The Honors Platform - Vol. 1, Issue 1, Spring 2013 by Honors Program

The Honors Platform

Volume I, Issue I Spring 2013

The Honors Platform

Spring 2013 Staff Editors in Chief Kelsey Whing Justin Wigard Editors Will Damian James Dunn Sam Easter Kc Gibson Laura Eickhoff Amanda Shepard Tara Vancil Faculty Sponsor Dr. Joseph Michael Sommers Central Michigan Unversity Honors Program Director Dr. Phame Camarena Copyright, 2013. Central Michigan University Honors Program ISSN: Forthcoming

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Table of Contents I. Editorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Note 1 II. Submissions

Applying the Affect Control Theory to Immigration and Religion Spencer Winthrop Grubbs

Love in Seven Moments Stephanie Oldeck

Alone in the Swell Megan Gill Nighttime Stroll Blues Noah VanBergen

Introduction Justin Wigard

An Examination of the Effects of Arkham Asylum on The Jokerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Sanity Zack Putkovich

Dying Hero: A Psychoanalytic Approach to the Relation between Mortality and Heroism in Comics and Reality Chad Storey

Prevailing Corruption in Gotham City: The Miller Batman Approach Lauren Presutti

Gonzo Journalism as an Effective Journalistic Style in Comics and Otherwise Alayna Smith

IV. Contributors

III. Symposium: Exploring Humanity through Comics

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

From the Editors

Welcome to the first publication of The Honors Platform, the Central Michigan University

undergraduate online Honors journal. As we looked at the submissions for our inaugural publication, we elected to use works that demonstrated the highest levels of the creative and academic abilities of students in the Central Michigan University Honors Program. More importantly, we looked for submissions with heart: an intangible and immeasurable quality that seemed to elevate these works into a new category. Each of these creative and critical pieces focus and extrapolate upon a central theme of the humanity found within all of us. Though our collection runs the gamut from poetry to prose to practiced research to critical literary analysis, these works are united by their very construction: each selection deals with and delves into what makes us human, showcasing us at our brightest moments and guiding us into the darkest recesses of our psyche. With this in mind, we implore you to read through some of the best work to come out of the Central Michigan University Honors Program in this inaugural issue. Spencer Grubbs frames our volume with a study and observation of the human experience in relation to both an abstract issue and a concrete issue. His essay, “Applying the Affect Control Theory to Immigration and Religion,” compares and contrasts the attitudes on immigration and religion between American and Dutch college students to determine which of the two groups feature a more positive outlook. This study, grounded in realism, acts as an anchor for an exercise in short prose exemplified in the work of Stephanie Oldeck, as she places the reader into another’s metaphorical cleats. The short story, “Love in Seven Moments,” follows a relationship from saccharin start to hopeful end, and all the twists and turns in between. Megan Gill’s poem, “Alone in the Swell,” though more abstract in construction, uses onomatopoeic structuring to place the reader firmly within the halls of Central Michigan University’s School of Music, so even if you’ve never been into the piano-inspired architecture, you can still hear the piano chords of music echoing from the practice rooms. Finally, Noah VanBergen’s lyrical homage to the Blues, “Nighttime Stroll Blues,” brings the reader on a walk alongside the narrator, following train tracks both away from reality and toward it in the same motion.

Symposium: Exploring Humanity through Comics

From here, we launch into a special case study featuring a collection of essays centered around one

specific medium of literature: comics. As part of the Fall 2012 curriculum, the Honors Program held a class

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

specifically designed to encourage the critical analysis of comic books and graphic novels in order to better understand the construction of the modern day hero. Each of our featured contributors dove into comics to expose the reader to facets of humanity that may not be readily apparent, deviating and returning to this central theme of heroism and humanity in their own way, and in their own time. In lieu of shortshrifting this symposium, however, we have provided a framing essay that will expand more upon this topic of graphic novels and the humanity shown within.

All of the articles in this first publication culminate into a creative and thorough examination of the

human condition, its flaws and conflicts as well as its compassion and kindness. These insights into the complex and intricate workings of the human mind demonstrate the infinite abilities we all have to understand, change, and improve the world around us.

Acknowledgements

First and foremost, none of this would have ever been possible without the direction and support of Dr.

Phame Camarena, the Director of our Honors Program here at CMU. Kole Taylor, our resident web guru and overall great guy, has been absolutely instrumental in helping us get our website put together. To our editors: you guys are all amazing, each and every one of you, and we thank you so much for dealing with us and with our ridiculous deadlines. KC, Will, Sam, Tara, Jim, Laura, Amanda, thank you. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Joseph Michael Sommers, our faculty advisor, to whom we owe much. Dr. Sommers wears a hat well, and he knows it. Heâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s also taught us more about life, love, and the inner machinations of a madman armed with a trebuchet than we could have ever expected.

Kelsey would like to personally thank her parents for their unwaivering support and encouragement

throughout this whole process as well as through her 21 years. Sheâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s always enjoyed expressing her creativity whether it be through words or artistically, and this venture allowed her to use both methods. Now she paints with words instead of over-sized plastic paintbrushes and Crayola washable paints.

Justin would like to personally thank his parents for fostering his love of reading at an incredibly young

age, teaching him the value of hard work through many, many years of raking leaves, and giving him everything he needs in life, including his yellow baby blanket. He still fancies himself a Tyrannosaurus -Rex from time-totime, too, and makes snarling sounds while he eats popcorn.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Applying the Affect Control Theory to Immigration and Religion: A Study Comparing Dutch and American Sentiments

By Spencer Winthrop Grubbs The Netherlands is perceived to be quite relaxed and tolerant of often-controversial issues such as homosexuality and drug use compared to the United States. For instance, the Netherlands was the first country to completely legalize homosexual marriage in 2001, and it still remains one of the few to do so (Knox, Schacht, and Mooney, 2010, pg. 191). It is also the only country to make legal the recreational use of marijuana as well as some other drugs, although some restrictions apply (Knox, Schacht, and Mooney, 2010, pg. 63). Immigration is another important issue among governments, their citizens, and social researchers partly due to the onslaught of globalization. With increasing immigration to the European Union, especially from Islamic nations, the very broad research question here is: Does the same tolerant attitude among the Dutch people regarding such things as drugs and prostitution also apply to immigrants in their country? Religion is also associated with the issue of immigration. Immigrants bring elements of their own culture with them to the host country, which can include different, sometimes even opposing, religious practices. Stemming from that, the next question is: Do Dutch citizens (specifically college students) hold tolerant attitudes regarding religion? For Americans, on the other hand, immigration has been a somewhat recent source of tension. For instance, migrants from Latin America are often perceived as threats to the working Americanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic security, and Muslims are more often than not perceived as national enemies following the September 11th terrorist attacks. In addition, the U.S. is a nation based primarily on Christian ideals, and anything and anyone that opposes a strong Christian faith may not be tolerated for the sake of the good of the country. Therefore, what are American sentiments regarding immigration and religion? And, more specifically, how do the sentiments of American college students compare with the sentiments of Dutch college students? Dutch sentiments are more relaxed than American sentiments across both dimensions. In other words, the Dutch have a positive attitude about immigration relative to Americans and that they have more of a relaxed sentiment about traditional religious beliefs than do Americans. In this research study, I use David Heissâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Affect Control Theory to examine the questions at hand and test the hypotheses by comparing Dutch and American

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 4

sentiments regarding immigration and religion on three major components: evaluation (how good or bad), potency (how powerful or powerless), and activity (how active or passive). Based on the national averages of individual ratings for these components, this study will shed light on any notable differences between Dutch and American attitudes toward immigration and non-traditional religious practices.

Immigration in the U.S.

Immigration has been a rather large source of tension in the past two decades for both policy-makers and

citizens in the U.S., particularly when concerning migrants from Latin America. From 1990 to 2000, the nativeborn population increased by 13 percent while the foreign-born population increased by 57 percent (Fennelly and Federico, 2008, pg. 152). This surge of immigration coupled with the 9/11 terrorist attacks have sparked negative attitudes on the issue, especially regarding illegal/undocumented immigrants. In fact, “many Americans mistakenly perceive that a majority of Hispanics—and even non-Hispanic immigrants—are here without legal documentation” (Fennelly and Federico, 2008, pg. 153). Using national survey data from a project titled “Immigration in America” (2004), Katherine Fennelly and Christopher Federico (2008) found that over 50 percent of respondents agreed “there are too many immigrants in the U.S. today” (pg. 165). In addition, 61 percent of respondents thought that “the federal government is not tough enough on immigration” (pg. 165). One of the most cited reasons behind such a negative attitude are the perceived costs of immigration. These “costs” are often based on “notions of competition between natives and immigrants for scarce resources” (Ilias, Fennelly, and Federico, 2008, pg. 746). For instance, a popular belief is that immigrants take away jobs or do not pay (enough) taxes. Furthermore, Fennelly and Federico (2008) found that attitudes regarding immigration strongly depend on region of residence. The results of their study show that those who live in rural areas are much more likely to hold negative attitudes about immigration as opposed to those who live in urban or suburban areas. These differences in attitudes by region are influenced by a wide range of factors. Rural residents have less contact with immigrants than urban residents which, according to contact theory , undermines tolerance for ethnic diversity. They are also more likely to support “monoculturalism,” which represents the notion that “one set of values is seen as more truly American than others” (Fennelly and Federico, 2008, pg. 160). Differences in education levels and political predispositions by region may also be important factors to consider (Fennelly and Federico, 2008)

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Much more recent surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center among nearly 1,400 adults compare

American attitudes about immigration in the summer of 2010 and February of 2011. In deciding what to do about illegal immigration, 33 percent of respondents in 2010 thought there should be stricter border patrol and enforcement of immigration laws while 35% agreed to this in 2011. On the other hand, a large portion of respondents (22 percent in 2010 and 21 percent in 2011) think those illegal immigrants who are already in the country should be allowed to become citizens. Even more Americans think that equal priority should be given to both actions (42 percent for both years). Of course, various groups of people have different opinions. For instance, Republicans are more likely to favor the “stricter law” approach to illegal immigration as opposed to Democrats. Also, those with at least a college education are likely to think that both approaches should be made priority while those with less education are more likely to favor only the “stricter law” approach. Furthermore, the Pew Research surveys shed light on American attitudes toward “birthright citizenship,” which is the notion that those born in the U.S. (i.e. from illegal immigrant parents) are American citizens. In 2011 the majority of respondents (57%) opposed a change in the Constitution to ban birthright citizenship. However, when controlling for particular demographics, there are noteworthy patterns. For instance, younger people are more likely to oppose the Constitutional change than older people. Also, ethnic minorities are more likely to oppose the change (73 percent) compared to whites, especially when considering Hispanic respondents (Pew Research Center Publications, 2011).

Immigration in the Netherlands

Mies van Niekerk (1993) makes a distinction between three categories of immigration in the Netherlands

following World War II: “immigrants from the former colonies, migrant laborers, and refugees and asylum seekers” (pg.2). From 1945 to 1973, many immigrants came from the former Dutch East Indies, known as Indonesia, mainly due to the intense political instability leading to Indonesian independence. Others came from the Republic of Suriname or the Antilles Islands, formerly a part of the Dutch colonies in the Caribbean. Many Caribbean migrants sought to obtain a better education and gain economic stability. A larger group during this time period consisted of migrant laborers. The need for reconstruction after the war increased the demand for unskilled/semiskilled workers in the Dutch labor market dramatically. And, even after the essential reconstruction work was done, demand for workers remained high. These workers were recruited mostly

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 6

from Morocco and Turkey. During the period from 1973 to 1985, the Dutch government began establishing restrictions on the inflow of migrant laborers; however, labor migration to the Netherlands still grew during this time because of family reunification; “The right to family reunification is based on a number of international conventions to which the Dutch government is party” (Scientific Council for Government Policy, 2001, pg. 24). In other words, the Dutch government cannot legally deny immigrants the right to rejoin family members who are already living in the Netherlands. Furthermore, the number of asylum-seekers coming to the Netherlands (and applying for refugee status) spiked in 1987 and continues to rise today. For instance, there were 3,650 asylum applications in 1986, 13,460 in 1987, and 42,729 by 1999 (Scientific Council for Government Policy, 2001). An important topic of discussion is the change in Dutch immigration policy from an integrationoriented, nearly multicultural approach in the 1980s to a more assimilation-oriented approach in recent years. First, it may be necessary to clearly contrast integration with assimilation. Integration requires immigrants to accept the host country’s laws but does not require them to leave behind all of their cultural particulars (i.e. language, values, customs); an ideal integration policy endorses an environment where host country citizens and immigrants commit to living together while accepting the possibility that the minority may influence the majority and vice versa. On the other hand, assimilation refers to the complete absorption of minorities into the majority way of life, which means that immigrants must abandon all (or at least most) of their cultural particulars in order to adhere to the host country’s culture (Smith, Bond, and Kagitcibasi, 2006). Until around the late 1970s, immigration in the Netherlands was rarely a great political issue. Immigrants were, for the most part, considered to be temporary residents of the country, such as “guest-laborers” or “international commuters,” and policies were developed to address only these types of immigrants. Politically speaking, the Netherlands did not think of itself as an immigrant nation in any broad sense. By the 1980s however, the Netherlands began to put more focus on immigration and adopted a multicultural perspective on the issue. Throughout this decade, the Dutch government passed laws against racial discrimination in public and work places as well as some voting rights for resident non-citizens. Furthermore, the 1983 Minorities Policy aimed at integrating immigrants into Dutch society with “the idea that an amelioration of the socio-cultural position of migrants would also improve their socio-economic position” (Scholten, 2011). Essentially, the

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 7

end goal of this policy was to transform immigrants into productive members of Dutch society. In 1994, the Integration Policy reversed the ideology regarding immigration: improved socio-economic status would increase socio-cultural status. The Integration Policy provided immigrants with such things as Dutch language courses, vocational training, and individual-case management to help ensure access to higher education or the job world (Scholten, 2011). By the end of the 1990s, a much less tolerant attitude regarding immigration surfaced. Policies by this time began to stress the “common citizenship of migrants, which meant that the unity of society must be found in what members have in common…that is that people speak Dutch, and that one abides by basic Dutch norms” (Scholten, 2011, pg. 81). Put simply, the Netherlands shifted to a preference for assimilation as opposed to integration after the new millennium. Alongside this change came the belief that immigrants were not meeting their responsibility to integrate as well as increased fear that immigrants were making Dutch national identity less concrete, resulting in more restrictions on the inflow of immigrants. In conclusion, Dutch immigration policy has changed significantly over the past few decades from a culturally-tolerant policy to a restrictive one in comparison (Scholten, 2006).

Religion in the U.S. Using data from the “Faith Matters Survey” conducted in 2006 and 2007 in association with data collected by the Pew Research Center and other national surveys, David Campbell and Robert Putnam (2011) show that Americans are religiously committed, diverse, and tolerant. Regarding the first point, Americans have a higher rate of weekly church attendance than other Western nations, such as Italy, Canada, or the U.K.: roughly 35% of Americans attend church every week. A surprising discovery is that Americans attend church more often on average than Iranians. The U.S. is home to a large assortment of religions, such as Judaism, Catholicism, Protestant, or Lutheran. Additionally, there has been an upward trend of religious “nones” or those with no affiliation over the past two decades. Putnam and Campbell attribute this trend to the stronger link between religious attendance and party identification: over the past two decades, religion has become closely associated with conservative politics (the documentary Jesus Camp makes this connection apparent). As a consequence, Americans find themselves claiming no religion if they are more toward the neutral or liberal side of the political realm. Lastly, Putnam, Campbell, and the Pew Research Center show that Americans are actually quite

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

tolerant of people with differing religious views compared to the past. One survey question asked respondents

whether someone who is not of the same faith can go to heaven. 98% of Mormons, 93% of Catholics, and 83% of Evangelicals answered positively to the question (Campbell and Putnam, 2011). Though the Church and the State are legally separated, religion has always had a strong influence in the U.S. government and in the private realm of American citizens. Over the course of the twentieth century, increased religious pluralism has created more tolerance of religious minorities throughout the country (Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann, 2006, pg. 211). However, Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann (2006) demonstrate that this somewhat-newfound tolerance for people with different beliefs has not been extended to atheists. Now, instead of a rather clear division between different religions in the U.S., there is a distinction between those who believe in God and those who do not. In other words, Americans today trust those who are religious in any form and distrust those who are not, leading to the conclusion that there is a “strong connection between religious faith and personal morality” (Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann, 2006, pg. 213) in America. Those that believe in a God are “good Americans” (Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann, 2006). Although atheists represent an extremely small and disorganized group, Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann (2006) claim that “Americans draw symbolic boundaries that clearly and sharply exclude them in both private and public life” (pg. 212). Using data from a 2003 longitudinal telephone survey (the American Mosaic Project), Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann (2006) found that Americans favor minorities such as Muslims and homosexuals over atheists across many different dimensions of both the public and private realms. For instance, a Likert scale was used to ask respondents how much they think particular groups share their “vision of America.” This question represented the public realm of acceptance. More respondents answered “not at all” for atheists than for any other group (Muslim was second highest and homosexual was third). Another question evaluated whether respondents approved, disapproved, or thought it made no difference in regards to their child marrying someone of a particular group. This question represented the private realm of acceptance. More respondents disapproved of their child marrying an atheist (around 48 percent) compared to a Muslim (34 percent) or an African American (27.2 percent) These results are astounding considering the post-2001 tension between Muslims and Americans and the recent heated debate on gay marriage rights (Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann, 2006). In conclusion, since atheists represent such a significant out-group in society, it can be rightly assumed

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

that Americans still put a lot of weight on the value of religion when evaluating other people.

Religion in the Netherlands The World Values Survey conducted in 1981, 1990, 1999, and 2005, reveals a great deal of important information regarding religion in the Netherlands. More specifically, there have been notable changes in religious affiliation, behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes among the Dutch between 1981 and 2005. Religious affiliation/ identification has been mostly on the decline. For instance, the percentaage of Dutch people who think of themselves as religious was 70.3 percent in 1981, 60.3 percent in 1990, 61.8 percent in 1999, and 56.9 percent in 2005. For example, those who believe in God has moved from 72.2 percent in 1981 to 64.6 percent in 1990 to 59.4 percent in 1999 (no data was provided for 2005). Finally, certain religious attitudes have weakened among the Dutch. One such attitude refers to one’s confidence in religious organizations: the percentage of people who are confident in religious organizations was 41.1 percent in 1981, 31.9 percent in 1990, 28.6 percent in 1999, and 29.8 percent in 2005 (the Association of Religion Data Archives, 2005). Although some of the survey items are quite vague, they still offer a general idea of religious trends in the Netherlands. Of course, these statistics are far from exhaustive. As mentioned above, there has been a noticeable decline in church attendance and religious affiliation in the Netherlands (along with many other Western nations). According to census data, about 40 percent of the Dutch population claimed not to be affiliated with a particular religious group in 2002, and this number is expected to be around 70 percent by 2050 (“Vanishing Religion,” 2011). Dutch social scientists, De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis (2008), expand on the census data above by not only focusing on church membership and affiliation rates but also on trends in traditional Christian beliefs among individuals and the relationship between the two. De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis (2008) proposed that believing and belonging go hand in hand in that a decrease in religious affiliation/church attendance is related to a decline in traditional Christian faith throughout the population. Data for the study came from several cross-sectional surveys administered to Dutch citizens ages 1870 almost every five years from 1979 to 2005. The surveys contained Likert scales with statements such as “there is a God who concerns himself with every individual personally” (De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis, 2008, pg. 589). These survey items were designed to measure traditional Christian belief (De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis, 2008).

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 10

As hypothesized, De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis (2008) found a “substantial linear decline in traditional

Christian belief ” (pg. 590) from 1979 to 2005. They offer several important reasons as to why this trend came about. First, the amount of people who pursued higher education progressed from 1979 to 2005, and educational achievement is generally agreed to be negatively related to traditional Christian belief. Secondly, the current youth are more likely to be socialized by highly educated individuals as compared to previous years and, as a consequence, they are more likely to grow up with a weakened sense of traditional Christian belief. Lastly, according to social integration theory, “people will believe more strongly, the more they are integrated into a religious group.” (De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis, 2008, pg. 588) Therefore, since there are significantly less people involved in church in 2005 than in 1979 (Catholics and Protestants in particular), it follows that there are currently more people with a weakened (or absence of) traditional Christian belief. On a final note, De Graaf and Te Grotenhuis (2008) do not go into much detail as to why there was a drop in church attendance/affiliation from 1979 to 2005; however, they do discuss the process of rationalization, which emphasizes the conflicting relationship between scientific knowledge of advanced societies and religious faith.

The Affect Control Theory My research design is based on the Affect Control Theory (ACT). ACT, created by David Heiss, is a theoretical framework based in social psychology that claims that particular situations produce specific feelings or sentiments in individuals. Essentially, ACT proposes that individuals’ experiences with certain situations are emotionally-charged; thus, “individuals’ emotions signal the relationship between their experiences and their definitions of situations” (Heiss, 1997). In other words, how an individual emotionally responds to a situation (or a situation prompt) will tell us that person’s definition of the situation. Similar to cognitive dissonance theory, ACT also suggests that “individuals who cannot maintain appropriate feelings through actions change their views of the situation” (Heiss, 1997). Because ACT deals with assigning (emotional) meaning to given situations on the individual (micro) level, it endorses the symbolic-interactionist perspective in sociology. Herbert Blumer emphasized three main premises for symbolic-interactionism (Wallace and Wolf, 2005): First, individual’s behavior toward things is based on the meanings given to those things. Second, these meanings are the result of social interaction that one has with other people and/or society. Third, these meanings are handled and modified by an interpretation

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

11 process that an individual uses to deal with the things he/she encounters. This interpretation process means that people do not simply react to stimuli, like the behaviorist theory claims; they react to stimuli in a more flexible way by modifying the meanings of things. For instance, a symbol may have different meanings depending on the situation, the individual, and how the individual interprets his/her surroundings. Much of the research in symbolic-interactionism uses qualitative methods such as participant observation (Wallace and Wolf, 2005). However, ACT deviates from most research in this tradition in that it employs quantitative instead of qualitative research methods. ACT survey methods will be discussed further in the methods section. More specifically, David Heiss’s Affect Control Theory proposes, with a great deal of supporting evidence, that individuals rate other people and situations based on three categories: evaluation, potency, and activity. For the sake of simplicity, I will refer to the people and situations as “identities.” Evaluation refers to how good or bad a particular identity is. Potency is the amount of power that an individual attributes to the identity (weak or strong). Lastly, activity refers to how passive or active the identity is (Heiss, 1997). Heiss states that “people around the world have three questions about everything: How good is it? How powerful is it? How active is it?” (Heiss, 1997). Collectively, answers to evaluation, potency, and activity make up the EPA profile of an identity. Of course, people of different cultures may have dramatically different EPA profiles when a specific identity comes to mind (or they may have strikingly similar ones). For instance, socialization and certain life events in one culture may produce a distinct EPA profile for “Muslim” as opposed to another culture. This is a fairly obvious idea, but what is not so obvious is the fact that the EPA profile for a particular identity tends to be very similar for most individuals of the same culture (or nation). EPA profiles also depend heavily on certain demographics such as gender. It is standard procedure in ACT research to control for gender because often times there are significant differences between male and female EPA profiles (Heiss, 1997). ACT dictionaries consist of a group of identities where a mean value is calculated from a large sample of participants for evaluation, potency, and activity for each identity and is also split by gender. For example, David Heiss and his colleagues have created an American dictionary with hundreds of different identities, such as “mother,” “thief,” or “lesbian.” These dictionaries can be created for different nations, fostering a larger, more global comparison of EPA profiles. This research project is comprised of two miniature ACT dictionaries: one for the Netherlands and one for the U.S.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Methodology

I collected data from Dutch students during my study abroad trip to Tilburg, Netherlands. All subjects in this sample were Dutch students who attended Tilburg University. More specifically, subjects were sociology, psychology, or humanities students. These students were not representative of Tilburg University as a whole, since the university was primarily business and law oriented. Sociology students, in particular, represented only a small portion of the entire student body. In addition, subjects were 2nd year, 3rd year, or 4th year students (4th year is equivalent to graduate level in the U.S.). The subject pool consists of 108 college-age students (18 to early 20s) from Tilburg University. I was not concerned with the ethnicities of participants as long as they were Dutch citizens. Most participants were white. The non-white group was made up of Indonesian, Turkish, Arab, or Asian participants (although they were few in number), but they were born in the Netherlands or at least lived in the country long enough to speak Dutch fluently. I prevented international students (i.e. exchange students) from being included in my sample by only surveying classes that were taught in Dutch; classes taught in English, like mine, most likely had a significant number of international students on their rosters. Overall, the number of Dutch-taught social science classes provided a useful sample, albeit one with limitations. All subjects in my Dutch sample came from classes in sociology, psychology, or humanities, with the bulk of the sample from sociology and psychology classes. I did not survey anyone outside the classroom. I surveyed two sociology courses: “Ethnic Relations” and “Social Problems.” The psychology class that I surveyed, titled “HON 321H,” Test Theory and Psychodiagnostics, consisted of around 150 students but was conveniently split into nine different seminars. I surveyed two of these seminars. In addition, I surveyed one humanities course of about 15 students, called “Language and Meaning.” To grant myself access to these classrooms, I emailed each individual professor asking for permission to survey his/her students. After receiving permission to survey a class, I came in and introduced myself at the agreed-upon time (usually the beginning of class). Then I took several minutes to demonstrate how to do the survey and to answer any questions before getting started. I provided an example of a survey item on the chalk/marker board. To all those that were still willing to participate after I described the procedure and passed out the consent forms, I distributed the survey. Students who chose not to participate simply sat quietly throughout the procedure and handed the survey back with everyone else’s. Though there were very few students who did not participant, the exact number is not known.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

13 Comparison data with American subjects were collected from a social psychology course (SOC 201) at Central Michigan University, a lecture of just over 60 students (mostly freshman and sophmores). Unlike the classes at Tilburg University, I did not need to provide a demonstration for the American students. Conveniently, I collected the data at the beginning of the class lecture on Affect Control Theory; thus, it provided the students with some very basic information and examples to help them understand the survey procedure but not enough information to bias the results. As for the student demographics of the American sample, there was a notable similarity to the Dutch sample, a female majority. Also, like the Dutch classes, the social psychology course was comprised of a white majority. As for sample size, the American sample was significantly smaller than the Dutch sample with 47 participants as opposed to 108. Nonetheless, the American sample is large enough to make an accurate comparison to the Dutch sample. ACT research has demonstrated that EPA profiles, or affective responses in general, are culturally-determined (as described above) and, consequently, it is safe to expect that there will be little variation on these items within a particular culture. In fact, it is not uncommon for ACT research studies to have sample sizes (“n”) as low as 20 or 30. Thus, small sample sizes are standard practice within ACT research. Data were collected using a quantative survey that consisted of 18 identities. Because my research study focuses on immigration, most of the identities (i.e. “immigrant”) represented the subject of immigration in some manner. All other identities were “decoys” (i.e. “cocaine”) in that they were added to the survey to prevent subjects from guessing what the main focus of the study was. Although originally intended to be decoy identities, the four identities pertaining to religion were grouped together as a second interesting topic in my research study (discussed in more detail later). Every identity was followed by three scales (evaluation, potency, and activity). The scales ranged from -4 to +4, -4 representing infinitely bad, powerless, and passive. Each subject was asked to circle their responses for evaluation, potency, and activity for all 18 identities (a total of 54 responses). After completing the survey, subjects were then asked to circle male or female at the bottom of the last page. Because I understand the Dutch students to have a very fluent comprehension of English, the identities on the survey were not translated into Dutch. This way, the same exact survey was distributed to American students at CMU. Furthermore, participant identity was confidential. The survey did not require participants to identify themselves in any way except in terms of gender. Also, no distinction was made as to what class or classroom each survey

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 14

was collected from. Data from Dutch and American students were entered and analyzed in SPSS. Each scale (evaluation, potency, and activity) of every identity on the survey represented a different variable, which accounted for 54 variables. The 18 identities on the survey were as follows: immigrant, homosexual, asylum-seeker, minority, gypsy, racist, cocaine, African, Asian, Atheist, emigrant, Muslim, tourist, nomad, Russian, Roman Catholic, God, and refugee. All values for these 54 variables were numerical, ranging from -4 to +4. In other words, survey responses were directly transferred to SPSS; values were not categorized in any way. Another variable was nationality (variable name “country”), where 0 represented a Dutch case and 1 represented an American case. The last variable was gender, where 0 represented female and 1 represented male. For those participants who did not indicate their gender, no value was given.

Methodological Limitations I will conclude this section by discussing the methodological problems that I have encountered. First, one problem dealt with the gender question at the end of the survey. A large number of participants did not circle male or female either because they refused to do so, or they simply did not see it. I took note of this issue in the Netherlands after collecting several classrooms of surveys; as a result, I increased the font size of the gender question for the remaining surveys (including the later American sample) with the assumption that the former size just wasn’t capturing the participants’ attention. However, the font size did not seem to have a significant impact since there was still a large group of participants in the American sample who did not indicate their gender (21 missing values in the Dutch sample, and 11 missing values in the American sample). I had asked students to circle male or female before handing out the surveys, but I should have called attention to it more frequently as they took the survey. Second, because I collected data using the pencil and paper method instead of a computer program (the current ACT data-collection method), it was extremely important for the participants to maintain a quick pace when filling out the survey. I emphasized this in the consent form and the demonstration. The goal of ACT research is to tap into underlying sentiments; thus if respondents “think” too hard about identities, results could be compromised (put simply, the social desirability bias is in play if participants are given too much time). Although I stressed speed to all the participants, some classes were slower than others in the Dutch sample. For

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 15

instance, in most of the Dutch classes, students remained silent while taking the survey but, in a few classes, students conversed with one another. This may have adverse effects on the results because the survey was an individual task, not a group one. I had no problems with survey completion time or group conversations with the American sample. Third, I did not mention in the demonstrations that participants could mark anywhere in between two numbers on the survey, but it was acceptable. In other words, participants’ responses did not have to be whole numbers. However, the only participants who made marks in between whole numbers were American; the entire Dutch sample of students circled only the designated whole numbers on the survey. Therefore, I had to decide how exactly to enter the data from the American sample. I came to the conclusion that data would be entered only in increments of ½ (i.e. 2.5, 3, 3.5). For example, if a participant made a mark that appeared to be closer to a 2.5 than a 2 or a 3, then I entered the response as a 2.5 in the dataset. The methodological issue here is the use of personal discretion when entering data from the American surveys. It was particularly difficult to make judgments when an American participant used markings such as “check-marks” or “X’s.” There were absolutely no deviations from the “circle” in the Dutch sample (of course, the instructions did say “circle” your answers).

Results Of the 18 identities on the survey, eight were selected for analysis. As mentioned in the methods section, quite a few identities were “decoys” designed to keep subjects from guessing the purpose of the study. The identities immigrant, asylum-seeker, gypsy, and minority were the primary variables aimed at measuring sentiments regarding immigration. On the other hand, the identities God, atheist, Muslim, and Roman-Catholic aimed at measuring sentiments concerning religion. For each of these identities, the mean scores were computed for evaluation, potency, and activity, grouped by country. Tables 1, 2, and 3 compare the mean scores of Dutch students to American students. These tables are not split by gender; instead, mean scores were calculated from an overall basis (males and females taken together). Since a large proportion of students in each sample did not indicate their gender, it was necessary to formulate an “overall” column in addition to the gender columns of comparison (discussed later). Table 1: Average Evaluation Ratings of the 4 Immigration Identities and the 4 Religion Identities by Dutch and American Respondents

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 16

Evaluation Nederland USA t test Immigrant 0.657 0.043 2.512 * Asylum-Seeker 0.231 -0.375 2.663 ** Gypsy 0 -0.256 1.167 Minority 0.472 0.489 -0.067 God 0.620 2.883 -6.756 ** Atheist 1.806 -0.223 7.246 ** Muslim 0.611 0.415 0.756 Roman-Catholic 1.019 1.149 -0.452 Table 2: Average Potency Ratings of the 4 Immigration Identities and the 4 Religion Identities by Dutch and American Respondents Potency Nederland USA t test Immigrant 0.083 -0.936 3.707 ** Asylum-Seeker -0.583 -0.400 -0.745 Gypsy 0.037 -0.311 1.440 Minority -0.315 -0.202 -0.395 God 0.963 3.266 -7.667 ** Atheist 1.120 -0.191 5.442 ** Muslim 1.167 0.511 2.707 ** Roman-Catholic 1.019 1.521 -2.055 * Table 3: Average Activity Ratings of the 4 Immigration Identities and the 4 Religion Identities for Dutch and American Respondents Activity Nederland USA t test Immigrant 0.657 0.277 1.468 Asylum-Seeker -0.093 0.312 -1.671 Gypsy 0.120 0.811 -2.492 * Minority 0.259 0.809 -2.387 * God 0.148 1.617 -3.560 ** Atheist 0.528 0.628 -0.378 Muslim 1.269 0.511 2.997 ** Roman-Catholic 0.898 1.638 -3.124 ** N 108 ^^ 47 ^^^

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 17

* p<.05 **p<.01 ^Ôverall Nomad P and A N=107 ^^Ôverall Asylum Seeker N=40; Gypsy N=45 ^^Ôverall Nomad N=44 The null hypothesis that evaluation and potency ratings regarding immigration are not more positive in the Netherlands than in the U.S. is challenged by the data. In contrast, the null hypothesis that activity ratings (t-score; p) of immigration for the Dutch are equal to those for the Americans is not challenged. The results show that Dutch students rate immigrants significantly higher on both the evaluation (p<.05) and potency (p<.01) dimensions than American students. There is a 95 percent chance that the former difference is not due to chance while there is a 99 percent chance that the latter difference is not due to chance. Also, Dutch students rate asylum-seekers significantly higher on evaluation (p<.01) compared to Americans (99 percent chance that this difference is not due to chance). There were no statistically-significant differences between Dutch and American studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; ratings of minorities or gypsies on evaluation or potency. However, Dutch students rate both minorities and gypsies as more passive than do American students (p<.05). The null hypothesis that evaluation, potency, and activity ratings regarding traditional religion are not more negative in the Netherlands than in the U.S. is challenged by the data. The results show that Dutch students rate God significantly lower than American students on all three dimensions (p<.01). In addition, the Dutch rate Atheists more positively than Americans on evaluation and potency (p<.01). There is no significant difference between the groups on ratings of activity for Atheists. As for Muslims, there was not a significant difference between Dutch and American students on the evaluation dimension, but there were significant differences in potency and activity ratings where the Dutch rated Muslims more powerful and active than Americans did (p<.01). Furthermore, there was not a significant difference in ratings of Roman-Catholics on the evaluation dimension, but there were significant differences between groups on the potency (p<.05) and activity (p<.01) dimensions of Roman-Catholics. There is a 99 percent chance that all the above differences in religious attitudes are not due to chance, except for potency ratings of Roman Catholics which has a 95 percent chance. Since there are significant differences between Dutch and American attitudes on immigration and religion and often a notable distinction between male and female respondents in ACT research in

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

18 general, tables 4, 5, and 6 were included to shed light on any Dutch gender differences in the three dimensions of the immigration identities. The same action was not extended to the American respondents because the sample was much smaller (and most likely too small to show any significant differences). Table 4: Average Evaluation Ratings of the 4 Immigration Identities by Males and Females in the Netherlands Evaluation male female t test Immigrant 0.375 0.810 1.299 Asylum-Seeker -0.167 0.476 1.709 Gypsy -0.625 0.111 1.953 Minority 0.458 0.508 0.138 Table 5: Average Potency Ratings of the 4 Immigration Identities by Males and Females in the Netherlands Potency male female t test Immigrant 0.167 0.063 -0.266 Asylum-Seeker -0.792 -0.444 0.798 Gypsy -0.333 0.127 1.310 Minority -0.333 -0.254 0.189

Table 6: Average Activity Ratings of the 4 Immigration Identities by Males and Females in the Netherlands. Activity male female t test Immigrant 0.375 0.857 1.384 Asylum-Seeker -0.583 0.159 1.761 Gypsy 0.125 0.032 -0.234 Minority 0.083 0.190 0.290 N 24 63 * p<.05 **p<.01

The results show that there are no significant differences between Dutch males and females on any of the

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 19

four identities across evaluation, potency, or activity. To put simply, male and female students in the Netherlands do not differ in their sentiments regarding immigration according to the data. This conclusion could have been different if the sample size was bigger. For instance, there was an observable contrast between Dutch males and females in their average evaluation ratings of asylum-seeker in Table 1, but the sample size was most likely too small to bring about a statistically-significant difference, at least under standard confidence intervals.

Discussion and Conclusion The results of my research study partially support my hypothesis that Dutch students are indeed more tolerant of immigration than American students. Dutch students evaluate immigrants more positively (mean score of .657 on the scale from -4 to +4) than American students (mean score of .043). The difference in evaluation is even greater for asylum-seekers, where the Dutch rate them on the positive side of the scale (mean score .231) while Americans rate them on the negative side (mean score -.375). Also, the Dutch rate immigrants as stronger/more powerful than Americans do (mean scores .083 and -.936 respectively). In rating gypsies and minorities, Dutch and American students only differ on the activity dimension, where Americans think they are more active in society than the Dutch do. When interpreting the findings regarding the “gypsy” identity, it is necessary to consider that it may mean something much different to the Dutch than to Americans simply because gypsies (a particular ethnic group of traveling people) are much more prevalent in Europe than in America; thus, the results could have been affected. Also, it is important to note that the findings regarding immigration indicate that Dutch students have a more positive sentiment relative to American students, but they do not have a very positive sentiment from an objective standpoint (all mean scores are below +1). The disparity between Dutch and American students in terms of religious sentiment is quite remarkable, particularly regarding the identities God and Atheist. On the scale from -4 to +4, the Dutch think that God is only somewhat good (mean score .620) while Americans think that God is very good (mean score 2.883). As for the evaluation of Atheists, the reverse was found: the Dutch rate them very positively (mean score 1.806) and Americans rate them negatively (mean score -.223). The Dutch actually believe that Atheists are more “good” than any other identity being analyzed. For average potency ratings, all four religious identities contained significant differences between nations. The Dutch think God is only somewhat powerful (mean score .963), and Americans think God is extremely powerful (3.266). In addition, the Dutch think Atheists are quite powerful

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 20

(mean score 1.120) while Americans think they are somewhat powerless (-.191). Also, the Dutch think Muslims are quite powerful (mean score 1.167) while Americans think they are only slightly powerful (.511). In terms of activity ratings, the Dutch think God is only slightly active (mean score .148), and Americans think God is quite active (1.617). Also, the Dutch think Muslims are somewhat active (mean score 1.269) while Americans think they are only slightly active (.511). In sum, I hypothesized more of a relaxed, tolerant attitude of untraditional Christian beliefs on behalf of the Dutch, but I was not expecting such a drastic deviation from American attitudes. As noted above, although Dutch students give higher ratings about immigration (for the most part) than do American students, they still do not hold positive sentiments in isolation. This may be a reflection of the move from a multicultural immigration policy to an assimilation-oriented policy in recent years, as discussed earlier. The issue here is that my research design is cross-sectional (studying one point in time); therefore, there is no way to compare changes in immigration policy to public sentiments in the past. However, more research may document future changes in immigration policy, use ACT to record public sentiments in the future, and incorporate the results from my research to find potential trends in public sentiment that may be prompted by a connection to government action. Nonetheless, one of the most important findings of my study was that Dutch students hold more tolerant attitudes toward immigration than American students. One reason for this may be offered by the â&#x20AC;&#x153;contact hypothesis.â&#x20AC;? In their research on American attitudes about immigration, Fennelly and Federico propose the contact hypothesis as a possible explanation for the differences in attitudes between rural and urban residents in the U.S.: rural residents are more critical of immigration because they do not have much interaction with immigrants. On that note, I suggest that the Dutch are more immigrant-friendly than Americans because they generally have more contact with immigrants. For instance, the Netherlands is a member of the European Union, a collection of nations where people can essentially travel freely from one country to the next. In contrast, the U.S. is more or less an island with strict boundaries between Canada in the north and Mexico in the south. On the other hand, the American sample came from Central Michigan University in Mount Pleasant, Michigan, a much more rural town than an urban city. The Dutch sample came from Tilburg University in Tilburg, the sixth largest city in the Netherlands. Although CMU students mostly come from all over the state of Michigan, including Grand Rapids and Detroit, and Dutch students come from

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 21

all over the country, it is difficult to tell whether the difference in immigration attitudes is due to a rural/urban distinction or a Dutch/American distinction without controlling for place of birth (where students spent most of their time living). The differences in religious sentiments between the Dutch and Americans in my study support findings from past research on the subject. The low rating of Atheists and high rating of God by Americans in my study sustains the claim made by Edgell, Gerteis, and Hartmann (2006) that American society holds a negative view toward those who do not believe in a God. However, Americans in my study did not rate Atheists extremely poorly, especially when making comparisons to the ratings of other identities. I suspect that ratings for Atheists would have been lower had the Americans in my sample not actually read the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Atheists as Otherâ&#x20AC;? article as a class homework assignment a few weeks before I collected the data from them. This was a methodology issue not mentioned earlier. Also according to literature, there have been drops in Dutch church attendance and traditional Christian affiliation as well as a weakening in religious beliefs/attitudes over the past few decades, which reflect some of the findings in my study. But it is still difficult to explain Dutch studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; high regard for Atheists (Dutch ratings were not just simply higher than American, they were quite high objectively). Future research should investigate Atheism within the Dutch context. Is there a large portion of the Dutch population that endorses Atheism? If so, what societal trends in the past have lead to this outcome? On a final note, it would be useful and interesting to extend the samples of both nations to different age and social groups outside the realm of higher education.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 22

Works Cited Campbell, David, and Robert Putnam. “American Grace: How Religion Divides and Unites Us.” Pew Research Center. 07 Jan 2011. Web. 24 Mar 2012. De Graaf, Nan Dirk, and Manfred Te Grotenhuis. “Traditional Christian Belief and Belief in the Supernatural: Diverging Trends in the Netherlands Between 1979 and 2005.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 47.4 (2008): 585-98. Edgell, Penny, Douglas Hartmann, and Joseph Gerteis. “Atheists as “Other”: Moral Boundaries and Cultural Membership in American Society.” American Sociological Review. 71. (2006): 211-34. Fennelly, Katherine, and Christopher Federico. “Rural Residence as a Determinant of Attitudes Toward US Immigration Policy.” International Migration Review. 46. (2008): 151-90. Heiss, David. Affect Control Theory Internet Site. Indiana University, 1997. Web. 28 Feb 2012. <http://www. indiana.edu/~socpsy/ACT/>. Knox, David, Caroline Schacht, and Linda Mooney. Understanding Social Problems. 7. Beverly, MA: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 2010. Ilias, Shayerah, Katherine Fennelly, and Christopher Federico. “American Attitudes toward Guest Worker Policies.” International Migration Review. 42.4 (2008): 741-66. “National Profiles: the Netherlands.” the ARDA: Association of Religion Data Archives. World Values Survey, 2005. Web. 20 Mar 2012. the Netherlands. Scientific Council for Government Policy. Netherlands as an Immigration Society. The Hague: 2001. “Public Favors Tougher Border Controls and Path to Citizenship.” Pew Research Center Publications. 24 Feb 2011. Web. 18 Mar 2012. Scholten, Peter. “Constructing Dutch Immigrant Policy: Research-Policy Relations and Immigrant-Integration Policy-Making in the Netherlands .” British Journal of Politics and International Relations. 13.1 (2011): 75-92. Smith, Peter, Bond Michael, and Cigdem Kagitcibasi. Understanding Social Psychology Across Cultures. Sage Publications, 2006.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 23

van Niekerk, Mies. “Ethnic Studies in the Netherlands: an outline of research issues.” Research notes from the Netherlands. 1 (1993): 2-14. “Vanishing religion?” America. 18 Apr. 2011: 4. InfoTrac Religion & Philosophy Collection. Wallace, Ruth, and Alison Wolf. Contemporary Sociological Theory. 6. Pearson, 2005.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 24

Love in Seven Moments By Stephanie Oldeck — — First — — The painted bottle spins into a blur inside a circle of teenagers. Like a kaleidoscope it whirls around in dozens of abstract paintings until, painfully slowly, it stops, its long neck pointed straight at me.

Awkwardly we rise as one and nervously shuffle to the back of the room.

It isn’t what I expect. It isn’t as if I’ve had practice or anything, but, really, it’s nothing like I imagined.

For one, you have been unbearably annoying all day. For some reason you can’t seem to shut your stupid

mouth, and, honestly, if you weren’t a girl, I would have beat you up. So, when I realize that I kind of like it, I feel that somehow I am condoning your insufferable behavior. It does not bode well with me.

Second, though you have been driving me insane since we first left the house, I cannot help but notice

you. You’re wearing your hair differently—down straight with your bangs pinned back—and your eyes seem unbelievably blue. You’re wearing a layered shirt and a skirt that falls to your knees. Pretty.

Third, as you kneel across from me, barely visible in the gloom of the closet, your warm breath fans my

face. Despite the fact that you’ve been munching on garlic-flavored chips, your breath is sweet and enticing. Your perfume that I just realize you are wearing permeates the air, and somehow I am suddenly intoxicated.

You laugh nervously, toying with the silver bracelet on your wrist.

You don’t have to. Your only inhibition since the start of Ricky’s party.

I don’t answer, instead reaching out a hand to gently touch your arm.

Suddenly I am thrown backwards, your warm body completely covering mine. Your breath is hot and

there is a pressure over my lips and then you are gone.

The door is thrown open, and all I see is your retreating back as someone calls that your mother is here. — — Forbidden — —

You eye me over your hand of cards, one eyebrow raised in speculation as I wiggle both of mine back at you. I’m winning—gloriously, I must admit—but you somehow think you have the advantage.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 25

I draw a seven of hearts and grin. Discard a ten of diamonds.

Your eyes narrow and your mouth twists in a satisfied smirk as you pick up my ten, discard a seven of

clubs, and knock your fist on the table. I frown, looking at my own hand. I still have cards to get rid of.

Nice one, babe. I flinch. Ryan Davis drapes his arm across the back of your chair, lazily discarding and

drawing you closer. I can feel my blood simmering and I grit my teeth in unnecessary irritation.

It isn’t like you’re mine. It isn’t as if you’ve ever tossed me a second look. Certainly not since we were

thirteen. But it still drives me into a jealous rage. Every time.

Natalia Rivers finishes her hand, sighing dejectedly as she counts her points. Then it’s my turn. I draw

and discard and throw down my hand, grabbing my cup and escaping angrily to the kitchen before Andrea and Damon can even finish.

I pour myself another glass of Coke, seething. Stupid, stupid! I chastise myself. Irrational and

unwarranted.

I am clutching the countertop, trying to get my temper under control when you slip through the door.

Your perfume makes me feel drunk and I have to take a few deep breaths to keep myself from looking at you.

It isn’t fair that you’ve become so pretty. Your hair is gorgeous, your eyes luminous, and you are positively

radiant, all the time. It makes me feel things I shouldn’t, and I hate being so vulnerable to your oblivious eyes.

You okay? Your voice sends shivers down my spine, but I keep my face turned away.

Yeah. Fine. The lie falls bitterly from my lips, but I know you won’t notice. You haven’t for the last three

months.

Out of nowhere your fist comes flying at my arm, punching directly into the nerve at my elbow. I cry out

in pain and turn to glare unabashedly at you.

Don’t lie to me, Seth. Your eyes soften and you tilt your head slightly to the side. I’m your best friend.

What’s wrong?

I look away again. How can I tell you? I can’t. That’s how.

Nothing is wrong.

Stop being so stupid. Your low growl startles me, and when you yank me around by my

shirt I am unable to even protest. Now, your eyes glitter angrily, and then playfully. A wager is a wager, right?

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 26

Before I can say anything you have your hand at the back of my neck, pulling my head down to yours.

Your mouth is as soft as I remember, fitting gently around my bottom lip. My brain has somehow turned off and before I respond you pull away just as the door opens. Come on, Rachel, I have to be back by twelve. My heart is still racing frantically in my chest as you give me a small nod and then saunter off with your stupid boyfriend, leaving me there still wondering what the hell just happened. — —Public—— Soccer is my sport. I am feeling pumped for this game—the outcome will either take us to the state championships or stick us in a huge bout of disappointment. The stands are packed and you wave at me and Ryan from across the field.

I love their uniforms, don’t you? Ryan eyes up the cheerleaders appreciatively.

I guess. I hope he doesn’t recognize my anger. He shouldn’t be looking at other girls, certainly not when

he has you. And, besides, you are the prettiest one out there. Your hair is pulled back into a high ponytail, a large blue and gold bow visible even from across the field.

Yeah. I think Rach and I might stay out a little late, if you know what I mean. Ryan nudges me

conspiratorially with his elbow. I grunt in response, but only because my blood is rushing in my ears. I want to tell him that taking you anywhere will be the last thing he ever does, but Coach is yelling my name and I jump to my feet, making sure to tread on Ryan’s foot as I head out to my position on the field.

To be honest, my pumping anger is what drives me through most of the game. I am suddenly a very

valuable player—my aggressiveness does not often show itself—and when I am taken out by a knee to the groin at the end of the first half, my teammates congratulate and support me. Ryan is put in to take my place.

After our brief pep talk at half time, you show up with a gaggle of your cheerleading friends. Ryan gives

you a wide smile that you hardly return, shrugging off his arm with a harsh glare before kneeling next to me.

Are you okay? Your eyes are bright with concern, and I give you my best lopsided grin.

Nothing I can’t handle. You look relieved and brush my hair out of my eyes before standing up.

Well, we can’t stay. But good luck in the second half, boys. You’re doing really well. Though you stand

close to Ryan, your eyes are locked on me. I smile gently in return before you take off at a sprint across the field.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 27

I go back in for second half, and it is a tough fight to the end. We are nearing the last fifteen seconds of

the game. Somehow I am open and the ball is between my feet. I dribble it up towards the goal, swing my foot back, and send it wailing into the net. It bypasses the keeper’s fingers by millimeters, but the goal is made, the game ends, and we have made it to the state championships.

My teammates rush towards me, lifting me up onto their shoulders. I am grinning like an old fool and

you and your cheerleading friends are screaming at the top of your lungs. The crowd is going wild and fans are spilling out onto the field. It is the most exciting moment of my soccer career.

When they set me down and we are celebrating our win, I see you running towards us. Ryan takes several

large strides to you, but you breeze right by him without a second glance and launch yourself into my arms.

My mind goes blank as your mouth crushes down over mine, your lips soft and tasting of cherry

ChapStick. Your tongue runs circles in my mouth, and I am unable to do anything but respond in kind. It is the moment I have been waiting for since I was thirteen years old, and finally you are mine. — — Bittersweet — — Damn it, Seth.

My heart clenches painfully as you bring your hand to your face, shaking your head.

Your tall, commanding posture has suddenly drooped, and you can’t even bring yourself to look at me.

I asked you to do one thing for me. One thing.

I’m sorry. I reach out for you, but you step away, glaring harshly.

You always say that! God, I don’t even know why I bother! Do you even realize how

important this was tonight? I really needed that painting, and you, what, forgot it?

Rach, I—

Just shut up, Seth! I just talked to Damon, so don’t give me that crap about running late. If you didn’t

want to come tonight you should have just said so. I could have called Andy or Janae or someone who was actually reliable to go get it.

No, that isn’t it at all. I’m sorry, Rachel. Really, I’m sorry. I can go and get it now. I’ll be back in ten

minutes.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 28

Though I can see that you are about to blow a fuse, I turn and hurry out the door. I feel incredibly guilty,

suddenly regretting the extra half hour I had spent with the boys. Sure, I had been reluctant to spend the night at the art gallery, but now that you’re so furious with me, I realize I should have been here an hour early.

Your painting is leaning against the staircase, just as you said it would be, and I gently fit it into my car,

careful not to smudge or wrinkle it.

When I carry it back into the gallery you are surrounded by half a dozen judges. They are strange

characters, dressed in comfortable-looking suits and adorned with flamboyant scarves and colored berets. Each of them carries a clipboard and eyes your pieces with great scrutiny.

You give me an emotionless look as I carefully hand you the painting. You set it up on an easel, give one

of the judges a sad smile, and then drag me away from your exhibit.

I realize then, that the painting is of me. I am laughing, sat on a porch swing, a fat, yellow cat sleeping

lazily beside me. It is perhaps the most amazing piece I have ever seen, and my guilt increases.

You don’t speak to me, but stand by with crossed arms and a worried frown on your face. I apologize

again, but you ignore me.

One of the judges approaches us. She is a small old lady with a pleasant face and wispy white hair. You

tense beside me as the judge smiles sadly.

I am sorry, but we cannot accept the late entry.

You take second place and ride next to me in silence as I drive you home. You have not said a word since

I returned, and though you have let me put my hand at the small of your back, you refuse to look at me.

When I pull into your driveway you get out and start to unload your things. I take a few seconds to

compose myself before I help. We don’t linger in your room, and I know that I am still not forgiven.

I’m really sorry, Rachel. You stare at a spot over my shoulder, your jaw clenched slightly, and you nod

once.

I sigh, reaching out a hand to stroke your face and your eyes flutter closed, but still you do not move.

I’ll see you tomorrow? A noncommittal grunt is given in return. I sigh again before I lean down slowly to

kiss you goodnight.

At the last moment you turn your head and my lips land on your cheek. I let my mouth linger there for a

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 29

second, tilting my head to rest against yours before I pull away and leave. — — Passionate — — You are the most beautiful girl I have ever seen. I have to swear by it because even that knockout blonde who was voted “Most Beautiful” can’t hold a candle to you.

Your dress is yellow; a beautiful confection of tulle and crystals all mixed over the color of sunshine. You

look like a princess, complete with the large teardrop sapphire dripping from your throat to the crystal-studded tiara you wear over your curled hair.

I can’t take my eyes off of you. Surely you know. Your cheeks have been locked in a perpetual blush since

the evening began, but I can tell you are pleased.

You are elected Prom Queen, and I watch jealously as you dance with Isaac Jones, but when you jump

into my arms afterwards, you are instantly forgiven. You press a lingering kiss against my neck when we dance the last dance, and I am suddenly reluctant to let you go.

I drive you home in my father’s old Mustang, opening your door for you in as gentlemanly a fashion as I

am able. You smile gently at me and take my proffered arm as I escort you to the porch.

When I lean in to kiss you goodnight you raise a finger to my lips and shake your head. You keep your

eyes locked on mine as you slowly open the door and pull me in by the lapels of my jacket.

My parents aren’t home yet. Your eyes implore me. Stay.

I am unable to say no. I follow you up to your room and I remove my jacket, laying it across the chair

sitting at your desk. You stand at your vanity removing your jewelry.

You’re so beautiful, Rachel. I can’t keep the comment to myself. You meet my gaze in

the mirror and smile softly. Thank you, Seth. Your voice caresses my name and I walk to you, wrap my arms around your waist, and rest my chin on your left shoulder.

We’re quite a pair, aren’t we? You nod your head and reach up to extract the tiara from

your hair.

Aye. You rest against my chest for a moment before coughing. Your cheeks flush red

and you look away from my gaze. Would you help me undo the dress? I can’t reach the strings.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 30

I freeze, feel the blood rush to my face, and then disentangle myself from you. My hands

tremble as I undo the bow and unlace the corset bodice. Your skin, milky in the moonlight, is revealed, inch by inch.

My breath hitches as the whole of your back is exposed. Without telling myself to do so, my hand reaches

out and strokes down your spine; your skin is smooth as silk. You sigh quietly and shimmy out of the dress.

I turn abruptly, wondering worriedly if I am playing this appropriately and pondering when my pants had

gotten so tight.

Seth. I clench my eyes closed. I have never been in such a situation and, in all honesty, I am afraid.

Your body presses against mine, and your fingers play over my face before falling to my chest. You

undo the buttons slowly, but still I do not look at you. Your breath fans my chest as you slide my shirt from my shoulders.

I love you, Seth. You trace small kisses up my jaw and then we kiss for real.

It isn’t the same as normal. It is more urgent, hungry...oppressive. You thread your fingers through my

hair and clutch me close to you. My hands rest at your waist to steady us as you force your tongue into my mouth.

It is heated, arousing, passionate. We fight for dominance—your teeth nipping at my lips and my tongue

dancing with yours—but you win. You always do. — —Shy—— I lay awake for a long time gazing at your white ceiling fan. I watch as the sunlight moves smoothly up the wall until it embraces the entire room.

You lay still beside me, your head on my chest and an arm draped over my stomach.

Your breathing is deep and steady and your body is warm and soft. I allow my fingers to trace patterns over your skin and to sift through your voluminous hair. You sigh my name and burrow closer to me.

I smile down at you, my heart near to bursting with emotion, and I whisper, I love you. Your arms tighten

around me and you snuggle even closer, your lips resting against my throat.

As you slowly drift into full consciousness, I can feel that there is something wrong. While you have

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 31

knotted your fingers with mine, you have not lifted your face to look at me and you have not said a word to me.

I love you. Your hand clenches tighter and you nod your head, your lips grazing across my chest. You’d

tell me if I did something wrong, right?

You don’t answer, but I realize that you don’t have to. The light blush that had alighted across your cheeks

the moment I begin to speak has quickly spread down the back of your neck and over your shoulders. Your bashfulness is an answer in itself.

I chuckle quietly and roll us over, pinning you beneath me. The flush on your skin deepens to a deep

scarlet and you turn your face to stare at the wall. You are shaking hard and your lower lip trembles. From my vantage point I can see that your eyes are overly shiny, and I frown in consternation.

Rachel? You swallow hard, and I gently stroke your hair away from your face. I nuzzle my face into your

shoulder, lay tender kisses against your heated skin.

I love you. My voice breaks into a hoarse whisper. A tear streaks down your face.

Hey, hey. I roll off of you and pull you to me. You bury your head in my shoulder, and you shudder with

quiet sobs. Don’t cry. Please don’t cry.

We lie together until you’ve calmed down. You have kept a tight hold on my hand, but still you cannot

look at me.

Have I done something? You shake your head. Are you happy?

You laugh. I am so relieved that I barely mask my smile.

I am very happy. Your voice is beautiful and you finally—finally—meet my gaze. Your

face flares into that deep red again and you avert your eyes, staring instead at my chest.

Just...embarrassed. I don’t know.

I laugh again, hug you close.

Don’t be embarrassed. You flash a shy smile, and I grin down at you. Your fingers reach up to cup my

face.

I love you, Seth. My smile softens, and I lean down to you to press as gentle and loving a kiss as I am able.

Your hands stroke through my hair before I pull away.

You smile shyly again, blush crimson, and snuggle closer to me, hiding your face against my chest.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 32 — — Binding — —

You look beautiful tonight. You’ve cut your hair short, and it frames your face in a dark halo. Your eyes shine brightly, and your smile is wide and welcoming.

I take you out in a limo—it’s New Year’s and I think, why the hell not? You sit against

my shoulder as we pull up next to your favorite restaurant: Terabloom. You grin at me, and I hold you back, waiting for the chauffeur to open the door for you. You roll your eyes and take the offered hand, pulling me out after you.

You got reservations for tonight?! You are so excited that I can’t keep myself from grabbing your waist

and twirling you about the crowded street.

Only the best for my beloved. You throw your head back and laugh, giving me a sweet kiss before we

head into the restaurant.

Your daring red dress is a beautiful contrast to the white, cream, and beige décor. Though several men set

their eyes on you as we walk to our table, you only have eyes for me. I order a bottle of Riesling, your preferred wine, and we set to a toast over smoked eel and Shabu-Shabu. We do not speak of much, but your foot bobs against my knee during the entire meal and your eyes are scrunched with your perpetual smile.

As the night progresses, the population of the little restaurant increases until there are no empty seats. We

finish our meal just as the countdown for the New Year begins.

We stand to collect our coats, never ones to pause for too long over the celebration, but as you step

towards the door, I snag my arm around your waist. You give me a surprised but pleasant smile and I hold up a finger. You raise an eyebrow, and I take a deep breath before digging in my pocket.

When I drop a knee, the blood leaves your face and you become expressionless.

Rachel, will you marry me? You are speechless, your smile so wide that I am almost concerned that it

hurts.

But then you nod, tears already streaming down your face. I rise, grinning, and slip the ring on your

finger. You launch yourself into my arms and we meet in a searing kiss, just as the clock strikes midnight.

The Honors Platform

Alone in the Swell By Megan Gill

Crisp hallsâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; Open air. Light graces The clean walls and slick surfaces,

sunshine enlivening everything with the aura of spring.

First the hall seems quiet, rigidâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; Then I walk further in,

music swells around me

full bright waves wash up to the walls

eager to expand yet contained.

A flurry of piano keys Ring out in bright pingsFrenzied energetic fingers Veraciously enraptured in the music.

The Plink plink Plink of keys

and Jovial bluesy swing of sax

Warm the spaces behind the walls. My steps are buoyed By the swelling collision of accidental harmony.

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 33

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 34

The air is clear, Not a person in sight, And only the tiny round click Of my heels On the pure wooden floors Signifies my presence, Almost as if the music is all in my head.

The Honors Platform

Nighttime Stroll Blues By Noah VanBergen

They’re more than just train tracks, they’re a way out of town They’re more than just train tracks, they’re a way to come home. So I walk them every night, take these train tracks around and around.

Cigarette glows, my breath turns slowly to smoke Cigarette glows, my breath disappears in the cold. Ribbons rise and unfurl; clouds of smoky fog roll.

Worn wood in my hands, a home for the tree Worn wood in my hands, edges round and rubbed clean. They’ve dug out a spot, but these walls can’t hold me.

Orange light makes dark corners, and our shadows grow Orange light falls on us; shapes reluctantly follow. But between these orange lamps, tell me, where do our shadows go?

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 35/

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Exploring Humanity through Graphic Novels: Introduction

By Justin Wigard

The Golden Age of superheroes comics featured heroes that stood for something resembling “Truth, Justice, and the American Way!” as Superman told us time and again over the radio. Yet, newer superheroes such as Spider-Man served to challenge our pre-conceived notions of heroism. In the 21st century, the good guys stopped wearing underwear on the outside of their costumes, becoming less super and more grounded in reality, and the bad guys started getting darker, losing their brightly colored costumes and goofy antics in favor of legitimate villainy. Heroes and villains were no longer white and black, but blurred somewhere in the grey gutter. The boundaries defining heroism started to fall away. In light of this, a class formed within the Central Michigan University Honors Program, one based solely around exploring this notion: “Heroism in the 21st Century.” Within the course, students examined a variety of comics that, in their own way, looked at various aspects of heroism. While discussions were had, alliances were created, and costumes were worn, still no hard and fast definition of heroism was ever finalized. However, time and again, the humanity of the heroes and protagonists within the graphic novels was compared with the students’ own humanity. Questions arose of what a student would do in a hypothetical situation given superpowers, whether a student would choose to be with the Man of Steel or the Gotham Knight, and whether a hero with the best intentions can be seen as a terrorist from a different perspective. The discussions generated in this class revealed a need for this case study, a need to further examine the humanity within the graphic novels that have spawned the rise in popularity of superhero films and superheroes in popular culture. Rather than accepting superheroism at face value, the essays that follow push past the untouchable nature of superheroes and graphic novels, instead focusing on how this medium allows for a more critical look at that which serves as the inspiration for the heroism within graphic novels: our own humanity. Challenging our very conceptions of sanity and reality, Zack Putkovich examines one of the most diabolical villains to exist, DC Comics’ The Joker, and the effects of Arkham Asylum upon this maniac in “An Examination of the Effects of Arkham Asylum on the Joker’s Sanity.” For years, the popular viewpoint of The Joker has been one of a madman, a man who kills indiscriminately, who represents chaos as much as Batman

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 37

can be seen representing order. However, Grant Morrison’s depiction of The Joker as being super sane prompted Putkovich’s essay investigating exactly how Arkham Asylum, the institution designed to hold the criminally insane, affects The Joker. While typically holding the best interests of the citizens of Gotham at heart, Putkovich argues that Arkham Asylum instead inadvertently serves to amplify and encourage The Joker’s criminal behavior. Initiating the idea that humanity can go wrong, even with the best intentions. Using Putkovich’s psychological probing of The Joker as a jumping-off point, Chad Storey’s essay “Dying Hero: A Psychoanalytic Approach to the Relation between Mortality and Heroism in Comics and Reality” dives into the human psyche by looking at select works of Grant Morrison, All-Star Superman and We3, and the heroism and mortality within. Superman is seen both as a representation of the superego and as an agent of high heroism, while the furry-yet-bionic We3 function as a representation of the id and serve as an instance of low heroism. Storey uses these characters and representations of the human psyche to explore mortality and heroism, teaching us to look at our own humanity and challenging us to be more. Storey’s essay exploring and enlightening aspects of our own mortality and humanity through graphic novels compliments “Prevailing Corruption in Gotham City: The Miller Batman Approach,” Lauren Presutti’s exposition on humanity in larger contexts found within graphic novels. Focusing solely on Frank Miller’s construction of Batman within The Dark Knight Returns, Presutti looks at the fallacy of only including a conservative ideology with regard to approaching crime. Rather than arguing against conservatism within graphic novels, Presutti points out that ignoring the underlying causes of crime causes certain approaches to ultimately prove ineffective. Because of this, Presutti argues, the implications for featuring a popular superhero embodying a conservative approach to crime need to be further explored in order to fully understand the implications and effects upon the youth of today. Finally, Alayna Smith leaves the world of fictional graphic novels behind to bring the reader into the realm of exaggerated reality in her essay “Gonzo Journalism as an Effective Journalistic Style in Comics and Otherwise.” She acknowledges that the practice of Gonzo journalism, effectively submerging oneself into the subject matter at hand and forsaking the impartial style traditional to journalistic writing, is usually seen as compromising objective reporting. However, she contends that it can actually present something more closely resembling the truth than any other kind of reporting. She does this by utilizing the works of Joe Sacco’s

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 38

graphic novel Palestine and Hunter S. Thompsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas and Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail â&#x20AC;&#x2122;72. These essays, while by no means comprehensive, do provide a point of entry for more research and dialogue surrounding graphic novels and humanity. In looking at this case study as a foray into the realm of comics studies, this introductory compilation can be used to more closely observe the relationship between graphic novels and the parts of us that make us human. Sometimes, we must look towards that which makes us human in order to explore what it means to be more, to be a hero.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

An Examination of the Effects of Arkham Asylum on The Joker’s Sanity

By Zack Putkovich “And I’d rather play here With all the madmen For I’m quite content they’re all as sane as me” --David Bowie To be considered sane one must have the ability to think and behave in a rational and normal manner. Insanity, by contrast, implies lacking some capability important to function in society successfully. There exists more than just this duality, however, and an understanding of the continuum of sanity allows one to better classify individuals. Applying this concept to Batman’s foes, a majority of the villains fall under one of sanity’s opposing extremes, resulting in the sane being imprisoned in Blackgate Penitentiary and those clearly suffering under a mental illness being placed in Arkham Asylum for treatment. The Joker presents a problem to this simple cataloging, as he is considered by Grant Morrison in Batman: Arkham Asylum: A Serious House on Serious Earth to be super-sane, “a brilliant new modification of human perception. More suited to urban life at the end of the twentieth century” (Morrison 29). The Crown Prince of Crime exhibits qualities other than the opposing sane and insane, as he “creates himself each day” having “no real personality” (Morrison 30). Regardless, he complicates the situation, going above the help offered by the doctors at Arkham, and belongs in more security than a psychiatric ward. Moreover, The Joker doesn’t belong in Arkham Asylum, as this is where the mentally ill villains are kept, and the Joker is clearly not insane. Placing The Joker in Arkham Asylum plays directly into his plans, allowing for the inevitable escape, release, or take-over of the asylum. It cannot be argued that The Joker is not dangerous, because given the evidence present in seventy years of comics, he clearly has committed heinous crimes unbridled by traditional morality. The uncertainty of his mental condition creates for the court system a problem, namely what to do with The Joker. With the only options of punishment being Blackgate or Arkham, there seems no place to incarcerate him, and while possessing a completely new mental illness (or mental superiority), he seems best suited for study,

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

not rehabilitation. His placement in Arkham Asylum draws question, as the judicial system confines a man

operationally neither sane nor insane amongst the mentally ill. The effects of this internment on The Joker’s condition are ripe for debate. Before any conclusion can be drawn, however, an examination of those texts most notorious to The Joker must be undertaken with a psychoanalytic criticism to confirm his mental state. These include, Morrison’s Batman: Arkham Asylum: A Serious House on Serious Earth, Frank Miller’s Batman: The Dark Knight Returns, and Alan Moore’s Batman: The Killing Joke. In addition, one must consider the general effectiveness of mental institutions on the insane, and the consequences on the sane accidentally housed there, as The Joker’s specific level of sanity does not exist at present for study. A look at a few studies performed by those daring enough to commit themselves to live amongst the insane in an asylum provides some understanding of the mental anguish a sane mind suffers out of place in an asylum. By these methods, a thorough understanding of The Joker emerges, one that demonstrates how the environment of the asylum feeds his mental state and creates a more ambitious villain than before he was committed.

Story Time As previously mentioned, Morrison’s Batman: Arkham Asylum offers one recent compelling explanation of The Joker’s mental health, which diagnoses it as “A neurological disorder, similar to Tourette’s Syndrome… some kind of super-sanity…” (Morrison 30). This super-sanity defies the description of “psychotic,” which the American Psychiatric Association defined as: A severe mental disorder characterized by gross impairment in reality testing, typically shown by delusions, hallucinations, disorganized speech or disorganized or catatonic behavior. (Edgerton 112) Although The Joker is referred to as “insane,” this is an obsolete term for “psychotic,” which the above definition actually reflects. Based in that definition, a psychosis perfectly suits most of Batman’s Rogue’s Gallery, as villains such as Two-Face and The Mad Hatter clearly suffer a mental illness holding them unaccountable for their criminal actions, blaming instead their disorders. The Joker, however, appears to possess all his faculties of will and clear decision-making; he simply chooses to ignore them. To clarify, The Joker knows what he is doing, having often brilliantly planned each crime, and is violent by his own choice. While appearing to have the

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 41

impaired reality testing associated with psychosis, he exhibits no delusions, hallucinations, or disorganization of speech or behavior. Due to the lack of evidence supporting insanity, Morrison’s claim of “super-sanity” takes credence. The real difference between psychosis and super-sanity lies in the various personas he possesses: “some days he’s a mischievous clown, others a psychopathic killer” (Morrison 30). In a functionally sane individual, the sudden onset of this behavior would indicate dissociative identity disorder, the alternation of two or more distinct personalities controlling one consciousness. The inherent problem with super-sanity is that it denies the reader any clue as to the qualities of the persona controlling The Joker at that time. This is to say that while a new identity inhabits The Joker daily, the possibility exists that some personas may repeat at different times. If this is the case, then The Joker reduces to a severely mentally ill individual. The greatest evidence to disprove dissociative identity disorder lies in the personas, or identities, The Joker creates. In a traditional case, the various personalities would manifest as different individuals, with distinct names and life stories. The Joker’s various identities all have the same name, and choose to remember the past selectively, “if I’m going to have a past, I prefer it to be multiple choice!” (Moore 39). It would appear that each identity parodies some base sane identity. However, The Joker is not functionally sane, and the man that existed prior to becoming the Joker no longer manifests that body. The Joker lacks a starting personality under which to develop such a mental illness. There simply exists The Joker character, the costume to which any new persona must conform. Each day, as Dr. Ruth Adams in Morrison’s Batman: Arkham Asylum indicates, The Joker creates a new identity unique to each situation that must cope with the information presented to him. Current identity formation theory could benefit from this daily creation. Contemporary science posits that identity formation in the modern era differs from that of previous history as individualized strategies now take precedence over community-associated identity of old (Côté 5). In the past, one adopted an identity exposed to them by their parents and grandparents as it related to their role in a community. Today, social identity requires maintenance once formed, as “identities are becoming increasingly transitory and unstable in late modern society” (Côté 7). In the case of The Joker, he seems to possess a very unstable identity each day, and he simply refuses to work to keep it. This combination forces him to create a new identity every day, and that identity will last only as long as The Joker puts work into it. If true, it would explain how he can possess one such personality over the course of a crime spree, working only enough to maintain his idea until completion.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

42 With an eventual capture by Gotham police or Batman looming, The Joker reboots his identity continually until he concocts another scheme. Each new identity remains functionally “sane,” allowing him to consciously make decisions and act according to the current persona’s will, be it playful or murderous. These transitory personas make The Joker such a perfect comic book villain because his actions are without anticipation, as he lacks a true personality to develop a modus operandi. Batman comments on this in Moore’s Batman: The Killing Joke when, saying to Alfred in the Bat Cave, “I’ve been trying to figure out what he intends to do. It’s almost impossible. I don’t know him, Alfred” (11). The Joker’s identity creation, unique each day unless otherwise maintained, gives him an extremely unfair advantage against the authorities, but also against psychiatrists. All work done to rehabilitate one identity is rendered irrelevant the next day, as that persona no longer exists, unless otherwise maintained. Despite having to create a new identity daily, each appears to suffer the same detachment from reality, and because of this, there may be some psychosis present deep in The Joker that appears in each new persona. While looking to diagnose him, The Joker could most closely be called a sociopath with accompanying mild schizophrenia. The result of this diagnosis would be a lack of adult tact and restraint, causing him to have no respect for human life and the inability to empathize with his victims. In addition, he suffers from confabulation, not being able to recall his past and remembering events incorrectly, often adding or omitting details. The prime example of this view occurs in Moore’s The Killing Joke where Commissioner Gordon is taken hostage by The Joker and forced to listen to his ramblings, among other tortures. Having regained consciousness after being knocked out, Gordon talks with The Joker about sanity and the process of going insane. The Joker claims “memories are what our reason is based upon. If we can’t face them, we deny reason itself ” (Moore 21), and attempts to force Gordon to go insane by exposing him to the pictures of Gordon’s daughter Barbara, whom The Joker recently debilitated and photographed (Morrison 22). The Joker attempts to create another being with his ultra-sensory perception, his super-sanity, in Jim Gordon. This doesn’t quite work as planned, as he can’t help but invite Batman to witness the event, and Batman consequentially foils The Joker’s plot. The two battle, but then The Joker ends with a rather insightful anecdote: There were these two guys in a lunatic asylum, and one night…they decide they’re going to escape! So…they get up onto the roof, and there, just across this narrow gap, they see the rooftops of the town, stretching away in the moonlight, stretching away to freedom. Now the first guy, he jumps right across

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 43

with no problem, but his friend, his friend daredn’t make the leap. Y’see, he’s afraid of falling. So then the first guy has an idea, he says “Hey I have my flashlight with me! I’ll shine it across the gap…and you can walk across the beam and join me. The second guy shakes his head. He says, “What do you think I am? Crazy? You’d turn it off when I was halfway across!”(Morrison 63). The Joker tells this joke as a response to Batman’s offer to try and help rehabilitate him. The joke offers a look into the mind of The Joker, who recognizes the eternity of their struggle, as well as the fallacy of allowing the questionably sane, Batman, to recuperate the super-sane. Symbolically, the Joker is the latter man in the joke, logically deducing the actions of the former inmate, although functioning under an irrational assumption, as his thought occurs on a totally different plane than that of sane people. Citing his use of logic and his clarity of planning, The Joker simply does not fit the previous definition of psychotic, allowing one to discount insanity as present in The Joker. Paradoxically, he cannot be considered sane, as the Joker recognizes his action in attempting to induce madness in another individual. The result of being neither safely considered sane nor insane contributes to his diagnosis as super-sane.

So this guy’s in an asylum... The Joker’s super-sanity poses a problem of punishment, with the only options being mental hospital or jail. He avoids jail, by reason of insanity by the courts, and is placed in Arkham Asylum as a result. Here he can reign supreme, out-smarting both inmates and doctors alike, allowing him to do what he does best: crime. The insanity plea functions dually for The Joker, getting him out of jail, where the thugs he has employed over the years, in addition to everyone else, would most likely beat the crap out of him, and also lands him in Arkham, the closest thing to home he knows. The doctors of Arkham Asylum do their best to help him, but they fail as they simply do not operate on his plane of rationality. They are treating a super-sane man with the same techniques employed on the insane, resulting in no help to him. This storyline plays out each time he returns to Arkham. One must look to Arkham Asylum then as The Joker’s resting retreat, a padded room in which he can relax and enjoy all the free time necessary to come up with a new crime. Not only that, but he has the time to create and destroy identities, weeding out the ones that don’t work until he develops one capable of facilitating his escape. Therefore, it is from within Arkham that The Joker cultivates his mental state and the resulting crimes. Back in the real world, insight into The Joker’s development raises questions of the effectiveness of

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 44

psychiatric hospitals on the mentally ill. One study of 35 mental hospitals by psychiatrist Dr. Lucy Ozarin led her to the conclusion that “much of the pathological behavior of the patients is a result of their hospital experience rather than the manifestation of the mental illness” (Wallace 9). This observation supports the theory that The Joker’s time spent in Arkham Asylum serves only to make him more ruthless, essentially fueling his criminal activity and allowing his super-sanity to thrive. If Ozarin’s observation proves true for the rest of the criminally insane housed in Arkham, The Joker not only draws from them, but potentially knowingly contributes to their psychosis. This behavior would create ideal conditions for an escape or at least serve as a distraction for The Joker in the future. Miller’s Batman: The Dark Knight Returns is set ten years after Batman’s last sighting, signaling a stop to fighting. Interestingly enough, The Joker has also been lodged successfully in Arkham Asylum for a decade. This comic shows The Joker having manipulated a psychiatrist into finally releasing him under the pretense of blaming Batman for The Joker’s actions, pegging him as “a victim of Batman’s psychosis” (Miller 126). Reclassifying The Joker’s crimes as an outcome of Batman’s insanity has its own advantages, as the psychiatrist responsible for this realization exhibits The Joker to the world, bringing him onto a talk show to discuss the psychiatrist’s new findings. This goes according to the Joker’s plan, as he now can commit a great mass murder (Miller 129). Having spent 10 years in the isolation of Arkham means he distanced himself further from his victims. At this point, The Joker doesn’t recognize people as individuals with lives, but, as he observes backstage of the talk show, “so many faces—so different from one another…so few smiles” (Miller 125). He has completely detached from humanity, indulging others in conversation as one would indulge an ant before stepping on it. The beautiful irony of it all, and that which the asylum psychiatrist didn’t understand, is that asylum life fostered The Joker’s super-sanity, allowing him to create an identity capable of planning something as elaborate as a legal release from Arkham. The environment of a mental hospital could drive any sane man to irrationality, as, observed by Eugene Talbot and Stuart Miller, “deviancy is normal and normality is deviant, so a patient entering the hospital is encouraged further to succumb to deviancy” (Wallace 132). With such an observation, one cannot help to think about how The Joker’s mental state is affected in such an environment. To reiterate, he is not insane, but neither is he sane, functioning under a super-sanity with which he sees his actions and their consequences as a thirdparty, accounting for their horror and doing them anyway. Isolated and driven further inward, The Joker lost

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 45

any connection to society and humanity, thinking only of his end goal, namely chaos. As stated in Morrison’s Arkham Asylum, “Divine madness! Let there be ecstasy, ecstasy in the streets! Laugh and the world laughs with you!” (109). The Joker sees himself as a harbinger of chaos, and when given the chance to exist only in his reality, such as 10 years in an institution flooded with the criminally insane, chaos begins to take over completely. This may explain why his first act of freedom is the mass murder of the talk show audience in The Dark Knight Returns. Assuming asylum life allows for time for much personal reflection, one can imagine how The Joker copes with creating new identities under these conditions. For this, the focus shifts back to the creation of identity, and the work of Erik Erikson on the formation of the ego. He postulated that “humans are predisposed to attempt to gain competence when interaction with their social environment” (Côté 92). While Erikson developed this theory for the individual over the course of his or her young life, applied to The Joker in Arkham, it implies startling outcomes. By starting with a clean slate, grasping to create a new identity, Erikson’s theory supposes that The Joker’s surroundings would greatly influence this identity. More poignantly, The Joker creates an identity that gains proficiency in an asylum. His new identity would attempt to reconcile the hysteria present in an asylum in a coherent manner. If one day, the identity fails to prove worthy, The Joker need only discard it and start fresh the next day. In this way, his subconscious continually fine-tunes an identity suitable for asylum life, until resulting in one capable of producing an escape plan. Miller’s Batman: The Dark Knight Returns exemplifies this slow evolution into an identity worthy enough to match the stress of an asylum. This work represents a completely ideal identity for The Joker character, arguably having achieved a flawless super-sane state. As Batman does best, he locates the Joker and they fight in a funhouse. Here the true nature of the super-sane comes to light. The Joker’s final words to Batman demonstrate the super-sanity that so eludes description: I’m really disappointed with you, my sweet…the moment was…perfect…and you…didn’t have the nerve… paralysis…really…just an ounce or two more of pressure and…they’ll kill you for this…and they’ll never know…that you didn’t have the nerve…I’ll see you in Hell…(Miller 143-44). With that, he musters his remaining strength and breaks his own spine, laughing all the while. Two aspects of super-sanity are shown in this passage: the understanding of the significance of their fight and Batman letting him live, and the clarity to disregard his own life so that Batman will be stopped. The Joker’s super-sanity

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 46

recognizes that Batman won’t kill him, so he taunts Batman with that fact and carries through with it himself. Here, it seems The Joker recognizes his existence in a comic book and he sacrifices himself for the sake of the narrative. The Joker breaks his own spine without hesitation or fear, going against every basic human instinct. These were weeded out long ago by his subconscious, and Arkham granted him this ability, even encouraging him to think this way. This comic also shows the brutal disregard for life, killing the audience, a Cub Scout troop, and anyone else who got in The Joker’s way as he ran from Batman. One must consider the possibility that The Joker even wanted to be caught, and allow himself to be paralyzed, for the comic’s benefit. His super-sanity has reached the proportions of a true third-party, seeing himself as a character is a bigger cosmology, and acting out what he determines to be the best course of action for that universe (Miller 151). In this way, Arkham Asylum is the worst place for The Joker as it encourages his deviant thought and allows him access to other deviant thinkers, present in the criminally insane inmates that need to be there.

The Punchline The Joker’s rationale for his crimes, the only thing that even hints at his creation as represented by Alan Moore in Batman: The Killing Joke, is revealed once again while talking to Batman. Here we can see the justification The Joker uses for his actions. A justification that comes from a mind plagued with an ever–present identity crisis. This persona, one that The Joker has chosen to pursue, hints at an underlying consciousness, one that remembers life before The Joker and knows how to get others to his level. Regardless, this motivation allows The Joker to further pursue his chaos, making the world in his image, despite how psychotic he or it appears at start. Although previously stated that he lacks a personality to develop a modus operandi, this quote exemplifies the main motivator of his actions: “All it takes is one bad day to reduce the sanest man alive to lunacy. That’s how far the world is from where I am. Just one bad day” (Moore 38). By now, two things should be obvious: The Joker can be considered super-sane, neither crazy nor totally well-balanced, and Arkham Asylum helps cultivate his mental state. These conclusions are drawn from relatively recent comics, as there possibly exists a comic or two that refute the evidence provided here. So what is the point of all this? To show that The Joker not only is capable of committing egregious crimes, but that the Gotham City court system itself facilitates his actions. Paradoxically, by committing The Joker to Arkham Asylum, Gotham grants him permission to perpetrate further crimes. It does this by allowing him to create new identities within

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 47

the asylum to which they commit him. They can’t help it. The courts do the best they can to keep him from society, but all-to-often with no avail. Arkham allows The Joker access to the truly insane. He is a kid in a candy shop, overwhelmed with criminal thought, unbridled by morality and out to prove himself. Moore’s Batman: The Killing Joke very well explains The Joker’s motives: “You see, it doesn’t matter if you catch me and send me back to the asylum, Gordon’s been driven mad. I’ve proved my point. I’ve demonstrated there’s no difference between me and everyone else!” (Moore 38). This theme is echoed in all the comics mentioned here, leading one to think that The Joker’s ulterior motive is to bring the world, or at least one other person, to his level. In a way, the need for a companion is a basic human instinct, and The Joker simply acts on this urge, but with the means often being death to many in his way. No sane man should think like this. No insane man can think like this. The above statement in-andof-itself exemplifies the reason why The Joker must be considered super-sane as he both realizes his past, but doesn’t at the same time, all the while acting in the best interest of the comic book, and with it the whole Batman cosmology. This man then should not be placed in Arkham Asylum, as here his super-sanity compounds and refines new identities that provide him the ability to commit the most horrendous of crimes. By placing him in Arkham, given all the evidence to suggest his super-sanity, coupled with the various statements about the validity of the treatment typical to the institution of asylums, the City of Gotham proliferates crime. That could otherwise be prevented if The Joker was housed in a prison, because on the gambit of sanity, he is closer to sane than insane. Conclusively, it is because of the asylum that The Joker creates insidious identities that plan future crimes. Because he creates identities daily, from within Arkham Asylum, the inevitable escape results because an identity suitable to cope with the stress of asylum life came into being. Crimes ensue, and The Joker is foiled. At this point, Gotham does what it can to protect the people from The Joker, which means sending him back to Arkham Asylum. The cycle continues and the crimes continue. His super-sanity means that Arkham Asylum is not only the worst place for him, but also for the people of Gotham.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 48

Works Cited C么t茅, James E., and Charles Levine. Identity Formation, Agency, and Culture: A Social Psychological Synthesis. Mahwah, NJ: L. Erlbaum Associates, 2002. Print. Edgerton, Jane E., and Robert Jean Campbell. American Psychiatric Glossary. Seventh ed. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric, 1994. Print. Hirstein, William. Brain Fiction: Self-Deception and the Riddle of Confabulation. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2005. Print. Miller, Frank. Batman: The Dark Knight Returns. New York, NY: DC Comics, 2002. Print. Moore, Alan, Brian Bolland, and Richard Starkings. Batman: The Killing Joke. New York: DC Comics, 2008. Print. Morrison, Grant, and Dave McKean. Batman: Arkham Asylum : A Serious House on Serious Earth. 15th Anniversary ed. New York, NY: DC Comics, 1990. Print. Wallace, Samuel E. Total Institutions. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1973. Print. Wright, Elizabeth. Psychoanalytic Criticism: A Reappraisal. Second ed. New York: Routledge, 1998. Print.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Dying Hero: A Psychoanalytic Approach to the Relation between Mortality and Heroism in Comics and Reality

By Chad Storey

Imagine this: A man standing in the desert. Behind him, a dark figure that threatens to wipe every trace

of him from the face of the earth. In front of him, a golden figure promising glory and a place in history. He starts to run to the shining golden figure, the promise of heroism, but the ground beneath his feet is shifting sand. He tries to run but barely moves and the dark figure, death incarnate, slowly approaches.

The notion of death has plagued humans since the start of recorded history and possibly even further

in time. The possibility of one’s own demise constantly shadows his thoughts and actions, masked by stronger feelings of life and narcissism. Masked, but never really gone. Most people go on with these feelings, considering death an abstract idea that happens to someone else. However, there are a few to which a timeline, or a deadline, is given. Cancer patients, among other victims of terminal diseases, often know the very month they are scheduled to pass; inmates on death row know the very hour. When the shadow of death suddenly looms over a soul, how does one respond? Should one slink away and give up? Fight back? Try desperately to be remembered and make the dwindling hours count? The reactions between mortality and heroism could be seen as a broad spectrum, with Grant Morrison’s comics as two extreme psychological responses: We3’s protagonists will represent the reactions of lower hero, or the primal id, and All-Star Superman’s Superman will represent the reactions of a higher hero, or the superego. Taking these two extreme and over-dramatized responses, one can surmise the average reactions to death and analyze the connection between mortality and heroism.

Defining Death

To understand how a person reacts to death, we must first understand death itself. As eloquently

described by sociologist and author Zygmunt Bauman, death is “the end of all perception” (2). A simple definition that remains true for the dying and the spectators observing the death. After an object (plant, animal, bacterium, or otherwise) ceases its biological functions, it can no longer take in stimuli and perceive, and, aside from the halted biology of the object, death cannot be further studied by spectators. Perception, and with it life,

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 50

ends at death. All the perceptions and experiences, all the life of an object is slowly funneled into a culminating point of “absolute nothing,” an unimaginable state of non-existence that gives “existence to all being” (Bauman 2). We cannot even imagine our own death because through Bauman’s imagining, in our own deaths “we are in fact still present as spectators” (Bauman 13). Death is not an end, it is the end. The ultimate and inescapable end.

Whether or not there is something after death is another subject entirely, but surely it would not be

more death. A prolonged state of non-existence could not be called death or anything, as no one could perceive his or her own non-existence to name that non-existence. After death would be nothing, in the purest sense of the word. But if an afterlife does exist then those who died could not be dead anymore (it is called afterlife for a reason). Safe to say, no one has come back from the dead with scientific proof of what occurs afterward, and there are no “necronauts - explorers of death” volunteering to return to life with rich tales of the final void (as far as I know). This furthers the fact that death is a single point at the end of life-as-we-know-it, and it is the nothingness humanity must venture into that makes death so frightening. Death is the great unknown that all people must face, and it is in their lives that they decide how to face it. Yes, it is through these lives that people can become heroes.

Hero-System Society (It’s no Justice League but we’ll take it)

When one thinks of a hero, he or she might imagine a favorite costumed comic character. But the

term hero, even in the world of comics, is a hazy one. It is easy to point to what some may call a hero, and call it something else. Is not a terrorist, one who spreads fear and anguish among his enemies, a hero to his compatriots? Ultimately, “hero” and “heroism” are broad and abstract terms. Ernest Becker points out a common link between heroes as well as a common link between all people: narcissism. A self-absorbed sense that stems, not from their higher nature, but from animal instinct, the innate need to look after number one and survive; “Our organism is ready to fill the world all alone, even if our mind shrinks at the thought” (Becker 2). This is what allows man to survive, to march into wars or thrive on a desert island: nearly every person feels immortal, he “doesn’t feel that he will die, he only feels sorry for the man next to him” (Becker 2).

Indeed it is this sense of narcissism that society is built around. Each society is a somewhat unique

“symbolic action system, a structure of statuses and roles, customs and rules for behavior, designed to serve as a vehicle for earthly heroism” (Becker 4). From Churchill and Buddha to the coal miner and the priest, society

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 51

puts each person in their roles and lets them act as heroes, in their own terms and to varying degrees. These people earn their title as hero when they carve “out a place in nature, by building an edifice that reflects human value: a temple... a skyscraper, a family that spans three generations” (Becker 5). Music, art, and literature falls into this category of products of heroism. At a minimum, if people “follow out the roles that society provides... and try to earn their promotions within the system: wearing the standard uniforms - but allowing themselves to stick out, but ever so little and so safely, with a little ribbon or a red boutonniere” that small action alone may feed and satisfy a person’s heroic sense (Becker 6). Yes, it is humanity’s and civilized society’s “hopeful belief... that science, money, and goods make man count for more than any other animal” (Becker 5). This idea, that the things man creates in society are worthy of meaning, that they outlive or outshine death and decay, that man and his products count, is the direct result between hopeful, narcissistic heroism and the painful, ever-present reality of death.

But death does not constantly cloud a person’s thoughts, as he rushes to fulfill his need to be a hero.

Neither does it really leave him, or any human. Ask a human if he will die and he, in all seriousness, should say yes, but not with alarm or panic. Humanity remains unconcerned about death because the thought of an individual’s own demise is so traumatic that it is immediately repressed as soon he gains the ability to do so (Bauman 13). Repressed but not forgotten: the knowledge of their mortality, the inevitability of death, cannot be forgotten. It can only be “not remembered” (Bauman 3), as it is suppressed and pushed back into the recesses of their minds as they busy themselves with their daily lives. People avoid death and act out their heroic roles in society all their lives, but over such a long period it is hard to see the relationship. It is when an unexpected tragedy occurs, when fate casts (for lack of a better word) a death sentence, that this relation can be seen in the fullest light.

When diagnosed with a terminal disease, as these fateful death sentences commonly take the form of,

one would hope that his time for heroism is over. Concluded. Crossed off the bucket list. Take the life story of Peter Houghton, author and counselor to the dying. Houghton had lived a long life but still was apprehensive about the prospect of his own death. He made an effort to say his last goodbyes, his apologies and express his gratitude, that is to “finish unfinished business” (Houghton 19). In a way, this was Houghton reflecting on his own heroism. His goodbyes let people “talk about the good times”, his apologies smoothed over mistakes and

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

52 affirmed that the things that bothered him “were over,” and his gratitude, arguably the most important of all, let Houghton know that he had “done some good, had been useful, could die knowing that [his] life had, within its small context, meant something” (Houghton 20). Hear that? Meant something. Heroism.

But what if someone has not felt heroic yet? What if they have not satisfied their heroic need? What if

they have not “accepted” their fate? That answer may lie in a theory called “The 5 Stages of Grief.” Developed by Elisabeth Kubler-Ross after interviewing hundreds of the terminally ill, the Five Stages of Grief proceeds as follows: Denial and Isolation, Anger, Bargaining, Depression, and Acceptance (On Death... 34). The stage that gives the dying another opportunity at heroism is bargaining. Whether the bargain is for extended life or the chance to be heroic one first and last time, this step on the path to acceptance is often “an attempt to postpone” death (On Death... 73). I believe that the deals a dying man makes are not just a postponement, but could also be a last ditch effort to be a hero. Take the opera singer Ross interviewed: a malignant tumor disfigured her jaw, yet all she desired was “to perform just one more time” (On Death... 73). She settled on regaling Ross and her students with “her life story, her success, and her tragedy” (to fill her narcissistic need for heroism, to matter one more time (On Death... 73). Of course, there is always “one more time.” The singer in question “could not live without further performances” and left the hospital before proper treatment could be administered (On Death... 73). This is the relation between mortality and heroism, catalyzed by a terminal disease. All of humanity, every person, lives to run to the golden figure, the promise of heroism. But whether they reach it or not, death always consumes them.

The Psychology of the Hero-System Society

Now that the relation between heroism and mortality has been established, it is plain to see that heroism

is not all about the glory and saving lives. Heroism, as constructed by each hero-system society, is a spectrum with two ends: low heroism and high heroism, the coal miner and Buddha (Becker 5). The terms “low” and “high” heroism do not reflect the importance of the hero; all heroes are important. Rather, these terms reflect the level of influence a hero has on society. For example, Buddha has more influence on society than a coal miner does. But what causes someone to be a “low hero” instead of a “high hero?” The entirety of humanity is promised the same nothingness of death, the multiple paths to that end, though that should not contribute the degree of heroism granted to a person. Society plays a role in determining levels of heroism, but it only measures the

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

53 degree; society does not provide everything one needs to fill his or her hero degree. Something must come from the inside. Heroism has to start with the person in question.

I propose that the start to heroism, the spark that society turns into flame, resides in Sigmund Freud’s

tripartite model of the human psyche. Freud’s model of the human psyche is constructed in three parts: the id, the ego, and the superhero. The id is the “irrational, instinctual, unknown” part of the mind that hides “our secret desires, our darkest wishes, and our most intense fears” (Bressler 127). Naturally, death would rank as one of these top fears. Mix this fear with narcissism and that creates the perfect cocktail for heroism, at the most basic level.

The id, possessing the innate need to survive, initiates the process of heroism. On the opposite side of the

spectrum is the superego. The superego acts as society’s censor, “causing us to make moral judgments in light of social pressures” (Bressler 127). It is the strength of the superego that allows a person to move through society’s hero system into higher degrees of heroism. It suits that obeying society’s censor would give one perks in its hero system.

However, no one is in control of his superego, or his id for that matter. The ego, “the rational, logical,

waking part of the mind,” makes the ultimate decisions (Bressler 127). The ego acts as a mediator between the id and the superego and it is here that decisions are made, including the decision to be a hero and to what degree. However, I propose that the id and the superego are not on even playing fields. Depending on the strength of the id and the strength of the superego, two unconscious and thus uncontrollable parts of the psyche, the ego will shift one way or the other. If the id overpowers the superego, the ego will drift to the id, causing low heroism, the coal miner and the office drone. If the superego overpowers the id, the ego will drift to the superego, causing high heroism; Buddha and other revolutionary leaders. In every person there is a battle between the id and the superego and across humanity the results vary, thus creating degrees of heroism, and society lets corresponding positions be filled.

The Hero-System Society in Comics

The connection between impending death and a heroic need to matter is seen in the undertones of

every religious scripture and in between every hug a father gives to his children. In comic books too, this relationship is often unfolded and viewed in the guise of a thrilling story. Two of Grant Morrison’s comics are

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

54 perfect examples of this: We3 and All-Star Superman. Not only do they exemplify the relation between death and heroism, they stand at opposite ends of the spectrum, giving a reader a perfect standpoint to see the relation in action.

We3 is a graphic novel that stars a dog, a cat, and a rabbit, strapped into robotic weapon suits à la Iron

Man and portrays their search for “Home” (We3 41). Escaping from “decommission,” the army is forced to hunt the animals down, lest their secret and morally dubious experiment be discovered. Luckily for the army, the animals will die without their medication. Hunted by the army as their bodies slowly degrade, the band of robotically enhanced animals, dubbed We3, searches for a place that they belong, a mysterious place called “Home” (We3 41).

It is easy to see that We3 are dying. However are they heroes? It’s easy to think that animals couldn’t

have the instinct to be heroes as defined by the above definition, but Becker has a special view on the narcissism needed for heroism: “If you took a blind and dumb organism and gave it self-consciousness and a name, if you made it stand out of nature and know consciously that it was unique, then you would have narcissism” (Becker 2). A talking dog with rockets strapped to its back is pretty unique, and, what matters is that they recognize their uniqueness. The epic climax of the novel is where this is best seen, as the dog, Bandit, recognizes the robotic coat that he wears is just a coat, he exclaims “Bad coat. Coat. Is Coat not ‘Bandit.’ Is coat not we” (We3 105). This statement proves that Bandit sees himself in a narcissistic sense, separate and unique from the world. The result of this narcissism along with the innate fear of death is that We3 act like heroes, as when the cat leaps onto a rampaging mastiff to protect Bandit (We3 99), when the rabbit sacrifices itself to buy its teammates time (We3 88) and when Bandit tries to save a human from a train wreck (We3 66), all undoubtedly heroic acts.

We3 by definition are heroes, but not a very high level. We3 exemplifies “low heroism” and the id, as they

want to survive but want to make a slight difference as well, by protecting each other (We3 88) and those who were caught in their deadly path (We3 66). The trio also searches for “Home” the place that is “Is run no more,” a place where they matter and belong. Ultimately, that place is as the pets of a homeless man (We3 67). We3 has no more need to continue on after they find “Home,” after they belong and matter, after their primal id is satisfied. In the battle between id and superego, the id overpowers the superego and that results in “low heroism.” The trio has no desire to climb society’s hero system beyond their allotted “Home”. It would not suit We3 to move

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 55

beyond “Home” because all they wanted was to protect each other, find the means of survival, and the love of “Home.” This was achieved when they were adopted by the kindly homeless man. If We3 had aspirations beyond that, say to save the environment or run for office, if they took action that intentionally effected larger scale of people, they would be considered higher heroes. Overall, we must remember that this search for “Home” is an extreme response in the hero-system society, as normal humans typically have more aspirations than survival and “Home”, and that this is the lowest of low heroism.

So what is “high heroism” and who is the high hero? Who, not only climbs, but also is the pinnacle of

society’s hero system? Superman is the superhero that needs almost no introduction. The Man of Steel is one of the many symbols that are synonymous with America and American ideals. The solar powered alien from the planet Krypton has populated comics and the minds of fans the world over. Impossibly strong, able to fly, fantastic superpowers, Superman has it all and has been using it for decades for the benefit of humanity, saving the world over and over again like a Messiah. However, in Grant Morrison’s All-Star Superman, Superman has a brush with death after flying into the sun. As his solar-sensitive cells begin to fade, Superman realizes his time left on Earth is limited. Superman begins to die (All-Star 21). Like Houghton, like any human would, Superman begins to settle his affairs. Superman reveals his identity to Lois Lane, the love of his life (All-Star 28). He tries to make peace with his rival, Lex Luthor (All-Star 123) and visits his adoptive father, Jonathan Kent, one last time (All-Star 150). These are examples of some of the normal things a human might do when faced with his own demise, making his peace and reminding himself that he was indeed a hero to the world.

Whilst mourning his upcoming death, Superman also finds the time to save the Earth multiple times.

Superman travels to and from the Bizzaro-Earth to counter an invasion from the Underverse (All-Star 170), answers “the unanswerable question” in order to save Lois Lane (All- Star 69), and sabotages Lex Luthor’s ultimate scheme of becoming the new Superman and ruling the world (All-Star 288). These deeds, among others, are dubbed his “twelve legendary labors,” and are tasks that an ordinary Superman could not accomplish without the supercharge from the sun that caused his super-cancer (All-Star 66). During his last months on Earth, on top of his normal superhero duties, Superman makes sure that the Earth is safe from all threats and is prepared for his absence (All-Star 243).

Here the components of death and heroism are apparent. Superman’s super-cancer is causing his death

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 56

and Superman has to complete his last heroic labors before his time of passing to prove that his life mattered. But what separates the Last Son of Krypton from We3 is Superman’s superego. The superego is not satisfied with minimal heroics. The superego strives to make moral judgment calls in accordance with societal values. In Superman’s society, the “measure of a man lies not in what he says but what he does” and with Superman’s tremendous ability of superpowers mixed with a healthy dose of altruism, Superman is capable of fantastic feats of strength and heroism (All-Star 147). Superman takes his abilities and uses them to society’s advantage, follows the critical rule of his society, and satisfies his superego by doing so. The strength is good, but it is the superego that drives Superman to navigate up the ranks of this societal hero system, until he achieves his quasi-Messiah status.

We3 and Superman are the hyperbolized extremes on the spectrum of the relation between mortality and

heroism. They represent low heroism, the id, and high heroism, the superego. For the rest of humanity, the two extremes battle it out for control of the ego. The ever flexible ego, the mediator between id and superego, this is where the human hero lives. Peter Houghton and the opera singer mentioned above are two prime examples. They both filled societal hero roles in their life of escaping death, though one was more willing to admit it. Every human deals with his id and superego all their life and every human funnels these extremes through their ego. All of humanity has the chance to be heroic.

The Hero-System Society in Reality

Kubler-Ross has interviewed hundreds of people, especially the terminally ill, and collected many heroic

stories across many books including Living with Death and Dying and Working it Through. Nearly every person imaginable has had a heroic moment, if not a slow and gradual approach, that filled their heroic societal role.

Take the angry young minister in Working it Through. This young man had just been deserted by his wife,

and she took their two preschool-aged children. In 1970, the odds of the father receiving custody of children was slim, and the minister was distraught over the situation. Fearing that he would never see his children again, his societal role as father and minister was in jeopardy (Working... 15). The minister was not happy with just moving on without his children. His superego urged him to the higher purpose of father. With Kubler-Ross’s help, this young minister managed to give his children one last good time to remember. Surprisingly, the young man won custody over his children. “He was beaming all over and had a great sense of confidence” (Working it Through

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 57

15). With his role as father returned, the young minister fulfilled part of his heroic role in society and protected his reputation as minister, undoubtedly his next step in the hero system.

Now consider L., a young girl who is suddenly stricken with crippling cancer. It is hard to believe that

a thirteen-year-old girl has to die; harder still that her role in society might be completed only through her demise. The eldest child in a large family, L. bravely faced cancer only to be stricken down with fully blown metastasis before school started again. It was obvious that there would be no recovery: L. held onto life until finally, after a religious experience, she passed with peace. It was only in the aftermath of L.’s death that her heroic role could be seen. Her family was “growing closer together and sharing not only the pain and agony but also the joy, the music, the drawing, and the growth experience together” (Living with Death and Dying 7). L. didn’t have the time needed to alter her position in the hero system to any great degree. L. had no reason to climb society’s hero system. Simply by existing, having a powerful id, and acting as a “low” hero, she brought her family closer together, closer than ever before.

One last person that represents human heroism would be Grant Morrison, the author of All-Star

Superman and We3. Heroism is carving out a place, making a mark before death, whether that mark be on family or in nature and society. Aren’t Grant Morrison’s comics making a mark? Didn’t he carve out a place in the comic book field and in the minds of fans? Writing his comic books and giving voice to heroes, like Superman or We3, makes Morrison a real human hero, driven by a fear of death and a narcissistic need for heroics.

When we compare the human heroes alone, without the fictional extremities, we can see the spectrum of

heroism, the hero system in action. L. had a low position on the hero system; she did not have time to navigate the full extent of her heroic capabilities, but still impacted her immediate family in a positive manner. Morrison, on the other hand, has a higher position, finding his nook in the hero system and impacting a greater range of people. Humans can occupy a range of heroics, exemplified by society’s hero system.

The Death of this Essay

Understanding the relation between death, heroism and the human psyche, analyzing the heroics of

Superman, We3, and the average everyday human, and lining them up against society’s hero system creates a spectrum of heroism from high to low and explains why people act with these different heroics. Using this

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 58

spectrum, one can understand why someone acts the way he does, not only in his final moments, but throughout his life. One can also use this spectrum to reflect on oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own life, gauge where he lies, where he wants to be, and if movement up the hero system is possible. Chasing after heroism is hard, but everyone has the opportunity to be a hero. All it takes is a dedication that outruns death.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 59

Works Cited Bauman, Zygmunt. Mortality, Immortality, and Other Life Strategies. Stanford: Polity Press, 1992. Print. Becker, Ernest. The Denial of Death. New York: Free Press Paperbacks, 1973. Print Bressler, Charles E.. Literary Criticism: An Introduction to Theory and Practice. Boston: Longman. 2011. Print. Houghton, Peter. On Death, Dying and Not Dying. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers Ltd, 2001. Print. Kubler-Ross, Elisabeth. On Death and Dying. New York: Macmillian Publishing Company, 1969. Print. ---. Living with Death and Dying. New York: Macmillian Publishing Company, 1981. Print. ---. Working it Through. New York: Macmillian Publishing Company, 1982. Print. Morrison, Grant. All-Star Superman. New York: DC Comics, 2011. Print ---.We3: The Deluxe Edition. New York: DC Comics, 2011. Print

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

Prevailing Corruption in Gotham City: The Miller Batman Approach

By Lauren Presutti

Every time an avid comic book fanatic dives into the world of a superhero mythos, an intentionally

written message the author constructed within the fantastic life of the hero can be seen. Within each page of art, a story is portrayed which often corresponds with the ideology of the author. Frank Miller’s story of billionaire Bruce Wayne donning the identity of Batman in order to serve justice as he sees fit is no exception to this. Mike S. DuBose discusses how the Batman constructed by Miller in The Dark Knight Returns represents a highly conservative ideology, which in turn affects how Batman deals with crime and the means by which society is controlled in Gotham City. While Miller’s construction of Batman portrays a conservative approach to crime as the only effective means to control the city, this approach will leave Gotham City in corruption forever. Despite Batman’s aim to restore society, the dominantly conservative ideology evidenced by Miller in The Dark Knight Returns creates a society where crime will forever exist in Gotham City, mistaking societal conflicts for individual evils and failing to proceed more effectively through a liberal perspective of crime.

The dilemma evident in The Dark Knight Returns, therefore, is the failure of Miller to consider a liberal

representation of crime, which places greater blame on society for crime, rather than on the individual. Social disorganization theory further supports this argument, as does social labeling theory and social learning theory – all of which support the notion that crime exists in Gotham City as a result of social factors, rather than individual evils. Therefore, in order to effectively restore society, we must address the conflicts in it rather than solely punish the individual as Batman does. This is a liberal perspective of crime, inconsistent with the representations constructed by Miller. Although the future corruption in Gotham City as a result of Miller’s construction is merely fictional, the relationship is worth exploring, as this significance is applicable to how social problems are viewed and controlled in our own societies. Further, the ideologies of comic book heroes have encompassed adolescents’ sense of crime and justice since the 1930s (Vollum and Adkisnon 96). Thus, exploring the ideology in The Dark Knight Returns and understanding Batman’s ineffective nature is significant when considering the influence the Batman image can have on young readers. Deconstructing the messages in

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

61 this graphic novel will provide greater clarity on the conservative Miller Batman approach and its consequences, allowing us to utilize Gotham City as a prime example of how certain approaches to managing social problems fail in effectiveness due to underlying causes.

To begin this discussion, I will first consider the representation of crime from a conservative perspective.

Next, I will discuss how the Miller Batman in The Dark Knight Returns fulfills this ideology’s view on crime (DuBose). Then, I will critique why the Miller Batman approach to restoring Gotham City is ineffective using social disorganization theory and other appropriate criminological theories. Finally, I will describe a liberal representation of crime and explain how this view of crime, contrasting that of Miller’s, is the only effective approach to restoring society in Gotham City.

Crime from a Conservative Perspective

On the most basic level, the representation of crime from a conservative perspective places blame on

the individual. There is a sense of responsibility for individual actions and when these responsibilities are mishandled, deviance ensues which must be corrected with punishment. Similar to penal law existing prior to capitalist societies, there is a large emphasis on repressive sanctions, or punishments on the individual (Morrison 172). The development of society in the last century and growth of the modern, capitalist society has since transformed into a system of contract law, in which there is less emphasis on repressive sanctions and a greater focus on restoring society back to normalcy (Morrison 174). However, the conservative ideology across the nation still holds that repressive sanctions are the only effective means to serve justice properly. With a desire to maintain traditional values, the conservative perspective calls for greater emphasis on individual responsibility and punishment (W. Miller 143).

W. Miller outlines “crusading issues” existing on the right and left side of the political spectrum which

specifically address concerns of crime in society (143). The issues existing on the right side, consistent with a conservative perspective, that will be most applicable to the Frank Miller construction of Batman include the following: “Excessive leniency toward lawbreakers,” “Favoring the welfare and rights of lawbreakers over the welfare and rights of their victims,” and “Erosion of discipline and respect for constituted authority” (W. Miller 143). These three issues consistent with the conservative representation of crime serve as a backdrop to the larger conservative assumptions of crime Walter Miller further discusses.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 62

The conservative perspective of crime assumes that criminal behavior is caused by “insufficient attention

to the basic moral principles which deter criminality” (W. Miller 144). This is consistent with the conservative nature to place the blame for criminal activity on the individual. Rather than societal conditions, W. Miller describes how the conservative perspective demands high moral values that serve as criminal deterrents and theoretically produce high respect for authority and law (144). Therefore, the conservative perspective attributes crime and disrespect for authority to a low sense of morality in society’s individuals. Later discussions of social disorganization theory will explain how this is a spurious claim by the conservative perspective and a failed causal statement.

Worth noting, however, is this conservative attribution of crime to a lack of individual morality, as

this brings further emphasis on the conservative approach to repressive sanctions. The deterrents to criminal behavior, including “self-discipline, responsibility, and a well- developed moral conscious” are only instilled within criminals upon punishment (W. Miller 144). For example, if a criminal is punished for his or her individual crime, the conservative perspective attests that the criminal will learn better values from the punishment. Further, Walter Miller states a conservative assumption of crime as: “The tendency by liberals to attribute blame for criminality to ‘the system’ serves directly to aggravate criminality, [enabling the criminal to] excuse his criminal behavior, further eroding self-discipline and moral conscience” (156). From these conservative assumptions, we have established a ground from which to deconstruct the messages apparent in The Dark Knight Returns by Frank Miller. We can now analyze the actions and dialogue constructed in the graphic novel to clearly demonstrate how the conservative ideology exists within the Miller Batman.

The Highly Conservative Miller Batman

Frank Miller’s 1986 graphic novel The Dark Knight Returns is perhaps the most popularized work of the

vigilante Batman. The story depicts the return of previously retired Bruce Wayne, now 55 years old, reassuming the identity of Batman after encountering a violent street gang called “The Mutants” in the same location in which his parents were murdered as a child. After years of pursuing his vengeance in Gotham City, Wayne is not yet satisfied. The death of the second Robin, Jason Todd, prompted his retirement, but with “The Mutants” destroying Gotham City and villains still rampant, Wayne steps in, ready to retaliate. His new Robin, a young

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

63 teen named Carrie Kelly, aids him on the streets this time around . Upon reassuming the Batman identity at 55, Wayne declares: “This should be agony. I should be a mass of aching muscle — broken, spent, unable to move. And, were I an older man, I surely would... But I’m a man of 30 — of 20 again. The rain on my chest is a baptism. I’m born again.” (F. Miller 34) Clearly stated, DuBose asserts “Batman is seen as a hero by those who would typically fit the stereotype of conservative/Republican” (DuBose 920). This is apparent within the graphic novel itself, even before the conservative representation of crime becomes clear. For example, many supporters of Batman have confidence in his ability to serve justice properly while viewing the police as inadequate to fulfill their duties. Authority is distrusted in Gotham City, causing supporters of Batman to view his vigilante approach as acceptable and needed. An individual on the street states, “‘Frankly, I’m surprised there aren’t a hundred like him out there— thousand people are fed up with terror—with stupid laws and social cowardice. He’s only taking back what’s ours’” (F. Miller 65). This is consistent with the conservative ideology of claiming one’s own rights, and is pushed further on the right side of the political spectrum when Miller emphasizes the American spirit. Managing Editor of the Daily Metropolis Lana Lang sees the support for Batman as ‘‘a symbolic resurgence of the common man’s will to resist . . . a rebirth of the American fighting spirit’’ (F. Miller 41). In addition, another individual on the street claims that Batman is “kicking just the right butts—butts the cops ain’t kicking, that’s for sure. Hope he goes after the homos next’’ (F. Miller 45). If the Miller Batman approach to punishing the criminals that the police are unable to punish is not convincing enough as conservative, that last line regarding “going after” homosexual individuals clearly should point one in the direction of recognizing the conservative nature evident in this graphic novel. Finally, another clear example of conservatism in The Dark Knight Returns discussed by DuBose surrounds self- protection and defense. When Advertising Agent Bryon Brassballs is questioned after pushing a beggar in the Subway on the tracks in front of a coming train, he responds “‘How was I to know he didn’t have a gun? They never show you that until they’re ready to kill you; I was just trying to protect myself ’” (F. Miller 110). This demonstrates the self preserving nature of the advertising agent.

These examples certainly speak to the conservative ideology evident in The Dark Knight Returns, but we

must draw attention to the conservative representation of crime specifically evident by the Miller Batman before

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 64

any accusations on the effectiveness of Batman’s approach can be made. The first issue within the conservative representation of crime, “Excessive leniency toward lawbreakers,” is evidenced by the very nature of Batman’s role in society. Bruce Wayne witnessed the murder of his parents as a child, never obtaining closure of who these killers were or knowing if they were punished properly. It is possible that, like many criminals in Gotham City, they may have escaped conviction freely without any hardship. The corruption in Gotham City, both criminal and political, creates an environment where deviance is the norm. Criminal behavior is to be expected and proper punishment for the actions of criminals is rare. Bruce Wayne recognized this at a young age, and soon after dedicated his life to serving justice as he sees fit, above the law, separate from the establishment, and through a “means to an end” approach. In other words, Batman will do whatever he feels is necessary, just short of killing his enemies (his only rule), in order to punish them as much as he believes they deserve. It is clear that taking matters into his own hands is a decision which stems from recognizing the need for him to do so, resulting from a leniency toward lawbreakers. Although this defining characteristic is evident among all Batman comics, the Miller Batman in The Dark Knight Returns provides a highlighted example: Bruce Wayne, retired and at an older age, is encountered by lawbreakers (“The Mutants”) who are not being punished properly, and therefore, Wayne feels that this issue needs to be corrected by the Batman himself (F. Miller).

The second issue within the conservative representation of crime, “Favoring the welfare and rights of

lawbreakers over the welfare and rights of their victims,” is evidenced in The Dark Knight Returns as well. Tim Blackmore argues, “Miller’s Batman voices a common concern about the rights of the criminal superceding the rights of the victim” (44). A clear example DuBose points out which supports this argument is concerning Batman’s comment to one of Harvey “Two-Face” Dent’s accomplices. After Batman throws the accomplice through a window, punishing him for his criminal behavior, he nervously exclaims, “Stay back – I got rights,” to which Batman replies, “You’ve got rights. Lots of rights. Sometimes I count them just to make myself feel crazy” (F. Miller 45). As DuBose argues, this is consistent with a conservative representation of crime as Batman clearly holds the view of lawbreakers having rights in a negative light (920).

The final issue within the conservative representation of crime, “Erosion of discipline and respect for

constituted authority,” is evidenced in The Dark Knight Returns, as is the conservative assumption of crime, which attests that the deterrents to criminal behavior are only instilled within criminals upon punishment. The greatest

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 65

characteristic of the Miller Batman that complements this conservative stance on crime is the inherent nature of Batman to instill fear within his enemies. In one instance, after severely damaging a man, Batman states “He’s young. He’ll probably walk again. But he’ll stay scared – won’t you punk?” (F. Miller 35). The demeanor of Batman in each page through his attacks exemplifies his dark image and intention to scare his enemies. Again, this is consistent with the conservative representation of crime as he punishes his enemies as individuals. Further, Vollum and Adkinson argue that the mythos of Batman is essentially screaming “Crime doesn’t pay” (106). The cultural messages portrayed in the Miller Batman, according to Vollum and Adkisnon, exist as a means to preserve the status quo of democracy in the American way. Consistent with a conservative ideology “Batman tells us the law is to be feared,” and any threats to the status-quo in America “must be extinguished,” in order to preserve a nation in which “good must prevail and social order must be maintained” (Vollum and Adkinson 106).

Batman’s attitude toward crime is clear. Miller constructed a figure that believes trying to restore society

by any means other than directly punishing criminals is a hopeless task. The Miller Batman, a conservative, sees his enemies as inherently evil and he takes responsibility upon himself to punish them. The implication clearly is portraying that only a conservative approach, Batman’s approach, is the right approach. Otherwise, the lack of punishment enables criminals. Miller portrays this perceived result in the graphic novel by a threat from “The Mutants” which states: “Don’t call us a gang. Don’t call us criminals. We are the law. We are the future. Gotham city belongs to the mutants. Soon the world will be ours,” (F. Miller 61). In order to prevent that prophecy, the conservative Batman takes necessary action. Those supporting Batman in The Dark Knight Returns are conservatively on his side, while those in opposition to Batman see him as the real villain that must be demolished. Even the new Commissioner, Ellen Yindel, holds an opposing view, stating “Despite Gotham’s plague of crime, I believe our only recourse is law enforcement,” and issues an arrest warrant for Batman as her first act as commissioner (F. Miller 116). Miller consciously acknowledges these oppositions in order to prove them wrong later in the novel as Batman succeeds in punishing his enemies, thus strengthening his message of conservatism. However, the crime in Gotham City never ceases to exist, and corruption never seems to diminish. Despite the efforts of Batman, his highly conservative approach never considers why there is an excessive amount of crime on the streets to begin with. As a result, corruption will always prevail. A closer look

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 66

at why this is the inevitable case is examined next.

Social Disorganization in Gotham City

Before critiquing Batman’s conservative approach to restoring society in Gotham City, we must first

understand Batman’s world from a sociological perspective. The functionalist perspective is perhaps the clearest lens to view Batman’s intentions through. The maintenance of the collective whole of a society is the core of functionalism, with emphasis on maintaining social order and balance within a society. In order for a social system to exist, all parts of society must function properly. Similar to the anatomical nature of homeostatic systems, functionalists attest that social societies must also work to maintain equilibrium through a homeostasislike means. In other words, functionalists work in order for chaos to be minimized and for societal conditions to “run smoothly” (Akers and Sellers 214). Consistent with the functionalist perspective, Batman aims to restore equilibrium to the social dysfunctions created by the corruption in Gotham City. Batman is dissatisfied with the excessive amount of crime destroying Gotham City and he aims to restore social order and balance, as any functionalist would.

However, the functionalist aim to restore balance in society is too simple a concept in societies

characterized by an anomie. Perhaps a society in which the collective conscious called for social cohesion and community growth would respond positively to efforts of restoring balance. Perhaps a conservative approach to controlling crime would even be appropriate in these societies. An anomic society, however, must be evaluated with more complexity in accordance to the degree to which norms are damaged (Akers and Sellers 183). There must be careful consideration of the breakdown of norms in an anomic society and there must be logical examination of why these anomic conditions exist. Only then can an appropriate method of restoring society be conceived.

It is clear that Gotham City is certainly an anomic society. Characterized by a number of social

detriments, it is no wonder that many of its members carry little hope in its future. High crime rates, urban decay, political corruption, social disorganization and immense social strain all create criminological conditions in Gotham City that foster deviance and further social downfall (F. Miller). Social disorganization theory describes the breakdown of social conditions and weakness of social institutions resulting from conditions much like those in Gotham City. Social control mechanisms are weakened and members are alienated

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 67

from one another. As a result, deviance becomes predictable and the cycle continues, worsening social ties and further maintaining a hostile environment that can only be rehabilitated when the societal conditions are at the center of control (Akers and Sellers 178).

Complementing social disorganization is a theory of labeling, which attests that to the degree a person

is labeled a certain classification, he or she will be likely so to act. For example, if a person is labeled a “brat” as a child for an extended period of time, theoretically that child will inhabit the behavior of a mischievous “brat” in order to fulfill his or her given label. In a larger context, if someone who commits a crime is labeled a “felon” or “criminal” to a great extent, theoretically that person will be more inclined to behave in accordance to the given label. This occurrence typically is apparent in anomic societies plagued by social detriments (Akers and Sellers 152). Gotham City is no exception to this. One of the most popularized villains, The Joker, leads a life of crime that is “rooted in his early childhood experiences of abuse and the subsequent stigma of being, literally, scarred by that experience” (Wonser and Boyns 224). This example also illustrates social learning theory, another common occurrence in anomic societies like that of Gotham City. Hypothetically, a person who is socialized through role-modeling or the social reinforcement of acceptable behavior, will be more likely to mirror that behavior and grow accustomed to its normalcy. Societies characterized by high social disorganization are places where deviant behavior will be reinforced and thus reproduced (Akers and Sellers 90). In Gotham City, the young Joker was evidently exposed to deviance and thus grew accustomed to reproducing the behavior.

The villains in Gotham City are prime examples of the reinforcement of deviant behavior causing

greater social disorganization and downfall in the city, but it is important to acknowledge Batman himself as a culprit of this trend as well. As stated earlier, Batman seeks to restore balance in Gotham City, but his highly conservative approach that only aims to punish criminals fails to consider the social disorganization responsible for the crime. The Miller Batman seeks to restore balance in Gotham City by punishing criminals, so the only logical option the criminals have is to strengthen their tactics and respond to Batman with greater force. If the criminals in Gotham City hope to retain their power, they must match Batman’s crime fighting tactics at the very least. The presence of Batman in Gotham City alone requires his enemies to strengthen their skills and thus foster greater social disorganization in Gotham City. Because Batman’s methodology strikes highly similar to his enemies, Batman and his enemies are more alike than different. This is acknowledged by Miller in The Dark

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 68

Knight Returns when Batman confronts his enemy Harvey “Two-Face” Dent and is asked what he sees. Batman responds to his enemy, replying “I see a reflection, Harvey. A reflection” (F. Miller 55).

Returning to the previously discussed conservative assumption of crime that attributes crime and

disrespect for authority to a low sense of morality in society, we can now recognize that social disorganization, social detriments, and reinforced deviant behavior hold a greater likelihood for explaining the crime in Gotham City. Although individual morality is certainly likely to be low among Gotham City, the relationship between crime and individual morality is spurious due to the intervening variable: social disorganization.

It is now clear why the Miller Batman conservative approach to controlling crime in Gotham City is

ineffective. The anomic condition of Gotham City brings to light the social disorganization and social detriments that serve as the underlying causes of the crime and corruption at hand. Rather than serving to restore balance in Gotham City, the Miller Batman tactics actually serve as a destabilizing force in society. Batman essentially strengthens his enemies each time he punishes them. When considering Batman’s one rule, he will never kill, it becomes even clearer as to how Batman’s conservative approach simply is ineffective. The Miller Batman seeks to minimize deviant behavior through punishment, but, consequently, his methodology only reinforces deviant behavior in Gotham City and worsens the very social problems he originally intended to resolve (F Miller). By understanding the liberal representation of crime, we can next evaluate an alternative means to controlling crime in Gotham City that may prove more effective.

Crime from a Liberal Perspective

The clearest distinction between the conservative and liberal perspective of crime separates where blame

for criminal activity is placed. As previously discussed, the conservative perspective of crime places blame on the individual and thus believes individual punishment is the only acceptable approach to controlling crime (W. Miller 144). In contrast, the liberal perspective of crime places blame on society and believes that “responsibility for criminal behavior lies in the conditions of the social order rather than in the character of the individual” (W. Miller 145). Further, the greatest issue within the representation of crime from a liberal perspective that is most applicable to the social setting of Batman and Gotham City surrounds social labeling theory and social learning theory. It is an issue that attests problems of crime and corruption in a society are created and worsened by “the ways in which actual or potential offenders are regarded and treated” (W. Miller 145). While the conservative

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 69

approach to controlling crime requires direct punishment on the individual, the liberal issue associated with crime directly attacks this approach and holds this very means to be responsible for worsening criminal activity. Consistent with social disorganization theory, the liberal perspective of crime recognizes the social detriments that are the underlying causes of criminal behavior. The liberal perspective, more closely related to a system of contract law as opposed to penal law, calls for restorative sanctions, or a rehabilitative methodology that aims to restore society back to normalcy, rather than punishing the individual. Therefore, in contrast to the conservative approach to controlling crime, the liberal approach to controlling crime requires greater attention on social factors and institutions (W. Miller 145). Given the social disorganization and social detriments of Gotham City, it is logical to assume that a liberal approach to controlling crime would prove more effective. Clearly, the methodology of the Miller Batman fails to consider a liberal representation of crime and therefore, corruption will prevail in the city as long as the deviance continues to be reinforced and the underlying factors of crime are overlooked.

However, before ending this discussion claiming the liberal approach to controlling crime in Gotham

City to be the absolute saving grace the city needs, it is important to understand the severely damaged collective conscious that Gotham City unfortunately holds. The liberal approach to controlling crime in a society, rehabilitating social institutions, can only be effective when social cohesion exists on at least some level (W. Miller 146). Evidenced by Batman’s world, there seems to be very little concept of society or community at all (F. Miller). The question becomes, is there any society in Gotham City that can even be restored? In Gotham City, people seem to be acting solely for themselves, a result of severe social disintegration over a long period of time. For example, Commissioner Gordon functions only for his wife, stating, “I think of Sarah. The rest is easy” (F. Miller 103). Even Batman, although seeking to restore balance in Gotham City in a functionalist manner, has an underlying motive that is entirely personal, fighting crime as an act of revenge for the murder of his parents (F. Miller).

Although the lack of a collective society in Gotham City leaves us with unanswered questions on the

future fate of its stability, we know from the Miller Batman conservative approach in The Dark Knight Returns that crime and corruption will prevail until a more effective approach is implemented. The representation of crime from a liberal perspective is most closely related to the issues that consume Gotham City’s social

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 70

disorganization, and therefore, the liberal approach to controlling crime with an emphasis on blaming society rather than the individual stands as the more logically effective approach to managing crime. In this vein, it is appropriate to state that Wayne’s billions would perhaps be better spent funding social programs and aiding the oppressed groups in Gotham City, rather than developing high-tech gadgets used to punish the criminals he attacks.

Conclusion

In conclusion, we have explored the conservative ideology apparent in Frank Miller’s construction of

Batman in The Dark Knight Returns, bringing greater clarity to the conservative perspective of crime and the conservative approach to controlling crime. After breaking down this ideology, the analysis of Batman’s world studied through a sociological lens allowed us to view the reinforcement of deviance and Batman’s methodology as destabilizing forces in Gotham City, consequently worsening the social problems he intended to resolve. Finally, the representation of crime from a liberal perspective provided an alternative approach to controlling crime. Thus, the liberal approach to controlling crime in Gotham City is logically the more effective means, as it considers the social disorganization that creates and reinforces crime at the societal level. The Miller Batman fails to consider these underlying causes of crime, and therefore, crime and corruption in Gotham City will always prevail.

Although these conclusions surrounding the fate of Gotham City are fictional, perhaps purposely

intended to create an infinite story setting of crime for the sake of Batman’s crusade continuing, the relationship between two very distinct ideologies of crime and the outcomes that result in society is significant. The intention of this discussion is not to promote one ideology’s stance on controlling crime over the other, but rather, is to provide clarity on how certain approaches to social problems can prove ineffective when there is a failure to consider underlying causes. The Miller Batman’s approach to serving justice as he sees fit in Gotham City is a highlighted example, as the intentional messages from Miller in The Dark Knight Returns are clear to the reader. Because adolescents’ sense of crime and justice is largely drawn from heroes in the media, like Batman, exploring these relationships is worthwhile. The Miller Batman is intended to portray a message; understanding this message and refraining from being influenced by socialization in the media is key to independently assessing social problems in our own societies and considering all causes before proceeding with an ineffective approach.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 71

Works Cited Akers, Ronald L., and Christine S. Sellers. Criminological Theories: Introduction, Evaluation, and Application. 5th ed. New York, NY: Oxford UP, 2008. Print. Blackmore, Tim. “The Dark Knight of Democracy: Tocqueville and Miller Cast Some Light on the Subject.” The Journal of American Culture 14.1 (1991): 37-56. Print. DuBose, Mike S. “Holding Out for a Hero: Reaganism, Comic Book Vigilantes, and Captain America.” The Journal of Popular Culture 40.6 (2007): 915-35. Print. Miller, Frank. Batman: The Dark Knight Returns. New York: DC Comics, 2002. Print. Miller, Walter B. “Ideology and Criminal Justice Policy: Some Current Issues.” The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 64.2 (1973): 141-62. Print. Morrison, Ken. Marx, Durkheim, Weber: Formations of Modern Social Thought. London: Sage, 1995. Print. Vollum, Scott, and Cary D. Adkinson. “The Portrayal of Crime and Justice in the Comic Book Superhero Mythos.” Journal of Criminal Justice and Popular Culture 10.2 (2003): 96-108. Print. Wonser, Robert, and David Boyns. “The Caped Crusader: What Batman Films Tell Us About Crime & Deviance.” Cinematic Sociology: Social Life in Film. By Jean-Anne Sutherland and Kathryn Feltey. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge, 2010. 213-27. Print.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 72

When the Going Gets Weird: Gonzo Journalism as an Effective Journalistic Style in Comics and Otherwise By Alayna Smith

Hunter S. Thompson was the personification of the phrase, “There’s a method to the madness.” And oh,

was he mad: $300 worth of “extremely dangerous drugs” were only the launching point for his coverage of the Mint 400 motorcycle race in 1971 (Las Vegas 4); and those drugs were tame compared to some of the other stuff he got into upon arrival. Thompson was non-traditional in every sense of the word, including his journalistic style: rather than simply accept an editor’s assignment, he preferred to be intimately involved with the events and people he was covering. Though the style lends itself to subjectivity, it also allows for a broader picture to be developed and shared. Thompson coined his own term for this participatory style: But what was the story? Nobody had bothered to say. So we would have to drum it up on our own. Free Enterprise. The American Dream. Horatio Alger gone mad on drugs in Las Vegas. Do it now: pure Gonzo journalism. (Las Vegas 12) Thompson seemed to be advocating a more independent and active form of journalism only hinted at before in the works of New Journalists of the time. But with a style that seems to be rooted in such irregularity, subjectivity, and eccentricity, can Gonzo journalism really be taken seriously in a field dedicated to the honest and faithful pursuit of truth? Absolutely; in fact, Gonzo journalism is a necessary journalistic style and is (not in spite of its unique and often exaggeratory nature but indeed largely because of it) an extremely effective and essential method of information collection and dissemination in journalism.

In order to examine Gonzo journalism as an effective journalistic style, a closer look at some of the

major Gonzo journalistic texts is necessary. Using Thompson’s books Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas and Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail, as well as Joe Sacco’s graphic novel Palestine, I will first characterize exactly what makes a piece part of the Gonzo journalistic family through comparison and a review of literature. Once this definition has been established, I can move on to the substance of the pieces, discerning effective and utilized practices in the genre, including the willingness to endure--and even actively seek out--risk in order

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 73

to get the story; inclusion of a behind-the-scenes, personal perspective necessary to fully understanding the story at hand; use of a very unique voice in writing; inclusion of an implicit greater purpose; and tendency to muckrake so as to fulfill the role of journalist watchdog for the public. Finally, the art of illustrator Ralph Steadman and Sacco himself is examined as it supplements and enhances Gonzo journalistic endeavors.

What is Gonzo Journalism?

Although no one seems to be able to discern a point of origin or initial meaning for Gonzo journalism,

it is clear that Thompson was the primary proponent and perhaps its sole executer in its early years (Tamony 73). Thompson practiced it belligerently and indiscriminately--it was simply the way he preferred to take on his assignments--but others have since been able to effectively recreate the same style to achieve similar results. In his article “What’s Gonzo about Gonzo Journalism?,” Jason Mosser argues that Thompson is the “one true Gonzo journalist,” though his cited reasons for believing such can be applied to several other works, including Sacco’s Palestine (86). Mosser discusses several key elements of Thompson’s Gonzo journalism, all of which can be found in the pages of Sacco’s graphic novel as well: presence of a first-person, autobiographical narrator who assumes the role of protagonist (Thompson and Sacco each take on this role themselves); participation of a male bonding figure (artist Ralph Steadman often fills this role for Thompson, and Sacco’s photographer Saburo does the same in Palestine); deviations from the actual story itself in favor of personal matters (Thompson frequently takes a detour into discussing his drug-induced escapades, and Sacco talks about his own downtime spent trading jokes and sipping tea with friends); and a constant struggle to meet deadlines or assignment requirements (deadlines are always looming for Thompson, and Sacco frequently mentions needing to do something for the good of the comic) (Mosser 86).

Robert Alexander notes another important element of Gonzo journalistic style, which is the participatory

role of the author in the story (26). As narrator and protagonist of their own respective stories, Thompson and Sacco both interact with the people and events they are meant to be reporting on. The elimination of this “recording model” and switch over to the more participatory model allows for a greater development of the subject at hand (Alexander 27). Clayton Chiarelott saw this participatory nature of Gonzo journalism as a key factor separating it from traditional journalism, as Gonzo “has something to do with creating, rather than

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 74

finding, the story” (6).

Discussing a final encompassing characteristic of Gonzo journalistic pieces, Clayton Chiarelott

includes the various works by Thompson as well as Sacco’s Palestine: “incisive, but often not sustained or highly developed, social satire or parody” (8). Thompson’s humor is most often derived from his drug-induced shenanigans or tongue-in-cheek assertions about society and the American Dream; Sacco injects similar doses of humor, such as his inclusion of “A Palestinian Joke,” satirizing the brutality of the Shin Bet’s interrogation methods (Sacco 96).

These characteristics ultimately amalgamate into a journalistic piece that can tout not only honesty

and fairness--both of which are critical parts of the fundamental journalistic purpose--but also a deep, gritty authenticity often lacking in other journalistic pieces. Gonzo journalism is not only the most effective method of coverage in certain circumstances, but indeed sometimes the only possible method of information collection and dissemination. This can be illustrated by taking a closer look at these characteristics both individually and as they interact with one another.

Filters

As a traditional journalist myself, I will examine the defining characteristics of Gonzo journalism as

they compete with or compare to traditional journalistic standards and practices. In its established Code of Ethics, the Society of Professional Journalists outlines four areas of ethical guidelines for journalists: seeking and reporting truth, minimizing harm, acting independently, and being accountable. Though the code is not legally enforced, it is voluntarily embraced by thousands of journalists who strive for journalistic and professional excellence (SPJ Code of Ethics 1). The Associated Press Stylebook, used by thousands of journalists around the world, dictates proper journalistic style and principles fundamental to the field. In its Statement of News Values and Principles, reprehensible behaviors are outlined to include “inaccuracies, carelessness, bias or distortions,” intentional introduction of false information, and altering of photos or quotes (Associated Press 310). AP standards are meant to promote ethical conduct in traditional journalism; despite Thompson’s deviation from traditionalism, these values can still largely be found at the core of his work. These principles will be applied to the works of Thompson and Sacco in order to illustrate that Gonzo journalism is in fact an effective and useful journalistic method, as it can stand up against the traditional and accepted practices and guidelines of the field.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 75

The Truth is Never Told During the Nine-to-Five Hours: Why Gonzo Works

A vital facet of effective Gonzo journalism is the ability to not only entrench oneself right in the middle

of the action, but to become fully participatory in it as well. In Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail, Thompson finds himself in the middle of quite a few questionable, but journalistically promising, situations. At the 1972 Republican National Convention, he and a fellow journalist, Ron Rosenbaum, found themselves amidst a forming Nixon Youth riot, and Thompson was not about to sacrifice this opportunity to dig up some information: “No press!” they were shouting. “OUT! Both of you!” I stood up quickly and put my back to the wall, still cursing Rosenbaum. “That’s right!” I yelled. “Get that bastard out of here! No press allowed!” Rosenbaum stared at me. There was shock and repugnance in his eyes--as if he had just recognized me as a lineal descendant of Judas Iscariot. As they muscled him away, I began explaining to my accusers that I was really more of a political observer than a journalist. (Campaign Trail 355) This act of disloyalty to a friend and fellow member of the press shows exactly what lengths Thompson was willing to go to in order to get the story. He continues to make his case and is eventually allowed to march with them--they even allow him to keep his George McGovern button, endorsing a competitor of Nixon for the Republican candidacy. He begins speaking to the Nixon Youth, learning and experiencing things that otherwise would have remained inaccessible. Similarly, Sacco endures riots and torrential storms just to get the perfect photograph or make an interview necessary for this collection of information, and relies heavily on the close relationships he has made while in Palestine. These relationships would not exist, however, if it were not for his particularly Gonzo journalistic approach to his subject. That style is what inevitably gets him everything he needs for the comic, a fact he reflects on during the storm: ...and here I am, brushing up against the Palestinian experience, a goddamn adventure cartoonist who hasn’t changed his clothes in days, who’s stepped over a few dead rats and shivered from the cold, who’s bullshitted with the boys and nodded knowingly at their horrible narratives...and I’m pinching myself in a car in the dark in a flood, giddy from the ferocity, outside, thinking, “Throw it at me, baby, I can take it,” but I’ve got the window rolled up tight... (Sacco 208) Sacco demonstrates the hardships he has been through in order to get the story, and illustrates this in a full page

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 76

illustration of the torrential storm he must endure (Sacco 208). His joy is juxtaposed with his bleak position in the storm, emphasizing the necessity of such circumstances in order to be effective with his mission for the truth. Only by living in Palestine and seeing things as the Palestinians did would he be able to truthfully relay the story of a landless people in a time of turmoil. Through these and other actions, Thompson and Sacco truly take heed of the “seeking” portion of the SPJ Code of Ethics, perhaps even more so than their traditional counterparts (1). This active quest for information is crucial to their reporting: had they tried a more passive approach, much of the depth would have been lost from their accounts.

Gonzo journalism also deviates from traditional journalism in that the story itself is not necessarily

the most important aspect of the piece; in some cases, the behind-the-scenes story of the collection of that information is just as vital in its own right. Sacco runs into some trouble while trying to talk to the students and administrators at a preparatory school in Balata, Palestine administered by the United Nations: Back in Balata, I’m sitting in the headmaster’s office and he still won’t let me into the school... He says Israelis have come into the camp posing as journalists before...they’ve “interviewed” students and found out who the activists are...then the soldiers have come to make arrests... (47) This anecdote, though pertaining to his own journalistic struggles and therefore seemingly inconsequential to the story itself, actually is significant in illuminating exactly how serious the situation is in Palestine. By relaying the story of his methods and barriers in getting the actual story, he reveals crucial information for that same story.

Likewise, Thompson spends much of Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas focusing on the behind-the-scenes

action rather than the actual story at hand, but he achieves similar results as Sacco by doing so. As an avid drug user himself, Thompson’s presence at the National District Attorney’s Convention on narcotics and dangerous drugs provides some interesting information for readers. He discusses the ease with which he is able to blend into the crowd of cops, a “crowd that was convened for the stated purpose of putting people like [Thompson] in jail” (Las Vegas 109). With initial anxieties about his disguise, he soon learns that the police actually have no idea what they’re doing: “These poor bastards didn’t know mescaline from macaroni... Here were more than a thousand top-level cops telling each other ‘we must come to terms with the drug culture,’ but they had no idea where to start. They couldn’t even find the goddamn thing” (Las Vegas 143-144). Thompson uses his time at the

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 77

convention to highlight the ineptitude of the police and shed light on the deficiencies of those who have been charged with protecting the public. Clearly the public was being misled in its perception of what the cops were actually doing, as they certainly were not effectively fighting the war on drugs and keepings the streets safe.

Perhaps one of the most unique and recognizable characteristics of Gonzo journalism is its inherent

allowance for conversational and expressive prose. With the formality and restrictions of objectivity eliminated from the picture, Gonzo journalists are free to express themselves as they please without fear of violating a contract of trust or professionalism with the reader. Thompson’s eccentricity came through clearly in his writing, his syntax and diction painting a clear image of his exasperations and colloquialisms. This is perhaps most prominent in Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, which is arguably his most narrative and subjective piece. Marc Weingarten describes this expressive voice used by Thompson in Las Vegas, saying: “...[H]e had found a sympathetic editor who gave him the space to push the throttle all the way and develop a ‘mind-warp/photo technique’ that resulted in a new voice--antic, lysergic, blackly humorous, gently moralizing” (251). This voice is heard in his punctuated clauses, extensive use of ellipses, and exclamatory remarks. Sacco writes with a similar voice in his comic, utilizing the same literary means. The exact qualifiers--antic, blackly humorous, gently moralizing--can easily be applied to Palestine to produce the same results (Sacco 124-125).

Though this unique narrative voice is common among Gonzo journalistic texts, it never interferes with

the factual portrayal of events and conversations. Thompson and Sacco both include full interviews, left generally unrevised and in their entirety, to allow their subjects to speak for themselves. In Campaign Trail, Thompson frequently includes entire transcripts of recorded conversations, highlighting this authenticity; though, he does include a disclaimer: What follows is a 98 percent verbatim transcript of my tape recording of that conversation. The other 2 percent was deleted in the editing process for reasons having to do with a journalist’s obligation to “protect” his sources--even if it sometimes means protecting them from themselves and their own potentially disastrous indiscretions (289). Despite his antics, Thompson is a journalist first and foremost, and therefore holds himself to the high standards of truth in reporting. Sacco also transcribes interviews in his comic, though he shows this stylistically rather than stating it explicitly by including quotation marks on the verbatim portions. Many of the conversations in Palestine take place within speech bubbles, which are not necessarily direct quotes; the presence of

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 78

these quotation marks is the explicit indicator of a transcribed interview.

Early on in his book, Sacco discusses an important facet of American media with a woman he is

interested in, shedding some light on the purpose of his own endeavors: You gotta understand the American media. They want human interest, Klinghoffer gets killed and we get the full profile, the bereaving widow, where he lived and what he put on his corn flakes till he sounds like the guy next door who borrows your ladder. Do you see the power of that? ...Americans won’t care about the problems of Palestinians when Americans get killed in these attacks. One American dies like that, it eclipses anything Palestinians have to say! (6-7). In Palestine, Sacco is providing his own full profile of the Palestinian people and the struggles they face, giving readers access to the bereaving women and intimate details of their lives and woes until the Palestinians are, ostensibly, our friends and neighbors. This extensive look into the lives of Palestinians is only accomplished through Sacco’s Gonzo journalistic methods: participatory reporting, autobiographical narration, personal relationships, and biting satire.

Thompson, alternatively, has his own reasons for pursuing his stories. The judgment and demands of

his editor are, to him, questionable at best. Though he speaks of an obligation to cover these assignments “for good or ill” (Las Vegas 4), more often it seems that he pursues stories for his own interest or humor (80). Still, he discusses his reasons and obligations for getting caught up in the turmoil that is a presidential election in his introduction to Campaign Trail: I went there for two reasons: (1) to learn as much as possible about the mechanics and realities of a presidential campaign, and (2) to write about it the same way I’d write about anything else--as close to the bone as I could get, and to hell with the consequences. (18) This commitment to pursuing and finding the truth, despite his explicit aversion to politicians and Capitol Hill, is what motivates him to continue with his year journey on the campaign trail.

With Thompson’s erratic and often unedited prose providing the scene, visuals are a useful supplement to

get a full understanding of what is going on in many situations. Campaign Trail is full of photographs of various politicians and events throughout his coverage. However, it is the art of Ralph Steadman that is truly able to portray the craziness of Thompson’s adventures. Steadman supplemented the antics of Thompson’s descriptions with art equally as drug-influenced; though he was often just providing illustrations to match the scene or

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013

79 situation provided by Thompson, his caricatures often looked more like something out of a Tim Burton movie rather than anything you would ever see in real life (Las Vegas 30-31, 39, 86). Steadman and Thompson were the perfect creative team, sharing “a reflexive hatred of authority and unchecked power, and a conviction that they could change the state of things” through their respective mediums (Weingarten 230-231). Although quite clearly very exaggerated, Steadman’s illustrations reflected both the state of mind of the author and the tone of his writing. The characters may not have been realistic, but they existed in a type of quasi-reality that was plausible and understandable, particularly taking into account the amount of drugs Thompson was under the influence of on any given day.

Steadman’s illustrations can be compared to those of Sacco, who uses art much more prominently in the

comic book format. Rather than simply supplementing the text, Sacco uses his art to propel the story and show readers what he could not as effectively put into words. In one two-page spread, Sacco forgoes the use of text altogether, instead illustrating “one of the world’s blackest holes”, a Palestinian refugee camp in the Gaza Strip (Sacco 145-147). The spread shows, rather than tells, the grimy, impoverished, woeful circumstances endured by the Palestinian refugees; this approach is much more intimate, and packs a much stronger empathic punch for readers. In a graphic novel, a picture really is worth a thousand words.

Though such pages are almost photographic in their faithful representation of the truth, Sacco also uses

exaggeratory art to emphasize particular points or highlight a situation in some specific way. By contorting facial expressions or emphasizing certain physical features, Sacco is able to effectively portray emotion and depth in his characters (Sacco 7, 56, 94). In this way, Sacco enters the same quasi-reality occupied by Steadman and his art, producing the same exaggerated but honest image of his own subjective reality.

Although Gonzo journalism certainly has its characteristics that separate it from traditional journalism,

it maintains its core of generally accepted journalistic practices. Gonzo journalism, like any other variation or deviation from the field, is still, at its heart, a communicative practice that muckrakes and digs deep at the core of society to find truth and justice in the form of public knowledge. As Sacco puts it, “I’m a skeptic. Journalistically speaking, you gotta be a Doubting Thomas; you gotta make sure. It’s good to get your finger in the wound. Your whole head would be better” (77). He recognizes his primary objective as being an informant to the public, a watchdog, looking out for the Palestinian people by educating others about the nation’s plight.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 80

Similarly, Thompson endures a campaign experience and rubs elbows with the likes of Richard Nixon, who he describes as representing “that dark, venal and incurably violent side of the American character almost every other county in the world has learned to fear and despise” (Campaign Trail 2). Clearly, politicians are not Thompson’s preferred crowd. However, in order to fulfill his journalist duty to the public, he spends an entire year with the presidential campaign in order to better understand the motivations, backgrounds, and stories of the people he is writing about.

Too Weird to Live, Too Rare to Die: Conclusion

Through the use of participatory information collection, diligent pursuit of the truth no matter what,

and quasi-realistic art, Gonzo journalism has allowed for the development of stories to which many in the mainstream public would never otherwise be attuned. Gonzo journalism has allowed for a personal ride on a fervent presidential campaign, a day in the life of a Palestinian refugee, a drug-fueled adventure across the West (minus the actual drugs, of course), and has provided a closer look into foreign and countercultural lifestyles. Thompson’s Gonzo journalistic work wrangled his antics and eccentricity into something structured and meaningful; put simply, in the words of Thompson himself, “When the going gets weird, the weird turn pro.”

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 81

Works Cited Alexander, Robert. ““The Right Kind of Eyes”: Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas as a Novel of Journalistic Development.” Literary Journalism Studies 4.1 (2012): 19-36. Brock University. Web. 3 Nov. 2012. <http:// www.ialjs.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/019-036_RightKindAlexander.pdf>. “The Associated Press Statement of News Values and Principles.” Associated Press 2011 Stylebook and Briefing on Media Law. Ed. Darrell Christian, Sally Jacobsen, and David Minthorn. New York: Basic, 2011. 310. Print. Chiarelott, Clayton. “A Postmodern Picaresque: The Limits of the Sovereign Self in Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas.” Thesis. Graduate College of Bowling Green University, 2012. OhioLINK ETD Center, Aug. 2012. Web. 3 Nov. 2012. <http://etd.ohiolink.edu/view.cgi?acc_num=bgsu1342546829>. Mosser, Jason. “What’s Gonzo About Gonzo Journalism?” Literary Journalism Studies 4.1 (2012): 85-90. Georgia Gwinnett College, 2012. Web. 3 Nov. 2012. <http://www.ialjs.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/085-090_ WhatsGonzoMosser.pdf>. Sacco, Joe. Palestine. Seattle, WA: Fantagraphics, 2001. Print. “SPJ Code of Ethics.” Society of Professional Journalists: SPJ Code of Ethics. SPJ National Convention, n.d. Web. 24 Nov. 2012. <http://www.spj.org/ethicscode.asp>. Tamony, Peter. “Gonzo.” American Speech 58.1 (1983): 73-75. JSTOR. Duke University Press, 11 Mar. 2012. Web. 3 Nov. 2012. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/454762 .>. Thompson, Hunter S. Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas: A Savage Journey to the Heart of the American Dream. London: Paladin, 1971. Print. ---. Fear and Loathing: On the Campaign Trail ‘72. London: Allison and Busby, 1974. Print. Weingarten, Marc. “Savage Journeys.” The Gang That Wouldn’t Write Straight: Wolfe, Thompson, Didion, and the New Journalism Revolution. New York: Crown, 2006. 225-52. Print.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 82

Contributors Megan Gill, a senior from Traverse City, MI, is double majoring in Political Science and English with a Creative Writing emphasis. She hopes to become a political speechwriter, aside from one day having a collection of her poetry published. Writing has been her passion from an early age, and as she has developed as a writer, she has become increasingly interested in poetry.

Spencer Winthrop Grubbs is an alumnus of Central Michigan University from the Grand Rapids, MI area, with a Bachelor of Science degree in sociology. Probably the most notable highlights of his college career are the three study-abroad trips he took, which included a semester in Tilburg, Netherlands where he collected data for his Honors research project. Currently, he is taking a break from school and traveling to New Zealand where he will be working seasonal jobs and, in general, participating in whatever opportunities come my way. He is also in the process of researching schools for a Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s degree in sociology. A few of the schools on his watch list include the University of Auckland in New Zealand, Cambridge University in the UK, and Freie Universitat of Berlin.

Stephanie Oldeck is a second year student at Central Michigan University and is majoring in English with a creative writing concentration and a minor in advertisement. As of this moment, she wishes to become an editor at a publishing company, but aspires to write a best-selling novel in the next twenty years. Her preferred genre of writing is fantasy, but she dapples in all areas and is a versatile writer. Oldeck is originally from Tecumseh, MI and graduated from Tecumseh High School in 2011. Though a small town, she draws inspiration from its pleasant aspects and uses her high-school friends as a basis for many of her characters.

Lauren Presutti is a third-year Centralis Scholar and Sociology major. Presutti also serves as a Peer Advisor in the Office of Study Abroad, having extensively traveled herself. She hopes to pursue a career in higher education. In the meantime, she has enjoyed exploring the sociological connotations of everyday objects, including comic books. Her research intends to demonstrate the deep significance latent within the banal, bringing to light what is otherwise overlooked.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 83

Zack Putkovich is a junior from Grand Rapids, MI, having graduated from Catholic Central High School. He is majoring in General Biology, with a minor in English. Putkovich plans on entering the public health field, with hopes to one day work for the Center for Disease Control or World Health Organization in an epidemiological role. While focusing mainly in the sciences, comic books have always been an interest, primarily the Batman comics and subsequent movie franchise. “The Joke’s on Arkham” melds perfectly his love of comic books with legitimate science, bringing characters into the real world by treating them like actual patients. Putkovich hopes this research will lead to further work in a similar area of study.

Alayna Smith is a sophomore studying Online Journalism and Sociology at Central Michigan University. She intends to pursue a career in nonprofit public relations with an organization benefiting the particular needs of at-risk youth. Smith is most likely to be found at the Volunteer Center where she works on campus, or else curled up with a good book, a cat, and a cup of tea. Her passion for the media began in fifth grade with the creation of an elementary school newspaper and has continued through into her current work as a staff reporter at CM Life, Central Michigan University's student newspaper. She is originally from Garden City, MI, though she plans to end up in Chicago working for the AmeriCorps program City Year directly following graduation.

Chad Storey is a sophomore from Frankenmuth, MI. He is planning on majoring in English with a concentration on Creative Writing, and plans on writing fiction novels and poetry for the rest of his natural born life. Trying to find his own place in the world lead Storey to write this paper on heroism and he hopes that it answers all your questions.

Noah VanBergen is an alumnus of CMU with majors in Psychology and English with a concentration in Creative Writing. He is from North Muskegon, MI, enjoys playing guitar and harmonica in his free time, and frequently sports a beard. As of May 2012, VanBergen will have graduated from CMU, after which he will be attending the University of Miami, where he will pursue a Ph.D. in Marketing.

The Honors Platform

Vol I, Issue I, Spring 2013 84

Submissions Applying the Affect Control Theory to Immigration and Religion Spencer Winthrop Grubbs Love in Seven Moments Stephanie Oldeck Alone in the Swell Megan Gill Nighttime Stroll Blues Noah VanBergen Symposium: Exploring Humanity through Comics

Introduction Justin Wigard An Examination of the Effects of Arkham Asylum on The Jokerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Sanity Zack Putkovich Dying Hero: A Psychoanalytic Approach to the Relation between Mortality and Heroism in Comics and Reality Chad Storey Prevailing Corruption in Gotham City: The Miller Batman Approach Lauren Presutti Gonzo Journalism as an Effective Journalistic Style in Comics and Otherwise Alayna Smith