EPILOGUE FEBRUARY 2011 by Epilogue Press

JONATHAN COHEN

MIRZA WAHEED

"Sustainable peacebuilding seems to come from incentives rather than threats"

The Story of The Collaborator An interview by NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO

J&K'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE

ISSN : 0974-5653

Epilogue OPTIONS FOR PEACE

Jammu,February 01,2011 / Vol 5 / Issue 02 Price Rs.30 II Postal Regd.No.JK-350.2009-11 IIwww.epilogue.in

NEWS,

CURRENT

A F F A I R S,

SOCIAL

SCIENCES

Is there any suitable, applicable and acceptable model for J & K Brief summary and analysis of all proposals that came up for discussions or imaginations since 1947 for resolution of Kashmir issue

INTERVIEW: RADHA KUMAR

"Everyone wants peace and most want a political solution to be found as soon as possible"

Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENT Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary

PROLOGUE

Kashmir, back in focus

Publisher Yogesh Pandoh

BOOKS

Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Manu Srivastsa

STRATEGIC THINKING

The Story of The Collaborator

COLUMN

LADAKH AFFAIRS

Epilogue

Research Officer Raman Sharma

VOL 5, ISSUE 02 FEBRUARY 2011

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.

History

General Manager Kartavya Pandoh

Printed and Published by Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue NewsCraft from Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

Before Next Summer

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Education

PEPORTAGE

Kashmir's Timber Mafia

OPINION Options in Kashmir

INTERVIEW

13-17

RADHA KUMAR

CALENDAR JANUARY 2011 49 J&K affairs Nationa Affairs Cross - LoC

PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED 22-39

INTERVIEW

JONATHAN COHEN

18-21

INTERVIEW MIRZA WAHEED

4-8

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Vol. 5 Issus 02

Epilogue, February 2011

PROLOGUE

Kashmir, back in focus

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

he political conflict in Kashmir, an inspiration for hundreds of writers, novelists and filmmakers, is once again under creative, academic and scholastic focus. At present, 29 leading Universities in different parts of world are running fulltime programmes on Kashmir. Think-tanks, research houses and strategic institutions of global repute have again activated their south Asia cells with particular focus on Kashmir and India-Pakistan relations. In last one month there have been three international conferences and roundtables on Kashmir, an intra-Kashmir conference is taking place in Delhi in the middle of February. Kashmir was never entirely out of such gaze but in past few years focus was in terms of stability and the dominant stories were about peace, reconciliation and reconstruction. Writings, research, film making and other creative engagements with Kashmir have been a long story indeed. One of the oldest books on conflict in Kashmir dates back to 1853, around 100 years before the making of present conflict; that book had talked about the strategic importance of Kashmir and potential of being a reason of or being a solution to conflicts between regional powers. Recently when few novels sets in Kashmir hit the shelves there was a lot of discussion in media about Valley becoming a new destination for novelists. However, few did know that some of the best books on Kashmir were set in the scene of 1947 turmoil. The decade of 1990s saw huge worldwide strategic research engagements on Kashmir. Leading think-tanks and research institutes like United States Institute of Peace, the Stimson Centre, the Carnegie Foundation and many more had set up specialised cells of interest on Kashmir. During this period there were hundreds of books coming up on Kashmir, written by Indian and western authors and researchers. However, the pace of such work declined after 2002 and for next few years when think-tanks and research centres shifted their focus to other conflict areas of the world. There was a general feeling that things were coming to terms in Kashmir and the worst was over. After the massive eruption of 2008 in Kashmir Valley and events of next two years, Kashmir is once again under international focus. As long as Kashmir offers creative opportunities to professionals it is good but the subject being humanitarian tragedies underlines the fact that Kashmir continues to be a dangerous hotspot. While debate on the conflict and its contours gives an insight into what went wrong, but there is need of a futuristic approach to suggest measures for peace and reconciliation. In this issue we look at some of the ideas that could not make any change in Kashmir and some arguments which have strong potential for brokering peace.

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OUR OCTOBER 2007 ISSUE

OUR DECEMBER 2009 ISSUE

Epilogue, February 2011

BOOKS INTERVIEW

The Story of The Collaborator

NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO From British Council Library to Jaipur Literary Festival to a Muffasil College of Kashmir, The Collaborator is on everyone's lips. A story a teenage boy who happens to be in a situation and is doing things which he does not want to do, The Collaborator is a tragic fiction, first novel written by acclaimed Kashmiri journalist Mirza Waheed who was recently in Srinagar for a launch in hometown. Mirza Waheed was born and brought up in Srinagar, Kashmir. He studied English Literature at the University of Delhi, and worked as a journalist and editor in the city for four years. In 2001 he went onto join the BBC's Urdu Service in London, where he now works as an editor.Waheed briefly attended the Arvon Foundation in 2007. He has written for the Kashmir Observer and the BBC's Urdu and English websites and appeared on BBC radio and TV as a commentator. He has been writing since he was ten. The Collaborator is his first novel and he has started work on a second novel, a young girl's love story spanning Kashmir, Delhi and Pakistan. NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO catches with MIRZA WAHEED in Srinagar for an exclusive interview: Here are excerpts: NAWAZ GUL QANUNGO: You spoke about the novel being the best form of writing for what you wanted to do. Could you go through that time of inception of The Collaborator...

IRZA WAHEED: Well, sometimes, it's a matter of what you know best. People don't really go through a complicated process of decision-making in the sense that this is this form, and that is called real, and this is fiction and that is non-fiction and then you will decide what form you have got. It's a continuous process. I've grown up with the novel as a form and I said this elsewhere that in my teenage years I actually used to believe that the novel, the novelistic form is one of the best inventions of mankind. I'm talking about my teenage years. You know this form is something which has survived for so long because essentially it goes back to a very, very long time, the oral traditions, the classics, the Greek epics, even the epics from our culture or even the world

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culture, the Arabian Nights and all those things. Then you need stories, we always want stories and it has gone through such a huge transformation. From the time when people would sit in a village and then recite and narrate stories even in this era but essentially it is story telling. And we need that all the time. There's something very interesting that somebody said on Twitter that even the cave men used to write very short... scribbles... for each other and for recording their things and here's Twitter doing very much the same thing, after thousands of years. So I've always been comfortable in it and I thought of the novel and what helped and what must have been a catalyst was that I studied literature. And then you begin to know more about the technicalities. And the sense of delight that you get from a story and the art, the characterisation, and what the novelist is saying beneath the text which is so important, so important, you know you say that this is what happens and then this happens and then this happens... and there's a beginning and then there's an end. But, there's also a lot happening underneath the text. That's why some novels take

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BOOKS INTERVIEW

time because the writer needs a processing time, there is a period of gestation... What does he or she want to explore? What are the themes? Some novels have a philosophical theme because the writer is of a philosophical kind of mind or thinks a lot. He or she may not even have read the philosophical texts, but there is sometimes an innate understanding of the kind of the world and the universe that we live in. And then there's the context, the thematic context or a political context or a historical context and so on. So, it's a part of it. So, what I found myself is that the novel is the best form for all these things to, you know, to really come together and enter this mix. How a theme emerges from say a dramatic scene. Yes, you are making the reader read, there's plot, there's movement, there's expectation of something, there's suspense, and all those things. But some of those things may have already worked into the text and what you want in the text. So, yes, I've always been with the novel. I've read many novels... not too many, though... and I've always been absolutely delighted by it. There is already this huge body of work about Kashmir that people from outside Kashmir have written. There are writers from India and the world. How do you see that body of work? And how do you see, now, Kashmiri writers entering that space and writing about Kashmir and talking about themselves... he Kashmiris talking about themselves is very important. And it's very crucial. In the sense that, you know, we have always been written about, we have been "explained" as well. Sometimes, we have been explained to ourselves, you know, that this is what you are like. (Laughs.) And then, when you are growing up, even that plays on your mind, you know. Writing about Kashmir, writing books about Kashmir, writing histories of Kashmir, writing accounts of the conflict and coming up with solutions to the dispute, you know, Formula 1, Formula 2 and Formula 3 and all those things, you know, at one level they are slightly upsetting when you are growing up in Kashmir. Upsetting in the sense that sometimes you read a book and you say, "OK, that's not how it is, I don't see that." Yes, you have done your research and you have spent time here but we know a different Kashmir. So, that plays on your mind. And many of the books

about Kashmir are not good. I have read a few, I haven't read too many I should be honest, since you refer to a 'body of work,' so I haven't read too many of them, but the ones I have read I found them inadequate. And I found them... sometimes, you know, when you don't know the world but you get a feeling that you are being exoticised, you know, to be otherised, in many ways. You know, there are these native Kashmiris and they are like this and they are like that and they are not to be trusted (laughs) and, you know, they lie, they are deceptive, and all those things. And they have been published! (Laughs again).

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...and this affects?

es. At a young age, they do affect you. You begin to question you begin to ask that it's not like that, so why are you saying that?

And it affects the process of your writing... es, absolutely. It affects. But it's not a conscious effort in terms of that you decide like that you set aside a few months and you say that I'm now going you read these books with a critical eye and then I will write something which is better. It doesn't work like that. It's part of your growing up, part of your being as a writer, part of your novelistic process as well. So, those things can impinge on you and they inform you as a writer. At the same time all books about Kashmir are not

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BOOKS INTERVIEW

Mirza reading a passage from The Collaborator during a Lunch event in Srinagar in Jammu 2011 bad, obviously. Obviously some great writing has been done on Kashmir by people who are not Kashmiris. So one should sort of you know respect that as well. But there have been some horrible books about Kashmir (laughs)... yes, seriously... You want to name any... h no, no... (Laughs again.) I'm sure you know!

So, yes, now there is this stage where Kashmiris are talking about themselves, writing about themselves... What difference does it make to the whole discourse and, in a sense, does it have a potential to change the situation on the ground? t may not change the situation on the ground but it does open up a new narrative space, a very important narrative space. This is my story. I may get it wrong but this is my story. I am writing it. And I have the ownership of that story. And it's not about territorial ownership or about racial ownership or ethnic ownership. It is the ownership of... it's a cultural ownership... (pauses.) And, you know, that, I can do this. So, it's about that restoration of faith in who you are and that you can talk about yourself and this is, I think, quite important. And it's not about ability. You know, some people say that you can't write, so that's why you have people writing about you, from you, on you. It's not so simple. It's not about ability. It's about the impulse. It's about the need to write. It's not about that somebody can do a good sentence in English or not. The ability to write a good sentence in English does not necessarily mean that you have something important to say. So, that, too, is a mistake. Some people may write excellent prose but they may not have many things to say. So it's not about that narrow thing called ability to tell a story. It's about a need. It is important for me to write. And it's also about that moment when you think you cannot not write. One writes, but one doesn't write because one

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wants to tell people that one can write a fine sentence in English. You write because you think, "Oh! I think differently. And this is what I think." So, something drives you. You don't write because you want to prove to somebody that you are a writer or you can write or that you know how blogs are written or how columns are written, correct me if I'm wrong. There is something inside you that drives you to write the impulse to write is much more than just being a chronicler of your community, area, region, population - there's something more important - it's about you as well. You don't just say that I will now be the spokesperson of Kashmir, or India, or Pakistan and so on. But yes, it's about the context as well, it's about nuance and sometimes you think, OK, my story, the story of Kashmir or any place, wherever you may be writing from, you sometimes think that its way more complex and nuanced and detailed than what you've read and you think that you want to do that and that you want to add to that body of work, so the novel can be about that. But it's not just Kashmir. It's also about that I wanted to write (laughs) and at some point of my life I thought I could write and then you test it. And then there comes a moment when you are brave enough and you set up on it and you embark on it and you start a chronicle or a short story or an essay and you embark on it. And that is a crucial act when you tell yourself, "OK, I think I can do this. I want to put myself out and I want to test it." And that's how the book [comes about]. So, that was a very long answer (smiles). And coming back to that... Your book goes almost right across the world, there's Curfewed Night [Basharat Peer, 2009] already. And so these are going almost across the world. How much does this have the potential to change how the outside world looks at Kashmir? Epilogue, February 2011

BOOKS INTERVIEW

eople begin to take notice that there are stories coming out of this conflict that the world has chosen to forget. It's exactly what I believe. The world is not really very keen on the Kashmir conflict and you very well know. And then, I'm not saying that Curfewed Night or The Collaborater will change that overnight. But it does enter consciousness, it enters public consciousness, to a small measure. However, two books cannot be called a work of major proportions or emergence of writing... it's a beginning. So, Curfewed Night was important, very important in that context because it did force open the gates. And it told a lot of people that this can be done. And I also think it should be done. You have been in Delhi, you have been in London, you've been away. And it's a fast changing world outside. And when you look back at Kashmir, especially talking about the last two decades, nothing has actually changed here. It's like a situation where yesterday repeats itself today and today repeats itself tomorrow... how does one write a story different from another? How does one move from one work of writing to another? ut they do change even when they don't change. Things do change as well in the way you look at them. You know the way you look at the Kashmir situation between now and twenty years ago, it may not be exactly the same. Not because, you are a different person now but [because] you have grown up (laughs) and you have read a little more and you know you have gone out and you have seen other things and your context is widened. So there is that change. Now, coming to the second part of the question, what will another book look like... you know, fiction does more than we give it credit for. And I am speaking from personal experience, it does a lot more, that's why people still write fiction. That's why it's still there. That's why it is published.

And then there is someone like [V.S.] Naipaul who moved from fiction to non-fiction... liked his fiction. I've read his novels, there was Miguel Street [V S Nipaul, 1959] and In a Free State [V S Naipaul, 1971]. I quite liked that and I read him early, in my late teenage. But in the later years, you know... He is a fine writer you know he is one of the finest living writers. But then he turned to non-fiction, chronicling nations, countries, communities. And he does a brilliant job of it. However, I

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may not agree with some of his politics. So that detracts my relationship with the book. Although the writing on the page is absolutely brilliant. You know, very few people can write such fine prose but then when you get uncomfortable with the politics, with the way he looks at the world, even his views. But I still admire him for the writer he is. He is one of the greatest writers. And, so, you know, fiction is - I end up repeating myself endlessly - it is about going beyond what is politically available. You want to explore... Themes and nuances, that may not appear in the immediate cultural output or in immediate output of knowledge in terms of news and current affairs and analyses and backgrounds, seminars, panel discussions, (laughs)... an experience I already hate. You had some panel discussions in the recent Jaipur Literature Festival. So, how were the panel discussions there? t was OK, I mean it's a format. So you go there and they have this format. And formats have their limitations. And you can't do things in sound-bites, especially things like Kashmir though some people may be very good at it, who can do Kashmir in two sentences. I can't.

You also said there that India and Pakistan both were not doing enough. And it is an issue stuck mainly between the two countries... es, they are not [doing enough]. I mean the thing is you know one could easily see there is an issue between these two countries, very simple and nothing new about it. And there is the central party which is Kashmir and unless and until India and Pakistan engage sincerely - and that's the word - and meaningly - and that's exactly what's missing, so unless they make it the top-most priority, and they could have different reasons for doing that, so this has to change. And then they have to understand that they have the Kashmiris, by the way (laughs), which is the most important thing, which they haven't done (laughs). So, they have to listen to Kashmiris. They have to listen to the younger generation of Kashmiris. They have to listen to all Kashmiris. They have to listen to all kinds of Kashmiris. And unless that happens, I don't see a lot of hope.

Talking about journalism, you have worked as a journalist in Delhi and you have been working in London. How do you see Kashmir being covered in India and the world? t's becoming better, but only slightly. I wish I could say that there has been a watershed change in the way Kashmir has been covered. But there has been a churning. And in Delhi as well. A small churning in the sense that people have begun to look at Kashmir in a slightly different manner as opposed to the 1990s. In the 90s, you know you were here and you would see Kashmir covered in the so called national press and TV as if it were a crime story, or a thriller at best. But that's what my feeling used to be. I was

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BOOKS INTERVIEW here and there was a tragedy happening here and you are reporting as a law and order issue, or a thriller or something sensational. It was a very bad decade, which also meant that the word didn't get out in the manner that it should have gotten. So you have this impression of you know you are a young person and I've just seen a tragedy happening during the day and it affects you. You know, conflicts are very personal. And then you see newspapers or broadcasters or whoever and you are shown a completely different narrative which unfold on the screen or in the newspaper that you see in the morning. And then you say that there is something wrong in this bhai hum to kucch aur dekh rahe hain, you know, ya hum pe to kuchh aur guzar rahi hai, dekhne ki to duur ki baat hai, aur aap is ko, you know, is tarah is ko pesh kar rahe hain. So, that, I think, is beginning to change, but not massively. But there has been something, some sections who are coming and saying OK, let's look at it in a slightly more broader perspective and with some context. And thats also happened, I mean, I wish I could say that it has happened internationally in a big way. But internationally, there's Iraq, Afghanistan, Af-Pak as they call it and other things are still the big stories and there are other reasons for that. There is the entire debate about democracy and it is a huge growing market for western powers and capitals. But, yes there has been a small churning, and that to me is a small ray of hope. Then there is also a sudden outburst in the Kashmir media. How do you see this media doing its job? wish I could answer that. I'm not really entirely qualified to comment on the local media because I don't really get the time to consume all of it from London. But I see, and this is reassuring, that this younger generation of journalists and writers and people you find on the social media and such spaces. They represent hope for me. ... Yes, I do see a difference between this lot, to use a bad word, and the earlier lot, though there are of course fine journalists already here, known internationally. So, this represents hope for me. And the other important thing that's happened is this new generation is that they do seem to have a sense of their place in history, where they see themselves in a context. And they read. You know its not just about writing. And they - though as I said I'm not entirely qualified because I've not spent enough time - but, you know, what I've seen and what I've read it does feel like that they read.

You read out a very moving, painful chapter called "Milk Beggars" at the reading. And some listeners in the room were crying while listening. [A person got up, weeping, asking the novelist to stop reading.] And you said it was your favourite chapter in the book. Why is this one passage the favourite?

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ell, it's not my favourite in that sense. There are other sections in the novel that are my favourites. But this is closest to my heart. Because in the entire 22-year-old narrative on Kashmir, the big constituency of the population are the women of Kashmir and it's been more or less a silent area while they have suffered in all kinds of ways. They have suffered in involuntary ways and even voluntary ways. They have been left with the legacy of suffering and mostly they have been silent. You have seen pictures of protesting women and that is nothing, they have gone through a lot. So that section is close to me in that sense. I wouldn't say it's the favourite section but it is close to me in that it is important. And I actually believe this is true, you know, that the women of Kashmir are among the bravest in the world. It's not about coming up with a sentence. I actually sincerely think so.

And then you also said that it was a very long chapter and it took years to write it and then you brought it down to just a few pages. So is there a conflict? You know that you are writing fiction but you also know that you are talking about reality. And then there may perhaps be a temptation to exaggerate reality while, on the other hand, you do not even want to tell the truth and you kind of suppress the story. ee, fiction is a very complex business. Even the concept of realism is a very complex concept. There is realism... there is literary realism and there is realistic fiction. They are two different things. And a novel can be real, in that context of the novel, in the pages of that novel, it's very real. It may not be realistic in relation to what has happened for real... It's a very, very complex. And there's a huge discussion about fiction and non-fiction. See, fiction is like, it's sometimes more effective than reality. It brings reality alive. At least it hopes to do that. It's not about just picking up an incident and narrating it. I would have then written a non-fiction book... It's not about that at all. It's about what you do with that material and what is the effect, what is the engagement with the reader, what is the contract with the reader. And, have you agitated the reader enough. I do think that fiction should, you know, it should provoke. And it should agitate in all kinds of ways. It doesn't always have to be disturbing. But it should do something to the reader and that is the whole point about the novel as well. That you want to write about a thing that may be real but that's not the main motive of writing that I want to represent reality. It's about taking the reader along on a more, if I may use the word, illuminating curve. You know, after he has read it, does it come alive for him or, more importantly, has it made him think.

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Epilogue, February 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING SECURING PEACE IN KASHMIR

Before Next Summer

Alternative Strategies for J&K

D SUBA CHANDRAN One ought to applaud the State and Union governments for standing up to the BJP's march to Lal Chowk in Srinagar to hoist the Indian flag. It was expected that the State government (with support from New Delhi) would allow the BJP yatra to enter the Valley, and leave it to the security forces to physically prevent them from entering Srinagar. Thankfully, there was no political paralysis on the issue and matters were handed over to the security forces in Kashmir. In perhaps one of the clearest policy moves yet, the government prevented the BJP yatra from crossing Jammu. What next?

he BJP, from its initiation, was never serious about protecting any long-term national interests. It emphasized cheap publicity for narrow political gains; perhaps, even during the current crisis, the BJP may have scored some points amongst the Hindu community in the Jammu region. One will not of course disagree with the BJP in terms of hoisting the national flag in Lal Chowk because legally and politi-

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cally, J&K is a part of India and hence every citizen has a right to hoist the national flag. The issue, rather, is of the mind; of the hoisting of perspectives and values in the mind of every Kashmiri. This needs a long-term vision, and strategies to achieve it. Why does a majority perceive the Indian flag as an imposition? Why do Kashmiri intellectuals repeatedly emphasize that Indian political values relating to good

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governance, human rights and democracy have never crossed the Banihal/Jawahar tunnel? While the governments have avoided a show-down, this is only a temporary relief. What must then be done? Discussions of a hot summer in the Valley are already underway; and there are three specific reasons for this. First and foremost, the youth unrest in the Kashmir valley, which is being expressed (or/and manipulated by mainstream and

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separatist elements) periodically. Violence in the Kashmir valley in the last few years has become seasonal; all it takes is a trigger to unleash the situation and bring the youths to the streets with stones in their hands. Second, Pakistan will try to reposition itself in J&K after having lost its edge in the last few years. The security forces fear that a process is already set in motion and could blow up during this summer. While the Valley is not inclined towards terrorism, one cannot totally discount the fear that Kashmiri youths may be tempted to explore alternative strategies. Third, there seems to be a wave gripping Muslim societies of the Middle East and North Africa, starting with Tunisia, now reaching Egypt. While the situation and reasons are not comparable, one should not completely overrule the impact of global developments in the minds of Kashmiri youth. How can a disastrous development be averted? The interlocutors

appointed by the Indian government have done their homework. New Delhi should work with the government of J&K and take small but sincere steps. At least three steps are essential. First, an element of demilitarization, at least in select areas. The government in J&K and thelocal police have repeatedly emphasized that they should be able to secure the urban areas - at least certain select towns in the Valley, starting with Srinagar. If not the entire valley, New Delhi should make an announcement immediately or at least propose a timetable for the relocation of troops from urban areas. Second, the Union government also should seriously reconsider its decision to continue with the AFSPA. This has become a political issue in the Valley and hence could become a very significant confidence-building measure. Especially, if the local government and police force is confident of securing the urban areas, there is no reason for the Union government to be

apprehensive about removing the AFSPA from urban areas. Both the above issues are interlinked and need to be undertaken by the Union government. What is more important is also an announcement of panchayat elections; this in fact will do wonders in the Kashmir valley. Governance, especially through panchayats, is the biggest weapon and protection (and not the police or Army) that the governments at the Union and State levels have in the area. However, they are reluctant to use it for narrow political reasons. The national flag has an emotional meaning for everyone. One can neither be forced to hoist it, nor should one attempt to hoist the flag in a place where such gestures are not universally supported. The real challenge is not hoisting the Indian flag in Lal Chowk. The action itself is the easiest thing to do. The real challenge is instilling sensitized values and hoisting the mind to educated thought and action.(IPCS)

A Hot Summer Ahead? ALI AHMED

vents in Tunisia, Egypt and Lebanon have drawn wide spread surprise since for the first time Arabs have turned out on the streets. After decades of domination by authoritarian regimes, supported by the West in most cases, democratic stirrings have been received with welcome and apprehension, depending on the political slant of the commentator. Why does this article, whose title suggests it is one on Kashmir, need to begin with events elsewhere? To recall, the outbreak of peoples' participation in the militancy in Kashmir was at the turn of the nineties. The Berlin Wall had

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just come down. The upsurge in Eastern European nations had overthrown communist regimes. The Palestinian intifada dating to 1987 had captured minds. Images from these events, far away as they were, unfolded and influenced those viewing them on newly acquired TV screens in Kashmir. All accounts from the heady days of the militancy mention the impact of the communication revolution and globalization, then in infancy, on peoples' participation in the 'rebellion', to borrow from a perceptive title, 'Lost Rebellion'. Therefore, in case the unrest in Arab lands is to spread, the ripple effects will be

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felt right up to Kashmir. The disturbances in the Valley of last summer witnessed considerable participation by the youth. The mobile network and the internet played a part in the mobilization, despite some constraints such as preventing of the SMS feature by the state. The youth, being media and internet savvy, are doubtless receiving updates even as events unfold elsewhere. This means that it could be yet another hot summer in Kashmir. A reasonable attitude could be that there is no reason to panic. The state, though under an unstable coalition in New Delhi and

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Governor's rule in Srinagar, had managed the mass participation of early 1990 adequately. There has been considerable learning done in the disruptions of the last three summers which should find the state better prepared this time round. This would be in terms of better policing methods to take on stone throwing agitators. Therefore, while a heightened opposition can be expected, the state is better prepared too. A fear-mongering approach would be that the youth, energized by events in the Muslim world, may be more provocative, even if non-violent. This may lead to the use of force. Such force had led up to 114 deaths and over a 1000 injured cops and paramilitary in 2010. Deaths on the street usually occur, witnessed earlier at Gowkadal and during the funeral of Mirwaiz in 1990 and later in Bijbehara during the Hazratbal crisis. The situation gets further enflamed. The death of young Tufail Mattoo when hit by a tear gas shell sparked off the 2010 protests in the Valley. After the winter's recuperation, youth power could well be back. Both approaches have utility. The first would help ensure that the

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necessary changes in policing methods are done well in time. Police and paramilitary can use the interim to get familiar with fresh tactics, techniques and non-lethal equipment. However, a positive aspect of the second is in the apprehensions imparting greater urgency to the current political initiative in Kashmir. This is not to imply that the threat of agitations need to or can impel Indian initiatives, but that the agitations can be avoided and defused by the initiative bearing fruition timely. The current state of the initiative is that the interlocutors have covered much ground in Kashmir. They have submitted three reports to the government, mostly dealing with confidence-building. A more significant report is due in March. Task forces have ascertained views in the other two regions. The interlocutors await a discussion with the separatists, who are still holding out. The Home Secretary's announcement of a proposed reduction of security forces presence by 25 per cent was to build trust and a conducive atmosphere for the progression of the political initiative. Alongside, the foreign

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secretaries of India and Pakistan are to meet in Thimpu, to be followed by the foreign ministers. Mr. Kasuri, in a lecture at Sapru House, indicated the extent to which India was prepared to go to resolve the issue during 'back channel' talks. The position at which the two sides left off apparently had the backing of the Pakistani Army, with Kayani, then ISI chief, privy to the meetings. He implied that this can serve as a potential starting point for resumption of the peace process. Pakistan, considerably on the backfoot due to internal problems, has fewer cards at the moment. Therefore, India is poised to gainfully proceed on the Kashmir issue at this juncture, both in its external and internal dimensions. In case it is unable to, then it can handle the backlash. The Army remains deployed since according to the Army Chief and his minister, troop reductions would be only of the paramilitary. Even the 25 per cent cut was to be effected over 12 months. This should help reassure India that since it is not negotiating from a position of weakness, it can afford to go in for a political solution. (IPCS)

Epilogue, February 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING US & SOUTH ASIA

Obama's Annual Af-Pak Review: Need for a Reappraisal MAJ.GEN. (RETD.) DIPANKAR BANERJEE President Barrack Obama released another review of the Af-Pak situation on 16 Dec 2010. Weeks in formulation and after careful deliberations by top officials, the summary still leaves too many questions unanswered. Unlike the Bruce Riedel report of March 2009, which bore the imprint of the author's intimate knowledge of the region and conditions, this is a paper prepared by a high level committee of principals and represents the Administration's policies formed over two years. It attempts to reconcile the differences between the US military's call for more troops and time, the Republican Party's desire for a military victory and the political and economic costs of the war. Ultimately, it is domestic compulsions that trumped other issues. The AfPak war is already America's longest conflict in history. Along with another major war that is not quite over, other geostrategic issues calling for urgent attention around the globe, and an economy in tailspin, there is in practice only one option. It is to disengage as early as possible under whatever terms and with least loss of face. Everything else is extraneous. The strategy should have attempted to find a realistically achievable plan that would have balanced these compulsions while countering the al Qaeda-Taliban nexus to harm the free world. The Presidential Review falls short of these objectives. It is in fact an exit strategy without a plan. One that is based on assumptions that are highly questionable, a goal that is increasingly unattainable, and a timeline, that though more flexible, is still unrealistically short. The US and International Security

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Assistance Force (ISAF) today has over 1,50,000 soldiers in Afghanistan and a certain presence in Pakistan. This is the largest ever deployed there and much larger than the Soviet 8th Army at its peak. Yet, the Afghan Taliban remains capable of disruption and destruction in much of the eastern and southern parts of the country. The al Qaeda and its senior leadership are safe in Pakistan and probably not unduly troubled. The Taliban leadership too remains intact and has probably moved to bases in cities. No counterinsurgency operation has ever succeeded when a sanctuary is available and there can be none better than the borderlands of Pakistan and ISI support. US drone strikes have proved utterly counterproductive even when successful. With guaranteed collateral destruction, it is instead a potent recruiting tool for terrorists. Cooperation with the Pakistan Army and the ISI is far from satisfactory as the Wikileaks disclosures have so clearly identified. They have an independent objective and strategy different from the Pakistan Government and counter to US interests. No amount of dollars can change this mindset of the Pakistani military, as Ambassador Anne Patterson reported. Pakistan's Army or its radicalized citizens have yet to accept that the Taliban threatens Pakistan's very existence. Till then the US will remain the greater 'enemy'. Obama's West Point speech on December 1 2009 signalling July 2011 as the 'beginning of draw down' of US forces from Afghanistan was the biggest policy mistake of recent

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times. While the speech addressed growing domestic public concerns over an open-ended commitment, it had an entirely separate message for the terrorists. It told them that they could win by just sitting out the war. The November 2010 NATO declaration at Lisbon, that its forces will remain till 2014 and beyond does not impress. NATO military capability except for the US is declining and popular support for prolonging the commitment just does not exist. In a situation where the terrorists are not weakening, where Pakistan is unwilling to engage in a manner that matters and the al Qaeda is morphing into a global franchise, international terrorism has not lost support. Recent attempts to strike in Europe reflect the reality. What then are the alternatives to Obama's strategy? There are two distinct variants on offer and neither is satisfactory. One is the "cut and run" school propagated by Robert Blackwill, a renowned realist with a clear though narrow perspective of securing US interests. Called Plan B in a Foreign Affairs article, it would split Afghanistan into a Pashtun-controlled territory in southern Afghanistan. By obliterating the Durand Line it may lead even to an early break up of Pakistan. This may not be a major concern to the US but its regional implications are likely to be serious. Would it also mean a sharing of nuclear assets among its components? The other is a 'regional solution'. Seeking the help and support of all neighbouring and regional players to contribute to and support stabilization operations, under international or UN control. This would include all countries from Turkey to Bangladesh and others in between or outside who are ready and able. There are far too many geopolitical difficulties that will prevent adopting this approach and without Iran, there will be little chance of success. Pakistan too opposes this and particularly a possible role for India in it. The 2010 Af-Pak Review provides little hope or comfort. There is instead a deepening sense of an impending unravelling.

Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

OPINION

Options in Kashmir

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY Relative winter calm after three consecutive violent summers notwithstanding, Kashmir continues to engage the world attention and concerns for peace and stability in the South Asian region. There is a set of public opinion which says that Kashmir region is one of the most dangerous conflicts on the earth and then there are people who opine that the problem is about few urban centers of the Valley where minor triggers lead to cyclic unrest. Looking at the trends of past few years, the first set of opinion seems more compelling and needs serious debate.

n August 2003 when US Vice Presi dent Dick Cheney called Kashmir as one of the two most dangerous flashpoints on earth, his opinion was taken with contempt not only in India but also among the South Asia experts and think-tanks in different parts of world. Dick Cheney had said nothing different than what US President Bill Clinton said four years before that. While Clinton's statement was taken as an honest appreciation of the situation, Cheney's observation earned criticism. The difference is that Clinton had made this observation when Kashmir was caught in a dangerous web of insurgency and counterinsurgency while Indian and Pakistani forces stood eyeball to eyeball on the borders. Dick Cheney earned criticism because he foresaw danger at a time when peace was making strong waves in Kashmir, a free and fair election had instilled public faith in democracy, incidents of violence were at the lowest, presence of troops in civilian areas were at bare minimum, India and Pakistan were close to an agreement on border ceasefire and preparations for softening the Line of Control were underway. However, if one looks at what happened in the following years,

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Dick Cheney's observation is found not entirely out of place. Kashmir is a multi-layered problem which has passed through many crests and troughs of its political history. For an honest understanding of Kashmir issue we need to be sure of the people and the geographical ambit under reference. In context of what is called Kashmir conflict, there are few things which can't be understood unless we talk about the entire princely state of Jammu and Kashmir that existed before 1947, then there are many other things, far more serious, which can be understood only by limiting our discussions only to the Valley of Kashmir on the Indian side of Line of Control. Various aspects of the Kashmir conflict are deeply embedded in history; many are manufactured while few others are grossly misunderstood. In this essay we try to cast an eye on recent happening in valley of Kashmir to understand challenges of internal peace and regional security. A look at the recent history of political and armed conflict that erupted in 1988 would reveal many interesting aspects which offer clues for resolution as well. Some events are pivotal in the making or understanding of history. There have

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been at least three such major events in last 25 years which made Kashmir altogether a different place and raised serious concerns of peace and security. To say that the separatist movement erupted in Kashmir only in late 1980s would be an ignorance of the post-1947 political history of the Valley. And again, to say that it was only in 1987 elections when people in Kashmir were denied their genuine democratic rights would be an attempt to erase very well documented events of 1953, 1975 and 1984 -sacking and arrest of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, installation of Sheikh as CM without going to elections and dismissal of elected government of Farooq Abdullah, respectively.

The Trigger

s the first pivotal event of the re cent conflict history of Kashmir, 1987 elections were a deadly blow to peace and order. Having gone through four major sad experiences of their tryst with democracy, the too well known rigging of 1987 elections made Kashmiris to lose trust democratic system. Dissidence is mostly seen as a minority thinking against a major

Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

INTERVIEW

"Everyone wants peace and most want a political solution to be found as soon as possible" The latest process of interlocution in Kashmir initiated by Government of India in October 2010 is seen one of the most credible and outreaching. However, scepticism is an inherent factor which can't be wished away. Given the record of past dialogue processes it is natural for many to see the present interlocution as a time buying exercise. The major different present interlocution brings to fractured political theatre of Jammu and Kashmir is that this process has offered a fairly good amount of respect of recognition to the voices outside the ambit of Kashmiri separatist thinking. There is no denying the fact that the voice of dissent has to be heard and that is the principle aim of interlocution but voices outside that spectrum have a lot to say too. The meetings of interlocutors with civil society groups in Jammu, Rajouri, Poonch, Kargil and Leh have instilled confidence among the people in these regions and given them a feeling that their opinions matter. For an assessment of what is going on and where the dialogue is headed to, ZAFAR CHOUDHARY spoke to RADHA KUMAR, one of the three interlocutors. Here are excerpts of an interview:

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY: You have spent more than three months talking to the people representing various shades of opinions in different parts of Jammu and Kashmir. What is your assessment, so far, of the dominant public opinion on Kashmir issue? RADHA KUMAR: Everyone wants peace and most want a political solution to be found as soon as possible. But there are also many fears regarding possible solutions and so there is also intense opposition to finding a consensus. The current interlocution process was initiated, particularly, in backdrop of unrest in Kashmir in the summer of 2010. We have seen unrest flaring up in summers twice earlier also -in 2008 and 2009. There are measures which the state government could have taken to prevent violent disturbances. In meetings with your group, what is that people are mostly asking for from the state government? Most of the memoranda given to us are related to issues of governance, human rights and sectoral grievances. Some deal with the overall issue of political resolution. The governance issues range from unemployment

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to poor service infrastructure to reservations; there are also specific grievances regarding education, especially in Ladakh and in some of the districts. We noticed that there are only few instances in which MLAs, local administration and police work together as a team (it should be added that that is probably a common problem in the whole country). We have had series of interlocution processes in the past decade. People like KC Pant and NN Vohra led the missions. Then there were Working Groups con

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OPTIONS FOR PEACE

INTERVIEW

stituted by the Prime Minister after roundtable conferences. There is a feeling on the ground that either recommendations are not known in public domain, as in first two cases, or the implementation is not taken up, as in the case of Working Groups. What is your self assessment of the difference your group is making, particularly in term of short term dividends for the stakeholders? We have had some small gains in the ground situation, such as release of youth and a few political prisoners, removal of around 20 bunkers in Srinagar, restraint on the part of protesters and police, setting up of a fast track passport facility, exploration of building a hostel for Kashmiris in Delhi, but of course these are small gains, and the process remains slow. Your team has not been able to catch up with the separatist leadership in a major way. Are you hopeful of getting them on table sometimes in near future. And what if they don't talk, as they are indicating, do you think the current interlocution makes a significant sense without talking to separatists? In my study of recent history and especially of peace initiatives from 2000 on, the Hurriyat, JKLF and allied groups have generally come on board talks only when the process has advanced - generally within 6 months to a year of its initiation. Their participation has been more substantive when there has been active and public civil society engagement. We need therefore to concentrate on these tracks before expecting them to start formal talks. Very recently the Home Secretary Mr GK Pillai indicated Government of India's intentions of cutting the troop strength in Jammu and Kashmir by 25 percent. He also said that decision on AFSPA is left with state government. Within no time there was a flurry of statements, from separatist and mainstream circles, hailing the announcement by Home Secretary. Dramatically, hours later on the same day, the Army Chief ruled out the need of troop cut. Next day the Commander of Northern Command also seconded the thoughts of Army Chief. Don't you think such things damage the confidence your group has been trying to build up. It is clear that we all have a lot to learn about consul-

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tation and coordination before making public statements. In this particular example, the situation has been clarified and it appears that the bulk of the cuts that the Home Secretary mentioned refer to the CRPF. But there are many instances in the past months in which media driven utterances have caused setbacks to peacemaking initiatives - one example being the incessant querying of both dissident leaders and ourselves on whether and when we will talk. Political processes need time and a certain degree of confidentiality to brew, and a responsible media would respect that need. In a very short time your group has been able to reach out to people in all three regions and further their sub-regions. Do you see possibility of a consensus between Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh around any political initiative altering the status quo? Yes very much so. The popular will for a solution that will be acceptable to all and will be peacefully negotiated is very strong, but then so are the fears that each will be left out when it comes to a solution. Our going to districts was an attempt to reassure that the process of reaching a consensus for a solution will be an inclusive one. We also believe that a solution based on democracy and empowerment should be able to accommodate the aspirations of all in a framework of give and take. You have had good meetings with people in north of Kashmir Valley and also in Rajouri and Poonch. What is your assessment of the local impact of Cross-LoC confidence building measures like travel and trade? The potential for impact of "making the LOC irrelevant" is immense, in terms of human relations, economic benefits and political symbolism. During your very first visit to Srinagar, your colleague Dilip Padgaonkar mentioned about importance of Pakistan as party to the issue. How do you look at the external dimension in terms of taking all parties on board and the role your group can play? If Pakistan were to come on board a peace process, tackling cross-border militancy and picking up from where the back channel left off in 2006-7, it would be ideal. But it is difficult to see how Pakistan, with its current instabilities, can be persuaded to do that. In any case, our mandate is for Jammu and Kashmir and not for Pakistan.

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Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

OPINION

ity order but large scale electoral malpractices of that year made dissidence largest political constituency in Kashmir. Next year saw arrival of guns and explosives and thus followed the horrible saga of bloodshed. Many of those who had made bid to represent people in the legislature by contesting elections later became top militant leaders recruiting and inspiring hundreds of frustrated youths. The flare-up in Kashmir was perhaps godsend for Pakistan to re-strategise its ambitious two-nation theory. Over the period of next 10 to 12 years Kashmir came to be known as a south Asian hotspot posing dangers to world peace. Instability and uncertainty in Kashmir is one of the main reasons for arms race in south Asia which is home to almost half of the world's poor. As goes the simple logic of impossibility of a fish's survival without water, the separatism and armed insurgency could not have survived in Kashmir without local support. Many people continued to support the armed movement as they didn't come across opportunities of having their trust restored in the democratic system. One mistake, a Himalayan one, went on become reason for hundreds of mistakes. There was apparently unattended anger in Kashmir and denial of just and genuine democratic space to people in 1987 served as a trigger. Six years of Central rule between 1990 and 1996 further widened the gulf between peoples and the State. The assembly elections of 1996 were entirely free and fair and the popular government which came in place also failed to consolidate whatever little gains the elections had offered. There is a general consensus in the Indian political thinking that malpractices of 1987 elections spoilt the Kashmir story.

The Silver Lining

econd major event in the recent history of conflict can be seen in the assembly elections of 2002 through which the visionary and statesmanship leadership of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee tried to restore the confidence of people in the institutions of democracy. Kashmir had undergone an incalculable damage between 1987 and 2002, but these elections reassured public faith in democracy and offered people a chance to look at the peaceful means for addressing their grievances. It was Vajpayee's promise of fairness and honesty in elections that many former militants and separatists took part in the exercise and walked into the legislative assembly with a democratic agenda. After 15 years of condemnation of events of 1987, even the separatists, who don't see elections as answer to any Kashmir questions, endorsed the fairness of 2002 elections. Mirwaiz Omar Farooq of Hurriyat Conference was the first to comment on fairness of elections on October 10, 2002 when ruling National Conference's Chief Ministerial candidate Omar

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Abdullah lost election in his family's well traditional constituency to a little known contestant. If the malpractices of 1987 election forced the youths to take to arms, the fairness of the 2002 elections helped them come back to the democratic system in significant numbers. Proving as watershed in the recent conflict history, the 2002 assembly elections also marked the beginning of the fast decline of armed insurgency. Restoration of democratic space to the people through 2002 elections considerably shrunk the constituency of dissidence and resultantly began to deny space to the armed insurgency. Post-2002, every year has registered a 25 to 35 percent decline in militant violence over every previous year. Elections, of course, are not an answer to all the historic questions in Kashmir but people getting a role in the democratic space, a participation in the decision making process and say in their local issues of immediate concern is something worth looking at. It was perhaps inspiration of this idea that leading separatist leaders like Sajjad Gani Lone of Peoples Conference later contested elections to seek a seat in the Indian Parliament. A government that returned to the office after 2002 elections was though not stable enough but its leader Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, the Chief Minister, had vision and political acumen to consolidate the gains thrown by elections. This opportunity was also too well by the central government through slew public outreach policies and confidence building measures. Next four to five years were relatively peaceful in Kashmir. It was during this time that India and Pakistan took same key confidence building measures like the historic bus service opening up opportunities Cross-LoC interactions. There is no point in understanding that fair elections or confidence building measures ended the conflict or had potential of doing that. Conflict is an essential part of any political culture but the idea and the need is to take violence out of conflict. To that extent, 2002 elections and several measures taken after that, either by Vajpayee regime or his successor Manmohan Singh, significantly helped in taking violence out of conflict.

What went wrong?

nfortunately, what went entirely missing through out the peaceful years of optimism was the lack of dialogue between New Delhi and Kashmiri leadership. It was the absence of this dialogue which led to break down of confidence in Kashmir that a very small administrative error like allotment of a piece of land to a temple trust put the valley back to throws. There fore, the amaranth land row was perhaps the third pivotal point in recent conflict history of Kashmir which has once again brought the Valley under international focus.

Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

OPINION

The cyclic emotional eruption coupled with massive street violence which is countered by force leading to large number of civilian killings in non-militant protests has one positive and one negative. The positive can be seen in the context of keeping the gun away from scene of confrontation with the State but the losses of life that negative aspect is bringing is not a bargain worth indulging in. In 2010 alone 112 persons were killed in the street violence. If this is the pace with which human life is to be lost then the kind of tomorrow people are looking for might be bright enough. This third phase of conflict which Jammu and Kashmir is passing through has led to the hardening of stands where people are looking at the processes like fair and honest elections or other confidence building measures as irrelevant options. Perhaps this is the time for a pause and rethinking. It has been 63 years, three full scale wars, one limited war and two decades of enormous sufferings in a low intensity but high loss conflict. Official estimates put the loss of life in 20 years to 40,000 while separatists and civil rights activists say it is double that. Loss of life or a life being part of continuous theater of conflict can't be anyone's passion. Instead of being a contributor to uncertainty and vulnerability to greater dangers it is imperative upon all stakeholders in Jammu and Kashmir to support all those measures and processes which help in taking violence out of the conflict. There are options before the political class and the civil society to creatively stay engaged in conflict and the same time work together towards taking violence out of it.

What Next

s Kashmir passes through a relatively peaceful winter and no one seems so sure about the scenario next summers, here are few contemplations for many better seasons ahead:

First and of foremost importance is the need for a sustainable, credible and creative engagement between New Delhi and Kashmiri leadership. A process of interlocution is already going on and before too long it is important for the government and also the separatists to take an extra mile in interest of peace and start talking. There is also an urgent need for revival of dialogue between New Delhi and Islamabad and at a stage when enough confidence has been built, the process can take Kashmiri opinion on board. It needs to be understood here that trust is the key ingredient and that comes with patience.

There is a most compelling need for the downsizing of troops in Kashmir Valley and other parts of Jammu and Kashmir. In view of the uncertain developments in

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neighbourhood, the need for maintaining a level of security presence is well appreciated but their relocation from the civilian areas will help ease tensions. In this connection a recent statement of the Home Secretary indicating 25 percent cut in troop strength sounds inspiring.

Third, it need to be understood that any intervention of third parties at any stage or in any manner will bring more harm than any benefit. The global experience of third party intervention in conflict situations is already disappointing. Examples of Afghanistan and Iraq are live before us. There is an obsession among sections of Kashmiri leaders in inviting US role in Kashmir. It may be marked here that between 2002 and 2008 US was apparently distanced from the Kashmir and engaged more into building strategic partnership with India and, therefore, it was during this period that New Delhi and Islamabad were able to take historic confidence building measures like border ceasefire and Cross-LoC bus service and trade.

Fourth, there is an urgent need of initiating a sustainable civil society dialogue between three regions of Jammu and Kashmir, on the Indian side. There are clearly different patterns of thinking, behaviors and attitudes in three regions and there is no homogeneity in their aspirations. In such a scenario, any solution or option which imposes a majority will on the minority or vice versa would be more dangerous than what has been seen so far.

Fifth and the most important in context of humanitarian angle of Kashmir issue, is the need of enhanced contacts across the Line of Control. A limited exchange of human beings and goods through CrossLoC bus service since 2005 and Cross-LoC trade since 2008 has brought huge emotional relief to the members of divided families. There are hundreds and thousands of divided families on both sides of Line of Control which never had opportunities of meeting. Despite a very tough travel and trade regime this process of Cross-LoC interactions is sustained by the emotions of people and this need to be appreciated. Easing of travel and trade restrictions, opening more crossing points and entering into other areas of Cross-LoC collaborations like tourism, education and healthcare would be of great help. This article is based on author's presentation at Royal United Services Institute of UK's seminar 'Asian Powers in Kashmir' held in London on January 25

Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

INTERVIEW

"Sustainable peacebuilding seems to come from incentives rather than threats" INTERVIEW WITH JONATHAN COHEN, DIRECTOR PROGRAMMES, CONCILIATION RESOURCES

Much water has flowed down the Chenab and Jhelum in 63 years but we are not any closer to reaching a mutually acceptable formula for Jammu and Kashmir conflict. Past negotiations and dialogues have often contributed to hardening of stands. However, one agreement between India and Pakistan - on Cross-LoC interactions -has been widely hailed as a historic "Confidence Building Measure". The limited travel and trade across the Line of Control has not only withstood bitter tests of time but also looks promising in terms of involvement of the key stakeholders, the members of the divided families. As people in Jammu and Kashmir keenly look towards resumption of New Delhi-Islamabad dialogue and also the process of internal interlocution that is currently going on, there is a huge pressure from the traders and the members of the divided families for easing the Cross-LoC travel restrictions. Social scientists, think-tanks and conflict resolution organisations strongly believe in Cross-LoC interactions as an important means of building peace below the state and their potential to help alter key positions. Conciliation Resources, a UK-based peace support service with global experience, is one such organisation which is helping the Cross-LoC stakeholders in Jammu and Kashmir to build constituencies of peace. In this exclusive interview to Epilogue, JONATHAN COHEN the Director of Programmes tells us about the CONCILIATION RESOURCES and its peace-building engagements in Jammu and Kashmir. Here are excerpts:

Please tell us about the Conciliation Resources, its main objectives and work experiences in different parts of world?

onciliation Resources (CR) is an independent non-profit organisation, which was set up in London fifteen years ago. We work with partners - local civil society organisations and governments - in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and the Pacific to build sustainable and peaceful responses to violent conflict. We very much believe that conflicts can be transformed peacefully, but this is a painstaking and often, sadly, a very long-term process. In each situation our work is

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driven by analysis undertaken jointly with our local partners. For example, we work with local community and religious groups in Central Africa to help them respond to the Lord's Resistance Army conflict that has spread from Uganda into neighbouring Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic. In the South Caucasus we have a long track record of bringing people together from across the Georgian-Abkhaz and Armenian-Azerbaijani divides so that they can engage in dialogue and joint analysis. Sometimes this has led to changes in peace policies, helped local mediators and local peacebuilders transform their conflicts and challenge stereotypes, or simply enabled

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young people to better understand the needs and fears of communities across divides. In all of our work we believe very strongly in giving a voice to the people most directly affected by the conflict. We believe that promoting public participation in peacebuilding in the long run generates more sustainable and more just outcomes. Likewise it is our experience that peace processes are more effective when they are inclusive of different voices and are not the exclusive terrain of elites. One way that we try to contribute to thinking about peacemaking is to provide comparative insights about different international experience by publishing our journal Accord, which documents

Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

INTERVIEW

peace initiatives from around the world. You have been working in Jammu and Kashmir recently. What is the nature of your peace support work here in the region? Please broadly outline the contours of your work in Jammu and Kashmir? ur work in Jammu and Kashmir began a couple of years ago in response to a series of conversations that we had with people from New Delhi, Islamabad, Muzafarabad and Srinagar. Despite the deeply entrenched nature of the problem we were encouraged by our interlocutors to understand that there was a great deal of work to be done to support people across the LoC searching for a vision of peace and a longer term solution to the troubles. To initiate our involvement we undertook a process of analysis and consultation, talking to people from as many different perspectives as possible as well as with other outside organisations working on the conflict. Then in March 2009 we organised what we called a joint analysis workshop (JAW) in Bangkok. We invited 24 people from across the LoC - a mixture of academics, journalists, teachers, lawyers, business people, represenatives of displaced and migrant communities and people working with non-governmental organisations. We tried to include people who had not had similar opportunties in the past. This was a great learning opportunity for us. It provided the participants with a chance to discuss approaches to peacebuilding and conflict transformation from other parts of the world and to look at how they could apply these approaches to their situation, as well as sharing their own experiences and hopes. A number of ideas were proposed during the workshop and a couple provided a real basis for engagement. One was in relation to the then newly initiated process of trade across the LoC. Participants felt that many challenges lay across the path of the trade fulfilling its economic and

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In contexts from Northern Ireland to Aceh to Sudan to Cyprus innovative steps have been made to enable traders to work across borders, to share resources (even when ownership has remained disputed) or to be creative in how to deal with issues of tariffs and licenses. In these contexts a numbers of objectives have consistently supported the dividends: information exchange and management mechanisms, establishing a common understanding of the economy, fostering trust and managing expectations, highlighting the opportunity costs, creating frameworks for effective governance of trade and increasing predictability. Ultimately the dividends become more tangible when people can see jobs being created. A thread that runs though this is that sustainable peacebuilding seems to come from incentives rather than threats

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peacebuilding potential. The idea arose to support a group of researchers - again academics, journalists, economists and traders - to write about the trade and explore both the constraints and opportunities. We were able to bring a group of twenty such people together in Sri Lanka in spring 2010 to discuss their research and then used the papers to feed into the study that is now being published. And I hope that this publication will provide a further opportunity for more people to discuss how the trade can contribute to both economic development and peacebuilding. (Next three questions are based on the presumption that you have already talked about JAW and CrossLoC trade and the trade publication, above) Your Joint Analysis Workshop idea sounds interesting. As far as the participation in these JAWs is concerned, do you think this exercise has helped in building some sort of Cross-LoC linkages among the participants who attended workshops? How often do you get feedback from them? do think that the JAWs have con tributed to linkages. At the most basic level we have been able to bring together some fifty people from across the LoC to engage in rigorous reflection and analysis of the chal-

Epilogue, February 2011

OPTIONS FOR PEACE

INTERVIEW lenges that face their communities. It was important for us that in inviting people we reached well across divides in regional and professional terms with a diverse group of interlocutors. This brought much richness to the discussions. We are not the first to do this sort of work - the Pugwash Conferences, and the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation, and WISCOMP (both in India) and others have been ploughing this furrow for some time. We have been able to benefit from their wisdom and hopefully contribute new dynamics and new opportunities. Perhaps one important dynamic has been that we have given colleagues opportunities not just to meet but to grapple with specific issues such as trade and education in collaborative ways so that they have exchanged ideas and practial suggestions. Clearly what is important is that these conversations don't just happen across the LoC but within the respective communities as well - they do obviously happen but not always in structured or consistent ways, and not always detached from emotion. In building on previous efforts I hope we have also been able to reach some new and young people who have previously not had opportunities to be involved.

issue of the personal connections between families that have been divided. While the personal contacts must be hugely important for all families affected, perhaps most important is the question of whether trade can indeed be a confidence building measure that gives people an incentive to believe that a non-violent future can be built.

What attracted you to promoting the idea of Cross-LoC trade? e became interested in this work because of the energy and commitment of the people who were themselves making the trade happen. The conversations we and our partners had helped us see that there is real potential to promote change through trade. I think this can work on different levels. For us it was enlightening to hear the constructive and yet critical tone in which people from across the LoC examined the issues and aspired to a trade regime that could benefit the economy of the wider region. Improving the way in which trade happens can have significant benefits for the economy of Kashmir, on both sides of the LoC, and the question of people's livelihoods is critical. Then there is the

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One of the most striking things for me was when one trader involved in our research said about the trade "I suddenly realised it's not just a trade venture but can become a tool for people-to-people diplomacy" Can you bring us some examples of peace-building dividends of crossborder cooperation, like trade, tourism etc, from other areas of the world? uch work is being done in differ ent regions to examine the way in which economic or resource cooperation across boundaries and borders in pursuit of a shared goal - be it access to markets, or regional economic intergration to promote development, or mutually advantageus management of shared but limited resources - can act as an entry point for peacebuilding. This can be in relation to opening trade channels to build trust or establishing interdependencies across divides, that provide incentives for cooperation and collective action and, in many ways, highlight the way in which conflict and war has very significant costs in terms of lost development. It is important to be realistic about the role of economics - years of research have shown how cross-border

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economic cooperation can also fuel violent conflict if profits are used for war, as was the case with blood diamonds smuggled out of Sierra Leone or mineral extraction in the Democratic Republic of Congo. But there is no doubt that economic cooperation has tremendous potential to create change. One can't take peacebuilding outcomes for granted - increased cross-border trade needs to extend beyond economic activity if it is indeed going to address the needs of peacebuilding. But there are good examples of cases in which cross-border cooperation has had a positive impact. With the current tide of change in Eqypt I am reminded of the impact of joint Israeli-Egyptian Qualified Industrial Zones that were established in 2005. They provoked protests - not by Egyptians angry at collusion with the enemy, rather by jobless Egyptians who felt excluded from the scheme. If people see tangible benefits they will often find ways to work together. For eighteen years Georgians and Abkhaz have managed to sustain the operation of a hydroelectric power station that straddles their divide - the dam is on the Georigan side and the turbines on the Abkahz side - but both need the electricity. However, the fact that the power station has kept operating through thick and thin has sadly not helped the wider communities overcome the very deep political divide between them. This makes one realise that it is necessary to move beyond profit or tangible results if there is to be a peacebuilding as well as an economic dividend - economics is critical but on its own it won't necessarily move in the direction of peace. In contexts from Northern Ireland to Aceh to Sudan to Cyprus innovative steps have been made to enable traders to work across borders, to share resources (even when ownership has remained disputed) or to be creative in how to deal with issues of tariffs and licenses. In these contexts a numbers of objectives have consistently supported the dividends: information exchange and management mecha-

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INTERVIEW nisms, establishing a common understanding of the economy, fostering trust and managing expectations, highlighting the opportunity costs, creating frameworks for effective governance of trade and increasing predictability. Ultimately the dividends become more tangible when people can see jobs being created. A thread that runs though this is that sustainable peacebuilding seems to come from incentives rather than threats. You have talked about a publication on Cross-LoC trade, based on discussion papers? Could you please tell us something about economic and peace potential of Cross-LoC trade and also how do you look at its future? n doing the research what we heard from traders and analysts is that traders face considerable obstacles, primarily from the heavy constraints that govern their activities, so if we look to the future I think it is important to examine ways to make the trade operate more effectively. This could be done by easing limitations on communication and travel, by extending trading - in terms of how often the Trade Facilitation Points are open and the list of goods that can be traded, and perhaps later looking at whether or not more routes could be opened. If trade is to continue to grow and have both economic and peacebuilding impacts it needs to be placed on a modern economic basis with proper banking services and communications facilities. I think the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry demonstrates the potential of traders from both sides of the LoC to work together. It is the only cross LoC nongovernment organisation and is the first indication of the possibility of region wide formal civil society initiatives. Such an organisation can act as a pressure group to galvanise other stakeholders in the economy and by example show how it is possible to cooperate across the LoC for mutual benefit. But for it to work ef-

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fectively the separate Chambers also need to operate more effectively. One of the most striking things for me was when one trader involved in our research said about the trade "I suddenly realised it's not just a trade venture but can become a tool for people-to-people diplomacy". I think there is a constituency that has a stake working together and this could be an example to others. On its own the trade will not transform the situation - there is no hiding from the fact that the overall situation has become increasingly complex in the past couple of years - but it does create a positive dynamic that should be nurtured.

CR is an independent non-profit organisation, which was set up in London fifteen years ago. We work with partners local civil society organisations and governments - in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and the Pacific to build sustainable and peaceful responses to violent conflict. We very much believe that conflicts can be transformed peacefully, but this is a painstaking and often, sadly, a very longterm process To an extent, we are convinced that Cross-LoC trade between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir is providing opportunities of building peace constituencies as well as some economic benefits for the stakeholders. What, do you think, may be the other areas of Cross-LoC cooperation in Jammu and Kashmir which

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people and the governments must look at? t the JAW in Bangkok we explored whether or not scope exists to promote cooperation across the LoC in other fields and in particular that of higher education. Participants felt that finding connections in this sphere, that is of widening intellectual horizons, could reach across divides - both the physical and geographical divides that impact on the region but also the intellectual and psychological divides and legacies that have become so much a part of the recent history of the region. We have been pleased to be able to facilitate contact between people closely involved in the higher education system and generation of ideas across the LoC. Their work together sets out some ideas of how cooperation could occur. On the basis of their initial research we brought together some educators in Istanbul late last year to discuss the suggestions. Now it is a question of extending the discussion and seeing whether their ideas can be applied in reality. I know that others are also doing research into whether or not there is scope for cooperation in the sphere of tourism and I am sure there are other issues that can be examined. In looking at these different opportunities it is important to be conscious that there are very real security concerns involved. The political reality of relations across the LoC and on each side is also complex so finding the right balance is always going to be a challenge. But ideas in themselves can provide an important creative stimulus to ensure that peoples' concerns are addressed in ways that can be mutually beneficial. It has been a privilege for CR to work with so many people committed to finding ways forward in what has been such a long running and painful context. We see many opportunities ahead and hope that we can continue to support these sharing some our thinking and experience in the field of peace-building to help provide space to think anew about today's challenges.

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OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED

Prescriptions without Diagnosis A prescription can work only if the disease is diagnosed. For Kashmir, there have been around 70 proposals for resolution of the conflict that has been lingering on since 1947. This means, on an average more than one new conflict resolution model every year. A majority of these models, more than 50, came up during the decades of 1950s, 1960s and 1990s. While some of the plans were results of state led negotiations, back channel diplomacies and cravings of stakeholders but majority of ideas have come from researchers and think-tanks. Why none of 70 models could bring desired results in Kashmir? Our understanding of all models suggests that there were all overwhelming and ambitious prescriptions without taking the pain of diagnosis. To say that all models overlooked the ground realities sound ludicrous but an analysis of every individual plan would reveal that formulator kept only one or two constituencies in mind and ignored the rest. Sixty-three years after eruption of conflict, an appreciation of diversities in Jammu and Kashmir has yet to come. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir that became of theatre of conflict with rival claims in 1947 is comprised of five key regions -Kashmir valley, Jammu, Ladakh on Indian side and 'Azad' Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan on Pakistani side. Most of the conflict resolution models from earlier years to date have their focus mostly on the valley of Kashmir, very less attention on Jammu and hardly any mention of Ladakh and Gilgit-Baltistan. That's seems a fundamental flaw with all prescriptions. While political aspirations in different regions of Jammu and Kashmir were never homogenous at any given point in history the prolonged conflict over past six decades has further hardened the stands. Therefore, in present times it becomes all the more important to get deeper into the problem and find out areas of consensus. In following pages we have listed 44 most important and much talked about conflict resolution models. Others from the list of 70 were not picked up in this issue because most of them were more or less repetitive. The Autonomy formula of National Conference is not discussed here for that needs a larger deal. By listing these proposals here were are just trying to take readers to the creative options that came up from time to time and at the same time there is an opportunity of locating the reasons for their failure. These proposals reveal sets of strategic and political thinking of different times and different powers and give some ideas about the points of convergence and commonalities. While compendium of conflict resolution proposals for Kashmir have been taking rounds for a long time, but in our present issue we have drawn benefit from a comprehensive study done by Aadil Najam of Frederick Pardee Centre at Boston University and Moeed Yusuf of USIP.

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PROPOSAL 1 Plebiscite under UN BRAINCHILD AGL McNaughton PERIOD: 1949-50 CONTOURS lebiscite in entire Jammu and Kashmir after substantial force reduction Gilgit Baltistan administered by local authorities under United Nations supervision

General Andrew George Latta McNaughton, (February 1887-July 1966) was a Canadian army officer, politician and diplomat. McNaughton enlisted in the Canadian militia in 1909. He took the 4th Battery of the Canadian Expeditionary Force overseas with the outbreak of World War I in 1914. While there he helped make advances in the science of artillery, and was wounded twice. The need to accurately pinpoint artillery targets, both stationary and moving, led to his invention called Sound Ranging which was the forerunner of radar. He sold the rights to that invention to the Government of Canada for only $10. This scientific innovation enabled the Canadian artillery to knock out 70 percent of the German guns just before the battle of Vimy Ridge. By the end of the war as a Lieutenant-Colonel he was in command of all of the Canadian Corps artillery

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UN resolution is on the lips of every 'freedom leader' but is there an option for freedom ?

oes UN resolution offer 'independence option' as Kashmiri freedom leaders demand? This question is hypothetical in terms of ifs and buts. The leaders of Kashmiri separatist movement, who are essentially opposed to the idea of Kashmir being part of India, demand UN supervised plebiscite to determine the political future of the troubled state. However, there are not enough explanations from them whether UN resolution offers the Azadi option. After almost a decade after UN Secretary General himself said that UN resolution is no more relevant in case of Kashmir, there is a growing understanding among the Kashmir separatThe U.N involvement in the ists who have not started talking more Kashmir Conflict largely about an Indo-Pak dialogue. In Nolasted for 17 years (1948vember 2010 it was learnt that United Nations has removed Kashmir from 65).After the Indo-Pak war of its list of unresolved disputes. That 1965, the U.N engagement was a big setback to Pakistan's posi- with Kashmir continued at a tion. However, a day later the UN said very nominal level till the 3rd that Kashmir has been retained on the Pakistan-India war of 1971 agenda for another year. and completely ended with Background the signing of the Simla On January 1, 1948, India formally reAgreement in 1972, an Indoferred the case of Pakistani aggresPak peace agreement, which sion in Kashmir to the United Nations laid emphasis on adopting a Security Council under Article 35 of the bilateral framework to solve UN Charter. This move was directed towards protecting India's territorial the Kashmir imbroglio and integrity. Initially, Pakistan denied that kept the U.N out of the picits troops were present on the soil of ture afterwards. Kashmir but when a three-member UN delegation (subsequent to the UN Security Council resolution dated 20 January 1948) visited the actual scene of fighting, the Pakistan government admitted the presence of its troops. Consequently, the UN included the Kashmir issue on its agenda. On February 5, 1948, the UN resolution interalia called for an immediate ceasefire and a plebiscite to decide the future of the state. By April 21, 1948, the UN among other issues, increased the number of members of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) from 3 to 5 and recommended to the governments of India and Pakistan interalia for (1) the withdrawal of all tribesmen and Pakistanis, (2) the reduction of force levels by India on restoration of normalcy, (3) the appointment of a plebiscite administration by India and (4) the appointment of a plebiscite administrator by the UN Secretary General. On August 13, 1948, the UN adopted another resolution interalia calling for (1) a ceasefire, (2) Pakistan to withdraw the tribals and to put its troops under the command of local civilian authorities, (3) India to withdraw bulk of its troops, (4) the UN observers to supervise the ceasefire and (5) the holding of the plebiscite. The resolution was followed up on December 11, 1948 with the appointment of a plebiscite administrator. On January 5, 1949, the two earlier resolutions were amalgamated into a single resolution that reiterated the earlier proposals. (a) On March 22, 1949, Admiral Chester Nimitz of the US Navy was appointed by the UN to ensure the implementation of the 13 August 1948 resolution through arbitration. The

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mission failed. (b) Following this, General Macnanghton of Canada, the then UN President, was authorised by the Security Council to informally seek a mutually satisfactory solution. His proposals for the demilitarisation were unacceptable to India and Pakistan. Hence, on 14 March 1950, the UNCIP was dissolved and Sir Owen, a judge from Australia was appointed as the UN representative to seek the UN objective of demilitarisation. He suggested two plans including the division of the state. The government of India rejected both the proposals as these provided for the establishment of an UN authority in the state. (c) Thereafter, Dr. Frank Graham was appointed as the UN representative by a UN resolution (30 March 1951) to bring about demilitarisation. Five rounds of discussions followed (Sept. 1951 - Feb. 1953). Dr. Graham had suggested the reduction of Pakistani troops in Pakistan Occupied Kashimr (PoK) to 6000 and that of the Indian troops to 21000 in J&K. The proposal fell through because of opposition from Pakistan. (d) The UN later authorised Gunnar Jarring, the then UN President, to visit India and Pakistan to seek demilitarisation. He visited India and Pakistan (14 March - 11 April 1957). He later reported the failure of the visit to the UN. The U.N involvement in the Kashmir Conflict largely lasted for 17 years (194865).After the Indo-Pak war of 1965, the U.N engagement with Kashmir continued at a very nominal level till the 3rd Pakistan-India war of 1971 and completely ended with the signing of the Simla Agreement in 1972, an Indo-Pak peace agreement, which laid emphasis on adopting a bilateral framework to solve the Kashmir imbroglio and kept the U.N out of the picture afterwards. During the course of its engagement with the Kashmir Conflict, spanning 23 years (1948-1971), the U.N passed a number of resolutions, which were aimed at mediation and resolution of the conflict. Between 1948 and 1971, the U.N Security Council passed 23 resolutions on Kashmir Conflict

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PROPOSAL 2 Plebiscite along regional lines BRAINCHILD Owen Dixon PERIOD: 1950 CONTOURS Plebiscite in entire Jammu and Kashmir to determine region by region allocation to Pakistan or India. Sir Owen Dixon proposed to trifurcate the State in 1950. He suggested that the state be divided into three zones and plebiscites be conducted separately for the three zones. The three zones were to be 1) Kashmir valley plus the Muslim areas of Jammu - Poonch, Rajouri and Doda. Moreover, Kargil would form part of the Valley. 2) Jammu with the remaining district of Ladakh. 3) Pakistan controlled Kashmir plus the Northern Areas.

DIXON PLAN One of over 60 different plans that came up for resolution of Kashmir at different points of time, Dixon Plan is the most popular and is still being discussed. Researchers say this was the only plan which had brought India and Pakistan closer to a resolution. The Dixon Plan had assigned Ladakh to India, the Northern Areas and Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK) to Pakistan, split Jammu between the two, and envisaged a plebiscite in the Kashmir Valley. Pakistan demurred at first, but agreed. It fell through because Nehru did not accept the conditions in which the plebiscite could be held; precisely the issue on which the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) and Graham failed. They, because of their ineptness; Dixon because he lost patience

PROPOSAL 3 Partition-plebiscite BRAINCHILD Owen Dixon PERIOD: 1950

CONTOURS artition between Indian and Pakistan, Except for Kashmir Valley;valley decision through United Nations administered Plebiscite.

Sir Owen Dixon (1886 - 1972) Australian judge and diplomat, was the sixth Chief Justice of Australia. A justice of the High Court for thirty-five years, Dixon was one of the leading jurists in the English-speaking world[1] and is widely regarded as Australia's greatest ever jurist. On May 27, 1950, Dixon was invited by the United Nations to act as their official mediator between the governments of India and Pakistan over the disputed territory of Kashmir. His role was to continue conciliation talks between the two nations in the lead up to a proposed plebiscite to be put to the residents of Kashmir. His role as mediator ended in October 1950, although he had left India in September frustrated with what he saw as an inability of the respective governments to negotiate.

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PROPOSAL 4

OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED

Plebiscite BRAINCHILD Jeseph Korbel PERIOD: 1954

CONTOURS lebiscite in entire Jammu and Kashmir. Prof. Joseph Korbel, author of Danger in Kashmir, was the first person to be appointed by the United Nations Security Council to be chairman of the UN commission for India and Pakistan.

Josef Korbel (1909 - 1977) was a Czechoslovakian diplomat and U.S. educator, who is now best known as the father of Bill Clinton's Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, and the mentor of George W. Bush's Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice. Though he served as a diplomat in the government of Czechoslovakia, Korbel's Jewish heritage forced him to flee after the Nazi invasion in 1939. Prior to their flight, Körbel and his wife had converted from Judaism to Roman Catholicism. He served as an advisor to Edvard Beneš, the exiled Czech president in London, until the Nazis were defeated. He then returned to Czechoslovakia, receiving a luxurious Prague apartment previously owned by Karl Nebrich, a Bohemian German industrialist expropriated and expelled under the Beneš decrees. Korbel was asked by Beneš to serve as the country's ambassador to Yugoslavia, but was forced to flee again during the Communist coup in 1948. After learning that he had been tried and sentenced to death in absentia, Korbel was granted political asylum in the United States in 1949. He was hired to teach international politics at the University of Denver, and became the founding Dean of the Graduate School of International Studies. www.epilogue.in

PROPOSAL 5

Territorial status-quodemilitarisation BRAINCHILD John Galbraith PERIOD: 1961

CONTOURS erritorial status -quo with out formal partition, freedom of movement across the cease fire line: soft border, applicable only to residents of specially designated areas, demilitarized ceasefire line. The latest Indo-Pak Confidence Building Measures on Kashmir, like travel and trade across Line of Control, seem to revolving around John Galbraith's formula.

John Kenneth "Ken" Galbraith (1908-2006) was a Canadian-American economist. He was a Keynesian and an institutionalist, a leading proponent of 20th-century political liberalism. His books on economic topics were bestsellers from the 1950s through the 2000s and he filled the role of public intellectual from the 50's to the 1970s on matters of economics. Galbraith was a prolific author who produced four dozen books and over a thousand articles on various subjects. Among his most famous works was a popular trilogy on economics, American Capitalism (1952), The Affluent Society (1958), and The New Industrial State (1967). He taught at Harvard University for many years. Galbraith was active in Democratic Party politics, serving in the administrations of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson; he served as United States Ambassador to India under Kennedy. Due to his prodigious literary output he was arguably the best known economist in the world during his lifetime[1] and was one of a select few people to be awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom twice, in 1946 and 2000, for services to economics. During his time as an adviser to President John F. Kennedy, Galbraith was appointed United States Ambassador to India from 1961 to 1963. His rapport with President Kennedy was such that he regularly bypassed the State Department and sent his diplomatic cables directly to the President.[9] In India, he became an intimate of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and extensively advised the Indian government on economic matters; he harshly criticised Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of British rule, for Mountbatten's passive role in the Partition of India in 1947 and the bloody partition of Punjab and Bengal. While in India, he helped establish one of the first computer science departments, at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. Even after leaving office, Galbraith remained a friend and supporter of India and hosted a lunch for Indian students at Harvard every year on graduation day. It was at his recommendation, First Lady of the United States Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy undertook her diplomatic missions in India and Pakistan. Vol. 5 Issus 02

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PROPOSAL 7

PROPOSAL 6

Chenab formula BRAINCHILD Pakistan PERIOD: 1962-63

Adjustment of LoC as international border BRAINCHILD India PERIOD: 1962-63 CONTOURS djustment of Line of Control as per manent international border between India and Pakistan allowing both countries to hold control of the parts of Kashmir, de facto and de jure, as per possession of the territory on the day.

PROPOSAL 8

CONTOURS his formula could have been a repeat of the reli gion based partition and fulfillment of the ultimate goal of the two-nation theory. The Chenab formula envisaged partition of Jammu and Kashmir along the Chenab River, Pakistan willing to give up the remote region of Ladakh in India's favour and some Hindu majority areas of Jammu staying with India.

Partition along communal lines in Jammu BRAINCHILD Pakistan PERIOD: 1963

PROPOSAL 9

CONTOURS his was again another formula proposed by Pakistanthat sought division purely on communal lines. Interesting feature was that this formula was proposed only for Jammu division and it was suggested to defer decision for Kashmir Valley. The formula sought partition along the peaks of Pir Panchal range in northern Jammu; Kashmir valley internationalized for 5-10 years, valley's residents to ascertain their wishes subsequently.

Partition through Valley BRAINCHILD United States PERRIOD: 1963

CONTOURS artition with the international borderrunning through Kashmir valley; northwestern part of the valley and western part of Jammu becomes Pakistan; a silver of territory above Kargil ; becomes India; new soft border for residents of the valley ; residents guaranteed some self rule ; active US role envisioned in implementation .

OPTIONS:(L) Kashmir Going to India (R) Status quo

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OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED

Trieste-like arrangement BRAINCHILD A product of Pakistan-India Negotiations PERIOD: 1964

CONTOURS here is no evidence of India having agreed to suchproposal but contemporaries say that the idea was discussed between the countries. It is also understood that the Kashmir leader Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was kept in loop on these discussions. Trieste-like arrangement would give Jammu and Ladakh to India, Kashmir valley to Pakistan; soft border for Kashmiris on both sides of border.

BACKGROUND The first conflict between Yugoslavia and the US and the UK was over Trieste. This was one of the first incidents of the nascent and emerging Cold War. In Veneto and Trieste there were population displacements following World War II when a shooting war between Yugoslavia and the US was narrowly averted. Trieste was the first salvo in the Cold War Despite its Austrian status, Trieste preserved linguistic and cultural ties with Italy. It was a center of irredentism, and after World War I Trieste and its province were annexed (1919) by Italy. However, its prosperity declined under Italian rule. After World War II the area was claimed by Yugoslavia, mainly because the population outside the city of Trieste is predominantly Slovenian. The Western powers opposed Yugoslavia's claim. As a compromise, a new state, the Free Territory of Trieste, was created (1947) under the protection of the UN Security Council. The Free Territory included the city of Trieste and a coastal zone of Istria, running from Duino along the Gulf of Trieste to Cittanova. When the Security Council was unable to agree on a governor for the territory, Anglo-American forces occupied Zone A, consisting of Italian-speaking Trieste and its environs, while the Yugoslavs occupied Zone B, the remainder of the Free Territory. Tension between Italy and Yugoslavia continued until 1954, when, in a compromise agreement reached under Western auspices, Zone A was placed under Italian administration and Zone B under Yugoslav civil administration (divided between the republics of Slovenia and Croatia). The solution amounted to a partition of the Free Territory, which then ceased to exist; this arrangement was finalized by the Treaty Of Osimo (1975).

PROPOSAL 11

Partition-Trusteeship-plebiscite BRAINCHILD Parvez Iqbal Cheema PERIOD: 1986 CONTOURS

akistan Kashmir and Gilgit Pand Baltistan incorporated into

Pakistan and Jammu and Ladakh in to India; Kashmir valley placed under UN Trusteeship for at least a decade; subsequently, Plebiscite in valley.

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Dr. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema was born at Sialkot and was initially educated at Sialkot, later on he moved to Government College, Lahore where he completed his Master's in History. Till July 1995 Dr. Cheema was working as a Professor of International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan and in July 1995 he started working for the Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan in the capacity of a Director General, Academy of Educational Planning and Management. From November 1996 to September 2000 Dr.Cheema worked as a Professorial Iqbal Fellow at South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University, Germany. During his 19 years stay at Quaid-i-Azam University; Dr. Cheema served as the Chairman of International Relation's Department as well as Defence and Strategic Studies Department for more than 14 years. From Oct.2000, Dr. Cheema worked for Islamabad Policy Research Institute as its President. Since Feb. 2009 Dr. Cheema has been working in the National Defense University as a Dean, Faculty of Contemporary Studies, Islamabad. Dr. Cheema is also a scholar of international repute. His articles have regularly appeared both in National as well as International Academic Journals, Popular Magazines and daily Newspapers. He has published more than 120 research articles and over 600 other general articles/columns etc. In addition, Dr. Cheema has authored many books and monographs including the following; Vol. 5 Issus 02

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Demographic maneuvers

BRAINCHILD BJP and its supported organizations PROPOSAL 12 PERIOD: 1990 Onward

CONTOURS ntire Jammu and Kashmir part of India; massive Hindu and Sikh immigration to Indian Kashmir to convert the state into a Muslim minority area.

Autonomy-Trieste-like arrangement

BRAINCHILD Selig Harrison PROPOSAL 14 PERIOD: 1992

CONTOURS ammu and Ladakh go to India ; Gilgit andBaltistan to Pakistan; Kashmir valley along with Sizable Muslim pockets' in Jammu and Ladakh get autonomy as does Pakistani Kashmir; LOC becomes international border ; Pakistan Kashmir and the 'new state' to have soft borders; demilitarization of Jammu Kashmir under UN supervision.

Selig Seidenman Harrison (born March 19, 1927 in Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania) is is a scholar, journalist, and author who specializes in South Asia and East Asia. He is the Director of the Asia Program and a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy, and a senior scholar of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. He has written five books on Asian affairs and U.S. relations with Asia. His latest book, Korean Endgame: A Strategy for Reunification and U.S. Disengagement (Princeton University Press), won the 2002 award of the Association of American Publishers for the best Professional/Scholarly Book in Government and Political Science. His outspoken, constructive criticisms of Administration policies often appear on Op-Ed pages of many major newspapers, including The Washington Post, The New York Times, The International Herald Tribune, The Los Angeles Times and The Financial Times. He is currently a member of the Afghanistan Study Group.

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13 PROPOSAL 13

Sovereignty Association BRAINCHILD Ayesha Jalal PERIOD: 1990

CONTOURS wo state referendum ; in Indian Kashmir with two options: status quo or independence in Pakistan Kashmir with two options; unite with the rest of Jammu Kashmir on the basis of sovereignty association or remain with Pakistan; Jammu and Ladakh can opt to join India; Pakistan and India to minimize military presence.

Ayesha Jalal is a Pakistani-American sociologist and historian. She is a professor of history at Tufts University and a 1998 MacArthur Fellow. The bulk of her work deals with the creation of Muslim identities in modern South Asia. She is the daughter of Hamid Jalal, a niece of the famous Urdu fiction writer Saadat Hasan Manto and a civil servant. Jalal is among the most prominent American academics who writes on the history of India and Pakistan. Her innovative scholarship has led to frequent criticisms by both Pakistani and Indian establishment scholars. Her most prominent works are on the role of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the partition of India. She argues that the 1947 partition of India-the event that opened the door for the creation of Pakistan-was an accident, a colossal miscalculation. What's more, she says that Jinnah never wanted a separate Muslim state; he was only using the threat of independence as a political bargaining chip to strengthen the voice of the Muslim minority in the soon-to-be sovereign India. Conversely, she lays a greater share of the blame for partition on the Indian National Congress and leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel, who saw partition as a way of eliminating its main competition and leaving it the dominant player in a centralised state

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CONTOURS oint India-Pakistan control over a demilitarized ` Jammu- Kashmir.Eventually, Jammu-Kashmir becomes part of an overall confederal arrangement in south Asia; the autonomous 'republics' to havr a single decentralized, democratic confederation managing defense, foreign affairs, communications and currency.

CONTOURS aximum autonomy for entire Jammu-Kashmir; power sharing finalized through a sustained dialogue with equal voice to India, Pakistan and Kashmiris; soft border between Indian and Pakistan Kashmir.

Confederation of autonomous states BRIANCHILD Raju Thomas PROPOSAL 15 PERIOD: 1992

BRAINCHILD AG Noorani PROPOSAL 17 PERIOD 1992

DETAILS Raju G.C. Thomas provides an interesting starting point for studying possible solutions in his edited volume Perspectives on Kashmir. Thomas outlines nine possible strategies for India to deal with the Kashmir conflict: (1) maintain the territorial status quo, (2) secure Kashmir's accession to Pakistan, (3) create an independent Kashmir, (4) partition and transfer the Vale of Kashmir to Pakistan, (5) transform the demography of Kashmir by settling nonMuslims, (6) generate an exodus of Kashmiri Muslims to Pakistan, (7) share control with Pakistan, (8) foster a subcontinent of several states, and (9) promote a decentralized confederation of subcontinental states.

A. G. Noorani, a secular Indian Muslim, is a lawyer and political analyst. He is is an Advocate in the Supreme Court of India and a leading Constitutional expert. His columns appear in The Hindustan Times, Frontline, Economic and Political Weekly and Dainik Bhaskar. He is the author of a number of books including: 'The Kashmir Question', 'Badruddin Tyabji Ministers' Misconduct', 'Brezhnev's Plan for Asian Security', 'The Presidential System', 'The Trial of Bhagat Singh' and 'Constitutional Questions in India'

Autonomy-de facto partition BRAINCHILD Jagat S. Mehta PROPOSAL 16 PERIOD: 1992

CONTOURS emilitarized of Line of Control up to 5-10 miles on both sides; in creased autonomy for Indian Kashmir; elections held simultaneously in Pakistan and Indian Kashmir, the two state government allowed to maintain regular contact.

Jagat Singh Mehta is a former foreign secretary of India. A career diplomat (1947-1980) he was foreign secretary from 1976 to 1979. He was ChargĂŠ d'affaires China (1963-1966) and High Commissioner to Tanzania (1970-1974). He was Associate at Harvard (1969 and 1980) and Fellow at Woodrow Wilson Center, Washington, D.C., 1981. His publications include: Militarization in the Third World (1985); The March of Folly in Afghanistan (2002); and Negotiating for India (2006). He received the Padma Bhushan award in 2002.

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Maximum autonomy to Jammu-Kashmir

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18 PROPOSAL 18

South Asia House (Joint Pakistan-India control) BRAINCHILD Asia Society PERIOD: 1992 CONTOURS ine of Control converted intointernational border, India to give up special status to its part of Jammu-Kashmir ,; both parts jointly managed by Pakistan and India; international actors help bring the two countries to agreement .

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19 20 PROPOSAL 19

PROPOSAL 20

Fourth Alternative BRAINCHILD Bhawani Sen Gupta PERIOD: 1993

PROPOSAL 20

International mediation-pacification BRAINCHILD Robert Wirsing PERIOD: 1994

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BRAINCHILD BG Verghese PERIOD: 1993

CONTOURS ine of Control becomes international border; India to grant maximuma utonomy to Indian Kashmir; new demilitarized soft border. Verghese is also in favour of the restoration of pre-1952 constitutional position in Kashmir. According to him, Kashmir should be free to manage all affairs except foreign affairs, defence and communications. The Line of Actual Control is to be treated as international border. This border should be made soft so that Kashmiris carry out trade and other cultural activities freely.

CONTOURS n Hindustan Times February 5,1993, Bhawani Sen Gupta floated the idea of fourth alternative. According to him, this is the concept of the State of undivided Jammu and Kashmir which will not be sovereign and free. But it will be independent in its internal affairs and it is possible that it will be free to establish financial connections with outside world. It will have no independent foreign policy. Its security can be guaranteed by India and Pakistan jointly or separately or through an agreement reached between India and Pakistan.

Autonomy, co-federalism

B G Verghese is a veteran columnist and journalist. He was former Editor of Hindustan Times and Indian Express. He is also an author and visiting professor, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi. Verghese started his journalistic career in The Times of India. He was information adviser to former Prime Minister Indira Ghandhi during the period 1966-69. His autobiography "First Draft: Witness to Making of Modern India" published in October 2010. He received Ramon Magsaysay award for his outstanding contribution to journalism, in 1975.

CONTOURS nternational mediation on Kashmir by the united states with the objective of demilitarization, pacification and peacekeeping along the Line of Control, Joint India-Pakistan patrolling of the boundary.

Dr. Robert G. Wirsing is a member of the faculty of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, Honolulu, Hawaii. A specialist on South Asian politics and international relations, he has made over 40 research trips to the South Asian region since 1965. His recent research focuses primarily on the politics and diplomacy of natural resources (water and energy) in South Asia. Dr. Wirsing's publications include Pakistan's Security under Zia, 1977-1988 (St. Martin's Press, 1991); India, Pakistan, and the Kashmir Dispute (St. Martin's Press, 1994); Kashmir in the Shadow of War (M. E. Sharpe, 2002); Religious Radicalism & Security in South Asia, co-editor (Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 2004); and Ethnic Diasporas & Great Power Strategies in Asia, co-editor (India Research Press, 2007). Vol. 5 Issus 02

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Partition, formation of Kashmir Autonomous Region BRAINCHILD Joseph Schwartzberg PROPOSAL 22 PERIOD: 1995

CONTOURS eferendum in Jammu-Kashmir followed by autonomy for all or part of the state ; border rationalized by crafting it along the mountain crests in Jammu-Kashmir ; subsequently , referendum with choices of incorporation into India or joining a 'Kashmiri Autonomous Region' (KAR) for India Kashmir, and incorporation into Pakistan or joining KAR for Pakistan Kashmir, soft border for KAR with Pakistan and India;

Joseph E. Schwartzberg is a University of Minnesota professor emeritus of geography and prominent world federalist scholar. Schwartzberg was born in Brooklyn, New York in 1928. He has done significant work in seeking solutions to the Kashmir conflict. He also developed the idea of "weighted voting" for representation in a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly. He is best known as the editor and principal author of the Historical Atlas of South Asia, which won the Watumull Prize of the American Historical Association and a distinguished achievement award from the Association of American Geographers. He served on the board of directors of the World Federalist Association, has chaired its Policy and Issues Commission, and is presently President of the Minnesota Chapter of Citizens for Global Solutions.

23 PROPOSAL 23

Partition along communal lines BRAINCHILD Saeed Shafqat PERIOD: 1995

24 PROPOSAL 24

CONTOURS artition along a renegotiated boundary; Pakistan gets all Muslim majorityareas; Jammu and Ladakh go to India; involve China in negotiations.

A leading Pakistani academician, Saeed Shafqat holds an MA in South Asian Studies and Ph.D. (Political Science) from University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. He is a founder member and former Chairman of the Department of Pakistan Studies established in 1973 at the Quaidi-Azam University, Islamabad. He has served as Chief Instructor and Warden (1988-2001), Pakistan Civil Services Academy, Lahore. Over this period, he imparted instruction and training to over 1,500 under training officers (federal civil servants) who are now serving in different branches of government all over Pakistan. He has been President (1990), Institute of Regional Studies Islamabad (and retains the distinction of being the only academic/professional to head that research organization). His research articles on culture, politics, security and various aspects of public policy, governance and civil service reform on Pakistan have been published in journals of international repute. His books include: Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy (1989) Civil- Military Relations in Pakistan (1997), Contemporary Issues in Pakistan Studies (2000, 3rd edition). New Perspectives on Pakistan: Visions for the Future (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2007)

Indus Water Treaty model (division along river basins) BRAINCHILD Mushtaq-Ur-Rahman PERIOD: 1996

CONTOURS

artition along river basins; Kashmir Valley and 'same eastern areas' become part of Pakistan; parts of Jammu and Ladakh become India' bilateral negotiations to settle the issue of Muslim majority areas on Chenab basin; involve international community in finalizing partition

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25 PROPOSAL 25

Partition-autonomy for Kashmir BRAINCHILD Summit Ganguly PERIOD: 1997

CONTOURS tep-wise approach leading to par tition along a modified Line of Control; bilateral negotiations on other contentions issues; Pakistan to withdraw support for the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir; New Delhi to provide autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir and amnesty to insurgents.

The JKLF has proposed the formation of an eleven member International Kashmir Committee (IKC) consisting of one representative each from the U.N., United States, Russia, France, Britain, China, Germany, Japan, and the Organization of Islamic Conference, and two representatives from the Nonaligned Movement. This committee will oversee a Kashmir settlement in five phases, beginning with (1) the formulation of an agreement, (2) the withdrawal of Indian, Pakistani and foreign militant forces from the entire state, (3) the demilitarization of all Kashmiri militants, (4) the opening of all roads between the two halves of Kashwww.epilogue.in

PROPOSAL 26

Livingston Proposal BRAINCHILD Kashmir Study Group PERIOD: 1998

Sumit Ganguly is a Professor of Political Science, the Director of the India Studies Program and holds the Rabindranath Tagore Chair in Indian Cultures and Civilizations at Indiana University, Bloomington. He has previously taught at James Madison College of Michigan State University, Hunter College and the Graduate School of the City University of New York and the University of Texas at Austin. A specialist on the international politics of South Asia, he is the author, co-author, editor, co-editor of twenty books on the region. Professor Ganguly has been a Guest Scholar and Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC, a Visiting fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation, and a Visiting Fellow at the Center of Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. He currently serves on the editorial boards of Asian Affairs, Asian Security, Asian Survey, Current History, the Journal of Democracy and Security Studies. His most recent book is India, Pakistan and the Bomb: Debating Nuclear Stability in South Asia (with S. Paul Kapur). He is currently at work on a book, Deadly Impasse: India-Pakistan Relations at the Dawn of a New Century for Cambridge University Press.

CONTOURS

Plebsiciteindependence

BRAINCHILD JKLF PROPOSAL 27 PERIOD: 1998 mir followed by a secular, democratic constitution with representation from Kashmir, Jammu, Ladakh, Pakistani Kashmir and the Northern Territories, and (5) a U.N.-supervised referendum 15 years later where the residents of the state will decide on whether to join India, Pakistan or remain independent. The proposal is clearly loaded in favor of the independence option. Vol. 5 Issus 02

CONTOURS

ammu-Kashmir, excluding Jammu and Ladakh, to become a sovereign entity with its own citizenship, flag and legislature but without internationally recognized independence; Kashmir representation in negotiations, soft-borders for Kashmiris; Pakistan and India only manage defence and foreign affairs. The 1998 Livingston Proposal was developed by some members of the KSG in consultation with well-informed Indians and Pakistanis. In brief summary, the Livingston Proposal envisages a future dispensation for Jammu & Kashmir that departs from the paradigm of "indivisibility" and suggests reconstituting an entity (or entities) from portions of the former princely State of Jammu and Kashmir that would have their own secular, democratic constitution(s), as well as their own citizenship, flag(s), and legislature(s). The legislature(s) would act on all matters other than defense and foreign affairs. India and Pakistan would be jointly responsible for the defense of Kashmir, which would itself maintain police forces for internal law and order. India and Pakistan would be expected to work out financial arrangements for the new Kashmiri entity or entities. One of the main elements of the proposed dispensation involves the ability of the Kashmir region to have liberal access to and from both India and Pakistan for the transit of people, goods, and services.

This proposal is called so because this was drafted and discussed at Livingston, New York, estate of Kashmiri businessman Farooq Kathwari

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28 PROPOSAL 28

Andorra-Like Solution BRAINCHILD Fazal Haq Qureshi PERIOD: 2000

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CONTOURS

emi-sovereign status for Jammu-Kashmir, managed jointly by India and Pakistan but their rule is limited to defence, foreign affairs and communications; Kashmiris residents get dual citizenship.

BACKGROUND

Andorra is a princely state located on the border between France and Spain and it was claimed by both Spain and France. In 1993, the two countries reached an agreement and gave Andhora an independent constitution and gave them autonomy bordering on complete freedom - Andorra adopted Parliamentary democracy, but retains the titular heads of state nominated by France and Spain. Under the Andorra Proposal, Kashmir Valley would become a principality with foreign policy, defence and financial support shared by India and Pakistan. The Andorra proposal would result in the Kashmir Valley - including Pakistan-occupied Kashmir - dominated by Muslims, being carved out into a principality with its own Parliament. However, India and Pakistan would have nominated representatives. It would have open borders. It would also involve the tripartite partition of Jammu & Kashmir According to some experts, such an agreement was almost finalized in 1964 negotiations between President Ayub Khan and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

A patriarch of jihadist movement in Jammu and Kashmir, Fazal Haq Qureshi became a key peace aficionado in 2009 when he got the moderate Hurriyat conference into secret talks with New Delhi following Home Minister P Chidambaram's offer of quiet diplomacy. However, later same year he was shot at in the skull by unidentified assailants and left seriously injured. Born in 1944 to a Srinagar cleric, Qureshi grew up in old-city Srinagar - the central site of the fierce contestation between Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Left-influenced, pro-peasant National Conference and the Islamist-leaning urban petty-bourgeoisie which shaped post-independence Jammu and Kashmir politics. Qureshi was one among the three members of the Students and Youth League who laid the foundations of the jihadist movement in Jammu and Kashmir in 1964. In 1987, inflamed by electoral malpractices which denied the opposition Muslim United Front a share in power, Qureshi decided to form a new armed organisation. He was arrested in 1989, but his old friend Abdul Majid Dar went on to secure Pakistani support for the idea. Dar later co-founded the Tehrik-e-Jihad Islami, which in 1991 merged into the Hizb ul-Mujahideen.

29 30 PROPOSAL 29

PROPOSAL 30

Referendum sum election

Referendum-separate autonomy

BRAINCHILD Kashmir Records and Research Council PERIOD: 2001

BRAINCHILD John Dorschner PERIOD: 2002

CONTOURS

ndertake variety of 'soft' mea sures to being normalcy to region; this will be followed by process for formulating an all-Kashmir parliament which will determine region's future.

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CONTOURS

two-year period of ceasefire, demilitarization, soft-borders and au tonomy on both sides followed by internationally administered referendum; all negotiations to involve Kashmiri representation

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PROPOSAL 31

Good Friday agreement BRAINCHILD Sumantra Bose PERIOD: 2003

CONTOURS

aximum autonomy for Indian and Pakistani Kashmir without a formal parti tions; soft borders between the two Kashmirs; negotiation to include Kashmiris and post-agreement, ratification by Indian and Pakistani parliaments and a referendum on both sides of the LOC. BACKGROUND The Good Friday Agreement - also known as the Belfast Agreement and occasionally as the Stormont Agreement - was a major political development in the Northern Ireland peace process. It established the Northern Ireland Assembly with devolved legislative powers and marked a de-escalation of violence in The Troubles. It was signed in Belfast on 10 April 1998 (Good Friday) by the British and Irish governments and endorsed by most Northern Ireland political parties. On 23 May 1998 the Agreement was endorsed by the voters of Northern Ireland in a referendum. On the same day, voters in the Republic of Ireland voted separately to change their constitution in line with the Agreement. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was the only large party that opposed the Agreement. The Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999.

Sumantra Bose is Professor of International and Comparative Politics at the London School of Economics. He specialises in the study of ethnic and national conflicts and their management, with a particular focus on the Indian subcontinent (especially Kashmir) and the former Yugoslavia (in particular Bosnia and Herzegovina). His publications include States, Nations, Sovereignty: Sri Lanka, India and the Tamil Eelam Movement (Sage, 1994), Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention (Oxford University Press, 2002), Kashmir: The Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace (Harvard University Press, 2003) and Contested Lands: War and Peace in Israel-Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia, Cyprus and Sri Landa (Harvard University Press, 2007).

CONTOURS

akistani Kashmir and Northern Areas to Pakistan and Jammu and Ladakh to India; Kashmir Valley given maximum autonomy on all matters except defence, foreign affairs and currency.

PROPOSAL 32

Partition-autonomy for Valley BRAINCHILD MP Bhandara PERIOD: 2004

Minocher P Bhandara (died June 15, 2008, popularly known as Minoo, was a Pakistani businessman and former minority representative and member of the National Assembly of Pakistan (MNA). He belonged to the small Zoroastrian community.

33 PROPOSAL 33

Sovereign, autonomous Jammu-Kashmir BRAINCHILD Ved Bhasin PERIOD: 2004

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CONTOURS

utonomy sovereign, democratic, federal and demilitarized. Jammu-Kash mir; state's security guaranteed jointly by India and Pakistan via a joint council of representatives from Pakistan, India and Kashmir.

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34 PROPOSAL 34

OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED

Autonomy-soft border BRAINCHILD Prem Shankar Jha PERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

aximum functional autonomy for Indian and Pakistani Kashmir with soft borders between them; elected representatives from both Kashmirs decide if they want to set up a common consultative council to coordinate policy on specific subjects. Prem Shankar Jha (born 1938) is the Managing Editor of Financial World, the soon to be launched business daily from Tehelka. He is also a columnist with Tehelka magazine. In 1961, he joined the United Nations where he spent five years in the United Nations Development Programme UNDP. He spent two years in New York as a special assistant to the managing director of the Special Fund Mr. Paul G. Hoffman who was the first administrator of the UNDP. The remaining three were spent in Damascus, Syria. In 1966 Jha joined the Hindustan Times as an assistant editor, in 1969 he moved to the Times of India, where he was the deputy editor of The Economic Times. He then joined the Financial Express as its editor before moving back to the Times of India in 1981 as its economic editor. In 1986 he re-joined the Hindustan Times as its editor. The World Bank appointed him as a consultant in 1978 to prepare a report on the public sector in India. In 1977 the Asia and Pacific Development Administration Centre of the UN in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia gave him the project of preparing a manual for use by public sector managers for operation and evaluation of projects. Jha was a member of the Indian National Commission for UNESCO in 1975-1977 and in 1976 he was a delegate to the 63rd Session of the Indian Science Congress Association, Waltaire. In 1990 he has served as the information advisor to the Prime Minister of India. He has written nine books and two of them are Kashmir 1947: Rival versions of History and Kashmir 1947: the Origins of a dispute

35 PROPOSAL 35

Self-Rule BRAINCHILD Parvez Musharraf PERIOD: 2004

CONTOURS

akistan and India concede and de militarize areas of Jammu-Kashmir no longer truly disputed; remaining regions put under joint supervision of both countries with maximum autonomy or self-rule; ensure soft borders.

PROPOSAL 36

No-borders-autonomy BRAINCHILD Manmohan Singh PERIOD: 2004

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CONTOURS

omplete autonomy to Indian and Pakistan under their respective controls; India and Pakistan to retain control of the currency, defence, election process and judicial systems, LOC while still demarcating territorial control to become open border.

BACKGROUND

(A report in Indiadaily.com by S Chadda appearing on November 20, 2004 outlines Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's proposal for Kashmir)

Manmohan Singh finally came out with India's proposed and acceptable Kashmir solution. India will provide autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir. It will also require that Pakistan provide the same on Pakistan occupied Kashmir. There will be no "border" between the east (Pakistan) Kashmir and west (India) Kashmir. India will hold authority over currency, defense, election process and Vol. 5 Issus 02

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OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED judicial system. The Kashmir Government will manage the rest. Same reciprocation will be required from Pakistan on eastern Kashmir. While rejecting Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf's recent formula on Kashmir, India has proposed a "self rule" and "open borders" to both parts of Jammu and Kashmir. The proposal put forward here unofficially by the Prime Ministers Office (PMO) has set a flurry of activity within the government. Officials here on Friday were busy dusting off the ''Kashmir Autonomy Report'', passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in June 2000, but later out rightly rejected by the previous Atal Bihari Vajpayee government. "Dr Manmohan Singh is in a fast mode of firming up his own Kashmir solution to counter the Musharraf formula with maximum autonomy to the people of Jammu and Kashmir and an eventual "borderless" Kashmir by pressurizing Pakistan to give similar autonomy in their part of Kashmir," sources in the PMO here said. Also China will be made to come around to revive silk routes between Kashmir, Tibet and Xinjiang that could generate prosperity in the region. Soruces in the PMO further said, Dr Manmohan Singh wants to bank on the same report for giving greater autonomy to the state that was adopted by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly during the chief ministership of Dr. Farooq Abdullah but rejected by the NDA government as not in national interest despite his National Conference being its partner. During his visit to Delhi on November 23, Pakistan Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz is supposed to officially convey the proposals floated by President Pervez Musharraf through the media. Dr Manmohan Singh has, however, foreclosed any consideration of such proposals by asserting that there would be no redrawing of the international boundaries or realignment of regions that smacks of communal dimensions. Sources said, Dr Manmohan Singh may give his counter proposals to Aziz for both sides moving fast to give maximum autonomy to the people living on two sides of the Line of Control (LoC) and India will then proceed to start the process of autonomy in Jammu and Kashmir to build pressure on Pakistan to follow suit. India has the benefit of the autonomy report prepared by the Kashmiri experts and adopted by the state assembly to move fast in this direction, the sources pointed out. They said it is not necessary for New Delhi to agree on everything in the report but it will be the basis for starting a process of political discussion. India is keen that the Supreme Court, the Election Commission and the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) continue to have jurisdiction over Jammu and Kashmir. Once the PM gets an analysis of the autonomy report he has ordered to be prepared expeditiously, he will start discussions with those within the political systemboth in the government and in the opposition in Jammu and Kashmirwhile keeping doors open also for others who want to contribute in bringing a new "aman" (peace) to the people of the state, the sources said. They said the PM may even go to the extent of ushering in the pre-1953 autonomy, where New Delhi had powers limited to foreign affairs, defense and currency. "If it dilutes and ends the anti-India attitude of the Kashmiris, New Delhi is ready to re-limit its role to these three areas besides jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, Election Commission and the Comptroller and Auditor-General in the state," the source said. The PM's disgust at the Hurriyat Conference leaders showing no courtesy to come forward to meet even when he traveled all the way to their land was conveyed to the media accompanying him in no uncertain terms, dubbing the Hurriyat leaders as "small men thrown into big chairs." Pointing out that these leaders have no more sway except in own local areas, the sources asserted that they cannot be allowed any longer to be even seen as dictating to the Prime Minister of India. The same Hurriyat leaders who refused to meet Manmohan Singh are to line up in Delhi on November 23 on an invite from the Pakistan High Commissioner in Delhi for a luncheon with the Pakistan Prime Minister and that itself shows these leaders should be better treated with the contempt they deserve, the sources said.

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Quoting the PM, the sources said: "India believes that there should be a free flow of ideas, people and trade between the two parts of Kashmir. In this increasingly borderless world, a day may also come in Kashmir when borders would not matter. It would be then immaterial where the Kashmiris live." The Congress on Friday hailed Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh for asserting India's unwavering stand on its territorial integrity during his two-day visit to Jammu and Kashmir by rejecting the socalled Musharraf formula to resolve the Kashmir issue. Party spokesman Abhishek Singhavi told reporters at the AICC Press briefing that Dr Manmohan Singh has made sincere efforts to impart fresh impetus to Kashmir with an open invite to all for a dialogue to rerail the state on the path of growth and prosperity. While the PM was engaged in constructive and sincere exercise, the Uma Bharti episode overshadowing the BJP whole of the week provided the contrast of comic and hypocritical stance, Singhavi said. "In place of flip-flop-flip by the previous regime on India-Pakistan relations, the unequivocal stand of the PM shows where India stands," Singhavi said. The economic package of Rs 24,000 crores announced by the PM for J&K is moulded by schemes with lasting infrastructure that guarantees growth of the state instead of the ad hoc handouts bordering on charity by the previous government at the Centre, Singhavi added.

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PROPOSAL 37

Autonomy-partition

BRAINCHILD Kuldip Nayyar PERIOD: 2004

OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED

CONTOURS

ull autonomy to a partitioned Jammu-Kash mir, a soft LOC , with minimum changes becomes the international border; state representatives of Pakistani and Indian Kashmir manage all affairs except defence, foreign affairs and communications.

38 PROPOSAL 38

Autonomy-partition BRAINCHILD Verghese Koithara PERIOD: 2004 CONTOURS

OC declared international border with minimal alternations; border remains soft; maximum autonomy with devolution of government on both sides; greatly reduced military presence; low-level mediations role for the United States.

39 PROPOSAL 39

CONTOURS aximum autonomy through devolved powers for both sides of Kash mir; Pakistan integrates Gilgit and Baltistan with Pakistani Kashmir; a permanent body formed jointly by India, Pakistan and representatives from Indian and Pakistani Kashmir responsible for day-to-day functions; soft borders with totally free movement in the long run.

Separate autonomy-joint body BRAINCHILD Strategic Foresight Group PERIOD: 2005

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eunified Jammu-Kashmir with maximum autonomy for both sides; a statewide referendum to ratify level of autonomy; demilitarization except for strategically important external borders; joint India-Pakistan control over issues of vital national interest. Dr Mubashir Hasan is a well-known figure in both academic and political circles in Pakistan. A Ph.D. in civil engineering, he served as an irrigation engineer and taught at the engineering university at Lahore. His formal entry into politics took place in 1967 when the founding convention of the Pakistan Peoples' Party was held at his residence. He was elected a member of the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1970 and served as Finance Minister in the late Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Cabinet from 1971-1974. In 1975, he was elected Secretary General of the PPP. Dr Hasan has written three books, numerous articles, and has spoken extensively on social, economic and political subjects

PROPOSAL 40

Autonomy-referendum BRAINCHILD Mubashir Hassan PERIOD: 2005

CONTOURS

utonomy for the entire state; Pakistan's Northern Areas and territory under Chinese control remains with the respective countries; demilitarization of troubled areas; self -government to Kashmir's; a tripartite supra body having representatives from Pakistan, India and Kashmir to oversee the functioning of a self-governed Jammu-Kashmir.

PROPOSAL 41

Four-Point Formula BRAINCHILD PERVEZ MUSHARRAF PERIOD: 2006

The four point proposal: • phased withdrawal of troops • local self-governance • no changes in the borders of Kash mir

• a joint supervision mechanism in Jammu and Kashmir involving In dia, Pakistan and Kashmir.

42 PROPOSAL 42

Achievable nationhood BRAINCHILD Sajjad Lone, PERIOD: 2006

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BACKGROUND Pakistan's ruler Pervez Musharraf all along his tenure talked about creative proposals on Kashmir. It was during his regime that Pakistan indicated irrelevance of UN resolution and offered to broad-base dialogue with India. 2004 onwards Musharraf started talking about a 'self governance' or 'four-point formula'. However, it was only in December 2006 that he spelled out his formula which was widely welcomed in India, some sections of Pakistan and in Kashmir for the purpose of discussions. It was also first time that Pakistani publicly said to give up its claim to Kashmir. In an interview to Indian news channel NDTV ON December 4, 2006 Pervez Musharraf spelled out a four-point plan for Kashmir that rejected demands for independence. Giving a cold response to Musharraf's suggestions to resolve the Kashmir issue the Indian government, however, said that it was committed to peace and removal of distrust but not in favour of redrawing of boundaries. Musharraf's four-point solution included phased withdrawal of troops; local self-governance; no changes in the borders of Kashmir; and a joint supervision mechanism in Jammu and Kashmir involving India, Pakistan and Kashmir. Musharraf also said he was opposed to independence for Kashmir, but both India and Pakistan will have to compromise.

CONTOURS

overeignty for Jammu-Kashmir; New Delhi and Islamabad demilitarize their re spective parts; formal relationship between Pakistan and Indian Kashmir; and India and Pakistani Kashmir, the tow Kasshmirs have an economic union, joint immigration control, joint control over natural resources and additional sector-specific co-operation. Sajjad Gani Lone is a Kashmiri politician, the youngest son of Abdul Ghani Lone, who was killed in a rally in Srinagar. After the death of his father, Sajjad Lone became the chairman of People's Conference. In the 2009 Indian general election he stood as an independent candidate in Baramulla, becoming the first separatist leader to stand in a general election in Jammu and Kashmir in 20 years. He was defeated by the National Conference candidate Sharifuddin Shariq.

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42 PROPOSAL 43

Self-Rule Framework BRAINCHILD Peoples Democratic Party PERIOD: 2006 onwards

44 PROPOSAL 44

Economics replacing politics BRAINCHILD Shahid Javed Burki, USIP PERIOD: 2007

OPTIONS FOR PEACE PLANS THAT NEVER WORKED

CONTOURS

elf-rule for all of Jammu-Kashmir; soft border but no partition or al tering of the Line of Control; Jammu, Ladakh and Kashmir Valley form their own local assemblies; power-sharing arrangement between Indian and Pakistani Kashmir through a regional council including legislators from both sides. Political restructuring, economic integration between the two parts of Kashmir, demilitarisation and constitutional restructuring within the Indian Constitution are the highlights of the self rule formula which was floated by the Peoples Democratic Party in 2006 and the vision document was formally unveiled on October 26, 2008. The self-rule document was firm on making Article 356 (imposition of President's Rule) non-applicable to Jammu and Kashmir, for which a separate constitution and its special status under Article 370 formed the basis. The Governor should be elected and rotated between Jammu and Srinagar. The PDP termed the economic aspect the critical element of self-rule. Economic integration across the LoC was paramount. For the process of integration, establishing a common economic space, instituting a dual currency system, harmonisation of economic legislation and synergistic regulations were important ingredients

CONTOURS

Constituency for peace developed through economic integration between India and Pakistani Kashmir; 10-year economic development plan leading to free movement of people and tariff-free trade of Kashmiri goods across Pakistan, India and Jammu-Kashmir. The new opportunities explored in his reported written with support from United States Institute of Peace involve moving along three fronts simultaneously. First, India should grant autonomy to the state well beyond that promised in Article 370 of its Constitution. Second, India and Pakistan should allow the free movement of people, goods, and commodities between Pakistan and the part of Kashmir India occupies. The most appropriate way of achieving this would be in the context of the South Asia Free Trade Area, which, having become operational on January 1, 2006, is likely to evolve in terms of its scope and geographic coverage. Third, India and Pakistan should become partners, so that they-along with a community of international and bilateral donors-might consider launching a massive program of economic development and reconstruction on both sides of the border. Although the program suggested in this study would cost $20 billion over a ten-year period, it would roughly double the state's gross domestic product growth rate to 9.5 percent a year, significantly reduce the pool of poverty, and better integrate the economies of the two parts of the state with Pakistan and northern India, respectively. This, in turn, would set the stage for the ultimate resolution of this long-standing conflict

A Pakistani economist, Shahid Javed Burki is a former vice president of the World Bank, where he worked from to 1999. He also served as finance minister of Pakistan in 1996-97. In 2004 he was at Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, where he began work on his latest Historical Dictionary of Pakistan, which was published by Scarecrow Press in 2006

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Epilogue, February 2011

COLUMN HISTORY

India's Relations with the Central Asia: An Assessment of the Poicies 0f the Mughal Emperors of India during the 16th and 17th Century. (PART-I)

PROF JIGAR MOHAMMED

ndia and Central Asian countries maintained diplomatic and com mercial contacts with each other from ancient period. Both the Central Asian and Indian cultures influenced each other from time to time. The Central Asians came to India as rulers or conquerors, soldiers, merchants, sufis, artisans craftsmen and musicians etc. India always remained a favourable country to them in terms of territorial aggrandisement and cultural exchange. The Kushans who ruled many parts of India for a substantial period, contributed greatly for the cultural development of India, Kanishka, the Kushan ruler of Ist and IInd century A.D. introduced the Shaka calendar in India. Satish Chandra, one of the most sincere modern historians, rightly observes, "Throughout Indian History events and developments in Central Asia had a deep and abiding impact on Indiaâ&#x20AC;Śduring the 10th and 12th centuries developments in Central Asia led to the advent of the Ghazanavids, then of Ghurids into India. Similarly, developments in Cental Asia during the 15th and 16th centuries, led to a new Turkish incursion into India, this time in the shape of Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur." (Satish Chandra, Medieval India, Part Two,Mughal Empire (1526-1748), Delhi, 2004, (p.1) Although the process of the cultural contacts between Central Asian states and India started to be strong with foundation of the Kushan rule in India, with the establishment of the Turkish Sultanate in north India, both the diplomatic and commercial relations between these two regions were very much widened. During the Sultanate period (1206-1526), the Central Asian, Persian and Indian cultures came closer to each other. It is well established that the sufis, merchants, scholars and skilled workers travelled from Central Asia and

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Persia to India in search of better opportunities. It is known that the Sufism emerged as one of the most popular social trends of India during the medieval period. Most of the Sufi Silsilas, established in India, belonged to Central Asia and Persia. The occurrence of the socio-political crisis in Central Asia and Persia during the 12th and 13th centuries, caused by the Guzz and Mangol invasions, made devastating impact on the socio-economic life of the people of these regions; a large number of people of people migrated from their homelands to other areas. Since India was better place in terms of peace and resource, some of the Central Asians and Persians came to India. Even the family of famous sufi Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia became the victims of these invasions and decided to migrate to India. Both Khwaja Ali, the paternal grand father of Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia, and Khwaja Arab, the maternal grand father of Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia, belonged to Bokhara. They could not sustain the onslaught of the Mangol leader Changiz Khan and migrated from Bokhara to Lahore and later on they settled at Badaun (in modern Uttar Pradesh). Similarly, merchants of Central Asia also enlarged their trading contacts with India during the Sultanate period. It is known that Iltutmish came to India as a slave. He was brought to India by two slave merchants of Bokhara, known as Bukhara Haji Ali and Jamaluddin Quba. They sold Iltutmish to the Turkish ruler Qutub-ud-din Aibak of the Sultanate of Delhi Later on Iltutmish became the Sutlan (1210-36) of the Sultanate of Delhi. Changiz Khan's attack on Persia compelled Jalal-ud-din Mangbarani, son of Khwarazm Shah of Persia, to flee to India. When Changiz Khan came to know that Jalal-ud-din Mangbarani

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had taken shelter at Multan, he attacked Multan and Lahore and captured them. But because of the hot climate of Punjab the Mangols had to go back to their mountainous region. During the 13th and 14th centuries the Mangol leaders of Central Asia, from Changiz Khan to Timur, invaded north west frontier of India frequently. Virtually Punjab region became a source of the income of the Mangols in terms of plundering. Because of the Mangol menace people of many villages of Punjab migrated from their native places to other safer areas. The sovereignty of the Sultans of Delhi was always endangered by the Mangol invasions. Timur's invasions of India in 1398 devastated the area from Multan to Delhi. His invasion brought deluge for both the common people and ruling class of north India, Many rulers of north west frontier of India accepted his sovereignty. His invasion also changed the political set up of the Sultanate of Delhi. It caused the decline of the Tughluq dynasty. Sayyid Khizr Khan, one of the associates of Timur, laid the foundation of the rule of the Sayyid dynasty in India. The Sayyid dynasty acted as one of the tributaries of Timur in the Sultanate of Delhi. As a mark of the recognition of Timur's sovereignty, Khizr Khan included the name of Timur and after him Shah Rukh in the Khutba. However, it was Sultanate period when the Mangols of Central Asia realised the influence of Indian culture on themselves. During the reign of the Sultan Jalal-ud-din Khilji (1290-96), the Mangols under their leader Abdullah attacked the north west frontier of India. Jalal-ud-din Khilji defeated the Mangols and compelled Abdullah to retire from the frontier of India. At the same time a process of the friendship between the Mangols and Sultan of Delhi started.

Epilogue, February 2011

41 Ulugh Khan, a grand son of Halaku, along with his army men accepted Islam and sought permission from the Sultan Jalal-ud-din Khilji to stay in the Sultanate of Delhi. The Sultan not only permitted them to settle in Delhi, but he also provided them accommodation and other supports The Mangol settlement used to be called Mughalpura. The Mangol leader Timur was also very much impressed by the skills of the Indian artisans. After his invasion when he departed from India to Samarqand, he carried on a large number of the Indian artisans as captives to Samarqand. It is said that Timur was very much impressed from the architectural beauty of the Jama mosque of Delhi, constructed by the Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq (1351-87). When Timur reached Samarqand, he ordered the construction of a grand mosque there. He also ordered that the Indian masons and craftsmen, brought by him to Samarqand, were to be employed for the beautification of the mosque. Thus India's interactions with the Mangols of the Central Asia started with destructive activities of the latter, but later on a process of cultural synthesis also started. During the 16th century the Mughals entered India as conqueror and ruling class under the leadership of Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur. They were very much proud of being the descendants of Changiz Khan and Timur. Before the foundation of Mughal rule in India Babur and his ancestors had played a leading role in the political life of Central Asia. His father Mirza Umar Shaikh was the ruler of Farghana. After the latter's death in 1494, Babur became the ruler of Farghana. In the beginning of his reign in Farghana Babur not only maintained an effective control on it, but he also initiated a process of territorial expansion and conquered Samarqand in 1497. But the political strife and mutual rivalries among the ruling families of Central Asia did not allow Babur to keep his political power intact for long time. Both his relations and Uzbeks attacked him. The attack of Shaibani Khan Uzbek compelled him to leave his native state. In 1502 he went to Tashkant, ruled by his maternal uncle Mahmud Khan. n 1504 Babur came to Kabul and established his rule. He maintained his rule in Kabul up to 1525. But he found that Kabul was a very small and economically weak area, there was hardly

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COLUMN HISTORY any opportunity for Babur to express his talent in terms of military strength and territorial aggrandisement. However, in 1526 he was provided an opportunity by the Afghans of India to extend his rule beyond Kabul. In the same year he attacked the Afghan Sultan Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26) of the Sultanate of Delhi and defeated him. Babur's success against Ibrahim Lodi led to the establishment of the Mughal rule in India With the foundation of Mughal rule in India, Babur initiated a policy to strengthen ties between India and Central Asia. Though Babur came to India with a definite objective of making it as a place of his permanent settlement, he and his associates worked on the political pattern of Central Asia. It is important to mention that after the establishment of his sovereignty in north India, Babur dreamt to bring Farghana and Samarqand under his control. Keeping in view the political trends of Central Asia he decided keep a watch on its political developments. He was fully aware that the foundation of his rule in India could be shaken by his Central Asian rivals. It is well established that Babur's contemporary Cental Asian states were full of internal conflicts, conspiracy and tribal rivalries. Commenting on the internal conditions of Central Asia in the first of the 16th century, E. Dennison Ross, the translator of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, writes, " In Central Asia it was a period of full of accident: were on foot on every side: states were over run and cities besieged, while rulers arose and went down, almost from day today, according to their fortune in war or intrigue. The princes and the descendents of exiled ruling families, together with most of the Khans and Begs of the various tribes, found themselves forced to take a side, either in support of their house or their relations, or in their self defence, and in many cases they seem to have changed sides with as little consideration for the rights and wrongs of the cause, as when they first took a part in the quarrel. When they were strong they attacked a neighbour with or without reasonâ&#x20AC;Ś" (Mirza Haidar Dughlat, Tarikh-iRashidi (Persian), Eng, Translation by Dennison Ross, Delhi, 1986, p.2) His political experience and early difficulties realised Babur to have a strong frontier to deal with his Central Asian rivals. He also in-

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structed his son Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Humayun to take advantage of the Uzbeks defeat at the hands of Shah Tahmasp of Persia. Babur wanted that Humayun should conquer Samarqand. Though Humayun failed to fulfil the desire of his father, Babur till the last days of his life was hopeful of conquering Samarqand and ruling it from Agra Babur's attachment with his ancestral lands in Central Asia is vividly depicted in his Memoirs, Tuzuki-Baburi or Baburnama. In his Memoirs he gives a detailed description of the different places of Central Asia. His description of Farghana and Samarqand incorporates their physical features, existing political systems, nature of the population, army, agriculture, horticulture and routes to the different neighbouring states. To keep the memory of Central Asia alive in the minds of his successors and to inspire them to strengthen their ties with Farghana and Samarqand Babur narrates the achievements of his ancestors, from Timur to his own father Mirza Umar Shaikh, in very interesting manner. To draw the attention of the Mughals of India towards the significance of Samarqand Babru writes, "Few towns in the whole hospitable world are so pleasant as Samarkandâ&#x20AC;Śits country people used to call (it) Mawara' unnahr(Transoxiana). They used to call it Baldat-i-mahfuza because no foe laid hands on it with storm and sack. It must have become Musalman in the time of the Commander of the Faithful, his Highness 'Usman'. Qusam ibn Abbas, one of the companions, must have gone there; his burial place, known as the tomb of the Shah-i-Zinda( the Living Shah, i.e. Faqir) is outside the Iron Gate. Iskandar must have founded Samarkand. The Turks and Mughals hordes call it Simiz-kint (fat village) Timur Beg made his capital; no ruler of so great will ever have made it a capital before (qilghan aimas dur). I ordered people to pace round the ramparts of the walled-town; it came out at 10,000 steps (qadam). Samrkandis are all orthodox (sunni), pure-in-the Faith, lqw abiding and religious. The number of Leaders of Islam said to hae arisen in Ma wara' u'n-nahr, since the days of his Highness the Prophet, are not known to have arisen in any other countryâ&#x20AC;ŚIn the town and suburbs of Samarkand are many fine buildings and gardens of Timur Beg and Aulugh Beg Mirza.

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COLUMN HISTORY

In the citadel, Timur Beg erected a very fine building, the great four-storeyed kiosque, known as the Gul Sarai. In the walled town, again, near the Iron Gate, he built a Friday Mosque of stone (sangin); on this worked many stone-cutters, brought from Hindustan…Samarkand is a wonderfully beautified town. One of its specialities, perhaps found in few other places, is that the different traders are not mixed up together in it but each has its own bazar, a good sort of plan. Its bakers and cooks are good. The best paper in the world is made there…Another article of Samarkand trade, carried to all sides and quarters, is cramoisy velvet." (Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur, Baburnama, Eng. Tr. by A.S. Beveridge, Delhi, 1997, pp. 74-81). Babur's methods and approach of narrating te historical events of Central Asia indicate that he presented his memoirs as a gazetteer to his successors in India. However, to keep a close watch on the political situation of Central Asia Babur worked in two ways. First, he kept a strong control over the routes from India to Central; throughout his reign he retained Kabul, Ghazni, Qandhar and Badakhshan as the integral parts of Mughal India and developed friendly diplomatic relations with Central Asia's neighbouring countries such as Persia, Ottoman Turkey and others. Secondly, he exchanged envoys with Central Asia frequently.12 Thus, first time in the history of India, Babur made India an active participants in the Central Asian politics and widened the scope for a long lasting diplomatic relations between India and Central Asia. Babur initiated a definite pattern of Central Asian policy, which intended to have regular political contacts with Central Asia so that his empire could be safe and no Central Asian power could get an opportunity to share political power with him in India. Even Babur did not associate with the Uzbegs to form an alliance against Persia. From his days in Central Asia to the foundation of his rule in India Babur felt more comfortable to be nearer to Persia than to Uzbeks. Babur's Central Asian policy, in terms of diplomatic relation, was broadened by his successors. Though Nasiruddin Muhammad Humayun (1530-40 and 1555-56) was very

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much involved in the internal affairs of his empire and had hardly any time to play a role in the Central Asian politics or to initiate a new policy to safeguard the frontier of his empire against the Uzbeks, he made an alliance with Safavide ruler Shah Tahmasp of Persia to regain his lost empire of India instead of seeking any assistance from the Uzbeks of Central Asia. Humayun also treated Balkh as a buffer between him and the Uzbeks. When Humayun returned from Persia, he decided to strengthen his position in Afghanistan and Transoxiana. First he conquered Qandhar, Kabul and Badakhshan. Humayun also attacked Balkh and defeated its Uzbek governor Pir Muhammed . But because of the rebellion of his brother Kamran Huamyun failed to maintain his sovereignty in the Balkh and it was reoccupied by the Uzbeks. The Mughal emperor Akbar(1556-1605) not only continued the Central Asian policy of his ancestors, but he also added some new points to it intending to keep peace in Central Asia. Akbar believed that peace in Central Asia could strengthen the internal security of India. It is important to mention that When Akbar became the Mughal emperor, the political chaos was the dominant trend of Central Asia. Abdul Aziz, the ruler of Transoxiana died in 1551. Afterwards his successors such as Muhammad Yar Sultan, Burban Khan and Borak Khan contributed to the spread of political instability and factionalism in Central Asia. It was 1570s when Abdulla Khan Uzbek fought for the establishment of political stability in large part of Central Asia. He became successful in his mission and became the master of the large parts of Central Asia. Abdulla made considerable gains in term of territorial expansion. He also showed his inclination to form an alliance with the Mughals of India to strengthen his position in Central Asia and reduce the power of the Shah of Persia. In 1572-73 Abdulla Khan initiated the process of strenthening his ties with the Mughal emperor Akbar. According to Abul Fazl, "One of the occurrences of this time (1572-73)…was that Abdullah Khan Uzbeg, the ruler of Turan, was induced by the fame and majesty of this sovereignty (Akbar's) to send

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Haji Altamash as an ambassodor. He brought with him letters of respects and affection, and the curiosities of his country. The purport of his letters was to recall ancient relations and to renew friendship, in order that by the help of such Divine glory he might act vigorously against the other princes of Turan. Another object was that he might repose in peace and be without apprehension of the strokes of this world conquering armies. For greater security and success he sent presents to Munim Khan Khan-i-Khanan and the Khan Aazim Mirza Mirza Koka in order that they might exert themselves to lay the foundations of friendship. The prudent sovereign received the ambassador graciously, and gave him his dismissal after he had discharged his duty. Present consisting of the rarities of India were sent along with him." (Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, Vol. II, Eng. Tr. by H. Beveridge, Delhi, 1972, p. 534) The mention of Abul Fazl regarding the letters of Abdulla Khan to the Mughal emperor Akbar through his said envoy show that the Uzbek leader wished to have an alliance with the Mughals of India. Though the purpose of the formation of this alliance is not clearly shown by the letter, it seems that Abdulla Khan intended to use his alliance with the Mughals against Persia. But as far as Akbar's response was concerned, Abul Fazl's mention clear shows that the Mughal emperor did not show any interest in forming an alliance with the Uzbek against any other neighbouring power. Even Akbar did not send his envoy to Abdulla Khan to encourage diplomatic exchanges. Two reasons have been given by the modern historians for Akbar's cold response to the Abdulla Khan's initiatives. First, Akbar was planning to conquer Turan. Secondly, Akabr was not interested to embitter his relations with Persia for the sake of Uzbek's interests. However, Akbar intensified the process of the commercial contacts with the Central Asia. The Ain-i-Akbari records of the presence of Central Asian products and Central Asians in the Indian markets, army and literary field etc. Abul Fazl, author of the Ain-i-Akbari, mentions the fruits of the Central Asia, available in India, the Mewa-i-Turan.

Epilogue, February 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS

EDUCATION

Ladakh's Education Reforms: Scaling up and down TSEWANG RIGZIN

ight after the independence until recent years, there have been numerous incredible movements initiated by Ladakhi leaders and social reformers to bring awareness among Ladakhi public about the very meaning and importance of education and strengthening of government schools, to make education accessible and affordable to all reach and poor. Many of Ladakh's renowned and admired doctors, engineers and officers, both retired and serving, are the products of government schools of a time when private school culture almost didn't exist in the region. But those days education through schooling system was new to Ladakhi society, and consequently people were reluctant to enroll their children into school for modern education. Fortunately, Leh Ladakh had prominent leaders like Kushok Bakula Rinpochey who, during 1950s and 1960s, launched door to door campaigns in every nook and corner of the region to convince Ladakhi people for enrolling their children into schools. However, with the passage of time, between 1980s and early 1990's, the quality of education through government schools had deteriorated and the education system had become quite irrelevant to Ladakhi children, and as result of which the pass percentage in class 10th was not more than five. Every year hundreds of youth were coming out of schools as metric failed students. The participation of parents in the betterment of schools or the community ownership of their village schools almost didn't exist. "The language used in books and exams was one non-Ladakhi language, Urdu, up to class 8, and then another, English, for classes 9 and 10. All the textbooks, even in early primary classes,

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came from Delhi. The examples were of unfamiliar cultures and environments like ships, oceans, coconut trees and monsoon rains. These alien examples in alien languages only confused Ladakhi children". Students' Educational & Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL) was found in response to the gloomy state of education and in 1994 it launched a movement called the Operation New Hope (ONH) to make education relevant and meaningful to Ladakhi society. With the formation of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council Leh in 1995, the ONH was adopted by the Hill Council as its policy on education. Through this movement efforts have been made to bring the education system closer to Ladakh's life and culture. Hundreds of teachers, Village Educations Committee (VEC) members and other community leaders were given appropriate trainings. Medium of instruction was changed from Urdu to English and locally relevant textbooks were introduced. "The ONH movement had three arms working together: the Government, the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and the village communities. ONH's aims and objectives have been: To organize the village communities for active constructive participation in the running of schools through the formation of Village Education Committees (VECs). To train teachers in creative, child-centered, and activity-based teaching methods in order to make schooling less painful and more joyful for children. To produce Ladakh-relevant versions of primary textbooks and

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teaching materials. To use the above factors to revive the interest, strengthen the confidence, and enhance the dedication of Government school teachers." Due to the initiatives taken through ONH many things started changing in the otherwise given-up government schools of Ladakh. One simple indicator of our success has been the matriculation results, which rose up to 56% pass by 2004, after being a mere 5% pass continuously until 1998. It was indeed a significant achievement in a span of one decade, yet there were still lots of things to do to achieve the goals envisaged through the Operation New Hope. When the Government of India launched the Sarva Shiksha Abiyan program in the year 2000, it had already been almost five years in Leh district to have launched the much acclaimed Operation New Hope, similar to the national program SSA.

Launch of Ladakh Model of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan The launch of the Model of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (LMSSA) or the second phase of Operation New Hope by the then President of India, Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam in Leh in 2006 at Leh was another historical event in the process of education reform movement. This program was formulated to further address the remaining ills in the government school system if they are to survive as a source of quality education for all. This program aimed to present the major challenges facing Ladakhi schools due to which the government schools show very poor results making them unable to attract children, despite the fact that in Ladakh the government spends more than a staggering over

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EDUCATION

Rs 2,000 per child per month, which is comparable to any best private school. Thus the program aimed to overhaul the government schooling system in Ladakh and make our otherwise neglected rural government schools comparable in quality to any other private or public schools. The vision statement of the program states: "The ultimate vision of the programme would be to jump-start the government educational machinery to a level of quality where the educated and the influential of the society can also entrust their children to state schools. It may sound farfetched for the rest of the country but in Ladakh, after ten years of reforms, this process has already started and there are instances of people including some leaders bringing their children from private schools into an improved local government school." The State directorate of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan hoped that this program would become a paradigm shift in the educational system at elementary level. Responding to LMSSA concept document the then State Project Director SSA Mr Farooq Ahmed Peer noted that the practical and beautiful ideas put forward in the paper touch the core problems affecting elementary education. "I must inform you that SSA does not only support such ideas but prompts the various stakeholders to think innovatively and implement the program in the local sociocultural context, Mr. Peer appreciated. Dr. Kalam was so optimistic about the education reform movement in Ladakh that he even appreciated the launch of the Ladakh Model of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan in his speech on the eve of the Independence Day 2006. In his address to the nation on eve of the independence day, referring to the improvement of Ladakh's education system and the launch Ladakh Model of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, the Dr Kalam said, "I am very confident that such initiatives, when applied across the country in the total education system will enable us to realize near 100 percent literacy and employable skills among youth, leading to a Knowledge Society by the year 2020."

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Stagnancy and collapse of historic reforms Soon after its historic launch by the President of Indian in presence of the Governor and the Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir among dignitaries, LMSSA had to be suspended on account of some differences arose between Mr. M K Dwevidi, the then deputy commissioner and chief executive councilor of the Hill Council and SECMOL, the organization which partnered the Hill Council for LMSSA and ONH movements. The Chairman of the Hill Council had requested SECMOL to continue its support to the Hill Council by "providing expertise in teachers' trainings and mobilizing and training the Village Education Committees" to realize the goals envisaged through such movements. But on the other hand, Mr. M K Dwevidi ordered a complete ban on SECMOL's collaboration with any government department. Showing some brutal use of power, the DC leveled the founder of SECMOL and architect of the Operation New Hope (ONH), Mr. Sonam Wangchuk with charges including antinational among many other allegations. Since then the NGO suspended its activities with government schools in Leh. Consequently this ambitious program had to be put into hibernation. The suspension of such movements has affected the rural schools a lot. Class 10th results in Leh in the last few years have once again shown the signs of stagnation and degradation. The dismal result brings to fore the negligence caused to the education sector by the concerned authorities. Authorities have failed to maintain and carry forward such prestigious education movement of Ladakh like the ONH which is being replicated in other parts of the country and the world today. After the success of ONH, Nepal and Bhutan sought the expertise of the architect of ONH, Mr. Sonam Wangchuk, who is also a member of the Governing Council of National Mission for Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, to advise the neighboring countries on their education programs. About a year ago Bhutan invited Mr. Wangchuk to advise the

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country how it can create a national educational system that truly reflects the principles of Bhutan's unique development philosophy of Gross National Happiness (GNH). The Prime Minister of Royal Government of Bhutan Mr. Jigmi Y. Thinley sought the expertise of Mr. Wangchuk to help Bhutan "clearly delineate our vision and educational objectives and how we can achieve and implement them". Hence, the sudden collapse in the process of education reform movement, among other factors, can be well attributed to the uncalled for actions of Mr. M K Dwevidi, who, before his transfer from Leh, kept no stone unturned to create a deep rift between the government departments and reputed local NGOs (a classical example of "divide and rule" formula). This is of course very discouraging to see that after years of struggle to reform the education system things are once again moving back to square one. A number of primary schools had to be closed in the district in the recent years on account of several reasons including parents pulling their children from government schools and enrolling them into private schools. Parents in certain areas have once again stated losing faith in the government run village schools. The most affected ones from such a poor system are mainly the voiceless and powerless children hailing from rural villages of Ladakh, because government schools are a ray of hope for quality education for all - rich and poor, rural and urban. Formation of VECs and fund raising drives.. Dr. Kalam donated an amount of rupees 3 lakh (three hundred thousand rupees) to the VECs of the district. The Hill Council distributed this amount among all VECs (about 300 VECs) of the district during the annual Bakula Rinpochey campaign in 2006 as seed contribution from the President of India with an appeal to multiply the amount through generous donation from villagers and other sources. In most villages every family had agreed to donate an amount

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minimum of Rs 100 per year to the VEC funds and accordingly the President of India need money multiplied into several times in a short period. One day one individual from Sabu village appeared before the CEC LAHDC Leh in 2006 with a cash of 1 lakh and five rupees (Rs 100005). He said he was inspired by the appeals made by the Hill Council and the NGOs on the local radio and television requesting for assistance and support for the education movements being carried out to strengthen the government schools. This way of raising such funds was discovered and found successful when SECMOL received a donation of 1.50 lakh rupees from His Holiness the Dalai Lama in 1998. The NGO distributed the amount among all VECs as a sacred seed contribution and in less than a year the amount had grown about ten times. A Ray of Hope: Unlike the other districts of the State of Jammu & Kashmir, Leh district has a Vision Document called Ladakh -2025 which envisages that "by 2025, Ladakh will emerge as the country's best model of hill area development in a challenging environment, with its sustainability embed-

ded in ecological protection, cultural heritage and human development". The document states that Government schools should be completely overhauled to restore faith in them. It lays emphasis to make education more locally relevant for children. Among many other important strategies for overhauling the education system, the Vision 2025 has declared that "there should be convergence and synergy among schemes like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan from the central government and the Hill Council's own Operation New Hopeâ&#x20AC;Ś. locally relevant Textbooks and teaching learning methods (TLMs) should be used, with perhaps a separate curriculum for nomadic children. In future, Ladakh could even have its own curriculum in the form of a Ladakh Board of School Education." The newly elected LAHDC under the chairmanship of Sh Rigzin Spalbar is keen to revisit the Ladakh Document and implement it in letter and spirit. Sh Rigzin Spalbar was instrumental in the formation and the launch of the Vision Document in 2005. However, soon after the launch of this ambitious project by the Prime Minister in Leh followed the 3rd LAHDC Elections, and Mr. Spalbar

couldn't make a comeback in power. Unfortunately, the Vision DocumentLadakh 2025 was not implemented by the LAHDC that succeeded Mr. Spalbar. However, the recent return of Sh Rigzin Spalbar as the chairman of the 4th LAHDC has raised hopes and expectations among many that he would implement the Vision Document to avoid the present trend of development, the unplanned and haphazard development. Mr. Spalbar has repeated vowed to carry out all developmental plans in accordance with the roadmap laid down for Ladakh in the Vision Document. Let's hope Mr. Spalbar overcomes all odds that might come his way in implementing 'his' Vision and also to undo what have gone wrong in the last few years, eventually, to make Ladakh a model for the rest of the country. Let's also hope that Ladakhis rise above pity selfish interests and personal difference to support revolutionary programs like the Vision Document Ladakh 2025. -Under NFI fellowship program Note: All quotations, unless otherwise attributed, have been taken from ONH brochures.

Leh Councilors get expert training A two-week long exposure tour for the newly elected Councilors of LAHDC Leh was started from January 1, 2011. The touring team led by the CEC, LAHDC, Leh Mr. Rigzin Spalbar visited Delhi, Mumbai, and Gujarat, and interacted different experts. In Delhi workshops were held about effective implementation of MG-NREGA and watershed programs with experts from the concerned ministries. Member parliament and former Union Minister, Mani Shankar Aiyar, also spoke to the Councilors about the importance of devolution of power and having Panchayati Raj in place to ensure smooth development at the grassroots. He urged that Government of Jammu & Kashmir should lose no time anymore to hold the much delayed Panchayat elections in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. In Mumbai councilors were given trainings on "MGNREGA, Governance, Development, Disaster Management and Leadership". Providing of effective leadership to the public was a core issue. At Ahmadabad in Gujarat the Councilors attended a workshop organized by the National Institute for Disaster Mitigation Institute. The tour was organized by the TATA- LAHDC Development Support Program (Gyurja) as an endeavor to broaden the vision of the newly elected Councilors at the start of the tenure and also to learn from successful stories/programs elsewhere in the country. The team included the Chief Executive Councilor, Executive Councilors, Councilors and Representatives of some NGOs from Leh. -Tsewang Rigzin

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Epilogue, February 2011

PEPORTAGE KASHMIR'S TIMBER MAFIA

For timber smugglers, the summer of unrest is a boon ZEENAT ZEESHAN FAZIL

While the summer of unrest in Kashmir was devastating human lives and disrupting normal life of citizens, there has been another kind of plunder going on deep within the forests. The nexus between illegal cutting of trees and the smuggling these through a maze of check-posts has existed for a long time. It is at times like these that it is emboldened to strike even deeper into the green-gold of the region.

omehow the measure of any disaster or destruc tive activity or violence is always taken in terms of loss of human lives, of property and disruption in daily life of ordinary citizens. Yes these are of paramount importance but does anyone care to also examine the illeffect on the larger environment? Conflict the world over has robbed nations and societies of their heritage, archeological, literary, cultural. It has caused havoc to natural resources, forests, to agricultural lands, which get attention typically after the violence and anger have subsided and sometimes it is by then too late. In Kashmir too, behind the smoke-screen of the continuing unrest beginning in summer last and continuing for a few months, timber smugglers have been working overtime to loot as much of green gold as they could. This is not the first time. Sources say that when militancy broke out and gathered momentum in the nineties, it was pretty much the same scenario. The spread of their operations is vast according to reports. Lush forests in the Kothar range,

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Shopian-Pulwama, Doodganaga range, Rithan range, Beerwah range, Googaldhara area in Tangmarg, Rafiabad, Doabgah range and Kandi range of Baramulla are affected zones. The forests are no doubt spread over a wide expanse across the valley. Vigilance naturally cannot be water-tight even though there are laws in place and an entire department is dedicated to it. But whatever the systems and mechanisms had been prior to the summer of unrest in Kashmir, it simply fell apart. Timber smuggling actually means the process, the entire chain of events to reach the timber to the market. Illegal felling is what starts this process. At every step, there need to be checks and technically they are there. It is just that the entire region was engulfed by the cycle of violence, that the system quite literally froze. Thus giving a free hand to the criminals. "I believe the extent of damage done to the forests in these areas during these three months has taken forest damage back to the levels of 1990s when militancy was at its peak and the timber smugglers were having a free run," confessed a senior officer of Forest department on conditions of anonymity. Forests are an open and not a locked treasure; so one can expect illegal felling anywhere and at any time, but in the current unrest even the official monitoring mechanism has fallen apart which has only contributed to the increased illegal activity," he added. It would however be na誰ve to assume that it was due to the power-vaccum alone

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that the rampant felling of trees and smuggling of wood took place or at any rate heightened its pace. No activity concerning the 'commons' can be conducted without the knowledge if not the tacit approval of the local community. It is now an accepted fact across forums for environmental degradation that impoverished communities contribute to the destruction of the forests, often by turning a blind eye to their exploitation by outside parties. So has been the case in this beautiful vale. The plunder of forest then gets into another gear, that of actual transporting the loot through a maze of check-posts established by the Forest Department. According to the forest officer , these are lax which leads to safe passage to these jungle smugglers. He attributed this laxity to the excessive redtape plaguing the Forest Department. . "We are still relying on and using techniques which are already outdated and obsolete while the demand of the hour is that these need to be changed." For instance, the Forest Protection Fund meant for the protection of the forests is same as it was in 1989, which obviously needs to be increased. The hands of the Forest Officers are also tied. They actually need to be co-opted into a network which would work to bust the smuggling rackets. But sadly there is

www.epilogue.in

no such plan on the anvil, nor any funds available to action it. This actually would be an effective counter-move to combat the network of timber smugglers and illegal fellers. In such a scenario, the connivance of the local authorities or some elements within it is a given. Locals of Tangmarg area of North Kashmir's Baramulla district allege "not only are the timber smugglers involved in the game but the Special Operations Group (SOG) people are also involved." "The SOG people ferry illegal timber in their official vehicles during night time," said Abdul Hamid Wagay of Chandilora, Tangmarg. The losses meanwhile are mounting. The Chief Conservator of Forests, Molvi Shafat Ahmad admitted that illegal felling of trees and timber smuggling had increased over the months of unrest but claims that the situation has normalised . He says the damage to the trees at the moment is more localised and not part of a larger design by the illegal traders. " Now situation is under control as most of our forest staff is back to their job" That the Forest Department needs to tighten its belt is a foregone conclusion. But the issue needs to be seen in the wider perspective. Yes environmental degradation is a live issue across the country where the Ministry of Environment is taking stringent steps

Vigilance naturally cannot be water-tight even though there are laws in place and an entire department is dedicated to it. But whatever the systems and mechanisms had been prior to the summer of unrest in Kashmir, it simply fell apart. Timber smuggling actually means the process, the entire chain of events to reach the timber to the market. Illegal felling is what starts this process. At every step, there need to be checks and technically they are there. It is just that the entire region was engulfed by the cycle of violence, that the system quite literally froze. Thus giving a free hand to the criminals. "I believe the extent of damage done to the forests in these areas during these three months has taken forest damage back to the levels of 1990s when militancy was at its peak and the timber smugglers were having a free run," confessed a senior officer of Forest department on conditions of anonymity. Forests are an open and not a locked treasure; so one can expect illegal felling anywhere and at any time, but in the current unrest even the official monitoring mechanism has fallen apart which has only contributed to the increased illegal activity," he added. to bring defaulters to book whether they be connected with the mining industry, residential townships or SEZ's. Needless to say, these measures put an abrupt halt to the designs of land profiteers or industry barons who have their eyes set on plundering the area . In Kashmir, there are different dynamics at work. The eruption of conflict throws a spanner in the process of environmental protection by the state. This has been demonstrated during the recent months as well as the previous phase of militancy. The systems of checks and monitoring established by the government stands compromised for the period of unrest. This needs to be addressed. Even if we go by the claims of the Forest Department that once the unrest subsides, it is back to normal, there still is a need to be vigilant, to have a system in place which would not allow the green-gold of Kashmir to be compromised again and again. Somehow the measure of any disaster or destructive activity or violence is always taken in terms of loss of human lives, of property and disruption in daily life of ordinary citizens. Yes these are of paramount importance but does anyone care to also examine the ill-effect on the larger environment? Conflict the world over has robbed nations and societies of their heritage, archeological, literary, cultural. It has caused havoc to natural resources, forests, to agricultural lands, which get attention typically after the

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Epilogue, February 2011

PEPORTAGE KASHMIR'S TIMBER MAFIA

violence and anger have subsided and sometimes it is by then too late. In Kashmir too, behind the smoke-screen of the continuing unrest beginning in summer last and continuing for a few months, timber smugglers have been working overtime to loot as much of green gold as they could. This is not the first time. Sources say that when militancy broke out and gathered momentum in the nineties, it was pretty much the same scenario. The spread of their operations is vast according to reports. Lush forests in the Kothar range, ShopianPulwama, Doodganaga range, Rithan range, Beerwah range, Googaldhara area in Tangmarg, Rafiabad, Doabgah range and Kandi range of Baramulla are affected zones. The forests are no doubt spread over a wide expanse across the valley. Vigilance naturally cannot be water-tight even though there are laws in place and an entire department is dedicated to it. But whatever the systems and mechanisms had been prior to the summer of unrest in Kashmir, it simply fell apart. Timber smuggling actually means the process, the entire chain of events to reach the timber to the market. Illegal felling is what starts this process. At every step, there need to be checks

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and technically they are there. It is just that the entire region was engulfed by the cycle of violence, that the system quite literally froze. Thus giving a free hand to the criminals. "I believe the extent of damage done to the forests in these areas during these three months has taken forest damage back to the levels of 1990s when militancy was at its peak and the timber smugglers were having a free run," confessed a senior officer of Forest department on conditions of anonymity. Forests are an open and not a locked treasure; so one can expect illegal felling anywhere and at any time, but in the current unrest even the official monitoring mechanism has fallen apart which has only contributed to the increased illegal activity," he added. It would however be na誰ve to assume that it was due to the power-vaccum alone that the rampant felling of trees and smuggling of wood took place or at any rate heightened its pace. No activity concerning the 'commons' can be conducted without the knowledge if not the tacit approval of the local community. It is now an accepted fact across forums for environmental degradation that impoverished communities contribute to the destruction of the forests, often by turning a blind eye to their exploitation by outside parties. So has been the case in this beautiful vale. The plunder of forest then gets into another gear, that of actual transporting the loot through a maze of check-posts established by the Forest Department. According to the forest officer , these are lax which leads to safe passage to these jungle smugglers. He attributed this laxity to the excessive red-tape plaguing the Forest Department. . "We are still relying on and using techniques which are already outdated and obsolete while the demand of the hour is that these need to be changed." For instance, the Forest Protection Fund meant for the protection of the forests is same as it was in 1989, which obviously needs to be increased. The hands of the Forest Officers are also tied. They actually need to be co-opted into a network which would work to bust the smuggling rackets. But sadly there is no such plan on the anvil, nor any funds available to action it. This actually would be an effective counter-move to combat the network of timber smugglers and illegal fellers. In such a scenario, the connivance of the local authorities or some elements within it is a given. Locals of Tangmarg area of North Kashmir's Baramulla district allege "not only are the timber smugglers involved in the game but the Special Operations Group (SOG) people are also involved." "The SOG people ferry illegal timber in their official vehicles during night time," said Abdul Hamid Wagay of Chandilora, Tangmarg. The losses meanwhile are mounting. The Chief Conservator of Forests, Molvi Shafat Ahmad admitted that illegal felling of trees and timber smuggling had increased over the months of unrest but claims that the situation has normalised . He says the damage to the trees at the moment is more localised and not part of a larger design by the illegal traders. " Now situation is under control as most of our forest staff is back to their job" That the Forest Department needs to tighten its belt is a foregone conclusion. But the issue needs to be seen in the wider perspective. Yes environmental degradation is a live issue across the country where the Ministry of Environment is taking stringent steps to bring defaulters to book whether they be connected with the mining industry, residential townships or SEZ's. Needless to say, these measures put an abrupt halt to the designs of land profiteers or industry barons who have their eyes set on plundering the area . In Kashmir, there are different dynamics at work. The eruption of conflict throws a spanner in the process of environmental protection by the state. This has been demonstrated during the recent months as well as the previous phase of militancy. The systems of checks and monitoring established by the government stands compromised for the period of unrest. This needs to be addressed. Even if we go by the claims of the Forest Department that once the unrest subsides, it is back to normal, there still is a need to be vigilant, to have a system in place which would not allow the green-gold of Kashmir to be compromised again and again. This piece has been generated with support of charkha communication and development Network

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Epilogue, February 2011

CALENDAR JANUARY 2011 J&K AFFAIRS

UDHAMPUR, JAN 1: Lieutenant General, K T Parnaik takes over command of the prestigious Northern Command headquartered at Udhampur in Jammu province. Immediately after his arrival Bikram Park Helipad, the new Army Commander laid a wreath at the Dhruva Shaheed Samark and proceeded to meet all officers posted in Headquarters Northern Command. General Parnaik is an alumnus of the National Defence Academy, Khadakvasla and was commissioned into Rajputana Rifles on March 31, 1972 JAMMU, JAN 1: The Border Security Forces lodge protest with Pakistani Rangers over ceasefire violation on December 26 at Ballard post in Ramgarh sector of Samba district on Indo-Pak Internal Border in Jammu province. The protest was lodged in a Commandant level flag meeting held at Ramgarh Border Out Post (BOP). Commanding Officer 59 BSF O P Upadhyaya and Wing Commander, Chenab Rangers Raja Syed attended the meeting, sources reported. JAMMU, JAN 2: Peoples Democratic Party patron and former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed says that resolution of Kashmir issue cannot be put into the cold storage any more, risking the future of the people of the region. He was addressing a meeting of party workers in the winter capital. Mufti said that opinion of majority of the people from South Asia was in favour of peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue in order to realize the full development potential of the region NEW DELHI, JAN 2: Replying to an RTI query of an activist, the Home Ministry says that a total of 7,031 civilians and security force personnel were killed due to violence in Jammu and Kashmir in the last 10 years. 4,812 civilians and 2,219 security force personnel have lost their lives since 2001 to August 2010 in Jammu and Kashmir, the Home Ministry said. "Law and order is a state subject and measures are taken by the Jammu and Kashmir Government to maintain peace and public order", the Home Ministry said in its response to a query by an activist named Ashwini Shrivastava. JAMMU, JAN 3: Director General of Jammu and Kashmir Police Kuldeep Khoda claims that five out of 10 districts of Jammu region are completely free of militancy while in other districts the militancy has sharply declined. Khoda told reporters: ''Jammu, Kathua, Samba, Reasi and Udhampur districts are totally free of militancy in Jammu region. There has been a sharp decline in militancy related incidents in five other districts". JAMMU, JAN 3: The Central Electricity Authority gives clearance to the construction of Stage-II of the Baglihar

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Hydroelectric Project on River Chenab at Chanderkote in Ramban district of Jammu province in Jammu and Kashmir. SRINAGAR: The Chairman of moderate faction of Hurriyat Conference Mirwaiz Umer Farooq gets a fresh passport. This information was given by Regional Passport Officer GM Dar after inaugurating a new passport collection centre in central Srinagar. It is learnt that the Hurriyat chairman is issued a passport with one-year validity and he has to get it renewed every year. Giving another information, Dar said his office was issuing 200 passports every day to residents of Kashmir Valley. A group 'Campaign for Right to Travel' has claimed that scores of people have been blacklisted from receiving travel document on the basis of intelligence reports that they could pose a security risk if they to travel outside the country. Among those who have been denied passports include many separatists and relatives of militants. "If there is a criminal case against anyone, he has to pay a fine and passport can be issued. Only adverse cases which involve terrorism are not issued passports," he said. NEW DELHI, JAN 4: Describing the spate of violence that rocked Kashmir Valley in summer of 2010 as ''unfortunate and deeply regrettable'', Union Home Minister P Chidambaram claims that situation was fast improving. ''The three-month period of agitation was an unfortunate and deeply regrettable chapter. However, after the visit of the all-party Parliamentary delegation and the appointment of interlocutors, there has been a significant improvement in the law and order situation. In particular, the interlocutors have been able to change the discourse and have been able to persuade a number of stakeholders to offer suggestions for a political solution", Chidambaram said in the union capital while presenting last year's overview to press. SRINAGAR, JAN 4: In a significant shift in its stand on implementation of United Nations resolutions on Kashmir, moderate faction of Hurriyat Conference headed by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq calls for time-bound dialogue between India, Pakistan and people of Jammu and Kashmir under international monitoring for resolving the long pending issue. "We cannot expect much from a body which has failed to implement its own resolutions (on Kashmir). India and Pakistan have to talk to Kashmiris under international monitoring for resolving the Kashmir issue," Mirwaiz said addressing a seminar at the Hurriyat Conference headquarters in Srinagar. The seminar was organized to discuss the role of the United Nations with regard to Kashmir issue. Mirwaiz said the United Nations was a failed body as it had not been able

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to do justice with the people of the State with regard to implementation of its own resolution. "If the UN cannot ensure the implementation of its own decisions, it should be disbanded," he said. The UN Security Council had passed a resolution on January 5, 1949 calling for a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir to decide its future. NEW DELHI 5: Adding to various ongoing situation study exercise, the BJP President Nitin Gadkari constitutes a study team led by his predecessor Rajnath Singh to visit Jammu and Kashmir and submit a report on the ground situation in the State. At a BJP national officer-bearers meeting at Jammu in December, Gadkari had announced that a study team would be sent to the border State soon. Other than Singh, the team comprises spokespersons Ravi Shankar Prasad, Shahnawaz Hussain, BJP Chief Whip in Rajya Sabha Maya Singh and J K Jain, Convenor of the Minority Cell of the party. "This team will visit Jammu, Kashmir Valley, Ladakh and Kargil among other areas of the State and discuss the issues with various sections of people before submitting a report to the party," spokesman Shahnawaz Hussain told reporters. JAMMU JAN 5: Setting a new record, the winter capital city Jammu experiences lowest temperature of 30 years. "Jammu is experiencing cold conditions with thick blanket of fog floating very low. January 5 temperature has been lowest in the last 30 years", a weather scientist MK Khushu told a local newspaper. The town recorded a maximum temperature of 6.5 deg C, which is 10-11 degrees below normal, he said, adding that the night temperature was 2.4 deg C, three degree below normal. JAMMU, JAN 5: National Conference patron and Union Minister Dr Farooq Abdullah endorses the views of moderate Hurriyat Conference chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq that United Nations has become a failed body and said India, Pakistan, people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh and those living across the fence had to find a solution to Kashmir problem. JAMMU, JAN 5: Addressing a joint press conference at the Civil Secretariat, Dr Abdullah and his son and Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, categorically rule out the demand for rotational Chief Ministership in the State after three years saying the two party high commands (National Conference and Congress) had settled the issue at the formation of Government that the NC headed Government will last full six years and all subsequent issues including formation of Council of Ministry and portfolios were decided accordingly. The statement from the two came exactly on the day when Omar Abdullah completed two years as Chief Minister heading a coalition government of his party National Conference with the Congress.

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SRINAGAR, JAN 5: Hardliner Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani rules out any move for unity with the moderate faction of the amalgam. The Hurriyat hawk said those who think that the unity of the two Hurriyat Conference factions will put pressure on India to solve the Kashmir issue, are mistaken. "For 10 years, we were together and India was not impressed," he said addressing a seminar organised by his Hurriyat faction in Srinagar. ANANTNAG, JAN 6: Chief Minister Omar Abdullah says that despite fighting 2008 Assembly elections on development subject he has left no stone unturned to focus on settlement of State's political matters. Addressing a public meeting at Amard, Ashmuqam in Anantnag after laying foundation of two bridges on Nallah Lidder, the Chief Minister stressed for dialogue to discuss view points and work out solutions to the problems. He sought to remind the people of his sincere efforts in paving way for addressing political issues of Jammu and Kashmir. JAMMU, JAN 6: The main Opposition, People's Democratic Party accuses the Omar Abdullah Government of failing to keep its promises and claimed that people were looking at the PDP as an alternative to have their aspirations addressed. "Omar Government has miserably failed to translate its promises into reality, so the people of this State have been looking towards PDP to get their aspirations addressed", former Chief Minister and PDP patron Mufti Mohammad Sayeed told reporters. NEW DELHI, JAN 7: Describing the migration of Kashmiri Pandits from the Valley as "one of the darkest chapters" in the history of Jammu and Kashmir, National Conference patron and Union Minister Dr Farooq Abdullah asked the displaced people for "forgiveness." "One of the major tragedies that we had to go through was the ethnic cleansing that took place in the State of Jammu and Kashmir", he said. JAMMU, JAN 7: Chief Minister Omar Abdullah chairs first meeting of Jammu and Kashmir Oversees Employment Corporation. He asked the corporation to fix realistic targets for the year ahead regarding placement of skilled and educated youth in the job market outside the country. "You have to tackle threepronged challenges of global economic scenario, international job market requirements and prevailing perception of Jammu and Kashmir outside", he told the Corporation advising them to address these aspects effectively.

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SRINAGAR, JAN 7: Hurriyat Conference chairman, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, who is also the chief cleric of Kashmir, surprises all by not touching upon political issues during his Friday sermons at the Jamia Masjid. Earlier the Mirwaiz would always devote around ten minutes to the political situation in Kashmir. On Friday January 7, the Mirwaiz restricted his sermon to religious thought, a rarity if not the exception given his routine lecture at the grand mosque. JAMMU, JAN 9: Kashmir Bar Association president Mian Abdul Qayoom is booked by a police station for anti-national activities in Jammu. A fresh FIR is registered against him at Janipura police station in Jammu. He was accused of talking in, what authorities described, an antinational language Official sources said Janipura police station has booked Qayoom for allegedly speaking antinational language outside the High Court premises yesterday afternoon when he was produced before the court by Gharota police station and taken on three days police remand..... JAMMU, JAN 9: Media reports suggest that Chinese troops intruded deep into Ladakh in October 2010. "Chinese troops entered Indian territory in the fag end of 2010 along the Line of Actual Control in South-eastern Ladakh region and threatened a contractor and his team to halt work on constructing a passenger shed", said a PTI report. However, the Indian Ministries of External Affairs and Defence denied any such incursions. Chinese Foreign Office also said reports in Indian media were baseless. SRINAGAR, JAN 10: Accusing the Centre of pushing the youth in Jammu and Kashmir to wall, hard line separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani advises the youth against taking up arms and called for peaceful means to take the ongoing "freedom struggle" to its logical conclusion. "New Delhi has unleashed State terror to force the youth to take up armsâ&#x20AC;ŚIt is a conspiracy against our peaceful struggle and therefore the youth should restraint from taking any such step which will provide a handle to India to malign our movement," chairman of hard line faction of Hurriyat Conference Syed Ali Shah Geelani told reporters at his Hyderpora residence in Srinagar. NEW DELHI 12: The three-member group of interlocutors on Jammu and Kashmir, appointed by the Centre in October last year, said that there has been a positive change in the atmosphere in the state. "There is positive change in the atmosphere in Jammu and Kashmir. Many encouraging things are happenings. Lots of changes have taken place and lots of good things have taken place," one of the interlocutors M M Ansari said after a meeting with Home Minister P Chidambaram. He said that during

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the meeting, the group discussed about the action taken by central and state governments on the three reports it submitted earlier. The interlocutors in their reports submitted the "broad contours" for a lasting solution to the Kashmir issue for consideration by the government. NEW DELHI JAN 14: On a day Home Secretary G K Pillai hinted at a 25 per cent reduction in security forces' strength in Jammu and Kashmir, Army Chief General V K Singh said they do not feel the need to "cut down" their forces in the State. He also said it will be ensured that "extra pressure" is not put on his "already-stretched" deployments. "We have not yet felt that we have to cut down our forces. If they want to cut down para-military and police forces, I won't say anything... "So when that is done, it will be ensured that extra pressure is not brought on our already-stretched deployments there," Singh told a press conference on the eve of Army Day. AKHNOOR JAN 15: In the wake of Union Home Secretary G K Pillai's statement on cutting down troops in Jammu and Kashmir by 25 per cent following improvement ground in situation, Lt Gen K T Parnaik, GOC-in-C Northern Command says that time is not ripe for withdrawal of troops from Jammu and Kashmir JAMMU, Jan 14: Madhav Lal, Additional Secretary to Government of India in Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises is cleared for appointment as next Chief Secretary of Jammu and Kashmir. He replaces the incumbent SS Kapur on February 1 after latter's retirement on January 31. JAMMU, JAN 15: State High Court restrains the Commission of Inquiry headed by Justice (retd) Syed Bashirud-Din from submitting final report into 17 deaths in the Kashmir valley without the permission of the Court. The directions were passed in a petition filed by Special Director General CRPF J&K and Inspector General (Operations) CRPF Kashmir seeking quashment of notification dated July 29, 2010 whereby Justice Syed Bashir-ud-Din (retd) was made the Chairman of Commission of Inquiry and Justice J P Nargotra (retd) member of the Commission for holding enquiry into the alleged 17 killings in Kashmir division with effect from June 11, 2010. SRINAGAR 18 : Padmashree Sonam Skalzan, a noted sculptor and exponent of Buddhist Art, passes away in Leh in Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir. Sonam, who contributed significantly to the promotion of Art in the Ladakh region, died last evening, reports reaching here said. In recognition of his work, he was bestowed with the prestigious Padmashree award. JAMMU, JAN 17: Inspector General of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Jammu Sector, Dinesh Kumar, says

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that about 40 % of the total CRPF force (nearly 80 Battalions) are deployed in J&K state out of the total 216 in the country. The highest number of CRPF battalions are only in J&K. JAMMU, JAN 17: Centre's interlocutors on Jammu and Kashmir meet several delegations and academicians in Jammu. Some local groups took up the issue of alleged political discrimination with Jammu region, to which the chief interlocutor Dileep Padgaonkar said that his panel would write to the Chief Election Commissioner to seek details about the criteria adopted for delimitation of assembly constituencies. NEW DELHI, JAN 17: Asking the J&K Government not to just harp on "dream proposals", the Supreme Court wanted an explanation whether even one out of the thousands of Kashmiri Pandits who fled the Valley following the outbreak of militancy have been provided with house or employment. The court's remarks came on a petition filed by the All India Kashmiri Samaj which alleged that neither the State nor the Centre was addressing the grievances of the Kashmiri Pandits who have been suffering for over two decades. NEW DELHI, JAN 19: Chief Minister Omar Abdullah asks BJP not to "precipitate" the situation in the Valley by going ahead with its 'Ekta Yatra' to hoist tri-colour at Srinagar's Lal Chowk on Republic Day. Omar, who met Congress chief Sonia Gandhi and Home Minister P Chidambaram to apprise them of the situation in the State, said he would be in close touch with the Home Ministry on how to deal with any situation arising out of the BJP programme. Disregarding Omar's appeal, the BJP vows to go ahead with its Ekta Yatra from Kolkata that will culminate in Srinagar on January 26 with hoisting of the tricolour in Lal Chowk. JAMMU, JAN 19: Two small Pakistani aircrafts reportedly flew close to the International Border in Niki Tawi area of Makwal sector of Jammu frontiers for about two minutes triggering an air defence alert of the Indian Air Force (IAF). The two low-flying Pakistani light aircrafts were detected close to Indian territory between Simbal and Kharkola posts of Niki Tawi in Makwal sector of RS Pura and were sighted by BSF troops deployed in the forward pickets, Defence sources said. SRINAGAR, JAN 19: United Nation's Special Rapporteur on human rights, Margaret Sekaggya says she has come to Kashmir to compile a report on the problems faced by the human rights defenders. Sekaggya arrived in Srinagar to meet various victim families, Civil Society members, Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons,

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lawyers and journalists to gauge the mood in Kashmir on human rights front. Talking to reporters, Sekaggya said she was in Kashmir to meet the human rights defenders. "I will meet human rights defenders and other people to know the challenges they are facing," she said. SRINAGAR, JAN 20 : Breaking the ice, the Centre's Interlocutors on Kashmir phones up Hurriyat Conference chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq discussing the situation in the State and seeking time for a meeting. The conversation, which lasted for over 10 minutes, dealt with the issues including the present situation in the State and the economic loss to common Kashmiris because of the frequent strikes in the State. However, Mirwaiz reportedly declined to meet the interlocutors. SRINAGAR, JAN 21: The team of Interlocutors says that most of the people they met were not concerned about implementation of the United Nations resolutions and division of the State along ethnic or religious lines but felt people's empowerment can address the vexed issue. "As regards a permanent, political settlement in Jammu and Kashmir, a small but vocal section of opinion harped on UN resolutions, plebiscite and self-determination resulting in independence for the state as it existed before August 1947. By and large, however, most people we spoke to did not refer to that option," chief Interlocutor Dileep Padgaonkar said. SRINAGAR, JAN 22: Opposition People's Democratic Party says said the exclusion of Jammu and Kashmir Bank as the banker to the State Government is the most lethal nail by the ruling National Conference into the State's autonomy. The bank will not be permitted to provide overdraft to the State Government now on. SRINAGAR, JAN 23: A close associate of hardline Hurriyat Conference chairman Syed Ali Shah Geelani is arrested in connection with an alleged Hawala racket and Rs 21 lakh seized from him, police claimed. "Ghulam Mohammad Bhat, who has been a financier of disruptive activities, has been arrested," Inspector General of Police, Kashmir, S M Sahai said. JAMMU 24: Reliance Communication becomes the first telecom service provider in Jammu and Kashmir to launch 3G services in the state. JAMMU, JAN 24: Finance Minister Abdul Rahim Rather says that the State Government has decided to liquidate entire Over Draft amounting to Rs 2300 crore with Jammu and Kashmir Bank most probably by the end of March this year and then switch over to Ways and Means Advance (WMA) with Reserve Bank of India, which will be available at lower interest rates. He sought to clarify that the new

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CALENDAR JANUARY 2011 J&K AFFAIRS

system would no way dilute the State's relationship with J&K Bank. The JKBL will be rather benefited as it would have Rs 2300 crore to invest in economic and developmental activities. The State has been provided with Rs 1000 crore one time grant by the Finance Commission to liquidate the ODs while rest of Rs 1300 crores will be raised by it through market borrowings.

in bringing about peace and tranquility in the State.

LAKHANPUR, JAN 25: Top BJP leaders including Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley are among 160 BJP and BJYM leaders and workers arrested by police after they violated prohibitory orders soon after crossing into the territory of Jammu and Kashmir at Ravi bridge in Lakhanpur, the gateway of the State. The BJP leaders were leading a flag march from Kolkatta to Kashmir which was opposed by both centre and the state governments.

JAMMU, JAN 27: Chief Commissioner, Income Tax, Amritsar region, G R Sofi's name is cleared for appointment as the first Chief Information Commissioner of Jammu and Kashmir. This development comes six years after the State enacted the landmark RTI Act. The name of Sofi was decided after a meeting of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, Leader of Opposition Mehbooba Mufti and Deputy Chief Minister Tara Chand.

JAMMU, JAN 25: Chief Minister Omar Abdullah calls for utilizing present conducive atmosphere of dialogue in a positive manner to address political issues of Jammu and Kashmir politically. "The institution of Interlocutors created by the Union Government to initiate interaction with all shades of opinion should be utilized earnestly to find out solution to the issues", he said in his Republic Day message and appealed the separatists to rise to the occasion and play their role

JAMMU, JAN 26: In his Republic Day address, Governor N N Vohra says strict vigil should be maintained along all the frontiers to neutralize the attempts of infiltration from across and all measures be taken to contain and eliminate menace of corruption in the State.

JAMMU, JAN 28: State Cabinet approves the Draft Forest Policy, which has been prepared for the first time in Jammu and Kashmir for scientific management and conservation of the forests, and approved enhancement of the water usage charges. The forest policy lays emphasis on reconciliation of land records of Revenue Department with Demarcation Record of Forest Department, complete modernization of forest demarcation system by using Global Positioning System and other modern technologies".

NATIONAL AFFAIRS NEW DELHI JAN 1 : India and Pakistan exchange the lists of their nuclear installations for the 20th consecutive year under an agreement which prohibits any kind of attack on such facilities. The lists were exchanged through diplomatic channels simultaneously at New Delhi and Islamabad under the Agreement on the Prohibition of Attack against Nuclear Installations and Facilities, a statement by the External Affairs Ministry said here. Under the agreement signed on December 31, 1988, which came into force on January 27, 1991, the two countries share details of their nuclear installations with each other on the first day of every year. The first such list was exchanged on January one, 1992. NEW YORK, JAN 2: India joins the UN Security Council as its non-permanent member for a two-year term after a gap of 19 years, hoping that the seat at the high table will not only cement its place as a key global player, but also pave the way for becoming a permanent member of the powerful wing of the world body. BANGALORE, JAN 8: Gautam Gambhir becomes the costliest cricketer in the IPL by fetching a whopping USD 2.4 million on the first day of the auctions where Indian

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players proved to be the biggest draw with three others going for more than USD two million. ISLAMABAD, JAN 8: Pakistan says that Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi will visit India if the Foreign Secretaries of the two countries evolve a "comprehensive agenda" for resuming the stalled composite dialogue during their meeting in Bhutan next month. MUMBAI, JAN 9: Mumbai Police has issues an advisory to various police stations asking them to keep a watch on people from Jammu and Kashmir, especially drivers, as some of them are suspected to have been carrying out recce for terror groups. BANGALORE, JAN 10: India joins a select group of nations manufacturing warplanes with the home-grown Light Combat Aircraft 'Tejas' moving a step closer to its induction into the Indian Air Force after getting its Initial Operational Clearance (IOC) here. 27 years after the project was initiated, Defence Minister A K Antony handed over the IOC certificate to Air Chief Marshal P V Naik at the HAL airport. "This is only the semi-finals", Antony said, adding the LCA would enhance national security and build the country's own fighter aircraft capabilities

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CALENDAR JANUARY 2011

NATIONAL AFFAIRS

KERALA JAN 15: In the worst pilgrim tragedy that struck south India, 104 Lord Ayyappa devotees are killed and 50 injured, seven of them seriously, in a stampede that occurred at Uppupara last night. NEW DELHI, JAN 14: Pakistan's bid to stall construc tion work at the Kishenganga power project in Jammu and Kashmir is thwarted as it was forced to withdraw a petition in this regard at the International Court of Arbitration. During the first hearing of the Kishenganga Arbitration Court in The Hague in The Netherlands, the Indian side put up a spirited argument for construction of the 330-MW project on Kishenganga, a tributary of the Jhelum river, officials said. Pakistan had moved a petition for stopping work as an "interim measure" till the case over the disputed project was decided by the court. After the Indian argument, Pakistan was forced to withdraw its petition, the sources said. Had the court, headed by Justice Stephen M Schwebel, agreed for the interim measure, work at the site would have to be stopped. NEW DELHI, JAN 15: State-owned oil companies hike petrol prices by Rs 2.50-Rs 2.54 per litre, the second hike in a month, on back of rising crude oil prices. WASHINGTON, JAN 18: Indian-American Vijay Sazawal, a well-known atomic industry expert, is appointed by US Commerce Secretary Gary Locke to the prestigious Civil Nuclear Trade Advisory Committee (CINTAC) to advise him on trade issues facing the key sector. BADAUN, UP, JAN 18: A local court directed the police to register an FIR against SP leader Mohammad Azam Khan on the charge of sedition for his controversial comments on Kashmir. Khan had earlier cast doubts on Kashmir being part of India. NEW DELHI, JAN 19: In a reshuffle of Union Cabinet, Jaipal Reddy is made the Petroleum and Natural Gas Minister. The reshuffle and expansion of the Cabinet saw elevation of three Ministers to the Cabinet rank and induction of three new faces. Praful Patel, Shriprakash Jaiswal and Salman Khursheed were promoted as Cabinet Ministers while Congress leaders Beni Prasad Verma (Uttar Pradesh), Ashwani Kumar (Punjab) and K C Venugopal (Kerala) were the new inductions into the Council of Ministers in the rank of Minister of State. Verma, who was Cabinet Minister in the United Front Government of 1996, got the rank of MoS Independent Charge in today's exercise which left untouched incumbents of the 'big four' - Finance, Home, Defence and External Af-

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fairs - and key Ministries of Commerce and Railways. MUMBAI, JAN 21: Defence Minister A K Antony categorically rules out any further troop cut in Jammu and Kashmir on the ground that his Ministry had already reduced nearly 30,000 troops in the sensitive State. Talking to reporters after commissioning Italian built fleettanker INS Deepak into the Indian Navy at the Naval dockyard, Antony said: "already a number of Army personnel were reduced in Jammu and Kashmir. The current issue is now reduction of para-military forces. Do not mix up both the issues''. NEW DELHI, JAN 22: Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh steps into the controversy over BJP's plan to hoist national flag in Srinagar on Republic Day, saying the 'solemn occasion' should not be used to score 'political points' and appealed for maximum restraint in 'sensitive' Jammu and Kashmir. NEW DELHI, JAN 24: Ahead of its talks with Pakistan at Foreign Secretary level, India insists terror cannot be brushed aside and it was necessary for both the countries to find a "common wavelength" in terms of fighting terrorism. ".....Terror is something that cannot be brushed aside because terror is a matter of fact. And I think all of us, including Pakistan, live under the fear of terror," External Affairs Minister S M Krishna said NEW DELHI, JAN 26: Dubbing the move of the Jammu and Kashmir Government and the Centre to prevent BJP leaders from hoisting the national flag in Srinagar as "criminal", BJP says that the party could move the court against the "unconstitutional and illegal" stand taken by the State administration. "What has happened in J-K to deal with BJP's campaign to hoist the national flag at Lal Chowk is something which is totally indefensible. It is illegal and criminal. I think we should knock at the doors of the courts in respect of some of (these issues)," party veteran L K Advani said. DHARAMSALA (HP), JAN 28: Police claim to have seized foreign currency valued at over Rs six crore during raids in the offices of a trust backed by 17th Karmapa Ugyen Trinley Dorje, who investigators believe could be having links with Chinese authorities. Himachal Pradesh ADGP (Law and Order) S R Mardi said huge sums of money in currencies of 25 countries including China, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, the UK, the US, Australia, Thailand, Vietnam and Germany were seized during the raids. The recovered amount includes 11 lakh in Chinese Yuan, 6 lakh USD and Rs 30 lakh. Officials said law will take its own course in the case.

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CALENDAR JANUARY 2011

CROSS - LoC

JAMMU JAN 3: Twenty-four persons crossover to the state and Pakistan-administered Kashmir via Chakan-DaBagh on the weekly cross-border bus service. Nine people crossed over to PaK from Jammu and Kashmir, while 15 came from there to the state. Visitors were both sides were returning homes and there was no fresh visitor this week. SRINAGAR JAN 3: Line of Control traders stage a demonstration here, demanding compensation for the losses suffered allegedly due to lack of storage facility at Salamabad trade facilitation centre in Uri town on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad road. "Rains have caused damage worth Rs 7 crore to our goods due to non-availabity of covered storage facility. The Government should compensate for the losses and complete the work on infrastructure at Salamabad urgently," Salamabad-Chakoti Traders Association President, a body of cross-LOC Traders, Asif Lone said. Lone said the state government has promised and assured time and again for improving the infrastructure for the trade and commerce across LOC but no concrete step was taken in this direction till date. "Our Association is involved in the trade since last two years. The inconvience and hardships faced by us was brought to the notice of the concerned but no attention was paid to our just and genuine requests," Lone said. JAMMU, 5: Goods worth over Rs 4.32 crore are traded between Jammu & Kashmir and PaK along the Line of Control at Chakan-Da-Bagh crossing point in Poonch district. As many as 23 trucks rolled out from Trade Facilitation Centre (TFC) at Ranger in Poonch district of J&K to PaK today, they said adding these trucks carried bags of coconut, red chilli, embroidery and herbs worth Rs1.67 crore (Rs 1,67,08,820). From PaK, as many as 25 trucks carrying bags of almond, walnuts, dry grapes, dates and herbs crossed to this side and these were worth Rs 2.65 crore (Rs 2,65,40,699). SRINAGAR JAN 6: Five guests from PaK arrive here while five Kashmiris crossed over to other side of the Line of Control in the Karvan-e-Aman bus, operating between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad. However, trade between the two parts remained suspended as traders on this side are protesting against the alleged inadequate facilities at Salamabad trade centre. JAMMU JAN 12: Goods worth over Rs 4.66 crore are traded through 50 trucks between Jammu and Kashmir and PaK along the Line of Control at Chakan-Da-Bagh Crossing point in Poonch district. As many as 25 trucks

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rolled out from Trade Facilitation Centre (TFC) at Ranger in Poonch district of J&K to PaK today; these trucks carried bags of coconuts, red chillies and walnuts worth Rs 2,01,21,569. From PaK, as many as 25 trucks carrying bags of almonds, walnuts, pista, dry grapes, dates and herbs came to this side worth Rs 2,65,48,138. JAMMU, JAN 12: Stressing for creating requisite infrastructure facilities for the cross-LoC trade, PDP patron Mufti Mohammad Sayeed reiterates his demand of allowing free movement of people and commodities across the dividing line of Jammu and Kashmir. He said that opening of cross LoC trade was the most significant and historic Confidence Building Measure (CBM) which needed to be further facilitated in the larger interest of the region's peace and prosperity. The PDP patron regretted that the present dispensation headed by National Conference has not only failed to further facilitate this trade but it has rather reversed the whole process. "What to say of exploring fresh trade avenues between two divided sides of Jammu and Kashmir, the present Government has even hampered the cross LoC trade through unnecessary restrictions", he observed and reminded that the trade and travel across the LoC had become possible only due to the assiduous efforts of the previous PDP-Congress regime in the State. JAMMU JAN 13: Refuting observations of former Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, the Minister for Industries and Commerce, SS Salathia says that the facts and figures reveal that there has been sharp increase on LoC trade during last two years. Substantiating hid claim, he said upto 31st March, 2009 since inception of the trade, the State has exported goods worth Rs 2.76 crore while the exports reached Rs 131.96 crore during last fiscal and this fiscal the State exported goods worth Rs 178. 68 crore upto ending December only, which shows the turnover of the trade is rising sharply. He clarified that the State has imported goods worth Rs 64 lakhs only from October 10, 2008 to March 31, 2009, while the State registered Rs 219.48 crore (in Pak currency) imports during last fiscal. And this fiscal the imports upto ending December have reached Rs 297.01 crore, he added. SRINAGAR JAN 13 : Five fresh PaK guests and equal number of people from Kashmir crossed sides at the Kaman Post, the last Indian military post in Uri sector. Eighteen residents from both the sides also crossed over after completing their stay with their respective relatives in PaK and Kashmir. They said five guests from PaK arrived at Kaman post after crossing the Aman Setu

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CALENDAR JANUARY 2011

CROSS - LoC

SRINAGAR JAN 18: The cross-border trade between PaK and Jammu and Kashmir resumes after the State Government promised construction of additional storage facility within a month to store goods awaiting security clearance. More than 130 vehicles, loaded with spices, dry fruit and handicraft, crossed the Aman Setu (Peace Bridge) on the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route at Kaman post. The cross-LoC trade has already crossed Rs 400 crore mark and is expanding at a rapid pace despite lack of direct communication and banking facilities.

SRINAGAR, JAN 20 : The cross-Line of Control travel and trade between Kashmir and PaK was a mixed bag this week as no fresh visitor travelled on the SrinagarMuzaffarabad bus service but goods worth record Rs 25 crore were exchanged at Salamabad Trade Facilitation Centre. A senior official said nine persons crossed the Aman Setu (Peace Bridge) aboard the Karavan-e-Aman Srinagar-Muzaffarabad Bus Service but there were no fresh visitors either from the Valley or from PaK today. While four Kashmiris returned home from PaK after staying with their relatives, five PoK residents crossed back after spending time with their relatives as per the permission. Meanwhile, the weekly trade on SrinagarMuzaffarabad route, which resumed this week after remaining suspended for two weeks, smashed all previous records as goods worth an estimated Rs 25 crore were exchanged between the traders from PaK and Kashmir valley. Official sources said more than 320 trucks loaded with items approved for exchange crossed the LoC on Tuesday and Wednesday - the designated days for the trade.

JAMMU, JAN 18: Cross-LoC trade from Chakan-DaBagh on Poonch-Rawlakote route touches Rs 4.39 crore on day one of two days weekly business between traders of two parts of the divided State. Traders from this side exported coconut, bananas, red chilli, herbs and embroidery items worth Rs 1.49 crore to their counterparts in Rawlakote in PaK. From PaK, almonds, oranges, pista, dates, malathi and dry grapes reached Poonch. They had a value of Rs 2.9 crore.

SRINAGAR, 27: There was no fresh guest from PaK while one Kashmiri crossed over to the other side of the Line of Control in the Karvan-e-Aman bus operating between Srinagar and Muzaffarabd. For the second consecutive week, there was no fresh guest from PaK. However, a resident of Kashmir valley, who had crossed over to other side of the LoC returned back to home after completing sntay in PaK with his relatives. So far only ten POK residents and eleven from here have crossed sides in 2011.

bridge on foot this afternoon. Five residents of this side, after spending time with their relatives in POK, also returned their homes in the Karvan-e-Aman bus, operating between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad, capital of PaK. Five Kashmiri residents also crossed over to POK to meet their relatives for the first time. However, 13 PaK residents, who were here also returned to their homes after completing their stay here. They included five women and two children.

Conciliation Resources, a London based international peacebuilding organisation, is soon launching a research work on Cross-LoC trade. "Jammu and Kashmir: trade across the Line of Control", is a publication is based on a series of twelve discussion papers in which traders, economists, journalists and researchers from either side of the Line of Control (LoC) offer their individual perspectives on: the political economy of the cross-border trade; the potential of the trade to nurture peacebuilding across the LoC; the challenges and restrictions faced by the trade; and advocacy for expanding the trade. The publication is accompanied by a Policy Brief which sets out recommendations. The Policy Brief is published together with the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) in New Delhi and the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, (PILDAT) based in Islamabad. The publication and policy brief highlight the growth of the trade and its success in drawing in many families divided by the conflict. Nonetheless, the trade remains limited in terms of the number of trading routes and the range of goods that can be traded as well as in terms of the means of communication and exchange between traders. The publications argue that for the economic potential of the trade to be realised it is necessary to put the trade on a more modern footing. This will spread the benefits beyond the small circle of those involved and could have a significant developmental impact for the wider region. Furthermore, if the peacebuilding potential of the trade is to be met, innovative institutions such as the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry (JKJCC), the first cross-LoC non-governmental organisation of its kind, need to have the space to evolve. As one trader quoted in the publication notes: "it's not just a trade venture but can become a tool for people-to-people diplomacy". Two years of trade have created constituencies on both sides of the LoC with a strong stake in normalcy and, crucially, an increasing opposition to the resumption of hostilities, which would hamper their growing business. The trade has been resilient to the vicissitudes of state-level tension caused by the 2008 Mumbai bombing and unrest in the Kashmir Valley over the last three years. As a matter of symbolic importance the publication is being simultaneously launched in New Delhi, Islamabad, Muzaffarabad, Jammu and Srinagar.

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Epilogue, February 2011