‬ﺵ‪1927/‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1311‬ﺵ‪1932/‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺳﻤﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍ ِﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﮋﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻛﻠﺒـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻛﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴـﺎﺕ ﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﻲ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪﻧـﺎﻡ ﭘﻨـﺠـﺮﻩ ﮔـﺮﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻬـﺮ ﺑـﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘـﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧـﺪﺍ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻧـﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬

‫‪230‬‬ ‫● ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻪ ﮔﭻ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺯﻭﻳﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﻳـﺪ ﭘـﻴـﺮ ﻣـﻐـﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ـ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬

‫ُﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺒﺶ«‪ 3‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﺭﻩﺫﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰء ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ـ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ـ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺩ ْﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﻚﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ« ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ـ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﺋﻲ ـ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ؟‬ ‫ـ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﺷﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ؟‪ ....‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ًﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻪ ﮔﭻ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺯﻭﻳﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﻤﻴﺪﺱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻛﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ـ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﻤﻴﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ً ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﻟﻜﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻟﻄﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﮕﺮ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻣﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ«! ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨ ًﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮژﺳﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﮔﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ‬

‫‪231‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻓـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻣﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺫﺍﺕ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻜﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ]ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻣﺴﺖ[ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺎﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬

‫● ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ :‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺧﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻗﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﭼـﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪﻳـﻢ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬

‫‪232‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ 5،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻣﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ 6.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑُـﺪ ﺍﺳﺘـﺎﺩ ﺑـﺮ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧـﺶﭘـﺬﻳـﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺑـﻴـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻮﺳﺘـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫـﺴﺘـﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫـﻤﻪ ﺗـﺮﺑـﻴـﺖ ﻳـﺎﻓـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱﺍﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺳﺘـﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻱﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﺄﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻣﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ )‪1313‬‬ ‫ﺵ‪1934/‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ »ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺧﺎﻃﺮ« ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺧﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻠﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻗﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻚ ﭼـﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧـﺎﻙ ﺑـﺮﺁﻣـﺪﻳـﻢ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪1344‬ﺵ‪ /‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪1965‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺹ ‪49‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ 19‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1387‬ﺵ‪ 8/.‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪2008‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬

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‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﺶ‪» :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺒﺶ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ« ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻮ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‪...‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻳـﺎﺭ ﻧـﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻏـﻢ ﻛـﻬـﻦ ﺑـﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺑـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺳـﺨـﻦ ﺑـﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺗَ ْﻔ َﻌ ْﻞ‪ ،‬ﺇﻓْ َﻌ ْﻞ ﻧـﻜـﻨﺪ ﭼــﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﺳـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪384‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﮕﻔﺖ ﺷﺒﻲ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺍﺩ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﻓـﺮﺵ ﺯﻣـﻴﻦ ﺑﻨـﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘـﺶ ﺗـﻮ ﻭ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣـﻦ ﻭ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑـﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨـﺎﻧـﺔ ﺑـﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻟـﻨـﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧـﻴـﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﺟـﺎﻧــﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺴـﻮﺱ ﺑـﺪﻳـﻦ ﺩﻧـﻴـﺎ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻧـﺎﺩﺍﻧــﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧـﺮﻭﺯ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩﻳـﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧـﺔ ﺗـﺎﺝ ﭼـﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﺎﻛـﺎﻣﻲ ﻣـﺤـﺘﺎﺝ ﻛـﻔﻲ ﻧـﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻌﺪ ﻗـﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳـﺰﻧـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠـﻬﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺧـﻮﺑـﺎﻥ ﻏـﺰﻟﺨـﻮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴـﺘﻲ ﺍﻳـﻨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣـﺠﻮ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔـﺮ ﺧـﻮﺍﺟﺔ ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﻛـﺎﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﻧــﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺻـﻞ ﻫـﻨﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﻨﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﺶ؟‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧـﺸﺘـﻲ ﺯ ﺭﺑـﺎﻃـﺎﺗـﺶ ﻣـﺘﺮﻱ ﺯ ﺧـﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻬـﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﺑﺴـﻮﺯﺍﻧـﺪﻱ ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﭙـﺮﺍﻛـﻨـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺑــﺎﺩ ﺧـﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﮔـﻠـﺴـﺘـﺎﻧـﺶ‬

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‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬

‫ِ‬ ‫ـﻴـﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﻭ ﻣـﻴـﺮﺩ ﺍ ّﻣ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳـﻜﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳــﮕﺮﻱ ﻣـﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠـﻴﻤـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1324‬ﺵ‪1945/‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ؟ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬ ِﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻳﻬﻮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑُﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺤ ّﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰـ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩـ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪـ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺐ ﻧـﺎﻣـﺔ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻛـﻲﻗـﺒـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺭﻭﺋـﻴــﻦ ﺩژ ﺍﻓـﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ـ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ـ ﺷﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ـ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻡ »ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ـ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ« ﺍﻃﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ـ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑُﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪235‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ«‪،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪» ،‬ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺣﺪ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻠﺞ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1304‬ﺵ‪ /‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪1925‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ‪ 72‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪1308‬ﺵ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1929‬ﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ـ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ـ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ )‪1372‬ﺵ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1993‬ﻡ( ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬

‫‪236‬‬ ‫● ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ ّﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﺭﺛﻲ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﻟﮋ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ـ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﺧـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﺽ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻗـﺮﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺪﻳـﻮﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦ ﻃـﻠﺐﻛـﺎﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ـ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺒﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ = ‪zimer‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻦ )ﭼﺎﻩ ﺧﻮ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ـ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﺟﺶ ﻣﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻘﻨّﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﭘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺫ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﻮﻧﺸﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻲ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ـ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺁﻟﭗ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ َﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻦﮔﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻩﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪـ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻲﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺟﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦﮔﺎﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﻣﺰﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺐﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺨﺘﻪـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻁ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ـ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦﮔﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻮﮔﺎﻧﻮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺋﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻗﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‪ 670 /‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ـ‬

‫‪237‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﺶ ـ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﻏﻴـﺐ ﻧﺎﭘـﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻗﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1325‬ﺵ‪ /‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1947‬ﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﮔﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﭙﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ]ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲـ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ]ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ[‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺧُ ﻠﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩـ‪ «...‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ »ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻲ ‪ 12‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻨﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪...‬؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺐ ﻧـﺎﻣـﺔ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻛـﻲﻗـﺒـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ‬

‫‪238‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ )ﭼﺎپ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.(510‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺥﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﺓ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫● ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﺭﺛﻲ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ـ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﻲﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ـ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻓﻮﺕ ‪1287‬ﻫـ‪1870/‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ـ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ )ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1344‬ﺵ‪ /‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1965‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 500‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 250‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ /‬ﻫﺰﺍﻫﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪـ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ـ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ )؟( ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ »ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ » ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻨﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻥ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﻛﺂﻭﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪» ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﻴﺦ ﺭﻳﺶﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ـ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ـ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻮﺡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ـ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ـ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬

‫‪239‬‬ ‫● ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﺎﻋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﺧـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﺽ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻗـﺮﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﺪﻳـﻮﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦ ﻃـﻠﺐﻛـﺎﺭِ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻤﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻــﺪ ﻗـﺮﻥ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﻳـﻚ ﻗـﻤـﺮﺍﻟـﻤـﻠﻮﻙ ﺯﺍﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ‬

‫‪240‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺨﺼ ًﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻗﻒﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ )ﺹ‪.(434‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻴﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬‫)ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ .(91‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﺴﺐ ﺍﻭﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫● ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺥﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻱ! ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺭﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ـ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨ ًﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪) .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻍ ـ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻗﻠﻢ( ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﺎء ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﺎء‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /295‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪1393‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ـ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺮﭼﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ـ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ـ ﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 11/1389‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪،2011‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1304‬ﺵ ‪ 12/‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1925‬‬ ‫ﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ‪ 1304‬ﺵ‪/‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1925‬ﻡـ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ـﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭ ﻣـﻴـﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴّ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬

‫‪241‬‬ ‫● ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ )؟( ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ـ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻤﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ـ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ »ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ـ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﻧﺠﺪ ﺗـﻦ ﻧـﺎﺯﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﭼﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛـﻠﻴـﺪ ﺩﺭِ ﭼـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑـﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻮﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺸﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑَﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳـﻜﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻳـﮕـﺮﻱ ﻣـﻲﺑَـﺮﺩ‬

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‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ » ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ « ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 251005060‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺪ ‪ 351‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ) ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ( ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮگ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼً ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺔ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ـ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ـ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ)ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ( ﻛﺪﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪15499-53111‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪:‬‬

‫* ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻬﺎﻱ ‪ 29993471‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 29993472‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺑﻮﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ)ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ( ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪ 10000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ )ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ( 29993686 :‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ )ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ( ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ( 66460734‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫‪20000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ‪:‬‬

‫‪ 10000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬

‫‪ 50000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪25000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭ‬

‫‪ 56000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪28000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻪ‬

‫‪64000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 32000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬

‫‪74000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ 37000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﭻ‬

‫‪80000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪40000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮگ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬

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‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬

‫)ﻗﻴﺪ ﻛﺪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ (‬