Epilogue Magazine, May 2011 by Epilogue Press

Iceland FM's Visit

Disruptive Agenda

What this man was looking for in J&K?

After BJP's shame in Jammu, now it is saffron protection to 'sacred space' J&K'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE

ISSN : 0974-5653

Epilogue Jammu,May 01,2011 / Vol 5 / Issue 05 Price Rs.30 II Postal Regd.No.JK-350.2009-11 II www.epilogue.in

NEWS, CURRENT

A F F A I R S,

S O C IAL

SCIENCES

Is Kashmir Ready for Peace? Approaches to Approaching Summer

'2011 Will Be Year Of Difference' Lt Gen Syed Atta Hasnain GoC, 15 Corps

Ladakh Affairs: News and Features on Life, Education, Ecology J&K in Numbers: Digest on Agriculture, Horticulture Sectors

Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENT PROLOGUE

Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary

Peace, this summer

Publisher Yogesh Pandoh

STRATEGIC THINKING

Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Manu Srivastsa

Epilogue

Research Officer Raman Sharma

Vol 5, Issue 05 MAY 2011

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only. RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 ISN : 00974-5653 Price : Rs 30

The Sense in Networking with Kayani

Maulana Showkat Shah: One More Dead; How Many More to Go? 9

General Manager Kartavya Pandoh

Printed and Published by Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue NewsCraft from Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

Engaging the Pakistani Military: India's Gains

Political Democracy for Tibetans: China's Rising Dilemma 8

Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin Zorawar Singh Jamwal

Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94191 82518 editor@epilogue.in subscription@epilogue.in

2011 will be year of change

CURRENT AFFAIRS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER IN FOCUS Is Kashmir Ready for Peace, this Summer?

SkarphĂŠdinsson's J&K visit and the mutual quest for energy exploration

POLITICS 25

Time to develop sensitivities towards democratic urges of people in Kashmir 28 New face of social media

Half Marathon and Beginning of a Positive Conflict

After BJP's shame in Jammu, now it is VHP's protection to 'sacred space'

PANCHAYAT ELECTIONS Democracy: Roots are Deepening Rural empowerment is the real test 22

COLUMN Royal Patronage to Artisans of Kashmir

LADAKH AFFAIRS Create a pure environment by listening to the voice within

PROLOGUE

NOTE FROM EDITOR

Peace, this summer ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

riticising governments is always fashionable and sometimes re warding too when something goes wrong. In Kashmir, things were never right but they have been going awfully wrong for last three years. So, the governments in Srinagar and New Delhi and their all organs operating at different levels in the state have been at receiving end of not only domestic but also national and international criticism. Is the State the only actor to be charged with responsibility of order? Yes, States share a larger responsibility but other stakeholders in peace should not fritter away. Without having been trained at a specialised academy all of us know the importance of peace and the basic minimum requirements at individual level for its maintenance. Government should be kept under check for wrongs but at the same time we should not forget our individual contribution to peace. After three years of turmoil in Kashmir things are slightly looking up for better. There are many State driven initiatives in building up a situation of hope -process of interlocution with all shades of opinion, revival of Indo-Pak dialogue, elections to rural local bodies of governance, Chief Minister's enhanced contacts with people on ground, new operating procedures for dealing with unpleasant situations are to name a few. What is more remarkable sign of hope is people's matching response to the State driven initiatives. Government deserves the credit for holding real Panchayat elections (2001 Panchayat polls were an incomplete exercise) after more than 30 years but real credit goes to the people who are voting in big numbers -more than 85% polling at many places in Kashmir. There is no complacency in saying that these initiatives are all it needs to end unrest and have permanent peace. Kashmir jigsaw is complex and not something which can be fixed in single go. However, to believe that Kashmir needs one big step and therefore smaller ones should not be tried would be misleading. Trust builds through smaller steps and only then States and peoples become able to take big steps. In backdrops of all initiatives that are going on, it is imperative upon the Kashmiri society to contribute their bit towards building up an atmosphere of peace and trust. The present issue of your magazine focuses on many areas of Kashmir's present-day political contours to bring home a point that responsibility for ensuring and experiencing peace this summer and beyond is on all of us.

STRATEGIC THINKING

Engaging the Pakistani Military: India's Gains ARUN SAHGAL

he London Times report on secret parleys be tween the Indian Prime Minister's special nonofficial interlocutor and Gen. Pervez Kayani has created a buzz in New Delhi. It holds immense significance coming in the backdrop of the Prime Minister's statement that if he manages to improve relations with Pakistan during his tenure he will consider his job done. The report carries an innuendo that the process is being driven by the Americans, who are keen to see an improvement in Indo - Pak relations. Meanwhile, one can also witness a growing bonhomie in Indo Pak relations. First, the initiation of the home secretary level dialogue in the wake of Pakistan's willingness to bring the 26/11 culprits to justice is a positive step, where the only problem remaining is the capacity gap (which has so far precluded even the attackers of former President Musharraf being brought to book). Second, the reported sale of finished petroleum products to Pakistan during the forthcoming commerce secretaries' talks also bodes well. Thus seen from New Delhi's perspective there has been a sea change for the better in Indo - Pakistan relations post the cricket diplomacy and the palpable upswing in the mood in New Delhi cannot be faulted. However, it is imperative to take cognizance of what exactly is happening in this part of the world and what

From the Indian perspective, a \dialogue with Kayani implies a direct interlocution with the centre of political and military power in Pakistan, and hence, if any conclusions or understanding is reached it will ensure a degree of regional stability.

www.epilogue.in

is driving these initiatives at present. The Americans are set to begin withdrawing their forces from Afghanistan starting July 2011. This will happen concurrently with the growing Taliban violence towards coalition forces, UN workers as well as soft targets like the civilians and Afghan security forces. From the US perspective, security situation is not at all comfortable and is in fact deteriorating. Second, with increased concerns over growing Taliban violence, the US has stepped up cross border strikes against Haqqani and other groups taking shelter in North Waziristan. This has seriously alienated the Pakistani Army domestically which is seen as succumbing to the US pressure. The issue has been further deteriorated by the Davis incident that indicated CIA launching operations beyond the terms of mandated ground rules between the CIA and ISI. The ISI chiefs' recent visit to Washington which was inexplicably cut short also demonstrates that things have not been fully resolved. In addition, President Hamid Karzai has stepped up his reconciliation and reintegration efforts by opening up negotiations directly with Taliban and reportedly midwifed by Pakistan with tacit support of the beleaguered Americans. Even more interesting is the fact that President Karzai has opened substantive negotiations with Pakistani military leadership based on an assumption that taking Pakistan on board will be crucial for long term stability in the region. The question then is what has all

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING

this to do with Kayani-India dialogue; the relevance lies in the significant American support. The US can provide a platform for meaningful dialogue to address Kayani's India centric concerns through direct reassurances from the Indian interlocutors, which will indicate a genuine Indian desire to improve relations. If the above scenario is realized it might create a win-win situation for Pakistan. On the one hand, it will get reassurances from the highest levels in India, which it can use to carry the dialogue process forward and even leverage to seek settlement of outstanding disputes on favourable terms. For instance, in the short term on Siachen and sir creek and in the long run on J&K. Second, this will once again ensure emergence of Pakistan as the key factor in resolution of the Afghan imbroglio leaving India with little clout to shape political or security discourse in Afghanistan. It will also firmly bring the role and significance of Pakistani Military into political calculations of the Indo-Pak discourse. From the Indian perspective, a dialogue with Kayani implies a direct interlocution with the centre of political and military power in Pakistan, and hence, if any conclusions or understanding is reached it will ensure a degree of regional stability. While no new ground appears to have been broken despite the momentum forward, the big issue for India is 'peace at what cost.' Allowing a Pakistani veto in Afghanistan will seriously compromise India's strategic concerns. Second, a Pakistan-centric Afghanistan would impact India's linkages with Central Asia, unless Pakistan can be convinced of greater economic benefits or it is bypassed by improving relations with Iran. At present, economic bargaining with Pakistan appears difficult because of its close ties with China. Moreover, China's growing strategic concerns both in Afghanistan and Pakistan will not allow any rapprochement between India and Pakistan at the cost of its own advantage. In that case what are the tangible gains? The first and foremost gain from an improved dialogue will be perceptible in the summer of 2011 in J&K. If the cross border push to worsen the atmosphere is restrained then there might be some perceptible movement. Second, lowering of tensions will provide greater development focus and an opportunity to improve economic and political relations between the two countries. Third, even with regards to Afghanistan, India needs to push for improvement in relations by taking both Pakistan and Iran into confidence. In sum, a dialogue with the Pakistani military will facilitate building positive bilateral atmospherics.

www.epilogue.in

The Sense in Networking with Kayani ALI AHMED

he Prime Minister's Office recently denied the au thenticity of a report published in the Times from London, stating that the PM opened 'secret' talks with Pakistan's army chief Gen. Kayani. The report mentions that contact was established 10 months ago and subsequently led to the thaw at Mohali. The talks were initiated to confirm if the army was on board as Kayani controls Pakistan's India policy. If the report is to be believed, Gilani's visit yielding to the 'Mohali spirit' indicates the sensibility of the General, whose foresight proved timely and successful. For the PMO to deny any such contact is in inline with India's policy. India's aim is to expand the democratic constituency within Pakistan in the hope of extracting a democratic peace dividend. Reaching out to the army in Pakistan would weaken the civilian dispensation there and confer an unwarranted proscription of the army seen as unfriendly to India. Kayani, as brought out in Bob Woodward's book, admits to being 'India-centric'. With little movement on the Mumbai terror trial in Pakistan and the Indian government being on the defensive over numerous issues, India's distancing from the report is expectedly prompt and credible. It is understandable that the custodians of Pakistan's strategic rudder maintain customary reservations about

A report in Wikileaks detects Britain's Foreign Minister describing Kayani's 'reluctance' as the 'remaining obstacle' to a deal on Kashmir. Also, Kayani had a lead role in the strategic talks with the US and therefore exercises the supreme veto power in Pakistan.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING

A work around can be through a strategic dialogue involving the security establishments in both states; comprising respective representatives of the NSCS, the defence ministry and uniformed interlocutors. The government must grab the nettle, accept responsibility and justify it with investment of political capital in taking the initiatives to their logical conclusions. India based on its capabilities and intentions. Kayani, having been earlier a DGMO and the DG ISI, can thus be reasonably expected to be wary of India. A report in Wikileaks detects Britain's Foreign Minister describing Kayani's 'reluctance' as the 'remaining obstacle' to a deal on Kashmir. Also, Kayani had a lead role in the strategic talks with the US and therefore exercises the supreme veto power in Pakistan. This is all the more reason for India to ascertain if he and the army are interested in taking forward the peace agenda. 'Once bitten, twice shy' implies that India take care in resuming the peace process having faced setbacks in the wake of the Lahore bus ride and in lapse of the 'backchannel' with the exit of Musharraf. Given the internal weakness of the ZardariGilani combine, taking out an insurance amounts to strategic behavior. Therefore, it would have been right and practical for the government to have established such contact. In fact the contact needs to have been instituted with the full knowledge of the Pakistani civilian establishment. Since the government claims not to have done so, it can reasonably be faulted for not doing so. Currently, a resumption of the process is underway, even if the term 'composite dialogue' does not figure. Representatives of line ministries involved in the various strands of the dialogue are scheduled to meet including the defence secretaries within a time table spread out till July 2011. The foreign secretaries are then to 'wrap up' and set the stage for the Foreign Ministers meet in July. Meanwhile, the process requires insulation. If the Pakistan Army is the hitch then its position has to be

www.epilogue.in

accurately determined. Secret contacts can prove useful towards this end. The government's denial indicates that this has not been done. In case it had, then in face of the news report the government could have chosen to remain quiet, as it had done in case of the Kasuri revelations on the progress made by the then 'secret' 'backchannel'. Indeed, the government needs to drop a line to Kayani and there is ample reason to do so. That this has not yet occurred perhaps owes to India's internal bureaucratic schisms. The foreign office in charge of the peace process seems possessive about it. Even the engagement over nuclear doctrines that had been mandated by the MoU at Lahore had been conducted by a Foreign Service officer. In case the Pakistan army is to be engaged then this can amount to including the military in the dialogue. This might be difficult to concede for the Foreign Service bureaucracy, but is not with out precedence. And while the earlier military to military contacts were in the wake of post war negotiations. This time these will be adduced to create the conditions for dĂŠtente, generally seen as a foreign policy problem. A narrow understanding neglects the Pakistan army's perception of its power asymmetry with India. Unless it is addressed, it is unlikely that the army will dispense with its veto. In other words, India's reaching out will remain in a vacuum. The problem that arises from such initiatives being still born or lacking in ballast is that it weakens the liberal lobby and ideas behind them. This creates advantages for those preferring adverse relations for their own institutional or sectional purposes. A work around can be through a strategic dialogue involving the security establishments in both states; comprising respective representatives of the NSCS, the defence ministry and uniformed interlocutors. The government must grab the nettle, accept responsibility and justify it with investment of political capital in taking the initiatives to their logical conclusions. This will create the space necessary for the eventual and inevitable 'concessions' which the government is shying away from accepting through the denial of the report.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING

Political Democracy for Tibetans: China's Rising Dilemma SRIKANTH KONDAPALLI

lthough the Dalai Lama had indicated his deci sion to devolve the "formal authority to an elected (Tibetan) leader" on several occasions earlier, however his statement on 10 March 2011 caught the Chinese leadership unawares. This statement came 10 days before the Tibetan ĂŠmigrĂŠ community went to polls to elect a new Prime Minister and other members to the Tibetan Parliament in-exile. While the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswomen termed the offer as a "trick to deceive the international community", this move by the Tibetan spiritual leader is likely to impact China in the near- and long-term for a number of reasons. First, the offer to delegate power to the Tibetan elected representative will have far-reaching consequences on the Chinese political system. In the light of the current popular unrests in Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya and other countries, against the vestiges of authoritarianism, the Dalai Lama's move to give up executive powers in favour a popularly elected parliament could trigger similar demands on the Communist Party in China. The Chinese government has indicated that it will take this challenge head-on through extensive internal control mechanisms. Previously, under President Jiang Zemin, the "three represents" strategy (that is, the party representing

As the Dalai Lama's position in the Tibetan life is much more crucial, any carelessness in this regard could cost the Tibetan cause enormously. Hence the current move by the Dalai Lama can be seen as broad-basing the institution by handing over the political functions to an elected leader.

www.epilogue.in

the broad masses, productive forces and advanced culture) was suggested to broad-base the party's hold over the country. China also experimented with elections at the village level to fasten up the process of reform, although the communist party representation is from the county-level upwards. Nevertheless, the party remained top-down in approach and this led to a series of popular movements, such as the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident when an estimated two million students, workers and peasants demonstrated against the Communist Party. Also, in 1991 an estimated 5,000 people demonstrated against the government, and the number rose to about 1, 40,000 in 2009, majority of them aiming at welfare benefits for the people. Second, by making a long-term and stable arrangement of institutional and popular accountability for the Tibetan authority in-exile, the Dalai Lama will knock off any chance of instability and chaos in a post-Dalai Lama situation. Given the apparent intentions of the Chinese authority to choose the next Dalai Lama, albeit through certain traditional practices, the current step by the Dalai Lama reduces the possibility of the next Dalai Lama exercising any sweeping powers accorded to him under the 1991 constitution. This is also possibly in line with the lessons learnt from the succession issues hovering around the other two main sects of the Tibetan religion. Today, there are two contesting candidates for the post of the Panchem Lama (each recognized separately by the Dalai Lama and the Chinese Government) and three candidates for the Karmapa Lama positions (although Dharamshala and

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING Beijing separately recognized Urgyen Trinley Dorje as the current Karmapa Lama). As the Dalai Lama's position in the Tibetan life is much more crucial, any carelessness in this regard could cost the Tibetan cause enormously. Hence the current move by the Dalai Lama can be seen as broad-basing the institution by handing over the political functions to an elected leader. Third, in the recent period the Chinese leaders' verbal attacks on the Dalai Lama have increasingly become personal and the current move to delegate powers will help in shifting the attention of the Chinese authorities from the Dalai Lama. For instance, Zhang Qingli, the then Communist Party Secretary of Tibet went to the extent of calling the Dalai Lama in 2008 as a "wolf in a monk's robes". Li Zhaoxing, former foreign minister and the current spokesman of foreign affairs of the National People's Congress lampooned the 6th Dalai Lama (who hailed from Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh) for indulging in worldly pleasures or the current Dalai Lama as a "political monk" in March 2010. The current decision thus might reposition the focus of the Chinese authorities and it is possible that the popularly elected leader may become the target of Chinese criticism. But the Chinese leaders maintain that the talks with the Dalai Lama's representatives are meant to discuss the personal future of the Dalai Lama and not to deliberate on governance in Tibet. In such a scenario, these Chinese official criticism is bound to boomerang on China as similar caustic criticisms by highest public functionaries in the Chinese leadership including the then Premier Zhu Rongji indicated during the elections in Taiwan in 1995/96 and 2000. Moreover, the nine rounds of talks between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama's representative have not yielded any positive results. In the US Embassy cables from Beijing, Wikileaks indicated, a majority of the Politburo members of the Communist Party wish to continue the hard line stance on the Tibetan unrest. For this purpose, the Chinese authorities have initiated political education campaigns to mould the Tibetan monks and have adopted "strike hard" policies of repression of dissent. These have resulted in more political alienation of Tibetans in Tibet and abroad which implies that the relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese are poised to remain difficult in the future.

By making a long-term and stable arrangement of institutional and popular accountability for the Tibetan authority in-exile, the Dalai Lama will knock off any chance of instability and chaos in a postDalai Lama situation.

www.epilogue.in

Maulana Showkat Shah: One More Dead; How Many More to Go? D SUBA CHANDRAN

very death in the Kashmir valley is interpreted in myriad ways - from murder, assassination, conspiracy, admonition to internal strife, depending on who is expressing it and from where it is being expressed. Many, including some of his critics, argue today that the Maulana has been martyred. However, establishing his martyrdom raises three simple questions: by whom, for what purpose and how many more will have to be 'martyred', before the Indians stand up as a state, nation and people? Meanwhile, how is Maulana Shaukat Shah to be understood in the backdrop of his varied opinions articulated in the recent years? As a leader of the Jamiat-e-Ahli Hadees, he remarked on several religious issues; as a politico-religious being he tried to blend religion and politics; as a personality he has been closely identified with Yasin Malik; and recently he was dubbed as an Indian agent by a faction within Kashmir, especially following the controversial fatwa statement - 'stone throwing by the youth is un-Islamic'. Then, who really was Maulana Shaukat Shah? The unfortunate truth about Kashmir valley is that only an

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING

how is Maulana Shaukat Shah to be understood in the backdrop of his varied opinions articulated in the recent years? As a leader of the Jamiat-e-Ahli Hadees, he remarked on several religious issues; as a politico-religious being he tried to blend religion and politics; as a personality he has been closely identified with Yasin Malik; and recently he was dubbed as an Indian agent by a faction within Kashmir, individual himself knows what he really believes in and how far it is different from what he speaks in the public. It is possible that perhaps the Maulana himself may not have known or foreseen - who would kill him and for what reasons. Thus it is significant to reflect on what actually might have caused his death. The first possibility is that Maulana Shaukat Shah was killed because of an internal conspiracy. A section in Kashmir believes that the schism between Sufism and the puritanical versions is increasingly getting violent. Jamiat-e-Ahli Hadith which the Maulana headed, is itself divided into various factions and there were indictments about how the Maulana led the movement since his take over in 1999. It is not a mere coincidence, that his predecessor - Professor Mohammad Ramzan was also assassinated. Second, it is probable that the Maulana was assassinated given his perception being an Indian agent. A section within Kashmir believes that the Maulana was a part of the pro-independence movements since 2007 and had changed his mind only after his arrest in 2008. Third, it is likely that the Maulana was assassinated as a warning signal to the moderates in the separatist camp. The statement made by Hafeez Saeed, in a memorial meeting in Islamabad for the Maulana is extremely important and needs further analysis in this regard. He was quoted in the local news papers in Pakistan stating - "We don't believe in cricket diplomacy or any other backdoor channel that the government adopts with India," and "Mujahideen (freedom fighters) are determined to continue their struggle till the logical end of the Kashmir movement." What does the above statement reflect? Is it the usual rhetoric or Hafiz Saeed making a statement in memorial meeting of Maulana Showkat? Worse, is he highlighting what is likely to be the Lashkar strategy vis-Ă vis Kashmir? Shaukat Aziz's killers may or may not be nabbed, but a clear pattern is emerging since the 1990s. Ever since the killing of the Mirwaiz in 1990 - Maulvi Mohammad Farooq, there has been a series of assassinations of religious leaders, including Qazi Nisar Ahmed's elimi-

www.epilogue.in

nation in 1994. If one has to expand this pattern to include the assassinations of the separatist political leaders including Abdul Ghani Lone (2002), one will observe that the moderate voices are being targeted. In fact, the trend is becoming progressively self evident. While the above analysis may implicate the non-state actors led by the Lashkar as the main culprits, the state cannot be totally absolved from these assassinations. Even if there is a small chance for peace, the state is obligated to play a role (perhaps an indirect one) in silencing the trouble-makers, most often by not providing them enough space and scope to mobilize believers in violence. The moderate voices in any conflict situation which speak for peace need to be strengthened by expanding their constituency. Unfortunately no major actions have been taken by the union government in recent years which can be construed as an effective strategy to strengthen the moderate voices. For New Delhi, the absence of violence has meant establishment of peace. Since there has been less violence, it has been assumed that normalcy has returned to the Kashmir valley and hence there is no further need for action. Reduction in infiltration along the LoC has been automatically taken to mean that terrorism has declined in Kashmir. Moreover, the civil society has also lacked initiative in eliminating this lack of concern. It watches the entire process guardedly - protesting vociferously against whom it can and remaining silent on the powerwielders. And the few who raise their voices are silenced, most often brutally. The fact remains that Maulana Sahukat was assassinated in April 2011. But it will be difficult to uncover the truth behind this fact. It is hard to say how long this cycle will continue given the current realities. And even more disconcerting to imagine how many more people will die before the Indians wake up as a state, nation and society and say enough is enough. By Arrangement: IPCS, New Delhi

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING

2011 will be year of change A general battling an insurgency among an often hostile populace while labouring hard and openly to win hearts and minds is not usual, but that is what Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, commander of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps, has been at since taking charge four months earlier. Excerpts from an interview with Ajay Shukla

I am sure you have been asked this before, but how does your Muslim identity help you in dealing with the Kashmiri people? Well, people read my name and it helps in the first meeting, but Kashmiris are very analytical. Unless they believe I'm genuinely helping them, I won't get a second chance. More than from my faith, I benefit from long experience in Kashmir, where I commanded a brigade and then a division before coming to 15 Corps. I also benefit from my understanding of religion as a strategic weapon. And, I greatly benefit from my relationships with many people who I have known from past tenures, both civilians and in the administration. How significant is your success in bringing down militancy? The army says there are just 300 militants left in the valley? I'm not looking just at statistics. To say that militancy is down to sub-critical levels and this year we'll be able to stop it completely, it is not like that. I always caution people, don't get elated by numbers. The problem remains one of intent and infrastructure across the Line of Control, where 700-800 terrorists are ready for infiltration and many more are being trained. The big problem in the Valley now seems to be stone pelting and mass uprising, not militancy. Is the army shifting focus? I see a clear nexus between stone pelting and terrorism. From 2008, when the agitation started, the main instigators and crowd controllers were all known militants. And, the stone pelters were doing it for money. Near Zainakote is a boatmen's colony, all poor people. They were paid Rs 300 per day to throw stones.

www.epilogue.in

In Baramulla, where the cart pushers earn Rs 200 per day, they were willing to throw stones for Rs 300. Is this going to be a summer of discontent again? After three summers of agitation, most Kashmiris have lost patience. Parents don't want school-going children to take to the streets. Businessmen, shopkeepers, labourers, white collar workers, all want normalcy. Important organisations like, for example, the Tata Sumo Union, are putting pressure for normalcy. But the separatist leadership is looking for a trigger they can use to start an agitation. Over the past three years, we gave it to them on a platter. In 2008, the trigger was the Amarnath Shrine land is-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

STRATEGIC THINKING

sue, with all its misinformation. In 2009, you had the mysterious deaths of two girls in Shopian; again, nothing was proved. Last year, it was the unfortunate death of a young boy, Tufail Mattoo, killed by a teargas canister. And, there could be another trigger this year? An innocuous incident could be exploited tomorrow, for example a traffic accident involving an army vehicle. If a trigger is there, things could snowball. Many Kashmiri villagers are impressed with your programme to win hearts and minds. Our senior officers always knew that soft power makes the ultimate difference in an insurgency. But the junior ranks were more focused on operations, understandably, given the high levels of insecurity. Now, they are focusing on being courteous and helpful, for instance, when checking a vehicle. So, our people-friendly approach is being implemented from top to bottom. Training soldiers for this is more difficult than training them in tactical drills, but now the young officers and soldiers have taken ownership of this initiative. For over a decade, we have run a programme called Sadbhavana, providing material benefits like schools and vocational training to the populace. Now we are engaging them at the human level. The basis of my strategy has been to listen, rather than to talk down to the people You believe it is working? Our new approach has certainly created interest. We are engaging the youth, getting them off the streets through focused programmes like explaining the opportunities for them in other parts of the country. In a programme called 'Watan ki sair', we sponsor trips by youngsters across India. Nevertheless, there remains real anger amongst Kashmir's youth. If you're living in a tinderbox, where the press is negative, and you can't move around, there will be anger against everything. Most places offer ways of diverting oneself; here there is nothing, especially during the five-month winter, when everyone stays at home. We have begun organising events and competitions in football, cricket, carom, debates and quizes. We recently organised a half-marathon, and 3,000 people participated, including 300 girls. Another 8,000 people came out to cheer the runners.

www.epilogue.in

What about the political dialogue? There are too many players who don't want normalcy, Pakistan's ISI for example. Separatists will only negotiate if there is pressure from the people of Kashmir, who must be convinced they are better off with India. For that, the Army has to prevent turbulence, so that the other government agencies can work towards creating normalcy. And, the confidence building mechanisms, like the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad transport links, are losing steam? I was at Uri when the Caravan-e-Aman (the SrinagarMuzaffarabad bus) began with much fanfare. Now, barely anyone travels on the bus. Trade is increasing, but without a strong regulatory body that deals with communications, financial exchanges, etc, it cannot pick up. All that can happen only with improvement in relations. So, it is a Catch22 situation. This January, I found 120 trucks coming and going from each side. But everyone has hijacked the rules, so you even find coconuts from Kerala going across, even though trade has to be confined to local produce. Your final assessment? I believe 2011 is a crucial year. The stamina for mass agitation is running low, terrorism is down, and infiltration is low. 2011 must be the year of difference in Kashmir. Courtesy: Business Standard

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

LOC MONITOR REPORTS & ANALYSIS

First family's third generation

PaK premiere's son makes political debut; to contest polls

he premiere of Pakistan ad ministered Kashmir Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan has formally launched his son, Usman Attique, as a candidate for the general elections likely to be held in June-July from an urban constituency of Muzaffarabad, an area from where his father and the then premier Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan had suffered a humiliating defeat exactly 15 years ago. A formal declaration about his candidature came recently at a public meeting in the suburban Lohar Galli village which was addressed by the prime minister along with some cabinet members and local Muslim Conference (MC) leaders. Usman, who heads MC's so-called coordination board, is venturing on the electoral politics for the first time but has chosen Muzaffarabad to try his luck instead of his native Bagh district, home to three constituencies, represented by Prime Minister Sardar Attique (LA-13 Bagh-I), PML-N leader Col (retired) Raja Mohammad Nasim (LA-14, Bagh-II), and People's Party AJK leader Sardar Qamaruz Zaman (LA15, Bagh-III). Since 1985, when the parliamentary election was held after a gap of 10 years, LA-13 Bagh-I has seen none but prime minister's family members returning to the legislature. From 1985 to 2001, the constituency was represented either by his father or uncle (Sardar Abdul Ghaffar) but in the last (2006) election he himself contested from there. Prior to that, Sardar Attique was elected thrice as MLA but from LA-

www.epilogue.in

29 Jammu and others-I, one of the 12 LA constituencies in Pakistan. Of these 12 constituencies, six are strictly reserved for refugees from Kashmir Valley and the rest for refugees from Jammu and "others." The word "others" gives loophole to the AJK nationals living in Pakistan to contest from any of these six seats. As the MQM also jumped into the PaK politics in 2006, the Jammu & others-I seat was clinched by its candidate Tahir Khokhar, who incidentally also happens to be an AJK

Since 1985, when the parliamentary election was held after a gap of 10 years, LA-13 Bagh-I has seen none but prime minister's family members returning to the legislature. From 1985 to 2001, the constituency was represented either by his father or uncle (Sardar Abdul Ghaffar) but in the last (2006) election he himself contested from there. resident. In the absence of any other 'secure' constituency for his heir apparent, the prime minister decided to field him from LA-26 Muzaffarabad-III; also because the constituency lacked any soul in his party who could dare resist or challenge nomination of an 'imported candidate'. For the sake of his son, the premier has started spending considerable time in Muzaffarabad, something

Vol. 5 Issue 05

which was rare in the past. LA-26 encompasses Muzaffarabad city - a traditionally stronghold of anti-MC voters - and some of its suburban areas. Prior to 2006 polls, LA-25 and LA-26 used to be a single constituency and was twice represented by MC nominees. However, in 1996 MC candidate and sitting premier Sardar Abdul Qayyum was defeated by PPAJK's Khwaja Farooq Ahmed by a margin of over 10,000 votes. In 2006 polls, held after its bifurcation, PPAJK's Hanif Awan won the mainly urban area seat and MC's Murtaza Gillani clinched the rural area seat. Residents of the urban area, which saw utter devastation in the 2005 earthquake, feel marginalised at the hands of MC governments. Shortly after coming to power, Sardar Attique had added fuel to fire by announcing alleged relocation of the state capital. However, grievances against the MC apart, past five-year performance of PPAJK lawmaker has also remained dismal, making many independent analysts believe that renewal of his ticket could be a boon for his opponents. The PML-N, which has also emerged as a force to reckon with, is yet to announce its candidate from here though some reports suggest it could be the party's organiser Raja Farooq Haider himself. Observers say that with Mr Awan and young Usman in the fray, it would not be difficult for Mr Haider to clinch the seat if he exploits the alleged failures and shortcomings of his opponents in a befitting manner. - Tariq Naqash

Epilogue May 2011

LOC MONITOR REPORTS & ANALYSIS

Caravan-e-Aman

First peace bus completes six years

ymbolising eagerness of hun dreds and thousands of di vided families wishing to see blurring of the Line of Control that divides not only land but people of Jammu and Kashmir, the Cross-LoC bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad has completed six years of its run early this month. Amidst fanfare, enthusiasm and also militant violence, the bust bus across LoC, named as Caravan-eAman, was flagged on April 7, 2005 from Srinagar by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. A similar bus was seen off from Muzaffarabad, capital of Pakistan administered Kashmir, amidst matching enthusiasm and hopes. On April 7, when the Caravan-e-Aman completed six years of its run, officials of Jammu and Kashmir and PaK governments met at crossing point and exchanged greetings and sweets at the LoC bridge in Chakothi. The Cross-LoC bus service on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route has ferried 15976 members of divided families in six years. The number of visitors has been much higher on Poonch-Rawalakote route where such bus service was launched in June 2006. Initially started as a fortnightly service, in August 2008, buses began travelling on a weekly basis. Following the service's success, another bus service was launched on June 6, 2006, between Rawalakot in PaK and Poonch on Indian side. So far, 9,581 members of divided families have crossed over the LoC from Pakistani side into while 6,395 Kashmiris have taken this bus to visit PaK.

www.epilogue.in

Rehabilitation CBM

J&K youth homesick in PaK, 725 apply for return

een to avail of the government's special reha bilitation policy, 725 Kashmiri families have approached the government to facilitate home coming of their kith and kin who crossed over to Pakistan administered Kashmir years ago to embrace militancy. A high level committee comprising representatives of the Jammu and Kashmir government, Ministry of Home Affairs, Army and others will scrutinise all the applications and verify antecedents of the militants who want to surrender and live a peaceful life. "If everything goes well, we expect the first batch of militants to return home by June," sources said. The high level committee is expected to hold its meeting immediately after the ongoing Panchayat polls in Jammu and Kashmir. Of the 725 applications received by the Jammu and Kashmir government on behalf of the militants of whom many are married and have children and the surrender and rehabilitation policy will also facilitate their return. The special surrender and rehabilitation policy, announced last year, covers all people (and their dependents) who crossed over to PaK between 1989 and 2009 to embrace

Vol. 5 Issue 05

militancy and now want to return to lead a peaceful life. The scheme includes identification, screening, travel, debriefing, rehabilitation and reintegration of the militants willing to give up arms. The policy will be implemented by the Jammu and Kashmir government with the active support of the Central government. Sources said these militants have given up arms long ago due to a change of heart and are willing to return to the state. Home Minister P Chidambaram had said that "PoK is actually an Indian territory", and the government "should facilitate the return" of those who had gone across the Line of Control for "some reasons". "The idea that any Indian who had crossed over to PoK and wishes to return India is certainly welcome," he had said. The issue of return of Kashmiri youth from PaK shot to prominence in 2006 when a delegation of leaders from Jammu and Kashmir, including Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti, went to Pakistan. Several Kashmiris in PaK met them and pleaded to facilitate their return, saying they were "homesick".

Epilogue May 2011

LOC MONITOR REPORTS & ANALYSIS

Cross-LoC Trade

Peeved Punjab traders seek duty check

unjab-based traders have sought a check on Line of Con trol (LoC) trade at SrinagarMuzaffarabad and PoonchRawalakot routes, alleging misuse of the duty free status of these routes and hampering trade at the Attari-Wagah route. Besides, they also sought creation of additional infrastructure at Attari border to handle more cargo and extension in timing for carrying out trade at Attari-Wagah land route too give fillip to bilateral trade. A group of exporters, led by Amritsar Exporters Chamber of Commerce today raised these demands during a brief meeting with Commerce Secretary Rahul Khullar in Amritsar on April 26. Khullar would meet his counterpart Zafar Mehmood in Islamabad on April 27 and 28 in a bid to give a push to bilateral trade ties between the two sides. "We pointed out in the meeting

A group of exporters, led by Amritsar Exporters Chamber of Commerce today raised these demands during a brief meeting with Commerce Secretary Rahul Khullar in Amritsar on April 26. Khullar would meet his counterpart Zafar Mehmood in Islamabad on April 27 and 28 in a bid to give a push to bilateral trade ties between the two sides. with (Rahul) Khullar that our trade is suffering because of misuse of the duty free status given to Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakot trade routes,"

Amritsar Exporters Chamber of Commerce Vice-President Rajdeep Uppal said. "We requested him to ensure bilateral trade of only Kashmiri items as it was mandated while opening of the trade," Uppal added. LoC duty free trade at SrinagarMuzaffarabad and PoonchRawalakot routes (between the two sides of divided Kashmir) started in October, 2008. Exporters said unscrupulous traders from here are importing and exporting several items under the garb of Kashmir origin through these duty free routes, which have hit trade at Attari-Wagah route. "For example traders are procuring red chillies from Andhra Pradesh and labelling it as Kashmir Spices and then exporting it to Pakistan. As a result of it, we are losing our export business in Pakistan," he said.

Militancy

Army fears more infiltrations this summer

ith melting of snow on the upper reaches, the Army fears increased infiltrations of militants from across the Line of Control this summer. Around 450 militants staged in training camps and launching pads across the LoC are waiting to infiltrate into Jammu and Kashmir, a top Army officer has said. "As per intelligence reports, there are about 42 training camps across the LoC. 450 odd terrorists are lodged in camps and launching pads, and staged for in-

www.epilogue.in

filtration," General Officer Commanding (GOC), 25 Infantry Division, Maj Gen Om Prakash told reporters at Nagrota base near Jammu recently. Infiltration attempts will increase with the melting of snow as per analysis of past militant methods and activities along the LoC, he said, adding that army is well prepared to meet the challenge. "We are aware of their designs. We are prepared for it. I assure you that we will foil their designs and all attempts," he said. Regarding the mili-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

tants operating in hinterlands of the state, the GOC said that nearly 200 militants are operating inside the south of Pir Panchal region. "They are all terrorists. We are regularly getting inputs of their movement. The backbone of the militancy in south of Pir Panchal has been broken," he said. The rest will be wiped out in due course of time, the GOC said. Zero-infiltration has been achieved along the LoC in south of Pir Panchal in Jammu and Kashmir, he said.

Epilogue May 2011

CURRENT AFFAIRS

Where on earth is Iceland?

Skarphédinsson's J&K visit and the mutual quest for energy exploration EPILOGUE BUREAU Where on the earth is Iceland, wondered almost everyone when Nordic country's Foreign Minister landed in Jammu recently and talked about collaborations in energy and tourism sectors. Visits of envoys and military generals of various countries to Jammu and Kashmir have been common but a Foreign Affairs Minister coming here to talk about business collaborations raised many an eyebrow.

oreign Minister Össur Skarphé- dinsson arrived in Jammu on April 27, had a meeting with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, another meeting with Nasir Wani, Omar's deputy for Home Affairs, a visit to Leh, then a meeting with Dr Farooq Abdullah, the National Conference patriarch and Union Minister for New and Renewable Energy in Srinagar. This was his second meeting with Dr Abdullah during his nine-day India visit. Earlier Skarphédinsson met Abdullah senior in New Delhi before taking off for Jammu. Sources say that Össur Skarphédinsson's Jammu and Kashmir visit was a follow up to Dr Abdullah's five-day visit to Iceland in October 2010. It is believed that Dr Abdullah is using his good offices for bringing Iceland to energy exploration ventures in Jammu and Kashmir. While Iceland has main interests and expertise in geothermal energy, it is the hydel potential of Indus system which Jammu and Kashmir is keen partner in for energy harnessing. Skarphédinsson also had an assessment of geothermal resources in Ladakh during his visit to the Himalayan cold desert. It is however to be keenly seen how Dr Abdullah

www.epilogue.in

"When the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy of India, the Government of Iceland and the International Hydropower Association join forces in a discussion of New Approaches to Hydropower, something is bound to happen. Taken into consideration where the ministers, present at this event, come from, Kashmir and Iceland, we will most certainly be moving towards higher altitudes" Excerpts from the speech of Icelandic Energy Minister at a reception hosted for Dr Farooq Abdullah during his visit to Iceland on October 11, 2010

Vol. 5 Issue 05

is able to rope in a foreign country in energy business in Jammu and Kashmir when allotment of hydel projects contracts is already a major political issue in the home state. Both in separatists and mainstream camps, there is a tough resistance to the hydro-electric power projects awarded to Government of India owned National Hydro-electric Power Corporation (NHPC). People want all projects executed in the state sector. NHPC, one of richest Public Sector Undertakings, makes around 26% of its total revenue from Jammu and Kashmir and pays back to state only 12% royalty in terms of electricity generated. Getting foreign companied, private or government owned, in Jammu and Kashmir is an unclear proposition. Experts are of the opinion that state governments are not in a position to deal directly with the foreign parties. However, in the present scenario there is an advantage of state's leader Dr Farooq Abdullah being a Minister for Energy in the Government of India. There is a scope for Farooq dealing with a foreign government as a Minister representing Government of India and then securing some projects for the home state.

Epilogue May 2011

CURRENT AFFAIRS

Farooq Abdullah is innovative in clinching such deals but he has often run into rough weather. As Chief Minister, he awarded a mega hydro-electric project -the Sawlakote project -to a Norwegian company without floating any tenders. The contract had to be scrapped latter and the case is currently hanging in the courts. Icelandic perspective Referring to Minister's visit to Kashmir, a statement of Icelandic Ministry for Foreign Affairs said the ministers discussed the development of the cooperation between Icelandic and Indian companies on the harnessing of geothermal energy for electricity production. "Kashmiri authorities are keen on such cooperation and some Indian and Icelandic companies have already launched geothermal energy projects in the region", said the statement. "The Kashmiri economy is primarily based on tourism in connection with the renowned beauty of the Himalayas and the Kashmir Valley and at the meeting various options were discussed on how geothermal energy harnessing and tourism could go together". Skarphédinsson mentioned the Blue Lagoon in Iceland in that connection, which was created through the operations of the geothermal power plant in Svartsengi. The minister also visited Leh in the Kashmiri Labakh region where considerable geothermal energy can be found, before continuing to Srinagar to meet Dr. Farooq Abdullah. "Energy cooperation between the two countries was discussed further, also in terms of hydropower. Dr. Abdullah declared his interest in having Icelandic companies assist on the construction of large hy-

www.epilogue.in

dropower plants which the Indian government has decided to construct at the foot of the Himalayas", said the Icelandic Foreign Ministry statement. Meeting with Krishna Before coming to J&K, Skarphédinsson had a meeting with Indian Foreign Affairs Minister SM Krishan in New Delhi where he made a formal request that India would continue to support Iceland's economic recovery program within the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Skarphédinsson also expressed his gratitude for India's positive reaction towards the Icelandic government's request for support when disbursement of the IMF's loan to Iceland was delayed at an earlier stage, as stated on the ministry's website. The two ministers welcomed considerable growth in trade between the two countries and discussed ways to further it more, for example by advancing a Free Trade

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Agreement between India and the EFTA-states. Krishna requested closer cooperation with Iceland in fisheries. The next step in that area will be taken when a group of Indian specialists participate in a UNU F isheries Training Program in Iceland. Skarphédinsson gave an account on the status of the cooperation between the nations in geothermal energy development; an agreement on a small geothermal power project is in its final stages. Other energy collaborations were discussed, such as the design and construction of small geothermal power plants in the mountain regions of northern India and the interest of Indian investors in producing silicon chips and equipment for solar plants in Iceland, using renewable energy. Finally the ministers discussed the cooperation between Iceland and India in international affairs and the situation in North Africa, Afghanistan and Palestine, as well as India's relations with its neighboring countries, the situation in Iceland and prospects in the Arctic region.

Epilogue May 2011

CURRENT AFFAIRS

Tax waiver for J&K

Finance Ministry, NPPA at loggerheads

erious differences are reported to have surfaced between the finance ministry and the drug price watchdog National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA) on who should benefit from from the policy of partial excise duty waiver for state of Jammu & Kashmir. While the ministry is of the firm view that the tax relief is meant for the industry, NPPA is equally clear that the consumer should also gain from it. The dispute will have financial implications for companies like Lupin Laboratories, Cadila Pharmaceuticals and Emcure Pharmaceuticals which have production facilities in the state. The finance ministry believes the partial excise exemption, as per which it refunds the excise duty paid by the producers, is an incentive for setting up manufacturing units in the state, as per a 2002 notification issued by the Central Board of Excise and Customs. Hence, drug makers which have manufacturing facilities in the state, could keep it. The government refunds about 50%-60% of the total duty or the actual duty paid, whichever is less. However, the drug price regulator

Keeping the duty refunded by the government amounts to overcharging as per the drug price control order issued under the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, the regulator has decided. It has also decided to ask all companies having production facilities in J&K to deposit with the government the excise duty that has so far been refunded by the authorities if the duty has already been collected from the consumer at the time of sale. believes that companies cannot be allowed to make unfair gains by keeping the excise duty refunds from the government as they have already recovered the duty from consumers at the time of sale. Keeping the duty refunded by the government amounts to overcharging as per the drug price control order issued under the Essential Com-

modities Act, 1955, the regulator has decided. It has also decided to ask all companies having production facilities in J&K to deposit with the government the excise duty that has so far been refunded by the authorities if the duty has already been collected from the consumer at the time of sale. Companies will also be asked to pay interest on this liability till they pay back. NPPA will take revenue recovery steps that will also include roping in state revenue and law enforcement agencies in the case of companies that do not comply, said a person privy to the development. In fact, the regulator's initial efforts to recover such 'overcharged amounts' from Lupin Laboratories has already landed in the Delhi High Court, where the matter is pending. In the 2011-12 union budget, the government marginally raised the excise duty on finished formulations from 4% to 5%, which is levied on 65% of the price of the product. The effective duty now therefore, works out to 3.25%. In excise exempt hill states like Himachal Pradesh, where there is no concept of first paying the duty and then getting refunds, there is not confusion on the matter....

Greh Parvesh, at last

Kashmiri migrants get houses, await homes

othing can compensate the loss of being away from one's home but some Kashmiri Pandit migrants who have spent nearly two decades in dingy tents have finally got some houses for a modest but honourable living. The Jagti town ship, near Jammu City, was inaugurated by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh early March. Following formal inauguration flats have been allotted to the migrant beneficiaries who have started moving in. According to the Relief Commissioner, 1520 flats have already been allotted to the beneficiaries. Out of these 840 families have taken the possession and the shifting has already started. He said most probably the bulk shifting will take place on 5th of May for Mahurat for Grah Parvesh. Recently Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah today visited Jagti Township to take stock of the shifting of migrant families to the newly constructed complex. The Chief Minister interacted with the families who have shifted, enquired of their welfare and asked about the arrangements put in place for their shifting. He said government would take all measures to make the living conditions in the township more palatable for the migrant families. Omar enquired about the functioning of school and hospital. He was informed that school has started admission of students while a mini health centre is working at the township and the hospital would be completed by August this year

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

CURRENT AFFAIRS

State of Health

On average every Kashmiri spends Rs 5882 a year on medicines

eople in the Kashmir valley consume medicines worth Rs 400 crore annually, while the consumption for the entire Jammu and Kashmir is Rs 600 crore every year, the government statistics have revealed. In a population of around 68 lakhs the Rs 400 Crore annual medicine bill comes to an average of Rs 5882 per person per year. The Divisional Commissioner, Dr Asghar Samoon, recently convened a meeting to discuss and review various drug control methods in the valley and stressed that only prescribed medication methods should be practised by pharmacists and chemists to sell medicines. The meeting informed that Rs 600 crore of medicines are being consumed in the Jammu and Kashmir of which Rs 400 crore in the Kashmir valley only. It was revealed in the meeting that 3000 wholesalers, 5000 retailers operate in the valley. Expressing serious concern over the rising consumption of drugs, the Samoon said "the rising drug problem is one of the serious challenges we are facing today," stressing that no medicines, without prescription of the doctor, should be sold to patients. He also directed the Health and education sector to work in tandem to create mass awareness, particularly, among the youth in schools and colleges about the hazardous effects of drug use. The Divisional Commissioner directed the Pharmacists, Chemists and doctors to work with ethics while doing their work. "Standard treatment protocols need to be followed so that patients don't develop drug resistance and that there is no misuse of drugs." The meeting suggested that a crackdown should be made on malpractices by pharmacists and doctors that no medical representatives should be allowed in OPDs and Casualties.

Rs 600 Crore of medicines are being consumed in the Jammu and Kashmir annually of which Rs 400 Crore is in the Kashmir valley only. There are 3000 drug wholesalers and 5000 retailers operating in the valley

A MONTH IN THE LIFE OF JAMMU & KASHMIR

Epilogue For Subscriptions mail us At: epilogue@epilogue.in or call at +91-9018792556

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

POLITICS

THE COMMUNAL DIVIDE

Preparing for another row?

After BJP's shame in Jammu, now it is VHP's protection to 'sacred space' EPILOGUE BUREAU After a humiliating fiasco in the BJP ranks in Jammu, another Sangh Parivar organisation, the Vishva Hindu Parishad seems to have taken the charge of saffron agenda in the region. The issue in hand is again Amarnath pilgrimage and the man in charge is Praveen Bhai Togadia. Offering a perfect reason for the season to their Islamist counterparts in Kashmir, Togadia's plan of action has started taking shape in Jammu.

he Hindu residents of Jammu re gion have often been accused by the Kashmiri extremists of being communal. Such a sweeping opinion about any community or religion is deeply hurting. There have been some unpleasant incidents in the past but Hindus, being majority community in Jammu, can be largely credited for general sustenance of communal harmony in the region. Some recent developments have once again reiterated that it is perhaps Sangh Parivar, particularly the BJP, which stirs communal passions in the region, sometimes making Muslims feel insecure. The government and other keen watchers of some recent developments feared major reaction in Jammu when Revenue department rescinded the order on 'Dogra certificate' following an amendment in the rules incorporated by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs. The manner in which the J&K Revenue Minister had issued orders on Dogra certificate, bracketing all residents of Jammu province as Dogras, and the kind of reaction that came from Kashmir's separatist and mainstream camps had already given communal colours to the issue. After Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani's no holds barred statement that Dogra certificate was an organised attempt to divide Mus-

www.epilogue.in

Though a slur on democratic principles but, of course, a blessing in disguise, the BJP stands nearly wiped out from mainland Jammu where it called the shots. With seven of its eleven MLAs clearly exposed for selling their votes to the National Conference-Congress ruling combine in Legislative Council elections on April 13, the saffron party has been reduced to laughing stock in the region.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

POLITICS THE COMMUNAL DIVIDE

lims by creating fake identities, there was every apprehension of protests in Jammu when order was rescinded. Interestingly, Jammu didn't react at all when Government superseded the Dogra certificate order on April 28 with another order which made the concessions in recruitment in Central Paramilitary Forces available to all residents of Jammu and Kashmir. The earlier order, in view of a historical fact, extended such concessions to Dogras only. Barring one customary statement by BJP's spokesman there was no reaction at all. With Jammu accepting government decision on Dogra certificate with humility, it comes to safe conclusion that minus BJP Jammu region has no communal agenda. BJP has historically propagated communal and divisive agenda in Jammu and Kashmir. Even as its senior leader and former national president Rajnath Singh recently admitted in Jammu that BJP has no understanding or vision for resolution of Kashmir issue, the party is always in business of selling its self appointed role of de-

www.epilogue.in

fender of India in Kashmir. With this unchallenged role the BJP went on stir communal passions around Amarnath land row in 2008 and then reaped the harvest with eleven seats in the assembly elections later same year. With eleven members in House of 87 and controlling nearly 30 percent of assembly constituencies in Jammu region the BJP has been at height of its communal arrogance since 2008. Though a slur on democratic principles but, of course, a blessing in disguise, the BJP stands nearly wiped out from mainland Jammu where it called the shots. With seven of its eleven MLAs clearly exposed for selling their votes to the National Conference-Congress ruling combine in Legislative Council elections on April 13, the saffron party has been reduced to laughing stock in the region. The seven MLAs, including the veteran Chaman Lal Gupta, were suspended from party by its president Nitin Gadkari on April 20 on nearly proved cash-forvote allegations, the BJP is not left with any moral authority to represent the 'regional sentiments' of people of Jammu as party would always claim. However, after BJP's waterloo, another Sangh Parivaar organisation has landed in Jammu to occupy the saffron space and keep the fringe elements engaged in its communal project. The issue is about duration of annual Amarnath pilgrimage something which sells well even with most moderates and seculars across the country. Despite head priest of Amarnath shrine Mahant Dipinder Giri's clear cut opinion based on religious scriptures that pilgrimage should be for 30 days only, the VHP has launched a movement for 60-day pilgrimage. The Amarnath Shrine Board, headed of J&K Governor, has notified as 45day long pilgrimage but VHP and its other supporter have taken um-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

brage to this. In a clear threat to maintenance of peace, the VHP leader Praveen Togadia has threatened to start the pilgrimage 15 days ahead of schedule. "We will start the two-month long Amarnath yatra from June 15 as per the traditional calander. We will not abide by the announcement of the state Governor to start the yatra from June 29," International General Secretary Parveen Bhai Togdia said in Jammu on April 29. Togadia is in full confrontational mode and is apparently filling in the gap left by collapse of BJP image. "Who is the Governor (Chairman of Shri Amarnath Shrine Board) to decide date and periodicity of the yatra. The date of the yatra should always be left to Hindu priests," Togadia said. Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB) should only take care of the arrangements and other infrastructural needs of the pilgrimage and decision of commencement and periodicity of the yatra should be left to priests and religious leaders of Hinduism, he said. "Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has said that the government has no problem in providing security for the yatra even for two months, then what is the problem with the Governor?," he said. When asked if government does not allow them to go ahead with the yatra on June 15, he said, "We will start the yatra on June 15 at all cost and in all circumstances. We, therefore, warn the Board and government to rectify the yatra curtailment decision immediately." "If the government cannot provide the security to the yatra for fifteen days, we will bring one lakh Bajrang Dal activists from outside the state to provide security to the yatra," he said. "The Governor will be responsible for the consequences if we are not allowed to go ahead with the yatra," Togadia has warned.

Epilogue May 2011

CURRENT AFFAIRS

PANCHAYAT ELECTIONS

Democracy: Roots are Deepening

Rural empowerment is the real test EPILOGUE BUREAU Surpassing all previous trends, the ongoing Panchayat elections are a massive success in Kashmir. Defying separatist diktats and militant threats people have once again identified themselves with the larger democratic project. The real challenge is after the elections are over. Are the governments in New Delhi and Srinagar ready to compliment the democratic aspirations of people?

n one of his tweets Chief Minis ter Omar Abdullah says that Kash mir is tasting Panchayat elections first in 30 years. On an earlier occasion he told reporters that massive public participation in these polls should be misread as a referendum on Kashmir. "Seventy to eighty five percent polling shows that people want to decide their fate themselves and are capable to do so", says Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Omar's and Manmohan's opinion about ongoing Panchayat elections may sound completely contradictory to each other but people have offered them on platter a huge opportunity for consolidation of peace and development efforts in Kashmir. After militants killed a woman who had stood for Panchayat elections and intensive separatist campaign against the polls, 75 to 85 per cent polling is clearly a referendum. Yes, this may not be a referendum on future of Kashmir, as Omar cautions, but a dominant majority has conveyed a strong message -that they want to have say in democratic process, they want to be able to take their own decisions, they want development and above all they want peace. Earlier this year we dissected, in Epilogue's February issue, around

www.epilogue.in

Even in the strongest separatist strongholds, 80-85% voters turned up for polling votes. This is a big advantage for Omar Abdullah Government

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

CURRENT AFFAIRS

PANCHAYAT ELECTIONS

45 of the 70 proposals which came up for resolution of Kashmir issue at different points since 1947. Many readers and commentators got back to us saying that the most workable plan was never put on the table involving people's stakes in their destiny by democratic decentralisation of powers at grassroots levels. Last Panchayat elections were though held in 2001 but Omar Abdullah is right in saying that these are the first elections in 30 years. Held under the spectre of guns, the 2001 elections were mostly a paper work in Kashmir Valley though there was a large participation in some parts of Jammu. However, for six years the elected village representatives continued to look towards the government for devolution of powers to them but this didn't happen. With Panchayats in almost suspended animation since late 1970s there is a wide gulf between the government and the people. Recently a professor of the University of Kashmir rightly described the separatists as Kashmir's political mainstream. Though she said in a context that separatist thought is Valley's dominant political discourse but this can be viewed the other way round. With overemphasis on the separatist challenge it is the mainstream lot which is feeling alienated in today's Jammu and Kashmir. therefore holding of Panchayat elections augur well in making people partners in the democratic process but the real challenge is about empowering them with legally mandated instruments of local governance. Despite vocal calls by various militant groups and separatist Kashmiri leaders, the first five phases of polling witnessed a voter turnout of nearly 80 percent. Defying all expectations, almost 87 percent of the electorate turned up for voting in the separatist stronghold district of Kupwara during the first round

www.epilogue.in

13.04.11 Phase I: 80.77% 86.2 % in Kupwara, 77.87 % in Kangan, 72% in Budgam, 77.87% in Quimoh (Main), 77.34 in Quimoh (Partly), 80.49 % in Udhampur, 82% in Samba 80 % in Bishnah

25.04.11 Phase IV: 80.55% 88.39 % in Ramhal, 55.00 % in Rohama, 81.00 % in Wakura, 84.00% in Beerwah, 80.12 % in Devsar, 85.04 % in Mahore, 75.60 % in Ghordi, 80.41 % in Lohai Malhar, 85.50% in Bhani, 78.59 % in Duggan, 85.00 % in Nowshera, 83.00 % in Kalakote

17.04.11 Phase II: 82.10% 85.00 % in Kupwara, 86.95 % in Baramulla, 85.46% in Ganderbal, 77.00% in Budgam, 81.48% in Kulgam, 77.00 % in Udhampur, 84.00% in Samba 83.40 % in Jammu

Vol. 5 Issue 05

21.04.11 Phase III: 78.95% 86.50 % in Sogam, 86.00 % in Baramulla, 75.00% in Ganderbal, 82.00% in Chadoora, 69.60% in Kulgam, 72.69 % in Ramnagar, 78.24% in Dudu-Basantgarh, 82.00 % in Purmandal, 80 % in Ghagwal 80 % in Satwari

30.04.11 Phase V: 81.095 85 % in Rajwara, 66 % in Wagoora, 84% in Khansahib, 83.18% in DH Pora, 82.35% in Arnas, 83.20 % in Panchari, 74.33% in Basohli, 83.28 % in Darhal, 85.88 % in Budhal

Epilogue May 2011

of polling. The elections have, by and large, been peaceful except one election related killing. This seems to be a significant turnaround after the violent protests last summer which brought both the urban and rural areas of Kashmir Valley to a standstill. To understand the significance of these voting figures, consider this fact. Very few Sarpanch and Panch constituencies in Kashmir Valley actually went to the poll during the last Panchayat elections in 2001. Polling took place in 208 out of 2348 constituencies in Baramulla, 152 out of 1695 constituencies in Kupwara and 53 out of 759 constituencies in Srinagar. No poll was held in any of the 1022 constituencies of Badgam. The terrorist violence was at its peak in the state at that time, and the calls given by the Hizbul Mujahideen and the Hurriyat Conference, invoked enough fear in the minds of the candidates and the electorate to keep them away from the polls. This turnaround, from 2001 to 2011, is a direct consequence of the decline in militancy in Kashmir and growing urge among people for participation in democratic processes. There is however an apprehension

CURRENT AFFAIRS

PANCHAYAT ELECTIONS

This turnaround, from 2001 to 2011, is a direct consequence of the decline in militancy in Kashmir and growing urge among people for participation in democratic processes. There is however an apprehension which is based on the experience in the aftermath of successful assembly and parliamentary polls of 2008 and 2009 respectively. which is based on the experience in the aftermath of successful assembly and parliamentary polls of 2008 and 2009 respectively. After more than 60 percent voters participated in those elections, the Indian State claimed that all was well in Kashmir and sat on its haunches. No political or economic steps were initiated by the Centre to build upon the hope generated by those elections. Many people fear the same complacency from the Centre again, if these elections are universally acclaimed to be a sign of a normal Kashmir. Notwithstanding the above, all elections are inherently political in nature. These Panchayat elections have reinvigorated the political process at the grass root level in the state. It is not a secret that despite its public stance, the Jamaat- eIslami is contesting these elections

With overemphasis on the separatist challenge it is the mainstream lot which is feeling alienated in today's Jammu and Kashmir. therefore holding of Panchayat elections augur well in making people partners in the democratic process but the real challenge is about empowering them with legally mandated instruments of local governance.

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

in a big way. Even if it is conceded that people have not explicitly voted in favour of India by turning out in such vast numbers, by defying the unequivocal call of the separatists for poll boycott, they have certainly raised serious questions against those who claim to be the real representatives of the Kashmiris. Successful Panchayat elections are not an end in themselves. However they do provide an opportunity for Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to regain his political and administrative credibility, which stands diminished in the last two years. The challenge for Omar is to build upon this success, devolve greater financial and administrative powers to these local bodies, politically engage the newly elected leaders, and closely involve these new stakeholders in governance. The release of an additional grant of nearly Rs 1000 crore, held back by the Centre due to absence of elected local bodies, will provide the state government with greater resources and flexibility to deploy these resources via these newlyelected local bodies. It is nobody's claim that successful Panchayat elections will solve the Kashmir problem. But, if followed up with bold political steps and imaginative administrative measures, these elections can provide a platform for what an average Kashmiri needs during the summer of 2011: peace, security and normalcy --- and a chance to lead a regular socio-economic life.

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

Is Kashmir Ready for Peace, this Summer? ZAFAR CHOUDHARY Last locks have been put on the gates of civil secretariat -the highest seat of in the state -in the winter capital of Jammu. The Darbar is on the biennial move for its reopening in the summer capital on May 9. As focus of politics and governance now shifts to Srinagar for next six months, 'unpredictable' is again a vague response to a common question -how is Kashmir's coming summer likely to be?

redictions, not Kashmir, have bad reputation of proving wrong in Kashmir. Things go awfully wrong when predictions replace the preparedness and complacency allows creation of a situation where collective life runs according to an individual's calendar -Syed Ali Shah Geelani in this case. Kashmir was relatively calm last six months but that can't be taken as an indication that summer won't be hot. Kashmiris are coming out in unprecedented big numbers to cast votes in Panchayat elections but again that can't be taken as an indication that they would not hit the streets with same number and strengths when it comes to just doing that. 'Unpredictable' may sound both politically and strategically a vague and nonsensical answer but history is witness to many leaders taking refuge in this excuse and many governments burying their inefficiency in, what they call as, unpredictable mood swings of Kashmiris. If mood is anything to go by, then Kashmir's upcoming summer is most likely to be safe and peaceful. Top Generals and cops on the ground say that Kashmiris have been fatigued out by wasteful unrest of three consecutive summers and this time a break from the usual is imminent. Almost similar opin-

www.epilogue.in

ion is echoed by the politicians in ruling camps. Attributing to fatigue a hope for peace sounds self-misleading. On the contrary it seems that organs of the State are feeling fatigued by three years of street confrontations. Fatigue may not a valid reason for the peace hope but there are a range of other reasons which are gradually changing the wind. Indications have already started showing up. If we were to sum up what is likely to help keep peace this summer, here are few indications: A new Omar in place One after the other, when unarmed

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Kashmiri youths were falling down bullets of security forces last summer a popular buzzword that made rounds in political and security circles was that 'buck stops at the Chief Minister's table'. Rightly so, it is the Chief Minister who is incharge of internal law and order. Once, even the Cabinet Committee on Security talked about governance deficit in Kashmir. Despite an unprecedented support from New Delhi, Omar Abdullah found himself pushed to the wall. He seems to have learnt lessons from the turmoil which dented his credibility the most. After government offices moved to Jammu last November, as

Epilogue May 2011

biennial practice, Omar spent most of the winter weekends in Kashmir. The governance deficit seems to have been significantly mopped up. It is fashionable to criticise the government and leave other spoilers of peace scot free. Accountability has to be on both sides but the government shares larger responsibility. On winter weekends Omar's purpose of being in Kashmir was certainly not holidaying. Perhaps he was making Kashmiris to feel that when they pass through toughest time of the year -the inhospitable winter -while the government is housed in warmer Jammu, he is there with them to feel their difficulties and redress them. He attended around 30 public gatherings and even a higher number of meetings in Kashmir last winter. On February 5, when a Handwara youth was killed in Army firing, the Chief Minister rushed straightway to the family with not only sympathies but also apology even as he took Army to task. With his quick touch with the bereaved family he eliminated the scope for exploitation of situation by the spoilers of peace. These are small steps which make big differences. At least the Chief Minister can't be accused of being out of touch from the ground realities. On political front, Omar seems to have embarked on most ideal for Kashmir -mainstreaming of separatist project. Unlike his father's famous and most criticised stand of 'atoot ang' Omar has all the way been talking about pending resolution. There is a criticism to this approach also as why an elected Chief Minister is repeatedly harping on the notion of political problem and political solution. But why target Omar when Home Minister P Chidambaram said in 2010 that Kashmir has 'unique problems which need unique solutions' or when Vajpayee talked in 2002 about 'ambit of humanity' or when Nehru told Justice Mohammad Carrim Chagla in 1964 that 'Kashmir acceded to India under special circum-

www.epilogue.in

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

stances' or even earlier when Gopalaswamy Iyyengar justified to Maulana Hasrat Mohani in 1949 the 'need for special status and separate constitution for Kashmir'. Instead of irritating the public psyche Omar is now communicating to the Kashmiris in a language they understand. There are indications of other micro-level preparations which promise a better summer ahead. Even as the Police and paramilitary forces utilised most of the winter in training their frontal cops in better crowd control management, the Chief Minister's decision of sharing the Home department with his deputy in the Ministry shows that he not for chances. The man incharge, Nasir Aslam Wani, is close confidante of Omar but there are other factors which make him hood stuff for home department. Tough with cops, polite with people, clean at hands and heart this man comes from a rural constituency (in Kupwara) and represents an urban one (in Srinagar city). Kashmir's rural urban divide is as important to security strategy as it is to politics. The one who lost this balance perhaps lost the Kashmir. Sheikh

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Mohammad Abdullah knew this. His National Conference was a party of urban elite outlook but the symbol of plough connected him and the party to countryside in an emotional bond. This is one of many signs of Sheikh's politics which Omar is showing up. Introspection among Kashmiris Fatigue may not be the appropriate reason for Kashmiris to have introspection but an analysis of losses and gains of three years of non-stop unrest has certainly been a factor. It makes a sense counting about the gains while talking in conferences and seminars or writing columns. The chorus at these forums is that sacrifices of Kashmiris over past three years have once again brought the Kashmir issue under international focus and forced the government of India to talk to people. However, assessment of losses can be made by touching ground with those who lost their loved ones to the turmoil, those who lost their meagre sources of livelihood and those got pushed out of the career frays. These people do not attend conference or write newspaper columns. They want to

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

resurrect the lost grounds and Syed Ali Shah Geelani knows this well. Even before the onset of summer, the calendar man of Kashmir has denounced stone-pelting as a means of political communication. There is a cautious optimism in Kashmir and it is less likely that events of 2010 recur this summer. Some evidences indicate this: soon after Maulana Showkat's assassination in first week of March, the entire civil society called for restrain which forces all separatist factions to sit together and read the situation. No violent protests followed. There have been two protest killings in past couple of weeks but both were taken by regret, which is why the cycle of protests did not follow. Creative interlocution The Centre's interlocutors on Kashmir are being damned by all and sundry. And every one has genuine reason -someone in Delhi who wanted to be Kashmir pointman himself, someone who was not invited to a discussion, someone who is unhappy on why a lesser important one was talked to and the list of reasons goes on. It is fact acknowledged by interlocutors themselves that separatists are important stakeholders and the process is incomplete without having them onboard. But then what do with other constituencies of grievances which are not defined as separatist aspirations. Interlocutors have reached out to all and tried to take every section of opinion on board. Their press statements have been dubbed as antithesis of the basic

www.epilogue.in

principle of interlocution but without having poured their minds out how would have they inspired confidence among people that they were willing to talk and think out of box. Separatists have their own compulsion of not talking to the interlocutors. They don't want to talk to someone who is talking to everyone. There is some validity in this reason. Some reports emanating from New Delhi suggest that the Government of India is preparing grounds for engaging the separatists at highest political level, may be at the level of Prime Minister. There can't be a timeframe for settlement but continuous engagement would certainly build confidence. Such an engagement seems very much on cards, though may not be at the level of Prime Minister. Revival of Indo-Pak dialogue Remarkable warmth between India and Pakistan is as much disturbing in Kashmir as the absence of contact between New Delhi and Islamabad. When both countries draw closer Kashmiris fear their exclusion from the process and when they are not in talking terms Kashmiris feel India is not taking the issue seriously. The modest revival of contacts between Delhi and Islamabad after Mohali initiative of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is seen as an encouraging sign in Kashmir. There is a talk among political circles that Kashmir must wait for the outcome of New DelhiIslamabad renewal. This is one more pointer towards some momentary stability in Kashmir which

Vol. 5 Issue 05

can help create an atmosphere of taking talks forward. Kashmiris will have to realise that New Delhi and Islamabad have come closer after a long hiatus and bitter animosity after Mumbai bombing and it takes time in rebuilding the lost trust. It would be prudent to allow India and Pakistan to build an atmosphere of trust and confidence before contentious issues like Kashmir could be put on table. Enlarging democratic space Panchayat elections are underway and there is a wave of enthusiasm and optimism. Though everyone seems to be in business of delinking elections from Kashmir's political problems but the link is definite and strong. As it is mostly said that there is a conflict of Kashmir and there is a conflict in Kashmir -the conflict in Kashmir seems more about democracy and governance. With Panchayat elections, the democracy is firming up its base at the grassroots level and time is to institutionalise good governance at all levels. There are many reasons to believe that Panchayat elections will improve general situation in Kashmir. With devolution of powers to villages and blocks, people will have the instruments of governance in their own hands which will eventually remove the governance deficit. Consolidation It is imperative upon the governments in Srinagar and New Delhi to consolidate on the gains that are coming in the way and then gradually go on building an atmosphere of mutual trust. Revival of Indo-Pak dialogue, ongoing interlocution and Panchayat elections are the major developments at the moment which need to be utilised for building trust and initiating wider communications with the stakeholders.

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

Securing Peace this Summer

Time to develop sensitivities towards democratic urges of people in Kashmir REKHA CHOWDHARY After a traumatic summer of 201O, which saw massive unrest throughout the Valley of Kashmir, the state is currently experiencing a period of lull. However, the 'peace' that prevails at the moment is tinged with an element of anticipation and anxiety about the approaching summer

he last three consecutive sum mers have been difficult in Kashmir. In 2008 the mammoth agitation around the Amamath land row lasted almost the entire summer, igniting memories of the early period of militancy when mass protests had resulted in a breakdown of political order and a crumbling of mainstream politics. The summer of 2009 was similarly consumed by frequent and prolonged protests around the murder and rape of two women in Shopian, making it difficult for the newly formed government of Omar Abdullah to operate in a normal manner. The 2010 'stone-pelting' upsurge that continued for five months, claiming 112 lives, mostly of youth in police action, was even more severe resulting in a virtual collapse of political authority and turning national and international spotlight once again on 'Kashmir'. Why has the situation in Kashmir become so precarious? The question needs to be probed, especially in the context of 'normalcy' that had apparently come to characterize the politics of the state during the last decade or so. The decline of militancy and an expansion of demo-

cratic space since 2002 created an impression of a retreat of separatism. This feeling was boosted after the 2008 assembly elections which saw a massive participation of people despite the directions of the separatist leaders. The reinvigorated demand for 'self-determination' in the background of the slogans of' azadi' ('Go India Go' became the more popular slogan and 'Quit Kashmir' was the label given by SyedAli Shah Geelani to the 'protest politics'), has clearly punctured the theory of a retreat of separatism and brought out the fact of persisting political alienation in Kashmir. Clearly, the conflict situation that marked political responses during the last couple of decades continues to impact the internal politics of the state. Nevertheless, the persistence of separatist sentiments does not undermine the fact of a simultaneous extension of the democratic space. This democratic space, however, operates within the larger context of the conflict situation and thus should not be seen as a substitute for separatist politics. Both separatist and democratic politics exist side by side, im-

pinging upon each other at many points and overlapping at others. It is in the context of an extension of democratic space in the valley, within the overall context of separatism, that this paper seeks to analyze the volatility of Kashmir's politics during the recent period. The intensity of the separatist response during the summer of 2010, it argues, was as much a reflection of the separatist sentiment per se as of the failure of democratic politics. Democratic politics, which had been totally de-legitimized in the early period of militancy, started gaining some credibility after the 2002 assembly election, seen as not only 'fair' and 'transparent' but also genuinely competitive. The competition had been intensified by the presence of the newly formed People's Democratic Party (PDP) which, like the National Conference, identified with Kashmiri identity politics and had its base mainly in the valley. With two Kashmir-based parties competing for the same political constituency, electoral politics was quite animated. This had the effect of changing the very logic of power politics - from being dependent upon the Centre to its being located

Before censuring the Kashmiris for disowning the Indian nation, it is important that they be reassured that they have not been disowned by the nation.

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

Between 2002 and 2008 Kashmir witnessed intense political activities with rivals competing against each other in the mainstream democratic space. For once, separatist politics seemed like a thing of past.

in the popular response at the local level. In its earlier hegemonic avatar, the National Conference was under no pressure to respond to local sensitivities. If at all, its major concern was to sustain power by remaining on the right side of the ruling party at the Centre, even at the cost of its popularity within the state. The PDP's entry into politics changed the character of power politics in many other ways. Seeking to make space for itself in the context of the dominance of the National Conference on the one hand, and the overwhelming influence of separatist politics on the other, the PDP located its politics in the context of the conflict situation, specifically responding to the common people's sensitivities. Its discourse of a 'healing touch', aimed at providing succour to a people troubled by prolonged aggression and violence, not only helped it to gain popularity but also facilitated the process of making power politics relevant in the given situation. What assisted this process was the party's approach towards the conflict situation, specifically

separatist sentiment at the ground level. Rather than denying its role and relevance, the PDP acknowledged the popular basis of separatist politics and defined it as a sphere distinct from the 'politics of governance', dealing with larger issues of an 'ultimate resolution of the conflict.' With the NC too following suit and accepting the self imposed limitations of mainstream politics in the overall context of conflict, a distinction came to be clearly drawn between the 'mainstream politics of governance' and the 'separatist politics of ultimate resolution of conflict.' This distinction helped the people associate with mainstream politics without any fear of separatist politics. They could participate in mainstream politics without feeling that they were betraying the movement or abandoning the cause for which thousands of people had' sacrificed' their lives. Between 2002 and 2008, therefore, one witnessed intense political activity in mainstream politics. Not only were the political parties able to restore the political space that had eroded in the wake of militancy,

Why has the situation in Kashmir become so precarious? The question needs to be probed, especially in the context of 'normalcy' that had apparently come to characterize the politics of the state during the last decade or so.

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

but also enhance the legitimacy of their politics. The scope of mainstream politics, meanwhile, was extended as the issues raised so far exclusively by the separatists, were now incorporated in the agendas of these parties. The violation of human rights by the security forces was one such crucial issue routinely raised by the political parties, not only in party forums but also on the floor of the legislative assembly. Other issues raised revolved around the core context of the conflict and the need for its resolution. While the PDP came out with a document detailing its vision of conflict resolution on the principles of ' self-rule', the National Conference highlighted its demand for autonomy, signalling its readiness to agree to any other formula of conflict resolution acceptable to the people of the state. The galvanizing of mainstream politics during this period generated a sense of crisis among the separatist leaders and organizations. The 'mainstreaming' of the separatist

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

issues not only challenged the exclusivity of separatist politics, it positioned mainstream politicians as legitimate stake holders in the politics of the state. So much so that this was recognized even by Pakistan (as became clear from the reception that leaders like Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti received in Pakistan). By 2007, one could clearly see how the political scenario of Kashmir had changed. The year saw massive political rallies in various parts of the valley, in anticipation of the election scheduled a year later. Elsewhere this would not mean much, but in Kashmir where for years there was little campaigning in the public space, it indicated a huge transformation in the political responses of the people. An extension of the democratic space not only invigorated electoral politics but also generated a space in which people could articulate demands and express their discontent. This space, it needs reiteration, was not available during the

Peoples Democratic Party's arrival on the mainstream space in 1999 made Kashmir politics competitive and to some extent accountable also. Earlier National Conference had monoploy and therefore little sensitivity to peoples aspirations.

The urge for normalcy that made the people back the 'politics of governance' even while retaining their sympathies with the separatist 'cause', presumably led them to expect change in the ground realities. One important expectation was that the pressure of the securitized and militarized structures and processes imposed during the period of militancy would be eased, at least in the civilian areas.

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

Amarnath land row in 2008 brought down the myth of normalcy. Highest point in separatist politics was in August 2008 when nearly half a million staged a symbolic protest march towards Line of Control in Uri sector against the alleged economic blockade by Jammu protestors.

entire decade of the nineties when militancy had over taken the valley and multiple sources of violence had muted society. Apart from the militants and security forces, violence was also perpetuated by the counterinsurgents. In the overarching 'culture of the gun' (a term invented by Kashmiris to define their situation) there was no space for people's voices. Protest politics, therefore, became a logical corollary of the extended democratic space. As the local political space started getting animated by party politics, popular protests too started becoming more common. Though there were incidents of demonstrations and protests earlier as well, their frequency and intensity markedly increased by 2007. Throughout that year, there were spontaneous protests in different parts of the valley. While few of the protests were over resources being distributed by the state - for instance, on the location of a new ly opened college, or the formation of a new tehsil - a much larger number involved issues of violation of human rights. The fake killing of five innocent citizens by

the security forces, ostensibly for awards and honours, aroused a major response. Similar protests took place in other parts of the valley around different cases of human rights violation. As the intensity of the electoral mobilization increased in the year 2008, protest politics too saw a fillip. It was in the wake of fervent electoral mobilization that the massive protest around the Amarnath land issue took place. To understand the location of protest politics in the democratic space, it is important to highlight the way protests have been linked with separatist politics. Most of the protests erupted spontaneously around isolated issues without any direction from above. In fact, none of the major protests since 2007 have been initiated at the behest of the separatists. It is a different matter that they were subsequently appropriated by the separatists and thereafter guided by them. During the massive agitations of 2008 and 2010, though the separatist leadership, particularly of Syed Ali Shah Geelani, appeared in command, directing and coordinat-

Despite its linkages with the separatist leaders and organizations, protest politics remains located in the popular response, autonomous in many ways of separatist leaders or organizations. Their failure to control the popular response became clear in 2008 when defying the separatist direction people participated in the 2008 assembly elections

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

ing the protests, it is important to stress that both these protests, to begin with, were spontaneous. If anything, the separatists found fresh relevance for themselves through protest politics. This is not to deny that the protests did not have separatist implications. Separatist sentiment is a reality of Kashmir and therefore, situations of prolonged and intensified protests inevitably take a separatist turn as also provide the base for further mobilization and reproduction of separatist sentiment. This is what happened during the 2008 agitation. It became the ground for not only consolidating the separatist response, but also for initiating the youth in separatist politics. It was also during this agitation that new tactics of separatist mobilization and assertion were devised. The stone-pelting youth who spearheaded the 2010 upsurge were trained during the 2008 agitation. Nevertheless, despite its linkages with the separatist leaders and organizations, protest politics remains located in the popular re-

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

sponse, autonomous in many ways of separatist leaders or organizations. Their failure to control the popular response became clear in 2008 when defying the separatist direction people participated in the 2008 assembly elections. Fully in control of the Amarnath agitation, the separatist leaders, though successful in mobilizing people through their numerous 'bandh' and 'chalo' calls (ranging from 'Lal Chowk chalo'to 'Muzaffarabad chalo'), suddenly found themselves irrelevant as their call for an election boycott went unheeded. The same people who had participated in the agitation barely a month back, decided to participate in the elections. Though there are other issues around which protests have erupted in Kashmir (the Amarnath agitation, for instance, was initially around the issue of perceived threat of demographic change and subsequently the fear of an economic blockade of the valley), the core of protest politics is defined by the issues of human rights violations. Fake encounters, for in

Though barely a month after 2008's crisis, lakhs of people participated in Assembly elections, once again reviving hopes for peace but in 2009 Shopian rape and murder vitiated the peace wave. In 2010 the protest politics reached an all time high as unarmed protester confronted the security forces on streets resulting into killings of 112 persons in four months.

The gains made by an extension of the democratic space are thus being frittered away due to the inappropriate response of the state. Though it is no one's argument that democratic space, on its own, can substitute separatist politics in Kashmir (without addressing the core issues of conflict), yet it is pertinent to note that much of the separatism in Kashmir has been sustained due to a denial of democratic space

www.epilogue.in

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

The non-stop protest politics between 2008 and 2010 took Kashmiris to an extreme and slogans like 'Go India Go Back' became more power than the 'Quit Kashmir' slogan of 1946.

www.epilogue.in

stance, triggered protests not only in 2007 but also in 2010. The killing of the people in the process of mob control accelerated the protests in 2008 as well in 2010. Well before 'self-determination' became the central symbol of the 20 1 0 agitation, the issue which incensed the youth in Kashmir most was the disregard of human rights by the security forces and the continued killing of Kashmiri civilians. A glance at the protests prior to the upsurge in 2010 would make this point clear. These included the protests over killing of two youth in army firing in Bomai in February 2009; killing of a carpenter by the CRPF in Khaigam in South Kashmir's Pulwama district in March 2009; rape and murder of two women in Shopian in May 2009; killing of two civilians in the custody of a special operation group of the police in Alochi Bag in May 2009; killing of a man near the security picket in Dangiwachi Camp in North Kashmir in October 2009; killing of a teenager by a tear gas shell in Baramulla in October 2009; killing of a civilian from Pulwama allegedly used as a human shield by security forces in an encounter with militants in January 2010; killing of a teenaged boy playing cricket, hit by a smoke shell fired by the police in February 2010, among others. It was in the background of these incidents that the

Vol. 5 Issue 05

case of the killing of three civilians in fake encounters in Machail sector in the month of March resulted in massive protests all over Kashmir. These civilians were killed after being lured with the offer of employment (as porters) in the army. The killing of seventeen year old Tufail Mattoo sparked off further protests. In brief, it was the unending cycle of killings that led to the summer uprising. As each killing led to fresh protests and each day of protest led to fresh killings, the anger on the ground intensified and the political discourse became increasingly radicalized. By the time the summer ended, azadi and self determination had once again become the core of protest politics. Clearly, there has been a major mismatch between the expectations of the people and the response of the state. The urge for normalcy that made the people back the 'politics of governance' even while retaining their sympathies with the separatist 'cause', presumably led them to expect change in the ground realities. One important expectation was that the pressure of the securitized and militarized structures and processes imposed during the period of militancy would be eased, at least in the civilian areas. All political parties based in Kashmir, across the ideological divide, have therefore demanded

Epilogue May 2011

'demilitarization', withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA), and repeal of Disturbed Area Act (DAA) and the Public Security Act (PSA). Demands have also been made for minimizing of human rights violations and enforcing accountability of the security forces. However, despite the decline of armed militancy and the commitment by the prime minister during his visit to rinagar, way back in 2007, that there would be 'zero tolerance to human rights violations', the abuse continues unabated. Despite an extension of democratic space, the state continues to operate in a conflict mode adopted during the peak of armed militancy and retains its militarized structures. Governance thus, rather than delivering a 'healing touch' needed by a society facing prolonged violence and oppression, remains constricted in its response. It remains a sore point that many security personnel held guilty by the local police or even the CBI have managed to evade justice. Equally, they are disturbed by the brutalization of the police force and its incapacity to handle protests other than by using violence and killing people in the process. The summer upsurge was triggered by a failure of state forces to recognize that resistance politics had undergone a major transformation. What we see today is a post- militancy

www.epilogue.in

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

situation in which instead of externally trained armed militants striking at will, security forces have now to deal with the stone-pelting youth, many of them teenagers protesting some earlier action of the state, most probably the killing of a non combatant fellow Kashrniri. The gains made by an extension of the democratic space are thus being frittered away due to the inappropriate response of the state. Though it is no one's argument that democratic space, on its own, can substitute separatist politics in Kashmir (without addressing the core issues of conflict), yet it is pertinent to note that much of the separatism in Kashmir has been sustained due to a denial of democratic space. It is, therefore, important that governments, both at the Centre as well as the state, develop sensitivities towards the democratic urges of people in Kashmir. The minimum required is that the basic democratic rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution for the citizens of India should also flow to the people of Kashmir; that their dignity and life be protected, and that there be no violation of their basic human rights. Before censuring the Kashmiris for disowning the Indian nation, it is important that they be reassured that they have not been disowned by the nation.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Political parties -both in separatist and mainstream camps -may differ on a range of issues but there is a unanimous demand in Kashmir for amending or repealing AFSPA, cutting down troops strengths and doing away with other harsh laws like PSA.

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

New face of social media WAHEED UR REHMAN PARA In the middle of tumultuous summer of 2010, social media was dreaded name for security forces in Kashmir. While stone-war on the streets fatigued out the men in uniform the other half of Intifada was waged through facebook. Authorities mulled many options -from arresting the identified users to unplugging the social wires. Nothing really worked till a Police officer launched a subtle counter-network to get directly in touch with the social media users. He often gets a morning dose of invectives but by the end of the day what is in place is a two-way communication between top cop of Kashmir and hundreds of angry Kashmiri youths.

ocial networking has taken on a new dimension with IGP Kash mir, Shiv Sahai's Facebook page for Kashmir, which keeps getting an increasing number of hits each day. It has become a platform for cyber campaigns against violence in the valley, attracting young men, women and even the occasional adult. Sahai sees this as an alternative to stone pelting where Kashmiri youth can play out their angst through slogans, questions and sometimes, anguished verse. Facebook is mostly operated through mobile phones in Kashmir. It has assumed the form of a powerful political networking platform. Delhi-based writer Shuddhabrata Sengupta sees this as inevitable. "The struggle on the streets and cyberspace have a mutually complementary nature," he says. The rebels agree. "I am an anonymous soldier of Kashmir's movement, using Facebook and You Tube to fight the state," says 23-year-old Ahmed, who regularly confronts Kashmir police, armed with just a scarf and a camera phone. The Omar administration is concerned with the rising popularity of online protests in Kashmir, its scope expanding further as the Kashmiri Diaspora joins in the voice of protest. Sahai's Facebook page has become popular in Kashmir; it is one of the

www.epilogue.in

"The Idea is to find out what we can do to change things; it is not easy either for us or for you. I sincerely hope it shall be taken in the right sprit." Comments - IGP Kashmir few forums which allows disaffected Kashmiris to interact with the state-with Sahai's quick response to posts encouraging dialogue. Kashmiris are slowly realizing that one can lodge a complaint and the top cop in the province will directly address it, as in the case where one reader posted, 'Respected sahai sb..... i want to bring your attention to illegal n fraudulent overseas recruitment agencies

Vol. 5 Issue 05

operating in our state' where Sahai responds to his post with an email address with a request to 'please mail specifics to me.' The cop encourages readers to post their grievances at all hours, while reassuring them that no attempts will be made to trace their identities. They also have the option of sending private messages or emails directly to Sahai. The page has thousands (2572 at last check) of members

Epilogue May 2011

across the valley. Sahai updates his online facebook profile frequently. He often greets people as in for Eid, on Christmas eve, and even for the first snowfall of the season ('Sheen Mubarak'). He acknowledges current events that might have raised concerns, such as his recent status update about an incident noting that the 'Gund Chogul incident highly avoidable and regrettable,' evoking angry, regretful, as well as sympathetic responses from readers. He has also made appropriate Quranic references while responding to concerns about the recent upsurge of violence in Kashmir. In addition to beginning conversations through his own posts, he seems to make an attempt to go through and respond to all reasonable posts made on his wall. In earlier posts Sahai has requested complainants to be specific about their issues so that he can actually investigate or address them. In one example Nadeem Yousef posted on January 14, 2011, A few days before Republic Day he complained on Sahai's wall about the increased security checking, asking 'is this republic day for India without kashmir by irritating kashmiri people' to which the IGP responded, 'If you are talking about checking? it is irritating but it has to be done, we will try to refine it. Please remember we have removed bunkers.' Less than a week later another poster followed up with a remark where he 'Observed good move in the security checking policy of police,' indicating that the cop had clearly kept his word. Even though miscreants have left no stone un turn to bring this page to an end by abusing, speaking hate but Sahai has time and again requested for not being abusing and added as comment to it as 'I can not abuse but discuss' urging all those who abuse to vacate from the page. He previously added in his status that, the page

www.epilogue.in

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

wasn't meant for tracing anybody on facebook and ensures a positive online space for those who have genuine grievances and suggestions. And the another positive comment was when a Kashmirie youth wanted to know how he can

Sahai's Facebook page has become popular in Kashmir; it is one of the few forums which allows disaffected Kashmiris to interact with the state-with Sahai's quick response to posts encouraging dialogue. become an IPS/IAS officer. Another comment Praising Sahai for upholding the HRW, Abrar commented: " The guys in charge before you used to shoot bullets instead of stones on school kids and its not justified in any religion. Guys who pelt stones on school kids are not Muslims they are hooligans. Want to thank you from core of my heart for valuing human lives here". While talking with IGP about how he tackled and addressed the grievances posted by people on wall, he said I ensured that approximate action is taken as per law and directed the concern police station for quick disposal of the grievance posted, he further added that there has bean an over whelming response by the people and many prefer to email grievance directly to my personal ID. And I have contacted many of them and also invited few to my office.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Sahai's endeavor isn't without drawbacks. Being an online forum, the page has attracted critics of India to post threats, abuses and warnings under pseudonyms. However, he accepts these, asserting in a status update that 'I am grateful to those who defend me. I shall repeat as to why I started this page I wanted to hear suggestions and grievances. As for those who abuse me, I was aware these things could happen.... but.... if I don't accept their abuse so who does it remain with.' The sincerity of this effort has renewed hope in those interested in contributing their views on Face book by giving them a voice which otherwise could not be expressed on the hate-filled, distrustful streets of Kashmir, asserts Naveed, a young man from South Kashmir. A poster who calls himself "Peace Loving Kashmiri" expresses his concern, 'sir kashmir is a very sensitive place.u already know tht having spent so much time here. last year th violence was triggered wen tufail was killed..it sparked an unending unrest.kindly dont let anything like tht happen this year.' In Kashmir, the trend has been that acts of violence are addressed and acknowledged, while silence is sidelined. It takes time for trust to develop-especially in a paranoid situation as in Kashmir-and the responses on Sahai's facebook page seem to suggest that he is partially succeeding. 25-year old Mehraj says he often wants to speak his mind on this page but has decided to wait and see how the space sustains itself and gains credibility. He says 'We are in a bad shape - before we were killed by bullets, now by stones. How long will our lives be wasted? Like-minded people can make a small beginning by talking, meeting, even in one's and two's, and connecting virtually.' As the saying goes, well begun is half done. This could be that beginning for new change. -

Epilogue May 2011

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

Race for Change:

Half Marathon and Beginning of a Positive Conflict When thousands of Kashmiri youth gather in stadiums in South Kashmir, one expects to see stones being pelted, and a clamour for azaadi. And as the astounding realization dawns that they are here to compete in a half-marathon, hoping not for azaadi but this time for discs of gold, silver and bronze, one realizes that perhaps what young Kashmiris are clamouring for, is change.

he current Army General, Atta Hasnain conceived of the half marathon as a platform to vent youth energies. But this valiant effort proved inadequate compared to the weight of the burden that young Kashmiri minds are carrying. Two half marathons in South Kashmir, one in Anathnag and a second in Pulwama stadium, were attended in overwhelming numbers, ex-

www.epilogue.in

ceeding anticipated attendance by several thousand. One is left to wonder what causes the same people who pelt stones at security forces to turn up in droves to participate in a sporting event organized by the Army; what do two events that espouse completely opposite agendas, activities, and slogans have in common? For Kashmiri youth they are both opportunities. To prove

Vol. 5 Issue 05

themselves. To channelize their energies. To slake their thirsts for recognition and reward. In this valley of turmoil, as everywhere, young minds yearns to make something of themselves, to not live a life unfulfilled, to not die unknown. The same youthful energies that youth across India and the world can realize through various media like singing, dancing, acting, sports, fulfilling ca-

Epilogue May 2011

reers; their theaters, TV shows, movies, stadiums, glass-fronted office buildings providing spaces to let out the fires that burn within. In Kashmir, these same young minds, for lack of constructive channels become, as idle minds will, the devil's workshop. Blocked youth energies, which never see light of day for lack of platforms to prove their mettles, reveal themselves in recurring prolonged cycles of violence in the valley. The role of the absent playground is carried out by the streets during hartal (strikes). The last three cycles of violence bear witness to the fact that youth on the streets are fearless, passionate and brimming with untapped energy. Cycle of Frustration, When young Kashmir turns on the TV and radio he sees a world overrun with opportunities, and a nation advancing at warp speed. He yearns to participate in this progress, to make his mark on the world, but finds his path blocked: by the darkness of his streets for lack of electricity, by roads torn up, by Internet disconnected, by infrastructure that won't hold up and a health sector riddled with disease, by industries falling by the wayside, by drug trade and nepotism, insecurity and no hopes of recovery. 'Why?' he asks himself, and he asks the world. A reply comes back carried on the winds, an echo of 'Azaadi!' That's the answer then, the only answer and the only hope, that azaadi will come. And with it my fortunes will change and my dreams will come true. Often when walking around Kashmir's streets at night I see groups of young boys gathering to give voice to the frustrations within. I recently overheard a conversation near my house

www.epilogue.in

IN FOCUS

KASHMIR THIS SUMMER

where some kids were discussing their plans to go on a trip. One young man was trying to convince his mates to not go to Pahalgam this time as always, but Delhi, where they could see the see Lotus Temple, the Red Fort, etc. 'Where we will end up,' his friend retorted, 'is Tihar jail. What will you say if the Delhi police arrests you, that you are on tour, who will believe you? They don't need reasons to arrest Kashmiris yaar.' As I continued to listen the conversation continued on to other topics and I caught another snatch -Yaar hartal ka koi call nahin hai kya? Bohot din say exercise nahin hui. (Is there no call for strike? I haven't had any exercise for days.) These idle young minds, with no constructive ways to engage their brains and bodies, instead find themselves engaged in perpetuating the same stereotypes that outsiders project onto the region - the notion that all young Kashmiris are hooked on violence, and that the rest of the country does not accept them as anything but troublemakers. Gen. Ata Hasnain's efforts seem to stem from having a finger on the pulse of the young masses, and recognizing the paucity of viable performance platforms. The marathon was an attempt at engaging youths' attentions, channelizing their energies, realizing their potentials, rewarding their talents, and recognizing their lives; breaking down for Kashmiris as for the rest of the nation the stereotype that young Kashmiris are violent by nature or born pelters. Here stone pelters came to become peace pelters. The General's idea was brilliant in its simplicity, and the recognition that it was such baby steps not high aspirations of demilitariza-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

tion, revocation of AFSPA, etc. which would bring people together in peace. At its attempt to bring young folks together around a constructive cause, the marathon was a resounding success. Where only a few thousand participants were expected, eight to ten thousand showed up. Clearly this event was filling a gaping void in the lives of youth. Unfortunately, the event management was not prepared for this smashing turnout, and soon things started going belly-up. Without enough staff to manage and oversee the race, some cheating took place. When the General arrived at the stadium in Pulwama to hand out awards, he was greeted, to his deep chagrin, by the crowds chanting their accusation of "Cheating! Cheating! Cheating!" But the General need not be disheartened, and the effort must not be chalked up to anything but what it was: an unqualified triumph. What one must take away from this is the irony, that for the first time in as far back as anyone can remember, a massive crowd of young Kashmiris has banded together, not to protest human rights violations, not to fight for land or freedom or the right to live, but for the right to run and indeed win a fair race. A new conflict for Kashmir, a positive cause to stand up and chant slogans for. An easy one too compared to what their lives had become. A conflict zone today cried out not for azaadi as usual, but for good governance, better management, and a medal. This is a new beginning, one of hope. Young Kashmir thanks you, dear General, and hopes you will try again a local athlete Arif Shah said. Waheed Ur Rehman Para

Epilogue May 2011

COLUMN HISTORY

Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin 1420-70

Royal Patronage to Artisans of Kashmir JIGAR MOHAMMED

he Artisans of India by their arts and crafts formed a notice able section of Indian society during the ancient and medieval period. Even the invaders were impressed with the work of the Indian artisans. It is well known that Mahmud Ghaznavi and Timur not only spared the lives of artisans during their invasions of India, they also carried their work back and utilized their skills of the promotion of architectural activities. During his invasions of India (1398-99), Timur captured a large number of artisans and took them to Samarqand. He used the services of these artisans skills contributed to the cultural development of various regions of India during the medieval period. Some regions even came to be identified with special kinds of arts and crafts. Kashmir was one of them. Both the topography and climate of Kashmir suited indoor art and crafts. Moreover, Kashmir had established cultural contacts with China, Tibet, Central Asia, and Persia during the ancient and medieval periods, particularly in the field of art and architecture. With the establishment of the Sultanate in Kashmir in 1339 by Shah Mir or Sultan Shamsuddin (133942), cultural contact with Central Asia and Persia was widned and strengthened. Sultan Zain-ulAbidin created a revolution in Kashmir in terms of cultural develop-

www.epilogue.in

ment. He not only exploited the local potential but also welcomed now techniques, arts and crafts from elsewhere. He honoured skilled persons generously. Contemporary historians of Kashmir call Zain-ul-Abidin a promoter of merit. Jonaraja, the Sanskrit historian and a courtier of the sultan, was impressed by the policies of the

Zain-ul-Abidin also encouraged the construction of wooden bridges and the first permanent wooden bridge constructed over the Jhelum was built by him. sultan. He writes, 'appreciating merit in others, the king encouraged learning and the stream of learning which had run downward, like ca canal which breaks through a gap,, now began to flow smooth once more'. (Jonaraja, Rajtrarngini, English Translation by R.C. Dutt in The Kings of Kashmira, Second Series, Delhi, 1986, p. 78). Jonaraja

Vol. 5 Issue 05

was a Sanskrit Scholar of Kashmir. Sultan Zainul Abidin was very much impressed by his scholarship. Therefore, he appointed Jonaraja as a court historian and assigned him the work of keeping the tradition of Rajtarangini of Kalhan alive. Although most of the rulers of ancient and medieval Kashmir extended support to artisans for the promotion of various crafts, Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin added a new and long chapter to this history. He acted as the patron of all types of artisans and professionals of Kashmir. Under his rule the artisans received both financial support and opportunities to exhibit their skills According to Srivara, a Sanskrit historian and a favourite courtier of the Sultan, artisans gave Zain-ul-Abidin the status of Vishwakarma. (Srivara, Zaina Rajatarangini, Eng. Tr. Kashi Nath Dhar, Delhi, 1994, p. 14). MIrza Haider Dughlat, the author of Tarikh-i-Rashidi gives all credit to Zain-ul-Abidin for the origin of the growth of different kinds of arts in Kashmir. According to him, "In Kashmir one meets with all those arts and crafts which are, in most cities, uncommon, such as stone polishing, stone cutting, bottle making, window cutting (tabadan turash), gold beating, etc. In the whole of Mabaruun-Nahr, except in Samarqand and Bokhara, these are nowhere to be met with, while in Kashmir they are abundant. This is

Epilogue May 2011

all due to Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin." (Tarikh-i-Rashidi,English Translation by N. Elias, Delhi, 1986, p. 434). It is important to mention that Mirza Haider Dughlat was a commander of Mirza Abu Said, the ruler of Tashkand. Mirza Haider Dughlat attacked Kashmir in 1540 and occupied it and ruled it upto 1550. He was an eye witness to the existing significance of the crafts of Kashmir representing its regional identity. For the first time Zain-ul-Abidin provided wood carvers were provided so much opportunities. During his reign, a number of wooden tombs, palaces, mosques and bridges were constructed. Mirza Haidar Dughlat, impressed by a wooden structure built during the period observes, "In the middle of this lake (Wulur) Sultan Zain-ulAbidin erected a palace. First of all he emptied a quantity of stones into the lake, and on those constructed a foundation of closely-fitting stones measuring two hundred square gaz in extend and ten gaz in height. Hereupon, he built a charming palace and planted pleasant groves of trees, so that there can be but few more agreeable palaces in the world. Finally, this same Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin built himself a palace in the town, which in the dialect of Kashmir is called Rajdan. It has twelve stoties, some of which contain fifty rooms, halls and corridors. The whole of this lofty structure is built of wood. Syed Muhammed Madani's mosque built by Zain-ul-Abidin, is the earliest specimen of a wood construction in Kashmir. It was built by Zain-ulAbidin in 1444." Zain-ul-Abidin also encouraged the construction of wooden bridges and the first permanent wooden bridge constructed over the Jhelum was built by him. Srivara provides the architectural details of this bridge, 'In the midst of the city (Srinagar)

www.epilogue.in

COLUMN HISTORY

with four piers made of pine wood and stones struck deep down into the depths of the Vitasta, having a span covering rows of ten horses walking abreast to cross-over.' It was named Zainakdal after the sultan. (In Kashmiri bridges are known as Kadal). The wooden structures built by Zain-ul-Abidin lasted for centuries. For example the Zainakadal bridge survived until the 1930s. Zain-ul-Abidin is credited with the introduction of shawl manufacturing in Kashmir. Though local tradi-

Zain-ul-Abidin imported the technique of carpet making from Samarqand and introduced this industry in Kashmir. It is said that he was sent to Samarqand by his father Sultan Sikander (1389-1413) and there he realized the significance and potential of the carpet industry. When he became sultan, he introduced it in Kashmir. This industry too survived for a long time. But with the passage of time the industry declined. Under the Mughal Emperor Jahangir it was again revived by one Akhun Rahnuma. tions also give credit to the Sufi saint Ali Hamdani along with Zainul-Abidin, but Zain-ul-Abidin certainly deserves the credit for it. He invited shawl weavers from Turkistan. It is important to mention here that during the sixteenth century shawl weaving had become the one of the most famous crafts of Kashmir. Impressed with the enormous scope of the industry, Akbar (1556-1605) encouraged it. Jahangir too was impressed by the different varieties of shawls. According to him, his father Akbar had given a new term Parmnarm to the shawl of Kashmir. During the sev-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

enteenth century the shawl industry had become the largest employment-generating sector. According to the French traveler Franรงois Bernier, the demand for Kashmiri shawl was so high that the manufacturers employed small children also. According to Srivara, pashmina quality wool was made available to the shawl weavers by the sultan. Thus the establishment of shawl industry under Zain-ul-Abidin became the source of livelihood of the weavers of Kashmir for generations to come. Zain-ul-Abidin also introduced embroidery in Kashmir. Srivara writes in details about the multi-colored threads used for embroidery: 'On seeing various embroidered patterns (nanachitralatakriti) woven of creepers and other images in diverse colours, the art of drawing pictures became dumb-founded.' With the introduction of embroidery, shawls of Kashmir also started to be designed differently. It is important to mention that from the fourteenth century onwards embroidered textiles of Kashmir were in huge demand in Central Asia, Europe, and in other parts of India. A large number of craftsmen were employed in the embroidery profession. Various types of craftsmen such as naqash (designers), khandwao (weavers) and raffoogar (darners) displayed their skills on the Pashmina shawls of Kashmir. Kashmiri embroidery from Zain-ulAbidin's period onwards became famous all over the world and established a distinct identity of its own. Zain-ul-Abidin imported the technique of carpet making from Samarqand and introduced this industry in Kashmir. It is said that he was sent to Samarqand by his father Sultan Sikander (1389-1413) and there he realized the significance and potential of the carpet indus-

Epilogue May 2011

COLUMN HISTORY

try. When he became sultan, he introduced it in Kashmir. This industry too survived for a long time. But with the passage of time the industry declined. Under the Mughal Emperor Jahangir it was again revived by one Akhun Rahnuma. Zain-ul-Abidin also made a contribution to the emergence and growth of Kashmiri silk weaving. An important craft since ancient times it relied on local sericulture from the fifteenth century. When Mirza Haider Dughlat came to Kashmir he discovered that the cultivation of mulberry trees for the rearing of silkworms to be a highly profitable business. He writes,' among the wonders of Kashmir are the quantities of mulberry [cultivated] for their leaves, [from which] silk is obtained. The people make a practice of eating the fruit, but rather regard it was wrong'. The introduction of sericulture meant increased production of silk cloth and improvement in weaving technology. According to Srivara,'[by the induction of such craftsmen] Kashmiris could skillfully operate the shuttle and the loom and thus weave precious and attractive silk cloth.' To encourage the manufacture of silk cloth Zain-ul-Abidin started using silk for his royal robes. He also introduced silk printing, using geometric designs. Srivara appreciates that Zainul-Abidin paide special attention to the printing of silk cloth in terms of colour combinations and designs. He writes, "The illustrious sultan loudly resplendent with his incomparable qualities [of head and heart] made silken roves printed with accurate pictures of bracelets and designs of other ornaments, in specially various colour combinations, taken to kindly by the elite, providing comfort, very popular, inasmuch as by his intelligence (the sultan) got these woven from the

www.epilogue.in

finest pick of possible yarn thus gave name and fame to his dress, as also to the country." With the expansion of the silk industry in Kashmir, job opportunities for different artisans vastly increased. To the credit of Zain-ul-Abidin also goes the introduction of both fireworks and firearms, particularly artillery. Srivara gives an interesting description of the fireworks. According to him, for the manufacture of fireworks artisans had to use different ingredients. The manufacture of fire arms was a source of

Zain-ul-Abidin also made a contribution to the emergence and growth of Kashmiri silk weaving. An important craft since ancient times it relied on local sericulture from the fifteenth century. wonder for the people of Kashmir. From Zain-ul-Abidin's period onwards fireworks became an important source of both income and amusement for the different segments of Kashmiri society. Srivara writes, "The rows of flaming balls rising up to the sky from the red with silvery sheen shone like the planets Jupiter and Venus (jivvashukropma). The flaming reed containing chemicals, fastened to a string covered a good distance and in the same way many such (reeds) were released, and it appeared as if they had gone to call back the earlier ones. These reeds were like very loudly blazing me-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

teors, going to and fro, and stole the gaze of the spectators." Srivara's account also shows that Zain-ul-Abidin had appointed an expert by the name of Habib, to take charge of these shows for the enjoyment of the common people. For the progress of the fireworks industry in the state the sultan ensured the availability of salpetre. According to Srivara, saltpeter was not available in Kashmir before Zain-ul-Abidin 's time. A manual on fireworks was prepared under Zainul-Abidin. Regarding the preparation of the manual, Srivara writes, 'The conversation in question and answers indulged in [by the sultan] with Habib was [later] composed in Persian verse [by the sultan]. On going through it, [I feel] that none could reach (to that excellence of form and content) of those days. Besides fireworks, Zain-ul-Abidin also introduced artillery in Kashmir. Though it is generally believed that artillery was introduced in India by the Mughal Emperor Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur (1526-30), Srivara's Zaina Rajatarangini shows that it was introduced in Kashmir in the fifteenth century under Zainul-Abidin At first he imported cannons, but later manufactured them in Kashmir. Srivara does not mention from which country the cannon is concerned, it was 1460-1. For the cannon Srivara has used two terms topa and kandu. According to Srivara, 'he [the sultan] got this cannon made in the forty-first year which came to be known as Topa in the Muslim language and Khandu in local language'. Srivara also speaks very highly of the effectiveness of cannons in the vattlefield. They could destroy forts and it was impossible for the rival forces to comprehend these cannons. Since they were very heavy, they were transported by mules. Srivara wrote a

Epilogue May 2011

panegyric to celebrate the use of cannons by Zain-ul-Abidin. There is also mention that under Zain-ulAbidin the artisans manufacture a special type of arrow which were most effective and deadly. According to Srivara, 'â&#x20AC;Ś. On hearing the thunder of these [missiles], the hearts of the most courageous began to tremble'. Zain-ul-Abidin also brought a revolution in the field of writing materials. He was the first to introduce paper in Kashmir and opened the door's of Kashmir for the artisans of central Asia for the foundation and development of the paper industry. He invited papermaking experts from Samarqand. He also sent two persons from Kashmir to Samrqand to received training in the art of papermaking and bookbinding. According to the author of Baharistan-iShahi, no body in Kashmir knew the art of papermaking and bookbinding before Zain-ul-Abidin. It is important to mention here that Sanskrit, Persian and Kashmiri literature also made tremendous progress under Zainul-Abidin. A large number of books were written in all these languages in his time. With the introduction of bookbinding, a culture of book collection and preservation also developed. According to Srivara, 'The Sultan, beloved of the noble mind, got all these books prepared a new like the spring does the bees, and adorned the land with these.' Papermache, one of the most famous and beautiful craft products of Kashmir, took birth in the region under the patronage of Zain-ulAbidin. He imported the technique of the use of paper pulp as a base to manufacture painted and lacquered ware. The first object in the form of paper mach'e was the Kalamdan (a pen/brush-holder and inkpot). The manufacturing of

www.epilogue.in

COLUMN HISTORY

Kalamdan became famous and expert artisans contributed to the development of this craft. Zain-ul-Abidin also provides large job opportunities to builders. He founded a large number of cities in Srinagar. Both Jonaraja and Srivara are full of praise for the foundation of cities by the Sultan. He also encouraged the digging of canals. He is known to have worked for the improvement in the quality of boats and houseboats. Since both the building and transport industries were maintained by the state in efficient way, the artisans realized a degree of economic security. The introduction of the various crafts and techniques by Zain-ulAbidin led to the establishment of a distinct identity of Kashmiri artisans. Kashmir not only became a special region for the various crafts, the artisan both local and foreign felt proud to work in Kashmir. Craftsmen flocked to Kashmir for better

opportunities from different areas. According to Srivara, 'Hosts of craftsmen from afar, thronged to him (the Sultan) the wish â&#x20AC;Ś.. with the idea of introducing new crafts.' Most of the crafts introduced by Zain-ul-Abidin survive till today. Under the Mughals these became the source of cultural contact between Kashmir and other parts of the world. Artisans became some of the most famous social groups of Kashmir. Sujan Rai Bhandari found Kashmir to be an bode of all classes of artisans. The French traveler Bernier was also impressed by the skills of the artisans of Kashmir. He writes, 'The workmanship and beauty of their palkeys, bedsteads, trunks, inkstands, boxes spoons and various other things are quite remarkable and are in use in every part of the Indies (India).' Zain-ulAbidin has been appreciated by all contemporary historians for his patronage of crafts and craftsmen.

To the credit of Zain-ul-Abidin also goes the introduction of both fireworks and firearms, particularly artillery. Srivara gives an interesting description of the fireworks. According to him, for the manufacture of fireworks artisans had to use different ingredients. The manufacture of fire arms was a source of wonder for the people of Kashmir. From Zain-ulAbidin's period onwards fireworks became an important source of both income and amusement for the different segments of Kashmiri society.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

Create a pure environment by listening to the voice within STANZIN KUNZANG ANGMO

Why is one of the most beautiful terrains in the icy heights of the Himalayas being reduced to a garbage dump? Why is its pristine pure waters being polluted and most important why are the locals allowing this degradation, even partaking in it? It is of course a matter of corrective action at the policy level but is not each on of us responsible to retain what our ancestors preserved over centuries and infact enhance it?

s I stroll down down the streets in Leh, my mind me anders down memory lane, revisiting all those moments of my wonderful childhood. All those childhood pranks suddenly come alive, being naughty at school, laughing with my friends, What remains as a backdrop for all those years is the pristine purity of the land itself. In my mind's eye, I can still see those lush green pastures, the wide expanse of fields and what remains a vivid memory-the water, crystal clear, sparkling, rushing down the village stream. Then with almost a jolt I realise that very little of this remains today, of nature in her original, glorious form, enriching not only my childhood but the lives of all those living in this beautiful yet stark region of Ladakh. What seems most tragic is not that something has attacked this idyllic world from outside, but the destruction and the rot that has set in from within. While I have grown from childhood to adulthood, the size of the pastures have shrunk, the quaint city area has become conjested with shops and hotels, the people seem to have

www.epilogue.in

changed too and wait a minute--the water gushing down the streams is not crystal clear anymore. There was a time when the stream flowing through Leh was the source of drinking water to the inhabitants of the city. It is simply unimaginable now. Let alone drinking the water, it is probably unhygenic to dip your hand into the stream. What is happening to this land of ours, right before our eyes? Why is it degenerating in such a way, pain-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

ful for me to see and so I would imagine to all the inhabitants who have seen nature at its best? If you ask any local, the answer you would get is the effect of the burgeoning tourism industry. Certianly, this is obvious. With it has come, all manner of shops, establishments, travel and hotel services, trekking companies, restaurants, the works. Yet in the high-pitched activity, no-one seems to be paying attention to what we are losing out, indeed the

Epilogue May 2011

price, we are paying for this fasttrack modernisation. If today, the clear streams from the Himalyan heights resembles a muncipal dustbin in some places, then we must be doing something grossly wrong. Something that needs to be first recognised and then corrected, pronto. Of course one would need detailed study of the situation, recommendations by experts and finally action from the political establishment, from civil society. But again if you ask any local and just observe the causes of this degradation, they become clear. What strikes one as glaring is the use of modern toilets which may make complete sanitation sense in other parts of the country, but for a cold desert like Ladakh, chronically short of water supply, flush toilets are totally inappropriate. Firstly they use up enormous quantities of water at every use but what is worse is the lack of drainage and sanitation facilities to cater to this enormous amounts of waste. They simply are not in place. So you see untreated toilet waste being released into the 'yurbas' and 'tokpos' (local water bodies). Is this at all acceptable? Is this contamination not an affront to the region and its people? However, what is curious here is the fact that the locals seem to be less and less perturbed about a phenomenon that is getting more and more disturbing. Indeed they themselves to be joining this bandwagon! Dumping of household waste in water also has become a normal practice among the people. Even family picnics and romantic dates in picturesque spots means dumping of waste in those areas. Have we become inured to the degradation, even complict in the crime? Why are we ourselves bent upon destroying in bits and pieces, this hallowed land, the seat of a great civilization in the Sindhu? People often complain to the au-

www.epilogue.in

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

While I have grown from childhood to adulthood, the size of the pastures have shrunk, the quaint city area has become conjested with shops and hotels, the people seem to have changed too and wait a minute--the water gushing down the streams is not crystal clear anymore. thorities for their lack of corrective action but seem to be blissfully unaware of their own contribution to the sorry state of affairs. What you do see instead is a concentration of one's own selfish needs to the exclusion and the detriment of the common good. For instance, the mushrooming of hand pumps all over the city and even outside. Yes

There was a time when the stream flowing through Leh was the source of drinking water to the inhabitants of the city. It is simply unimaginable now. Let alone drinking the water, it is probably unhygenic to dip your hand into the stream. Vol. 5 Issue 05

it provides a permanent 24-hour round water supply in indivividual homes and establishments. But how come people are oblivious to the devastating effect on the level of the ground water? At some point of time it will just run dry. That is a scary scenario to which no-one is waking up to. All this however does not absolve the authorities from their responsibility and indeed the lack of proper planning and a policy to maintain the cleanliness of the water bodies in Leh is sorely missing. When I think of all these aspects, it is very painful. I can imagine how much worse it would be for the older generations,our parents and even our grand-parents who inherited a truly lovely land of Ladakh from their ancestors, only to see it vanish before their very eyes? That idyllic beauty and purity already seems a fairy-tale. So what is it that we will hand over to the next generations? Is it still retreivable? Can we still salvage it so that what they inherit is not a fairy-tale but a live environment?. Let us learn to strike a balance between modernity and what is truly valuable in our traditional way of life. This in my view is the key to not only a life of fulfillment but to the creation of a harmonious and developed society. Ladakhi are forgetting that what attracts people to this land of Lamas is its rich cultural heritage, nature- friendly traditions, pristine and peaceful environment. Would it really matter to them if they are told to use local toilets and not the westernised ones? On the contrary, I think they would learn to respect the local traditions and partake in the preservation of the natural beauty and purity of the land. . What is more, we ourselves would learn to respect ourselves, the values inherited over generations that have kept this land protected and beautiful. It is ours to enhance this for posterity, not destroy for narrow gains.

Epilogue May 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

Karmapa visits Leh

he 17th Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, was moved when he visited families of the victims of last year's natural disaster in Leh on April 27. 'His Holiness Wednesday concluded his three-day visit to areas affected by the cloudburst where he offered prayers for those who lost their lives in the cloudburst and offered his sympathies and condolences to their families,' Karmapa's office spokesperson Deki Chungyalpa said. He also visited monasteries to deliver discourses and attend religious functions. Chungyalpa said the Karmapa visited several flood-hit areas and he performed special blessing cer-

emonies. He visited Manetsalding, the main town area that was one of the worst affected areas, and Saboo. 'His Holiness visited Phyang and went up to the mountain area, which is reportedly where the cloudburst water started accumulating,' she said. A cloudburst occurred at Choglamsar village in Leh town Aug 6, 2010 causing flashfloods and mud slides that washed away government offices, paramilitary camps and residential homes. At least 183 people, including 35 army men, were killed in the natural disaster. A month after the disaster, spirtual leader the Dalai Lama also visited the areas and met

the affected people. Ever since the Karmapa escaped to India in January 2000 with a few close aides from the Tsurphu monastery near Lhasa, the government of India has restricted his movements. He is allowed to move freely within a 1012 km radius of his monastery. Beyond that, he has to take police permission. In the Tibetan religious hierarchy, the Karmapa is considered the third most important Tibetan religious head after the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama

Ladakh: 583 boys for 1000 girls?

Census office confirms slide in sex ratio

he Jammu and Kashmir census department has claimed that Ladakh's sex ratio of 583 girls against 1,000 boys, one of the worst in the country, was empirically correct. Earlier there was some doubts over the census figures as locals alleged that soldiers posted in the region were also counted which resulted in reflected poor sex ratio. Chief Principal Census Officer Farooq Ahmad Factoo said the department did not err by including the army and paramilitary personnel posted in the district in the census. 'We count the army and the paramilitary personnel as per their presence in an enumeration block. This is standard practice throughout the country,' Factoo said. The provisional figures given by the department were hotly contested by the autonomous Ladakh Hill Development Council (LAHDC) and politicians from the district who

www.epilogue.in

say more girls go to schools in Leh than boys. They argued that including soldiers posted in Leh in the headcount had greatly skewed the sex ratio. Factoo dismissed a report that suggested that the census officials had accepted that the stated facts were wrong and had decided to conduct sample surveys in Nobra and Leh to assess the figures afresh. 'Sample surveys are being conducted throughout the state in identified enumeration blocks to cross check the authenticity of the data already obtained. Sample survey has nothing to do with re-determining the sex ratio either in Leh or elsewhere,' he said. 'We take a sample block or sample blocks and then do desk matching to arrive at any variation in the figures,' Factoo maintained. 'The figures released April 7 are provisional figures and there may Vol. 5 Issue 05

be some slight variations not only in sex ratio but also in the literacy rate, population count and other variables when we arrive at the final figures.' State Tourism Minister Nawang Rigzin Jora also contested the census figures. 'How could they report the population of Ladakh as over 2.80 lakh as our figures of 2010 reported it to be around 1.05 lakh?' But Factoo said: 'All I said was that many girls from Leh could be studying outside the district and this could be a possible reason for the low sex ratio. To say that counting the army and paramilitary personnel was a mistake is totally wrong as this is the standard census procedure. 'I am not authorized to pass comments on why the sex ratio is low in Leh. My duty is to record and communicate what the figures confirm,' he said. Epilogue May 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

Does development justify degradation? MOHAMMAD IQBAL

With glaciers melting at a faster rate, snow disappearing from the mountainside, the increased construction activity, water shortage and piles of waste being generated by a bludgeoning tourist trade as well as the presence of the Army, the pristine terrain of Ladakh is under severe stress. Is it too heavy a price to pay for the prosperity and development of a region which remains not only a highly ecologically sensitive zone, but also home to a unique culture and way of life?

Ladakhi proverb says, "Ame oma nat met, gukh pe chhwa gal met" which means " As mother's milk is free of disease, running water is free of germs." Indeed the gentle yet hardy people of this hauntingly beautiful yet tortuously difficult mountainous terrain have lived for centuries in the lap of nature, both benefiting from and equally nurturing its fragile eco-system. The land of glaciers, stark, treeless mountains, of temperatures plummeting to way below sub-zero, is charecterised by a symbiotic bond between the environment and human life which has allowed the region to retain its immense natural resources and its immense charm. It is this charm, which over the last few decades has attracted new entrants to the Ladakh, to the splendour of its untouched beauty, to its unique culture, its way of life. This has opened up an entirely new dimension in Ladakh's society, economy, and environment. The influx of tourists drawn in from across the world, the presence of the Army in this highly strategic zone which shares a border with Pakistan have been the triggers in this process. The fall-out has been a transformation of a quiet, pristine

www.epilogue.in

region, which reflected harmonious co-existence with nature into a bustling township, a global village as it were. For the quintessential resident of Ladakh, it is like a nightmare unfolding. Construction activity is high to cater to the demand of the tourists. The number of vehicles has increased exponentially partly in response to this influx as well as the presence of the Army in this strategically sensitive zone. Pollution is the fall-out of all aspects of these heightened activities. Heavy tourist rush means more plastic bottles, cans, and wrappers. In the absence of a viable garbage management system to cater to the enormous waste it all piles up. In the winter months people particularly by labourers coming from outside use it to light bonfires to keep warm. This itself sets in motion, another set of environmental concerns. What would a large number of such fires over long winter months do to this ecologically sensitive zone? This is a question that should be high on the priority of policy makers and implementation agencies in Ladakh. Ladakh has always faced water shortage. The local answer to this has been the construction and use

Vol. 5 Issue 05

of 'dry toilets' to conserve water. Now however, in response to the tourist need, hotels and guesthouses abound in 'flush toilets', which use an enormous amount of water, which the region can ill-afford. The sanitation system is also not designed to deal with the sewage produced, which sets in motion another process of pollution. There is every possibility of such untreated waste entering the main water bodies. There is another kind of pollution which you cannot see or feel yet is robbing Ladakh of its infinitely serene and quiet environment. The decimal levels of noise have gone up. There was a time, not too long ago when the strains of the Daman (dram) surna (flute) used to be heard across the region, marking any festive or social occasion. This has all but disappeared, its music frozen. Instead there is another kind of noise produced by PAS (public addressing system) music systems, headphones, I pod, all accessories of the new culture invading Ladakh. Old-timers in Ladakhi villages remember that more than 25 years ago, seasons were periodical, predictable. Today, things have changed. Pollution levels are high.

Epilogue May 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

Even in this 'cold desert' of icy mountains, the heat levels have increased phenomenally. Glaciers are melting at a high rate that too over short periods because of the intensity of heat. This means a runoff of the glacial water down the mountains, too quickly to allow the farmers a continuous use of water for irrigating their fields. This leaves them literally high and dry once it flows off and they are faced with the specter of very little water coming down the mountains during the remaining season of the crops. A paradox of plentiful water and then a complete dry spell. There is another round of havoc this causes. The snow on the mountains is good for nourishing the grass growing underneath. It actually

fertilises the grass making it excellent fodder for animals to graze on, in the summer months once the snow melts. But the intense heat leading to the snow melting faster means that the time for this process to take place is too short. This in turn causes the wild animals, who are losing their habitat, their natural feeding grounds to come closer and closer to human habitation for food. Amongst these is the Himalayan goat, Capra Hircus famed for its soft underbelly fur made into the priceless 'Pashmina'. The animal needs intense cold to survive and for its winter coat to grow into the required thickness which it then sheds. The hastened pace of glaciers melting, the loss of natural fodder to wild animals, are all

interlinked adding up to the bigger picture which needs to be addressed. It is time to read what the signs portend in the larger, longterm sense for the region and for its people. Most villages in the Leh district (Ladakh has two districts, Leh and Kargil) are dependent on glacial water, not only for their fields but also for domestic use. With fast-melting glaciers and subsequent loss of water, does this mean that people living in these villages would be forced to migrate in search of a more amenable environment? Not immediately perhaps but 20-30 years later? Is this then not the time to worry about it and do some course correction? Charkha

A culturally-appropriate education system needed KUNZES DOLMA Nurturing young minds and opening them out to the potential of education is understandably one of the main development concerns of any region. Particularly one which has a distinct historical, cultural, geographical entity like Ladakh. It is vital that the education be tuned to its unique needs rather than be steam-rolled into one uniform system of the state government

Ladakhi's perception about the region would naturally be different from how it is perceived by the outside world and I believe these two need to converge to 'demystify' the region, its people, its culture and way of life. One thing is clear. The region has a distinct identity, geographically historically, culturally, and socially. Over centuries it has retained this heritage, evolved a way of life, of cultural patterns, social and politi-

www.epilogue.in

cal systems, which have remained unique to the region. The local communities, largely Buddhists and Shia Muslims have co-existed right up to this modern day when Ladakh forms one of the regions in the state of Jammu & Kashmir. Being distinct from the rest of the state has always rankled and there has been a long-standing demand for Union Territory (UT). Based on this demand, it got a degree of autonomy in 1995, and began to be

Vol. 5 Issue 05

governed by an elected local body; the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC), different for each of Ladakh's two districts, Leh and Kargil. What needs to be understood is that this distinction, this feeling of being 'different' stems from social, cultural, linguistic, ethnic, geographical factors. What would be relevant in the rest of the state may be completely inappropriate here. This comes sharply into focus when

Epilogue May 2011

we examine the education system which given its immense relevance in the development of any society is a high-priority area. And interestingly, Ladakh has followed its own trajectory, evolving at a model, which is in sync with its needs and aspirations. While the local language was 'Bodyig', from the earliest times, monks from Ladakh used to go to Tibet to learn the Tibetan script. The first school was started in 1885 by a German missionary where along with Bodyig, Urdu was also taught. This was followed by the rulers of Leh opening schools in Leh and in Skardu. A primary school was opened in Kargil in 1900. Later around 1935 few more schools came up, some were upgraded to middle school. This phase of opening of schools by the rulers continued till Independence of the country, which naturally changed everything. It took more than a decade then for the education system in Independent India to kick in. During the 60's the focus on opening primary schools gained momentum. The enrollment rate was low, reflecting reluctance by the local population to engage with a modern education system. According to one of the leading scholars and a retired teacher, Sonam Phunchok, schools taught only Urdu, Maths and Bodyigs; text books were compact and made for easy reading. Towards the 70's the government began offering scholarships, which raised the enrollment rate. It did not turn out to be so simple however and the reasons are not so hard to find. To super-impose a system which was being set up in the rest of the country borrowed from the model that existed in the rest of the country was perhaps a hasty and 'broad-brush' approach. It did not work in a region with widely

www.epilogue.in

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

divergent characteristics. While enrolment and the number of schools increased, quality fell. Around those years, a shocking 95% of students failed in the matriculation exam. The problem of absenteeism of students and the teachers was glaring. Drop out rate was high. Rather than a reform process being initiated within the existing government school system, a parallel stream began, a typical trend in many developing societies when the privileged sections establish their own 'services'. Private schools began to be set up in response to disgruntled parents who could afford to send their children to these 'quality' schools. For the rest, they had to just send their children to the village schools. It should be understood that the lacunae was not only at the 'supply' side of the education system. Rather the 'demand' was also weak in terms of the quality of services demanded by the local population. There was simply a lack of awareness, settled as people were in the old modes of thought and vision for society and its development. The lack of exposure and links with the world beyond the cocoon, however beautiful and fascinating its natural and cultural heritage was telling. In terms of specifics, the medium of instruction was a problem. Students till Class VIII were taught in Urdu after which the medium changed to English. This completely disoriented the students, compromising the levels of learning already achieved. Learning to 'think' much less 'study' in another language is by no stretch of imagination easy. That too when the run-up to the main matriculation exam of Class X was after a period of only two years, Then subject matter, the presentation in the textbooks, the examples given suitable for the rest of the

Vol. 5 Issue 05

country, were hopelessly out of sync with the Ladakhi mind-set. For instance, a young child would have never seen a 'Train' or an 'Elephant' nor imagine what a 'Cow' or a 'Camel' would look like. The concept of 'monsoon' was unfamiliar; in Ladakh, it was snowfall which marked the seasons. When the region was so rich in its cultural heritage, its history, its bio-diversity, why could not examples be picked up from the local and regional context? Then gradually the outer world could be opened up. Instead the child felt alienated from the subject matter at the outset and this alienation continued throughout the schooling years. There was a mismatch certainly, in the existing system of education and the requirements of the region. Over time, this began to be understood, pieced together and a new collective consciousness took root. In the 90's a movement began which sought to correct the anomalies, the inconsistencies that dogged the education system in Ladakh. A civil society network called Student Educational Movement of Ladakh(SECMOL) involved village communities, evolving unique teaching methods to augment the existing system. It is no small achievement that over the years this took root with enhanced teaching methods, interested students and an enthusiastic community response. The future of thousands of young Ladakhis is what is at stake. It is vital that the inherent capacities for learning within students in Ladakh are honed and given the opportunity to soar in ways that are culturally and socially appropriate. -Charkha These features were generated with support of Charkha Development and Communication Newtwork under Sanjoy Ghose Media Fellowship Programme.

Epilogue May 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

Angmo reviews progress EPILOGUE CORRESPONDENT

he Member, National Commis sion for Minority Mrs. Spalzes Angmo, who was in Leh recently, reviewed the Achievements under Multi Sectoral Development Plan (MSDP) of district Leh. The meeting reviewed the sector wise achievements like construction of Anganwadi Centres, water supply scheme in 6 stepped back habitations, installation of hand pumps, installation of Solar submersible pumps at Residential schools, construction of additional class rooms in Residential schools, Dining Hall, Recreation hall with wooden flooring, Solarized bath room construction of toilets etc. It was told in the meeting that work on 40 Anganwadi Centres are at almost completing stage and 100% expenditure of 1st installment have been done sofar. Likewise, constructions of additional Class rooms in Residential schools are under progress and on the releasing of 2nd installment, the works would be completed, the meeting disclosed. While speaking on the occasion Spalzes Angmo stressed upon the executing agencies to speed up the works in every sectors enabling to provide basic amenities to the people specially living in far off villages by providing drinking water and other facilities. Referring to the release of second installment of funds, she assured to take up the matter with the Ministry of Minority Affairs. She also asked the Deputy Commissioner, Leh for sending utilization certificates to concerned Ministry so that the funding flow for Leh district would remain continue.

www.epilogue.in

It was told in the meeting that work on 40 Anganwadi Centres are at almost completing stage and 100% expenditure of 1st installment have been done sofar. Likewise, constructions of additional Class rooms in Residential schools are under progress and on the releasing of 2nd installment, the works would be completed, the meeting disclosed. While speaking on the occasion Spalzes Angmo stressed upon the executing agencies to speed up the works in every sectors enabling to provide basic amenities to the people specially living in far off villages by providing drinking water and other facilities. Earlier, the Deputy Commissioner, Leh Tsering Angchok welcoming the chief guest and the participants said that under MSDP, Rs.5.93 crore have been released against a total estimated requirement of Rs.12.99 crore. Out of which Rs.4.46 crore has been expended up to ending

Vol. 5 Issue 05

March, 2011. He said that due to flash flood in Leh, only 60% works have been achieved up to December, 2010. He said that utilization certificates in this regard have already been sent and the revised utilization certificates would also be sending shortly.

Epilogue May 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS REPORTS AND FEATURES

Markha valley to get motorable road this year

o assess the progress of resto ration works in different vil lages of Skyu-Markha valley of Leh district which suffered severely in the last August flash flood, the Chief Executive Councilor, (CEC) LAHDC, Leh Rigzin Spalbar accompanied by the Executive Councilor Tourism, Gyurmet Dorjey, Executive Councilor Health, Dr.Sonam Wangchuk, Deputy Commissioner, Leh Tsering Angchok and a team of district Officers visited this area. Besides weighing up the restoration works of irrigation headworks, khuls and reclamation of agriculture fields, the CEC also inspected the progress of ongoing usual developmental schemes. At Kaya village, Spalbar inaugurated Ration Store which would cater food requirement for entire SkyuMarkha valley. The Engineers of PHE informed the CEC that a new water supply scheme which would provide drinking water for Kaya and Skyu villages is coming up by the end of this summer involving an expenditure of Rs: 49.69 lacs. The CEC also inaugurated the newly constructed main irrigation khul of Kaya-Yokma which was completely washed away by the last flood. Later addressing to a big Public Darbar participated by the villagers of Kaya, Skyu and village representatives of Chilling, Markha and Hanker villages, Rigzin Spalbar said that the Skyu-Markha valley which is still deprive of motorable road, the Hill Council is making every efforts to connect this area with rest of Ladakh very this season by launching a huge motorable bridge over Zanskar river near Chilling village. He said that with the opening of road in this valley, the people of this downtrodden area would get good

www.epilogue.in

opportunity of all round development, he added. Spalbar said that all the citizens of this district have equal developmental rights, as such, the Leh Hill Council under his leadership is committed to give more attention for the welfare of the people living in far-flung and remote areas which were so far remained quite behind in terms of development. At the same time, he appealed the people to fully involve in the schemes and monitor over all developmental works in their respective areas so as to ensure productive and longer lasting results from the schemes. Referring to power supply, Rigzin Spalbar said that the people of this valley would get stable power supply through Solar Power Plants within next two years. The Deputy Commissioner, Leh Tsering Angchok while speaking in the Public Darbar said that development in this valley is entirely depend on road communication, therefore, he assured the people that district administration would leave no stone unturned to ensure launching of motorable bridge at Chilling to connect this valley during this summer. He said that all the affected families of this valley who suffered extensively in the wake of devastating flash flood have al-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

ready been provided with sufficient relief assistance and administration is further committed to extend assistance in case any deserving families are left. He urged the people to give quality education to all their children. During their visit to the valley, the Executive Councilor for Tourism Gyurmet Dorjey visited a number of Tourist Home Stay Guest Houses and inspected the tourist facilities like bedding, bathroom, food services and also assessed the trekking resource and availability of ponies. He urged the Guest House owners to extent utmost hospitality and generosity with the tourists so that it could become a tool to promote further tourism in the Skyu-Markha valley. The Executive Councilor Health, Dr. Sonam Wangchuk also inspected various medical institutions in the area and took stock of availability of medicines. Dr. Wangchuk said that Hill Council has decided to send medical team lead by Doctors in each village of far off areas once in a month for monitoring of public health. He instructed the paramedical staff to remain quite vigilant in their duties keeping in mind that this area is a popular trekking route having regular rush of foreign tourists. E

Epilogue May 2011

J&K IN NUMBERS AGRICULTURE AND HORTICULTURE SECTORS

Statistical profile, growth policies , trends in Agriculture and horticulture sectors EPILOGUE RESOURCE DESK Jammu and Kashmir's economy is predominately agricultural and nearly 80% of population is directly or indirectly engaged in agriculture and allied occupation. Although the share of agriculture in both Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) and employment has declined over the years, however, the pace of decline in its share in employment has been much slower than that in GSDP. The share of agriculture and allied sectors has declined from 28.37% in 2004-05 to 22.31% in 2009-10 at constant prices. Agriculture, despite consistent decline in its contribution to the economy, remains mainstay for lakhs of people in the state. Food security and providing gainful employment to the labour force, especially to those engaged in agriculture sector virtually became a cynosure and continue to attract the attention of planners and policy makers, both at the national as well as at the state level. With a natural agriculture resource base, out of quantum of 1136730 hectares Gross Area Sown, only 471134 hectares (41.45 per cent) was irrigated during the year 2008-09. The total cropped area during 2008-09 was estimated at 1137881 hectares which is estimated to have increased tol144574 hectares in 2009-10 out of which, only 479640(41.91 %) hectares was irrigated . Crops Irrigated The crops which are provided irrigation are paddy, wheat, maize, oil seeds and fruits & vegetables. Among these crops, paddy, which needs to be kept covered with shallow water, claimed maximum percentage of area under irrigation. In fact, 91% of the area under paddy was irrigated in 2009-10. 30% area under wheat and 7.3% under maize was also irrigated during the same year. Nearly 49.41% of the total irrigated area during 2009-10, was sown paddy. Similarly, wheat had a share of 18.06%, maize 4.73% and other crops had 10.8% share in the total irrigated cropped area of the state during the year 2009- 10. Jammu and Kashmir is basically an agrarian economy and the dependence of rural labour force on agriculture and allied activities is quite substantial as it directly or indirectly, supports about 70 percent of population. As per Census 2001, 18.38 lakh persons comprising 15.92 lakh cultivators and 2.46 lakhs as agricultural labourers depend directly on Agriculture for their livelihood forming about 49

www.epilogue.in

percent of the total working force (37.54 lakh persons). In order to transform the socio-economic status of farming community, the State has won the distinction of having introduced reform by Legistation of considerable magnitude by articulation of land reform through vesting of ownership rights of the State land to the farmers. This is second major Agrarian Reform Viz Roshni Act which has an exception of non-payment of compensation for acquisition of surplus land with the condition that the beneficiary under the scheme shall utilise the land for bonafide purposes. The reform has inbuilt spirit of inclusive growth of agriculture sector aimed at increasing the .production and productivity on one hand and removal of poverty, employment generation and self reliance on the other hand. During 10th Plan period sizeable proportion of State's plan outlay,

to the tune of Rs 1507.80 crore was earmarked for Agriculture and allied sectors against which an amount of Rs 1285.47 crore was spent. An amount of Rs 1818.21 crore has been proposed under 11th Plan for implementation of the programmes under Agriculture and allied sectors. Outlay of Agriculture and allied sector for 200910 stood at Rs 17764.92 lakhs against which Rs 15628.577 lakhs was incurred ending March 2010. Approved outlay for 2010-11 stood at ~24897.93 lakhs against which Rs 7039.76 lakhs was incurred ending Dec., 2010. Growth Deviations in food-grains and agricultural output are determined by several factors especially variations of monsoon around the year. Furthermore, the negative impact of excess rainfall on such output appears to be not as high as the ad-

Note to Readers: 'J&K in Numbers' is a regular series on basic data from various sectors in Jammu and Kashmir. This is in continuation to Epilogue's April 2011 issue which had statistical data on various sectors as main cover feature. June issue will focus on Forests and allied sectors of Agriculture. -Editor

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Epilogue May 2011

verse impact of deficient rainfall. With this asymmetric response of food-grains production to monsoon variability and the repetition of deficient rainfall in the monsoon in 2002, 2004 and 2006 under 10th Five year Plan, has led to (a) abysmal agricultural growth, (b) reduction in the share of agriculture in GSDP, (c) creation of inflationary pressure in some primary products, and (d) reduction in the potential growth of other sectors by dampening demand. The agriculture sector (Agriculture & Live Stock only) is likely to retain its previous year growth of 1.41 % while as the Agriculture & the Allied sectors which include Agriculture, Live Stock; Fisheries and Forestry & Logging sectors is expected to grow at 0.82%. The Sectoral contribution of Agriculture & Allied product to GSDP (in percent) has declined from 28.37 % in 2004-05 to 22.31 % in 2009-10. It is generally viewed that slowdown in growth rate of agriculture and allied sectors besides natural factors significantly are due to: Low ratio of seed replacement rate, yield stagnation from agriculture sector, lack of irrigation as around 58% the net area sown is rainfed, small size of land holdings was 94% of the holding which fall in the size class of less than 2 hectare with 81% with less than 1 hectare. Land Utilization As per the land utilisation statistics for the year 2009-10, the total reporting area of the state is 2416 thousand hectares. Out of the total reporting area, net sown area was 735 thousand hectares constituting only 30.44%, 27.23% is under forest, land not available for cultivation was 570 thousand hectares which is 23.61% of the reporting area. Other uncultivable land was 343 thousand hectares or 14.18%. Fallow lands constitute

www.epilogue.in

J&K IN NUMBERS AGRICULTURE AND HORTICULTURE SECTORS

4.55% of the reporting area with around 110 thousand hectare. The total reporting area, of the state, according to village papers for land utilization, was 24.15 lakh ha. The cropped area under Kharief-2009 was 7.4 lakh ha of which 2.63 lakh ha was irrigated, 3.25 lakh ha was un-irrigated and 1.52 lakh ha was not specified under irrigated / un-irrigated. The cropped area under Rabi-2009 was 4.06 lakh ha of which 0.74 lakh ha was irrigated, 2.13 lakh ha was unirrigated and 1.19 lakh ha was not specified under irrigated / un-irrigated. Area under Kharief Out of the total cropped area of 7.4 lakh ha under Kharief-2009 crops, 3.24 lakh ha was under Maize i.e. 43.78%, 2.63 lakh ha was under Paddy i.e. 35.54%, and rest 20.68% area was under other crops viz., Pulses, Oil Seedds, Vegetables, Fodder etc. Area under Rabi Out of the total cropped area of 4.06 lakh ha under Rabi-2009 crops, 2.77 lakh ha was under Wheat i.e. 68.22%, 0.58 lakh ha was under Oil seeds i.e. 14.29%. 0.43 lakh ha was under Fodder i.e. 10.59% and rest 6.9% area was under other crops viz .. Barley. Pulses. Vegetables etc. Land Holdings Agriculture production to a large extent depends upon the size of unit of cultivation. Data on land holdings is generated by the quinquenial Agricultural Census which forms part of a broader system of collection of agricultural statistics. It is a large scale statistical operation for collection and derivation of quantitative information about the structural aspects of agriculture in the state. An agricultural operational holding is the ultimate unit for taking decision for development of agriculture at mi-

Vol. 5 Issue 05

J&K is agro-climatically diversified and broadly divided into four agro-climatic zones: 1. Cold Arid Zone of Ladakh Region 2. Temperate Zone of Kashmir valley, 3. Sub-tropical Zone of Jammu 4. Intermediate Zone comprising of Doda, Rajouri, Poonch and some parts of Udhampur.

cro level. It is for this reason that an operational holding is taken as the statistical unit for data collection and for describing structure of agriculture. Through agriculturcal census it is endeavored to collect basic data on all the important aspects of agricultural economy for all the operational holdings in the country. The latest agricultural census 2000-01 has recorded a number of 1442894 operational holdings in the state which have increased by 107115 holdings when compared with land holdings recorded by agricultural census 1995-96. Holding Size In the agricultural statistics holding size is a crucial indicator. The agricultural census 2000-01 has determined average holding size for the state to be 0.67 hectares which is 0.09 hectares less than average holdings size of 0.76 hectares revealed by agricultural census 1995-96. At All India level the average holdings size has decreased from 1.41 hectares in 1995-96 to 1.32 hectares as per agricultural census 2000-01, registering a net decrease of 0.09 hectare between the two agricultural censuses. As per the 8th Agriculture census of the State, the total number of operational holders have been worked out to be 1377808 and average size of operational holding was found out to be 0.67 ha. About 94% of the operational holders fall in the category of Marginal and Small farmers. About 5% of the

Epilogue May 2011

J&K IN NUMBERS AGRICULTURE AND HORTICULTURE SECTORS

operational holders fall in semimedium category holding, only 1% of the operational holders fall in the Medium category holding and only 0.04% of the operational holders fall in the large category holding. Baramulla with 130149 (9.45%), Jammu with 126389 (9.17%) and Anantnag with 112242 (8.15%) number of holdings are at first, second and third place, whereas, Kargil with 20826 and Leh with 24921 number of holdings are at bottom two positions in the state, as far as number of holdings is concerned. Reasi with 1.38 Ha, Rajouri with 1.11 Ha and Kathua with 1.06 Ha, average holding size are at first, second and third place, whereas, Srinagar with 0.30 Ha and Kulgam with 0.37 Ha are at bottom two positions in the state as far as average size of land holdings is concerned. 9 distrcts viz., Reasi (1.38 Ha), Rajouri (1.11 Ha), Kathua (1.06 Ha), Udhampur (0.97 Ha), Samba (0.93 Ha), Poonch (0.88 Ha), Jammu (0.78 Ha), Doda (0.74 Ha), and Leh (0.72 Ha), have average holding size above the state average of 0.67 Ha. Tthe total holdings has decreased from 14.43 lakhs as per 7th Agriculture Census (reference period 2000-01) to 13.78 lakhs as per 8th Agriculture Census (reference period 2005-06). The individual holding category has decreased from 9.89 lakhs in 2000-01 to 9.5 lakhs in 2005-06, the joint holding category has decreased from 4.5 lakhs in 2000-01 to 4.25 lakhs in 2005-06 and institutional holding category has decreased from 0.04 lakhs in 200001 to 0.03 lakhs in 2005-06. The area under individual category has decreased from 6.11 lakh ha in 2000-01 to 5.63 lakh ha in 2005-06, however, the area under joint category has increased from 3.44 lakh ha in 2000-01 to 3.53 in 2005-06, the area under institutional category remained unchanged and the overall area decreased from 9.62 lakh ha in 2000-01

www.epilogue.in

to 9.23 lakh ha in 2005-06. Cropping Pattern and Production Maintaining an annual growth rate of over 8 percent for the State's economy, envisages an average annual growth rate of about 4 to 5 percent in Agriculture Sector. The increasing trend in rice production over the years with the introduction of semi-dwarf, high-yielding rice varieties in early seventies and introduction of modern means of agriculture technology have shown positive results. Still the State is not able to meet its basic require-

As per Census 2001, 18.38 lakh persons comprising 15.92 lakh cultivators and 2.46 lakhs as agricultural labourers depend directly on Agriculture for their livelihood forming about 49 percent of the total working force (37.54 lakh persons). ments to feed its more than one crore mouths. There are limits of increasing production through expansion of cultivable land. Hence, the emphasis has to be laid on increasing productivity levels, besides, diversification towards high value crops. Due to an increasing shift towards commercial crops, the area under foodgrains has declined when compared to 2000-01 (925.19) to 914.58 thousand hectares during 2007-08, but area under food-grains had increased to 922.43 hectares during 2008-09. Among the food-grains, the main crops are Maize 27.75 percent. Rice 22.64 percent and Wheat 24.49 percent accounting for 74.88 percent of total cropped area of the

Vol. 5 Issue 05

State which stood at 1137.88 hectares for 2008-09. Rice: Area under rice has decreased from 263.25 thousand hectares in 2007-08 to 257.63 thousand hectares in 2008-09. However, the production of rice has increased from 5574 thousand quintals in 2007-08 to 5637.92 thousand quintals in 200809. The yield rate has also increased from 21.35 in' 2007-08 to 21.88 in 2008-09 quintals/hectare Maize: Area under maize has increased from 302.44 thousand hectares in 2007-08 to 315.80 thousand hectares in 2008-09. The production of maize has increased enormously from 4751 thousand quintals in 2007-08 to 6331. 72 thousand quintals in 2008-09. The yield rate has also increased appreciably from 15.69 in 2007-08 to 20.04 in 2008-09 quintals/hectare Wheat: Area under wheat has slightly increased from 278.30 thousand hectares in 2007-08 to 278.72 thousand hectares in 2008-09. The production of wheat has slightly decreased from 4959 thousand quintals in 2007-08 to 4835.63 thousand quintals in 2008-09. There has been also decline in the yield rate from 17.82 in 2007-08 to 17.43 in 2008-09 quintals/hectare Pulses: Area under pulses has slightly decreased from 30.15 thousand hectares in 2007-08 to 29.99 thousand hectares in 2008-09. The production of pulses has decreased from 154 thousand quintals in 200708 to 138.89 thousand quintals in 2008-09. The yield rate has also decreased from 5.07 in 2007-08 to 4.63 in 2008-09 quintals/hectare Other Cereals: Area under other cereals has decreased slightly from 40.44 thousand hectares in 2007-08 to 40.29 thousand hectares in 200809. The production of other cereals

Epilogue May 2011

has slightly decreased from 234.60 thousand quintals in 2007-08 to 227.77 thousand quintals in 200809 while as yield rate has also decreased slightly from 5.68 in 200708 to 5.65 in 2008-09 quintals/hectare 8.31a Total cropped area under agriculture has increased to 1137.88 thousand hectares in 200809. The production of agricultural produce is estimated at 18172.76 thousand quintals in 2008-09. The average yield has also increased to 16.83 in 2008-09 against the previous year's figure of 16.58 Saffron Production Saffron is grown in the State as a rain-fed crop on uplands, called in the local dialect as 'Karewas', which are severely to moderately eroded soils located at an altitude of 1600 to 1800 meters from sea level (msl). The soils are heavy textured with silty clay loam as the predominant texture in upper horizons and silty clay in lower horizons. These soils are placed in the order of alfisols, are well drained, slightly alkaline in reaction and normal in soluble salt content. The available nitrogen and phosphorous content of these soils are low to medium, whereas the available potassium is medium to high. The soils have low available zinc and adequate available copper, manganese and iron (Ganai, 2000). The soils are calcareous in nature and sliqhtly alkaline with normal electrical conductivity. The average organic carbon and calcium carbonate content was 0.35 and 4.61 per cent, respectively in the samples analyzed. The soil pH ranged from 6.3 to 8.3 with the mean value of 7.5 and EC varied from- 0.09 to 0.30 dsm' with the mean value of 0.17 dsm'. These values are within the safe limits for growth of the crop. Its cultivation is presently confined to districts of Pulwama, Budgam, Srinagar and Doda of the

www.epilogue.in

J&K IN NUMBERS AGRICULTURE AND HORTICULTURE SECTORS

Potentials Organic Basmati Rice, Rajmash, off-season veg etables, potatoes, aromatic & medicinal plants, Virus free potato seeds for all seasons, Development of commercial floriculture, Production of virus free quality seeds for flowers and vegetables, aromatic & medicinal plants, Mushrooms round the year, honey and honey by-products, fodder intensification, etc. Wide range of flora available to boost bee keeping, Boost to Quality Saffron Production, Jetropha (Biofuel) cultivation on waste lands and rainfed areas of Jammu region under NWDPRA. Limitations Hilly Terrain, Small and fragmented land holdings, Fragile Soil in hilly areas susceptible to soil erosion, Limits to mechanized farming and transportation of products, Extreme limits to irrigation of cultivated land, Single Cropping season in temperate / high altitude areas, Inadequate and unorganized marketing infrastructure, Distant markets for export outside the State. Strategy Timely sowing of treated seeds of rice, maize etc., Timely arrangements and easy access of inputs (seeds, fertilizers, technology, etc.). Ensuring supplies of Quality Inputs & Services, Stress on Soil & Water Management, Augmenting seed/grain storage capacity of farmers, Gearing up Extension Network & Capacity building of farmers in quality/c seed production, Diversification in cropping system to

Vol. 5 Issue 05

State. In Pulwama district, Khrew, Ladoo, Dussu, Sambora, Awantipora and Koll are the major saffron growing areas, accounting for about 75 per cent of the total area under saffron in the state. In district Budgam, the important saffron growing areas include Nagam, Chrawin, Hapatnar, Badipora, Hyathpora and Chirar-i-Sharief that account for 16.13 per cent of the total area, while in district Srinagar, Zeewan, Khunmoo, Balhama, Sampora and Yachnambal are the major pockets accounting for 6.68 per cent. In Jammu province of the State, saffron is grown only in district Doda in Pooch, Namil, Cherrad, Hullar, Blasia, Gatha, Bandakoota, and Sangrambatta areas, accounting for only 2.5 per cent of the total area in the whole state. The area, production and productivity of Saffron in J&K, as reported by the Directorate of Agriculture Jammu/Kashmir, for the year 200910, has been worked out to be 3675 ha, 91.88 quintals and 2.50 kqs/ha respectively. Profile of Horticulture Sector During the first few five year plans, priority was assigned to achieve self sufficiency in foodgrains production. Over the years, horticulture emerged as an indispensable and growing part of agriculture, offering a wide range of choices to the farmers for crop diversification. It also provides ample opportunities for sustaining large number of agro industries which generate substantial employment opportunities. With agriculture and allied sectors finding alternate ways of increasing productivity of crops, horticulture as a sub-sector, is a revelation, showing remarkable signs of progress in the state. J&K is well known for its horticultural produce both in India and abroad. The state offers good scope for cultivation of all types of horticultural crops covering a variety of temperate fruits like apple, pear,

Epilogue May 2011

J&K IN NUMBERS AGRICULTURE AND HORTICULTURE SECTORS

peach, plum, apricort, almond, cherry and sub tropical fruits like mango, guava, citrus litchi, phalsa and Berete. Besides, medicinal and aromatic plants, floriculture, mushroom, plantation crops and all types of vegetables are cultivated in the state. Apart from this, well known spices like saffron and black Zeera are cultivated in some pockets of the state. Horticulture is gaining momentum in the state as revealed by its contribution to the State Gross Domestic Product and with its relative share in the agriculture sector as well. Almost 45 percent of economic returns in agriculture sector is accounted for by horticulture, showing its growing importance in the state economy. Its \contribution to GSDP has been estimated to be around 7-8 percent. The amount spent on this sector during 2009-10 works out to ~7929.18 lakh, both under plan and non-plan budget. The horticulture sector provides remunerative means for diversification of land use for improving productivity and returns. It increases employment opportunities and earns foreign exchange. It also provides nutritional security and raw material for growing agro processing industries. As a result there is a perceptible change in the concept of horticulture development in the state. In this activity around 6 lakh "families comprising of about 30 lakh people in one way or the other, are involved. Horticulture development is one of the thrust areas in the agriculture and a number of programmes were implemented in the past resulting in the generation of higher incomes in the rural areas, thereby improving the quality of life in villages. An income of <3000 crore has been generated from fruit production during 200910 which includes an amount of Rs 500 crore from dry fruits. The growth of horticulture sector

www.epilogue.in

can be attributed to the various initiatives towards market interventions like establishment of fruit mandies, provision for support price, technological support, awareness options, research and extension. Apple is the most important fruit. As per last horticulture census 1999-2000, about 55% of the Area is covered under this fruit. It is also important in terms of production and has the maximum marketable surplus. About 30% of A grade, 40% of B grade and 30% of C grade of prefalls and culled apples account for about substantial quantum of 50 thousand tonnes which needs to be exploited as raw material for processing industry. Area under fruits production in J&K State has increased from 3.06 lakh hectares in 2008-09 to 3.15 lakh hectares in 2009-10, showing an increase of 2.94% and the production has increased from 16.91 lakh MTs in 2008-09 to 17.13 lakh MTs in 200910, showing an increase of 1.3%. During the year 2009-10, horticulture department has covered an area of 3.15 lakh hectares. Looking to the specie-wise details of area figures under fruit for the year 2009-10, it is observed that largest area of 43.85% (138190 hectares) is occupied by apple out of total area of 315140 hectares under fruit. Walnut is the next major fruit occupying 27.7% in the overall area under fruit. The overall production of fruit has been recorded to be 17.12 lakh metric tonnes for the year 2009-10, recording a net addition of 2l.45 lakh metric tonnes over the production figures of- previous year measuring 1.27% rate of growth. In the production figures, share of fresh and dry fruit is 89.62% and 10.38% with 15.35 lakh metric tonnes and l.78 lakh metric tonnes respectively. Apple ranks first with a share of 80.18% followed by walnut with 9,64%.

Vol. 5 Issue 05

Export of fruit outside the State Export of fruit outside State, has occupied a prominent place in trade of the State. Export of fruit has shown considerable progress. The total quantity exported during 2009-10 was 9.57 lakh MT, which is 55.9% of the production figures of the same year. The production under Horticulture is increasing year by year whileas there is no significant growth in the export of horticulture produce outside the State. The decline in the export of fruit outside the State is due to the introduction of Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) under which 'C' grade apples are procured at a support price of Rs 6 per kg. for processing into juice concentrates in the locally established juice processing units. Secondly, India is importing fruit from foreign countries as free trade policy is in force at the country level. Foreign Exchange Earnings The Government is promoting exports from Jammu and Kashmir State. State's fruit especially dry fruit, goes also to the other countries and in turn earns substantial foreign exchange. The export of dry fruit viz; Almond and Walnut (in shell and kernel) during the year 2007-08 was 6889.11 MTs comprising of 197.11 MTs of Almond, 6692 MTs (161 MTs in shell and 6531 Metric tonnes in Kernel) of walnut. The foreign exchange earnings were Rs 115.95 crores during 200506 and Rs 161.44 crore during 200708. The export of dry fruit viz., Almond and Walnut (in shell and kernal) during the year 2009-10 was 9132.687 metric tonnes, which has increased by 55.72% over previous year's figure of 5864.74 metric tonnes. Foreign exchange earnings have increased from Rs 142.24 crores in 2008-09 to Rs 198.86 crores in 200910 i.e. by 39.81%.

Epilogue May 2011

Read Latest Issue, Access Complete Archive at www.issuu.com/Epilogue Fully Searchable, Dowloadable Archives Available at www.scribd.com/EpilogueMagazine For Live News, Discussions www.Facebook.com/Epilogue.Press Become a Fan of Epilogue at www.Facebook.com/EpilogueMagazine Watchout for Updates at www.twitter.com/EpilogueUpdates Follow Daily Stories or Contribute Yours at www.epiloguepress.wordpress.com