Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine
RNI : JKENG/2007/26070
ISSN 0974-5653
Now Telling The J&K Stories
Epilogue because there is more to know
Jammu, May 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 5 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in
Assortment of Ideas Abdul Rauf Mir Anil Dhar Choudhary Ilyas Ejaz Ahmed Khan Ershad Mahmud Ezabir Ali Gul Wani Sardar Amjad Yousuf Tahir Aziz Tashi Gyalson Uzera Shah
Jammu and Kashmir Moving Forward
Zafar Choudhary
LS ELECTIONS 2009
VIEW POINT
Separatists Swear by India
Balancing Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh
Economic Reconstruction Agency under the financial assistance of Asian Development Bank has launched several schemes to augment the water supply in Srinagar city. The various schemes with a cumulative storage capacity of 39 MGD include Rangil water supply scheme, Nishat-Doodhganga water supply scheme and Nishat-Dalbund water supply scheme which will cater to the drinking water needs of the population of about 10,93,995 souls of Srinagar city. Scope of Works Rangil water supply Scheme
Total Storage Capacity 10MGD
Population to be benefitted (souls) 294000
Areas to be benefitted Khulmulla, Zakura, Owantabavan, Bakshipora,Tengpora, Muj-Gund, Parimpora, Lawayopora, Shalteng, Colonies on Right and Left side. National Highway, Left side of National highway Bypass (Bemina, Muminabad, Firdousabad, Tengpora(left), Right side of National highway Bypass(Hamdania colony, Khumani colony (partly), Nundreshi Colony, JVC) Nishat Doodhganga water supply Scheme 21.5 MGD 614132 Areas to be benefitted Jawahar Nagar, Kralpora, Natipora, Rambagh, Nowgam, Rajbagh, Gulshan Nagar, Gogji Bagh, Solina, Chanapora Colony, Budshah Nagar, Allochi Bagh Part, Bagh-e-Mehtab, Tulsi Bagh, Wazir Bagh, Lal Mandi, Hazuri Bagh, Amira Kadal, Shivpora, Rajbagh and Magarmal Bagh, Lal Chowk, Maisuma, Abiguzar, Kral Sangri, Karapora, Brein, Patnta Chowk, Sonwar, Buchwara, Gupkar Road, Ram Munshi Bagh, Athwajan, Mahraja Bazar, Sari Payeen, Lal Mandi, Jawaharnagar (partly), Basant Bagh, Bar Bar Shah. Nishat Dalbund water supply Scheme 7.5MGD 185863 Areas to be benefitted Saida Kadal Bridge, Zinsha Masjid, Rainawari Chowk, Soorateng Chowk, Shiraz Chowk, Nowhatta, Naidyaar, Hasibhat, Chowdary Bagh.
B R I D G I N G
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I N F O R M A T I O N
D I V I D E
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Epilogue because there is more to know
29 Volume : 3, Number : 5 ISSN : 0974-5653
RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 www.epilogue.in F O R
T H E
M O N T H
O F
M A Y
The present issue is a summit of ideas originating from all regions of J&K. Writers decided to share their opinions at a workshop they attended together at Bangkok in ending March.
Epilogue Ă˜ 1Ă— May 2009
2 0 0 9
ELECTIONS: CHALLENGE 2008
W
e have brought out three issues on assembly elections 2008 and the November issue was first in the series. Elections were being held in the backdrop of a worst separatist and communal agitation in state. With a commentary on the prevailing political and security atmosphere, the November issue carried a complete backgrounder on the past elections. Nov. 2008
HUNG ASSEMBLY
I
n the middle of elections our small team of staffers along with some 30 volunteers traveled across the length and breadth of Jammu and Kashmir to gauge the public mood. The conclusion was that there will be a hung assembly with NC as largest party, PDP second and Congress third. Looking at the pages of our December issue one can see all parties have come up with same number of seats as we had predicted except the BJP. Dec. 2008
MANDATE :
A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S
collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.
Jan. 2009
AGENDA FOR OMAR GOVERNMENT :
T
he coalition government of National Conference and the Congress headed by Omar Abdullah Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it did not declare a shared agenda. Epilogue's February issue put together opinions of well meaning people from across the country setting out an agenda for Omar Abdullah government
Feb. 2009
CONNECTING J&K onnectivity is a major issue in J&K and people in many areas taunt the government saying that roads were laid in remote areas only because they close to borders. Our March issue looked at the connectivity via roads, rail and air to bring to the fore the missing links.
C
Mar. 2009
TREADING FAILURE s world watches keenly the new unfolding developments in Pakistan, our Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travelled to the troubled country to bring fresh perspectives for our readers in April Issue.
A
Apr. 2009
A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks. For booking your copies call us at 9797599365
A
Epilogue because there is more to know
Assortment of Ideas
www.epilogue.in
Jammu and Kashmir Moving Forward
Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin Art Editor Keshav Sharma
IN FOCUS J&K Moving Forward
Research Officer Raman Sharma
18 Mailing Address PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, Jammu
J&K Moving Forward ...but there are Wheels within Wheels Zafar Choudhary
24
A frame work for conflict Resolution in Kashmir Tahir Aziz
Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94190 00123 editor@epilogue.in editor.epilogue@gmail.com subscription@epilogue.in Edited, Printed, Published and Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. Published from : Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)
26
Dr. Gul Mohammad Wani
29 30 32 35
RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 ISN : 00974-5653 Price : Rs 30
A New Hope Anil Dhar
Keeping hopes alive for Kashmir settlement Ershad Mahmud
Images of Kashmir in Pir Pangal Region Abdul Rauf Mir
Peace via voiceless people; A Northern Areas Perspective Ejaz Ahmed Khan
38 39 41
Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.
Revisiting General Musharaf’s Ideas Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir
43 45
Remember Past only to Focus on Future Tashi Galyson
CONTENTS Prologue
5
Note Book 7 Essential Entries
6
Opinion Taliban Terror
10
B. Raman
LS Elections 2009 Hanging around same issues Maulvi v/s Abdullah : Action Replay By India, these separatists Swear Ladakh's smallest and highest polling stations Politics : from streets to ballots we must tolerate the change of hearts
16
Sushma Mahajan
War on Terror New Af-Pak Strategy : Old Wine in a New Bottle
48
M Shamsur Rabb Khan
View Point Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh In Quest of Regional Balance
51
Sahil Showkat
Column Recollecting Marrah’s Liberation ‘...I forgot what fear is’
54
Manisha Sobhrajani
Special Stories Must See in Jammu 56 Sheikh Noor-ud-Din Noorani Museum
Peace in South Asia : Kashmir can be Bridge between India, Pak
A. K. Khanna
Sardar Amjad Yousaf Khan
Stories of Change Financing Transport Sector
Unheard Traumatized Voices Let’s pray no more Khatoons, Naseemas and Shafiqa are added to painful history of Kashmir
12 12 14 15
59
Sajjad Bazaz
Ezabir Ali
Ladakh Unemployment on the Rise
Kashmir Conflict and its Impact
Tsewang Rigzin
61
Ilyas Choudhary
Sufferers must play their roles Uzera Shah
Media The Kashmir Jigsaw Sevanti Ninan
Epilogue Ø 3× May 2009
62
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MUMBAI
NEW DELHI, MUMBAI, KOLKATTA, CHENNAI, BANGALORE & GOA
NEW DELHI
P R O L O G U E
From the Editor
J&K : Simple in 30 Minutes
Zafar Choudhary
I
t is often said that the solution of Kashmir issue should better be left to the people of Jammu and Kashmir alone. But is there any idea of what the people of Jammu and Kashmir want. This can be known only when they have the opportunities to meet and talk. While there are barbed barriers and limited opportunities of contacts between two sides of the divide, the channels of communication are not so free even on the either sides. There are psychological barriers. Differences within the regions are fast widening and there are no attempts to bridge them up. Perhaps this suits the official establishment but this can't bring any peace. Peace, it is again said, is too important an end to be left to the governments alone to achieve. There has to be an initiative by the people to guide a way to their destiny. Here again is an important question. Can governments, in New Delhi and Islamabad, leave the destiny of Jammu and Kashmir to the people alone? No. There has to be an official conflict resolution and reconciliation process in place but necessarily supplemented and guided by aspirations of the peoples. Peoples on both sides of the Line of Control had always wanted to meet each other but a communication link (bus services) was established only when the governments agreed for that.
Peoples want many things more but that does not mean that governments are ready to settle down for anything or every thing for peace. While understanding these limitations in view of the geo-political realities that shaped up in the six decades after partition there has to be an initiative driven by the people to guide the governments. With regional differences running deep into blood of the people such initiatives and the desired common approaches are often difficult but not impossible. Many of us had heard that when two natives of J&K, one belonging to Indian side and other from Pakistani side are allowed to sit together for half an hour it takes a maximum of 30 minutes for them to conclude that there is conflict at all. At a small scale this phenomenon has been seen after launch of the transKashmir-LoC bus service. Many myths fell and realities took over the thinking. It was a similar experiment at a recent workshop on Kashmir organized by a London based institute Conciliation Resources at Bangkok. The beauty was that participants were picked up from all regions of state on both sides of LoC with a 'scientific balance' of regions, sub-regions, faiths, cultures to accommodate as many identities as possible in J&K. there were absolutely no lectures at all. Participants were made to interact with each other in a proper framework of interaction. As the
Epilogue Ø 5× May 2009
legend has it, the difficulties in coming to terms with each other's perceptions did not last for more than 30 minutes. Towards the end of workshop each participant appeared eager to go home, expand the constituency of reconciliation and have lines of divide blurred –as soon as possible. Unfortunately the situation is not as simple as that but it can be made one. The workshop was in a close room. Participants are back home and coming across obvious difficulties in implementing ideas they conceived and agreed upon with their colleagues in Bangkok. But there is no question of the urge slowing down. The present issue of Epilogue is a reflection of that strong urge of cooperation and friendship as participants of the workshop drawn from all parts of Jammu and Kashmir (on both sides of LoC) have made a beginning by contributing their articles to this special issue. This is just a beginning. In coming months and years the magazine will go on to expand and strengthen this constituency of forward looking people to inspire those who are still caught in the web of a flawed history. Meanwhile, my thanks are due to the Conciliation Resources for such a meaningful exercise of bringing Jammu and Kashmir together –though a small part of it. I am sure this constituency grows. Feedback : zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in
NO T E
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7 Essential Stories ECONOMY
Crafts, industries crying for help
S
everal reasons debase the state economy mainly includes setback in tourism due to terror threats and apprehension of Taliban presence in valley. The local handicraft industry like; Paper Mache, Carpet Weaving, Namda Sazi, Wooden Crafts and other technical trade have been worst affected by the nonavailability of sales outlets, latest technology, marketing scenario, packing problems and many more. People prefer to leave all these trades choice to do something new of which they could earn livelihood smoothly. Not only this but the industrial sector of the entire state has reached to halt as industrial policies lack, loan facilities, subsidies electricity and outside state investors. Besides 90% of manpower is unskilled and the skilled staff is being imported from other states on high rates. Fruit industry is also suffering for one or the other reason every year. Militancy and Regional clashes forced fruit growers to suffer huge losses and the people dealing with the trade are highly disappointed, cold storage facilities, road connectivity, agents who lack marketing skills and neglect by the Govt. to extend helping hands to fruit growers. Special Economic Zone (SEZ) remains the only way out to save these industries. The Direct marketing at National and International markets could also provide sign of relief to the business cadre of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Govt. of India taking back its promises announced earlier in favour of
industrialists had also added salt to the wounds of Industrialists. “Industries could only survive when Govt, offers incentive to it as man power, raw material and almost everything has to be imported from outside the state”, said industrialist and president industries association Jammu Anil Suri. He said that goods ones deliver are not getting expected package causing disappointment to the industrialists. Initiating trade across LOC with not proper homework to facilitate industrialists with the banking and the currency provisions finally turned out as a mockery. “Govt. does not show keen interest to back state industries as exported goods could not fetch adequate returns” said president chamber of commerce and industries (CCI) Ram Sahai. Transport industries which are directly dependent upon the Tourism Sector has suffered a lot last year due to two months long agitation. The Apprehension of Taliban presence in Valley force Tourists to cancel their bookings, which cause serious concern to transport operators, hoteliers and other allied traders. Govt. has to do a lot to develop confidence among all the sectors involved in Business and trade as already it (Govt.) is under the influence of Code of Conduct and did nothing for the last more then four months. People Expect that young Chief Minister Mr. Omar Abdullah will open Pandora box soon after the electioneering ends on May 16th, provide Sign of relief for which they waited a lot.
WILDLIFE
Endangered stag population on the rise
T
here is good news for Jammu and Kashmir - an increase in the population of the endangered stag called hangul. According to a census conducted by the state wildlife department, the estimated population is now between 201 and 234, compared to 117 and 199 in March 2008.
The census has been conducted in collaboration with the Wildlife Institute of India, Dehradun, and the Wildlife Trust of India, New Delhi. Hangul is an endangered species of deer found in Jammu and Kashmir, mainly in the Dachigam National Park and adjoining areas.
Epilogue Ø 6× May 2009
The census was initiated to identify threats to the species and formulate a strategy to save them. The hangul is characterised by impressive spreading antlers of the adult male and its rich brownish red coat. Female hangul do not have antlers. The estimated population is now
NO T E
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7 Essential Stories
CONNECTING J&K
Rs 22,000 Cr rail project for Leh
T
he ambitious and strategically crucial project to link mountain-locked Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of the country by train has moved a step closer to fructification with the Railways finalising the feasibility report in this regard. The first rail link is proposed to be between Leh and Bilaspur in Himachal Pradesh and six passenger trains and nine goods trains are planned on the 498 km-long section. "The feasibility report of Leh-Bilaspur rail link project is almost ready and it will be submitted to Railway Ministry shortly for scrutiny. After the scrutiny, the report would be sent to the Planning Commission before being sent to Parliament for final approval," said a senior Railway Ministry official involved with the feasibility study. The project is strategically crucial as it is part of India's efforts to improve infrastructure in the border region considering that China has already built a rail link to Tibet. China has also improved connectivity with Pakistan via the Karakoram highway which runs close to the Indian border. The proposed Leh rail project came up for discussion at the Army Commanders' Conference here recently in the context of improving supply lines along the border like China has done. According to the study, the Leh-Bilaspur project, which is estimated to cost about Rs 22,000 crore, 6,000 passengers are expected to travel daily in the section, once the line is operational. On the freight front, the feasibility report has taken into account the possibility of carrying 3.92 million tonnes -mostly food grains, steel, sugar, oil, iron and cement -- in a year. The proposed Leh-Bilaspur rail project will have 20 stations including Chhibbrin, Sundar Nagar, Bhangrotu, Mandi, Kullu,
between 201 and 234, compared to 117 and 199 in March 2008. The male-female ratio and female-fawn ratio have also shown an upward swing in the current census, according
Manali, Mulden, Pang and Jarapa. The rail link is crucial for the country's defence security. India has been beefing up infrastructure along the Chinese border in Ladakh region and has reopened several forward landing bases to ensure faster supply lines for troops posted in difficult terrain.It is estimated to cost about Rs 45 crore per km to construct the rail line in the section. There would also be provisions for attending to any accident along the route. Two sites have been proposed along the 498-km long route for setting up facilities for accident relief trains. Trains are expected to run at 65 km per hour in the section, according to the study. Beside troop movement, the rail link would give a boost to tourism in the area.However, only two passenger trains are expected to run during the winter since the mountainous area sees heavy snowfall in the season, said the study.
to an official statement. "The increase in population is being attributed to the effective measures which include protection and control on poaching taken by the department, besides the involvement of independent volunteers, researchers, students and NGOs," the statement said. Conservation of this species assumes
Epilogue Ă˜ 7Ă— May 2009
great significance as this is the only survivor of the red deer group in the Indian subcontinent. The species is placed under Schedule I in the Jammu and Kashmir Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1978, and the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972. It is also listed in on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna (CITES).
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ENVIRONMENT
Climate change warning from Ladakh
A
n Asian regional seminar at Leh, has warned of adverse effects of climate change in cold regions. The four-day seminar was organised by the Group Energies Renewable, Environment Solidarities, a recognized international French NGO, in partnership with the European Union, G T Z ( t h e G e r m a n Te c h n i c a l Cooperation), ADEME (the French Environment and Energy Management Agency), and the Foundation Ensemble. It was attended by representatives from India, Afghanistan, China, Tibet, Tajikistan and Bhutan. The conference focused on issues concerning adaptation strategy choices, which have become important for people living in mountains areas. "Its important because these glaciers will melt within 20 years, and people's livelihood will collapse. This seminar
aims to share this information with people from Central and South Asia, to improve livelihood for people from Hindukush, Himalayas and Pamir," said Vincent Stuffer, Country Director, GERES, India. The objective of the seminar was to share strategies, expertise and field experience on energy and climate change issues to formulate a series of concrete recommendations in terms of policy and methodology and to initiate a community of practice among the key players of the region. Scientists predict that at the present rate glaciers in the Himalayas will shrink within the next 50 to 60 years. "Ladakh region has many glaciers and they are feeding many of our rivers like the Ganges and the Brahmaputra. If these glaciers melt due to climate change during summer seasons, there could be unexpected floods. And when
the water is needed, water will not be there, there will be drought. Even the UNDP report and reports of other global agencies say that the Himalayan glaciers will shrink in the next 50 to 60 years if we keep polluting the environment," Dr. Balaji, District Forest Officer, Leh and a participant at the seminar. Global warming could wipe out large areas of glaciers in the Himalayas and surrounding highlands, threatening livelihoods across much of Asia. Ladakh is geographically important because, when the glaciers start melting areas such as these would be first affected. Mountain areas are particularly affected by climate change as relatively small changes in temperatures have severe impact on water supply, agriculture-based livelihood and infrastructure.
REPORTS FROM LADAKH
Ambedkar remembered in Leh
O
n the initiative of Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA) Youth wing, under its newly elected president Mr. Tsewang Thinles, a grand celebration of the 118th Birth Anniversary of Bharat Ratna Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was held at the historic Leh Pologround on April 14 to pay homage to the Architect of the Indian Constitution. With enthusiasm and devotion thousands of people and a galaxy of prominent personalities including the heads of different religious and social organizations, the intelligentsia, members of LBA and students of various institutions took part in the Ambedkar Jayanti and paid rich tribute to Babasaheb by offering white scarf khatak to his portrait. Speakers on the occasion highlighted the role of Dr. Ambedkar to bring about reforms to uplift the weaker sections in India who were suffering from caste discrimination. LBA has constituted Bharat Ratna Dr. Ambedkar Awards to be conferred to organizations and individuals having excelled in contributing towards betterment of the society through
social works and activism. This year the awards were conferred among one individual and two societies. Among them are Lama Sangha Sena, President Mahabodhi Society, Leh for his contributions for the people of Ladakh specially the underprivileged ones through various humanitarian projects, the Lamdon Social Welfare Society for having excelled in education for the last nearly three decades and the Ladakh Vision Group for producing feature films based on relevant and prevailing social issues such as preservation and promotion of cultural values, eradication of social evils, and helping poor and needy people. MC Bhagat, District Superintending Engineer Leh who is also the President of Ambedkar Foundation J&K State was the chief guest on the occasion while the President LBA, Mr. Lobzang Rinchen was the guest of honor. It is pertinent to mention here that Ambedkar was born into a poor untouchable family of Hindu community in 1891. Having spent his whole life fighting against social discrimination, Ambedkar 1950s converted his faith into Buddhism.
Epilogue Ă˜ 8Ă— May 2009
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7 Essential Stories
GOVERNANCE
TERRORISM
Omar's 100 days lackluster Mumbai attack irst day in top chamber of civil secretariat, on January 9 when the planned to youngest Chief Minister Omar Abdullah talked about his '100-day' F model to set tone for governance in next 69 months, his plain, crisp and capture Kashmir? sweet talk was highly appreciated by his bureaucrat audience but the 100day model still remain an illusion as the National Conference-Congress coalition completes three months in office. Widely respected and read London based Sunday Observer has noted that 39 years old Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister has a vision though he has had only 100 days in office. When Omar Abdullah moved into office of Chief Minister there was very little to doubt about his experience as he was a Union Minister ten years ago but the difference millions, particularly youth, had hoped is yet to show though hopes are still intact as its been just 100 days. Jammu and Kashmir is a difficult state to keep the promises and translate the visions, the one like Omar has, but there are few things which need to come from top and percolate down to bottom. Vision and agenda is one such thing which the leadership sets and team follows. In his first meeting with the administrative secretaries on January 9, Omar Abdullah told them “to formulate agenda for the first 100 days of the coalition Government to set the tone for the governance for the six years of its tenure”. Bureaucracy in Jammu and Kashmir is quite obedient and faithful to the political leadership but talk in the secretariat next day was audible: “if bureaucrats had to set agenda in 100 days to be followed for next six years then they were doing it well in the Governor's administration”. This is nothing to dispute the Sunday Observer's opinion that Omar Abdullah has a vision but if he had wanted to put in place in 100 days a model of governance for next six years then Jammu and Kashmir probably lacks the climate for such an experiment. Administrative secretaries are still sifting through the previous files to formulate a plan which they or their predecessors did years back. A handout issued by the National Conference has today listed a dozen odd projects –like Srinagar airport and the Kashmir rail-line –to underscore efficient governance of the coalition but understandably some of these projects were initiated during the times of previous generation. Omar could have done wonders but if the operational conditions were out of Jammu and Kashmir. The first and foremost spoiler in the way of Omar translating his vision was apparently an uncomfortable alliance with an arrogant partner and wide gaps between party and the government. Chief Minister's first month in office (or out of office) went off in generating appreciation of people and places in the new system and the second month got consumed up in managing the Rajya Sabha elections. The third month saw huge politics of Legislative Council elections and then came the Lok Sabha elections which currently have the dust kicking in the air. The National Conference handout rightly puts it: “and this is just a beginning…”
Epilogue Ø 9× May 2009
O
pening the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attacks case in court, special public prosecutor Ujwal Nikam said there was a clear indication that the strike was a criminal conspiracy hatched in Pakistan with the help of experts, aimed at capturing Jammu and Kashmir. Nikam said before designated court judge M L Tahilyani that the attack was launched under a criminal conspiracy to wage a war against the country and weaken it economically by targetting the financial capital. Nikam said that the findings were based on confessional statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone Pakistani terrorist captured during the attack, recorded by additional chief metropolitan magistrate, and the investigations conducted in the case. Nikam said that Kasab's confession clearly shows that that the attack was absolutely impossible without involvement of some trained professionals. ''According to Kasab's confessional statement, he and the nine other terrorist, who were killed during the attacks, had first undergone arms training, including handling of AK-47, for 21 days. Then they had again undergone a 15-day arms training at Muradabad hills in Pakistan by Abu Hamza, which also included ways of deceiving the intelligence agencies. In September 2008, during ramzan, they were taken to Karachi by rail and a Hakeem (Muslim physician) trained them on sea transportation, maps, Global positioning system and also how to misguide the Navy officials,'' Mr Nikam said. He said, ''They were trained about rocket launchers and satellite phones. The whole training was done to make them ''Jihadis''. During their training in Karachi, an unknown person came to oversee the preparations and Rehman Lakhvi introduced him as Major General, but did not disclose his name. The terrorists were also told that the people training them were the Major General's men.'’
T A L I BAN
T E RROR
Opinion
The 'Taliban' Infiltration
The goal would be to strengthen those experts close to Obama who have been saying that a solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should be the starting point of any effective fight against terrorism emanating from the Pakistani territory “The heavily-forested Kupwara is not the sprawling urban Mumbai. Encounters within forests have nothing in common with encounters with terrorists entrenched inside urban buildings and going on a shooting spree in crowded public places in a big city such as Mumbai. But there are disconcerting similarities between what happened in Mumbai between November 26 and 29, 2008, and between what has happened during the last five days in the Kupwara area-simultaneous, well-orchestrated attacks on multiple targets, whether static or moving army patrols, a skilful use of handheld weapons and gadgets such as GPS systems, suicidal and not suicide terrorism, strike, stay and fight tactics instead of the hit and vanish tactics and an ability to keep the encounters with the security forces going for a long time in order to make an impact on the local population and the international community through dramatic media reports." -- Extract from my article dated March 25, 2009, From Mumbai To Kupwara
B. RAMAN Author is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai
W
hile the Government of Dr Manmohan Singh has maintained its usual silence on what has been going on in Northern Jammu & Kashmir (Kupwara, Uri and Baramulla areas), there have been worrisome reports in the media about the infiltration of one more group of
Epilogue Ø 10 × May 2009
30 well-trained terrorists-cum-insurgents from the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK) into J&K. This group, which has been described as a "Taliban group" to distinguish it from the earlier infiltrators who belonged to the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET), is well-trained and has shown a capability to keep our security forces engaged in conventional style battles. If the media reports of the way the new infiltrators are fighting are to be believed, what we are seeing is reminiscent of the infiltration of a re-trained and bettertrained Neo Taliban of Mulla Mohammad Omar into Afghanistan in 2003. The retrained Neo Taliban showed a remarkable capability for mixing conventional style stand and fight battles and suicide or suicidal terrorism. The US-led NATO forces in Afghanistan are still struggling to grapple with the re-trained Neo Taliban infiltrators from their sanctuaries in Pakistan. The use of the word Taliban in describing the new batch of infiltrators into Northern J&K can be confusing. The Pakistani media refer to the anti-India terrorist organisations, which consist largely of Punjabis and Punjabi-speaking Kashmiris (Mirpuris) from Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK), as the Punjabi Taliban and to the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which consists largely of Pashtuns, as the Pashtun Taliban. The TTP consists largely
T A L I BAN
T E RROR
Opinion of the Mehsud and Wazir sub-tribes of the Pashtuns. Next to the Punjabis, who constitute about 75 per cent of the Pakistan Army, the Pashtuns constitute the second largest number in the Army-- about 20 per cent. They are recruited from both the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the FederallyAdministered Tribal Areas (FATA)-- with the Mehsuds and the Wazirs constituting the largest single group of Pashtun tribals recruited into the Army from the FATA. When the Pakistan Army tried to annex J&K after Pakistan became independent in 1947, it first sent into J&K Mehsud and Wazir tribals who projected themselves as local Kashmiris. Initially, the Pakistan Army totally denied any responsibility for their depredations, but ultimately it accepted that the tribal infiltrators were from the army. These infiltrators managed to occupy some parts of J&K which were constituted into the POK. As a reward for their services, many of these Mehsuds and Wazirs were allowed to settle down in the POK after their retirement from the Army. When Ayub Khan wanted to occupy J&K in 1965, he again sent the Mehsuds and the Wazirs into J&K and tried to project them as indigenous Kashmiris. If Lal Bahadur Shastri, the then Indian Prime Minister, had not retaliated by ordering the Indian Army to enter the Lahore area thereby creating panic in the Pakistani army, these tribals from the Pakistani Army posing as indigenous Kashmiris would have probably occupied Jammu and even Srinagar. After the war was over, Ayub Khan had these Mehsuds and Wazirs from the Pakistan Army re-settled in POK. During the military confrontation between India and Pakistan after the foiled terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13, 2001, Pervez Musharraf used to say that there were 150,000 ex-service-men re-settled in the POK, who would put up a fierce resistance to any forays by the Indian Army into the POK. These ex-servicemen largely consist of Punjabis, Mehsuds and Wazirs. Against this background, the new group of infiltrators into J&K could be either members of the so-called Punjabi Taliban or members from the families of Mehsud and Wazir re-settlers in the POK who are being referred to by the locals as the Taliban, meaning the Pashtun Taliban. In the past--in 1947-48 and in 1965-- the infiltration of the tribals was a prelude to a regular invasion by the Pakistan Army. This time, the objective of the infiltration seems to be to strengthen the claims of some non-governmental and governmental experts close to the administration of President Barack Obama, who have been saying that a solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should be the starting point of any effective fight against terrorism emanating from the Pakistani territory by the Pakistan Army.
TERRORISM
Captured ultra takes Taliban buzz out
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yed Moinullah Khan, a Pakistan-based militant who was arrested by the Indian Army, disclosed that militants operating in Jammu and Kashmir have no links with the Taliban. “People of Taliban are in Afghanistan and Pakistan. They don't come to this side. Each outfit a has separate training centre of their own. Nobody belongs to Taliban in this, they have their own training centre and setup and those organisations, which work in Kashmir have their own setup. These setups in Kashmir have nothing to do with the Taliban and they don't work along with the Taliban," Syed claimed. Syed, Hizbul Mujahideen terrorist, was brought before the media for the first time. Shah confessed how he received imparted intense training before infiltrating into India from the Gurez Sector along with 30 others. "I was trained in a jungle in a place called Mansehra in Jammu and Kashmir. There is a place named Sunar in the border area of Kashmir and we entered via that route. In totality there were people belonging to four terrorist organisations, who infiltrated Kashmir, including Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-eTaiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and PPR," Shah said. When asked about the motive behind him becoming a terrorist, Syed said, "Kashmiris come to Pakistan and claim that they are being illtreated, they are not given passports, the Indian Army has captured their houses and that they are misrespected. So they tell us to come along with weapons and we come here in the name of jihad. This is my motive behind becoming a terrorist." However, he added that on arriving he saw there was no kind of disrespect towards Muslims. "On arriving here, I realised that people are involved in their own work and I did not see any kind of restrictions in the lives of Kashmiris. Everyone is living their lives in full freedom and is doing their own work. There is no need of jihad as such over here," Shah said. Shah informed there was not a set target or mission for any outfit. "There was not set target or mission given to us. We were just sent to attack. It depends from the commanders as to where they send us and for what; we have no say in it. We have three types of training. One is for 21 days, one is for 30 days and the third one lasts for 3 months." Syed also informed that he had met the Hizbul Mujhahideen commander. "The commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, who came to Gurez Sector, to talk about jihad, from that time onwards I, wanted to get into this. I met that person and took the address of the training centre and landed myself there. The one who becomes a commander is the person who spends almost 4-5 years in the area," Syed added.
Epilogue Ă˜ 11 Ă— May 2009
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BATTLE FIELD SRINAGAR
Hanging around same issues
Maulvi v/s
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aising the same issues in almost the same pitch in their election campaigns, the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are busy accusing each other of deceiving the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The rival parties are promising greater devolution of powers to the state through the autonomy slogan of the National Conference and the self-rule slogan of the PDP. 'They have copied our autonomy document and are now calling it selfrule which is meant to deceive the people,' says Farooq Abdullah, the National Conference president and former chief minister, who is contesting from Srinagar. Abdullah's long time political rival Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, the PDP patron, unequivocally criticises him. 'He (Abdullah) passed the autonomy resolution in the state assembly and then allowed it to be trashed by the central government in 2000. The National Conference has never been serious while fighting for the rights of the people here,' Sayeed said at a rally in south Kashmir's Anantnag district, a strong bastion of his party. Voters feel confused, says the editor of a leading daily newspaper here. 'They are confusing the voters on all fronts. But what the voter does would be known only after the results are out,' he said, not wishing to be identified. The rival parties also speak of withdrawal of armed forces from the populated areas and repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), but continue to blame each other for having done nothing concrete towards achieving this. 'We got an army camp removed from Bomai village near Sopore town within less than a month of coming to power. The PDP always made emotive issues of army withdrawal from populated areas, but actually did nothing on the ground to
achieve it,' senior National Conference leader Ali Mohammed Sagar said at an election meeting here. But PDP president Mehbooba Mufti holds the National Conference responsible for the invocation of the AFSPA in the state, which has since 1989 been battling terrorism which has left over 47,000 people dead. 'It is the National Conference which in the very first place got the AFSPA to Kashmir. Now they are talking of its repeal to deceive the voters,' Mehbooba Mufti told an election meeting of her party in Anantnag. The India-Pakistan peace process is another issue which tops the election campaign of the two parties in the valley. 'In our rule, there was a general sense of security among the people. The crossborder bus was started and the IndiaPakistan peace process began to ease tensions between the two neighbours,' Mehbooba Mufti said. The National Conference counters by saying very few people even today use the cross-border bus service to Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and the pace of cross-border trade between the two parts of Kashmir has not picked up at all. 'How many people have actually used the bus or traded goods across the border? These still remain photo opportunities which the PDP wants to encash,' said a senior National Conference leader here. Both parties are promising roads, healthcare, employment and economic packages to boost the valley's shattered economy. 'They (National Conference) didn't do it then, they shall not do it now,' said Mufti Sayeed. 'How much did he do during his tenure?' pat comes the retort from the National Conference's south Kashmir candidate Mirza Mehboob Beg.
Epilogue Ă˜ 12 Ă— May 2009
hen Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah bulldozed his political opponents with the Indira-Abdullah accord in 1975, his Plebiscite Front rebel Sofi Mohammad Akbar vanished into oblivion in hometown Sopore and the Jamaat-e-Islami veteran Syed Ali Shah Geelani had already neutralised his own image of a revolutionary leader by participating in the dubiously held Assembly elections of 1972, Shia Muslim cleric Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari had little competition to grab the opportunity of emerging as Sher-eKashmir's arch rival in Kashmir's political landscape. Over two other competitors---Shameem Ahmed Shameem and Abdul Gani Lone--Ansari had the advantage of hailing from the core of Central Kashmir as also being the spiritual leader of a sizable votebank. Thus, he qualified well for an attack by Sheikh's cubs while filing his nomination papers as an Independent candidate against Begum Akbar Jehan in February 1977. Maulvi had remained a Member of Legislative Council since 1973 but he shot into veritable prominence when National Conference (NC) jihadis roughed him up and snatched away his Qarraquli on occasion of filing his nomination for Srinagar-Budgam in the Lok Sabha elections of March 1977. Then widely circulated Srinagar Times carried one of Bashir Ahmed Bashir's popular cartoons on Ansari's headgear next day. In a few days, Ansari put up a 30,000-strong show on the spacious Gole Bagh--where High Court and Legislature Complexes came up years later---in front of the Civil Secretariat. He slammed Kashmir's legendary political icon with his loud roar and gave his widely revered spouse a tough fight. Still, he had to be content with just 87,000 votes
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Abdullah: Action Replay against Begum's whopping 2.10 Lakh. Alongwith all of his ilk---Maulana Masoodi, Ghulam Mohiuddin Qarra, Mirwaiz Farooq, Abdul Gani Lone etc etc---Ansari joined Murarji Desai's ruling Janata Party next month. At the end of an electrifying campaign in the Assembly elections of June 1977, only two of JP candidates---Lone in Handwara and the Mirwaiz-nominee Abdul Rashid Kabuli---were returned in the Valley as NC swept the polls. It was obviously in recognition of his defeating Ansari in Pattan that Sheikh Abdullah inducted Abdul Rashid Shaheen as a junior Minister in his government. As his vengeance refused to die down, Ansari successfully uprooted the NC candidate and romped home in Pattan in the Assembly elections of 1983. In league with his former patrons in Congress---notably Mufti Mohammad Sayeed--- he played a key role in engineering a split in NC, dismissing Farooq Abdullah as Chief Minister and getting Ghulam Mohammad Shah installed as head of the government in July 1984. In the backdrop of Rajiv-Farooq Accord, Ansari made a dramatic somersault and outsmarted all in the state politics in becoming Farooq Abdullah's bosom friend. This association showed spectacular resilience in surviving all kinds of hostile w e a t h e r. E v e n a s Ansari won as an Opposition Congress candidate in Pattan in 1996, Farooq Abdullah inducted him as a Minister in his Cabinet. In 2002 he was once again returned from Pattan, though NC lost the power to Mufti's PDP.
Nobody had an inkling of the split when Ansari made another dramatic turnaround and returned to his much abused detractor Mufti Sayeed's camp in 2005. He resigned as NC's MLA and contested the by-elections in 1996 but lost to Farooq Abdullah's brother, Dr Mustafa Kamal. In 2008, he, however, managed his victory from the same segment by defeating NC's Abdul Rashid Shaheen. Even as nobody from NC removed Ansari's Qarraqulli in ensuing polls his election fighting came full circle after 32 years in April 2009 when, for the first time, he jumped into the arena to directly take on Sheikh Abdullah's son, Farooq Abdullah. Still suffering the jolt of the defeat of the Assembly elections of 2008, PDP and Mufti are obviously banking on Ansari's sectarian base in Srinagar-Budgam in the current Lok Sabha elections. The Central Kashmir constituency of Srinagar-Budgam-Ganderbal has been NC's invincible bastion whether in power or in opposition. While Dr Farooq Abdullah scored his first victory here when nobody stood against him in the Lok Sabha elections of 1980, NC's Abdul Rasheed Kabuli slammed a crushing defeat on then Chief Minister Ghulam Mohammad Shah's son, Muzaffar Shah, in 1984. With all available resources, Shah got a paltry 61,000 votes against Kabuli's 2,64,000. Again in 1989, NC's Mohammad Shafi Bhat went uncontested. In 1996, Ghulam Mohammad Mir Magami, a Shia leader from Budgam district, managed a victory over JD's Farooq Andrabi with a margin of less than 2,000 votes, thanks to a sectarian divide in the low turnout polling. His real advantage was NC's absence from the Lok Sabha elections. Thereafter, NC's Omar Abdullah has continuously retained this all-important seat for his party in 1998, 1999 and 2004 elections.
Epilogue Ă˜ 13 Ă— May 2009
Even as NC lost some segments in the Assembly elections in 2002 and later PDP's Tariq Hameed Qarra dealt it the first major blow in Batmaloo in 2004-05, it has swept the polls fully in the Assembly elections of 2008 in Srinagar and lost only three of the 15 segments. In 1998, Congress candidate Aga Syed Mehdi (also an influential Shia leader) secured only 74,000 against Omar Abdullah's 1,45,000 votes. In 1999, then Independent Mehboba Mufti got just 18,000 votes in Srinagar-Budgam against Omar Abdullah's 55,000. And notwithstanding its loss of power in 2002 Assembly elections, NC's Omar Abdullah trounced PDP's Ghulam Nabi Lone Hanjoora with a margin of 23,000 votes. With the big fight unfolding between Farooq Abdullah and Maulvi Iftikhar, both have certain advantage in the current elections. PDP has managed to get back its estranged Shia leader, Aga Syed Mehmood, who has functioned as a Minister in Dr Abdullah's government for two terms, last fortnight. However, given his second successive defeat in Budgam, his base is no match to that of the NC MLA Aga Ruhulla who has been returned for his second term with a massive vote of nearly 20,000. Both have influence of varied proportions in five other segments of Shia base in Srinagar-Budgam. Even as Ansari is expected to get the lion's share of Shia vote, PDP can obviously find an advantage in nothing less than a turnout of around 20 to 25 percent as a sectarian divide could benefit it only in that situation. - AHMED ALI FAYYAZ
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CHANGE OF STRATEGY ?
By India, these Separatists Swear
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hampions of 'Azadi' in yesteryears, Sajjad Gani Lone and Ghulam Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi, are among 13 candidates of different political affiliations in fray in the North Kashmir Lok Sabha constituency of BaramullaKupwara while swearing by God to uphold India's sovereignty and integrity. Chairman of a faction of late Abdul Gani Lone's mainstream-turned-separatist Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Conference (PC), Sajjad Lone, took oath in the name of God for bearing true faith in the Constitution of India and upholding the sovereignty and integrity of this country. After PC's 19-year-long struggle for Kashmir's 'Azadi' (freedom from India) and seven years after his father's assassination over the speculations of his participation in the Assembly elections of 2002, Sajjad Lone has finally stood up as a candidate in the Indian Parliamentary elections in Jammu & Kashmir. In a news conference on April 11th, Sajjad had announced his participation in the elections with his argument that Kashmir's separatist leadership could not afford to continue as a slave of its ostrich-like stand on the democratic exercise in which majority of the Kashmiris had participated by choice. He had, nevertheless, sought to justify it as “a change in strategy” and claimed that his ideology (of Azadi) was not going to change. Interestingly, Sajjad had outsmarted all of the Kashmiri separatist leaders and taken the lead role in running the anti-election campaign in an attempt to ensure “total boycott” to the Assembly elections in October-December 2008. However, in total rejection of the separatist leadership's call, nearly 61
percent people participated in the Assembly elections in J&K---71% in Jammu and 51% in Kashmir valley. Sajjad's own sister, advocate Shabnam Lone, as also a senior ideologue in the PC, Engineer Sheikh Abdul Rasheed, contested the Assembly elections from Kupwara and Langet segments respectively. Even as Ms Lone lost to the NC candidate, Mir Saifullah, Engineer Rasheed defeated all of his rivals including NC's incumbent, Sharief-ud-din Shariq, and PDP's former MLA, Mohammad Sultan Panditpuri. Those who have earlier deserted late Mr Lone's PC and become MLAs or MLCs
Epilogue Ø 14 × May 2009
in the last over two decades include Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari, Muzaffar Hussain Baig, Nizam-ud-din Bhat, Abdul Haq Khan, late Bilal Lodhi (all PDP), Mohammad Akbar Lone (NC) and former Forest Minister Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Sofi. Sofi was among over a dozen members of PC who had contested Assembly elections of 2002 and came to be widely known as Sajjad's “proxy candidates”. It was Sofi's and his other colleagues' participation in the elections that caused the first split in Hurriyat in 2003 when hardliner Syed Ali Shah Geelani took a tough stand and sought PC's ouster from the amalgam.
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ELECTIONS 2009 Creation of the Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar factions in Hurriyat was the result of this particular development. A prominent constituent of the separatist conglomerate, Hurriyat Conference, since 1993, PC has been struggling for J&K's separation from India and creation of an Independent, sovereign state. Al-Barq came to be known as PC's “guerrilla wing” in 1990 as most of its cadres had been late Mr Lone's associates. Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked bitter reaction from several militant and separatist political groups, his elder brother, Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing as Chairman of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat (Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003.
Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked bitter reaction from several militant and separatist political groups, his elder brother, Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing as Chairman of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat (Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003. Those who filed their nomination papers in Baramulla today, included Ghulam Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi of J&K Awami National Conference (ANC), who had operated as a senior commander with Hizbul Mujahideen for several years before his historic meeting with then Home Minister of India, S B Chauhan, in March 1996. A resident of Diver Anderbug village of Lolab valley in Kupwara district, Rahi was functioning as Hizbul Mujahideen's “Deputy Chief” when he had initiated a dialogue process with the Goverenment of India alongwith nine other militant leaders, notably late Bilal Lodhi (then Chief Commander of Al-Barq), Firdaus Sayeed alias Babar Baddar (then Chief Commander of Muslim Janbaz Force) and a Muslim Mujahideen leader, late Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Lone. Rahi had later participated in the Assembly elections of 2002 from his home segment of Kupwara but got only 366 out of 34,093 valid votes polled in the constituency. Firdaus Sayeed was inducted as MLC when he joined Dr Farooq Abdullah's NC. However, he has not remained associated with any party politics after his term ended several years back. - AHMED ALI FAYYAZ
Ladakh's smallest and highest polling stations
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he 4- Ladakh Parliamentary constituency, comprising of Leh and Kargil districts, is going to poll in the last phase of Lak Saba elections on May 13th 2009. A total of 1,52,391 voters would exercise their franchise in the forthcoming Lok Saba Election in Ladakh of which 74,475 are male voters, 73,922 are female voters and 3,924 service voters. According to the Returning Officer, 4-Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency, Mr. Ajeet Kumar Sahu, 239 Polling stations have been set up in Leh district while as 237 Polling stations established for Kargil district. Polling Station No: 157Chuchot Gongma having 1324 voters is the largest polling stations and Polling station No: 171 Thukjey Gonpa having only 6 voters is the smallest polling station of Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency. The Polling Station No: 181Anlay Fu situated at a height of 15,000 ft above sea level is the highest polling station of this constituency. The Kargil Assembly segment has 57,105 voters with 28,629 male, 28,476 female voters and 348 service voters. Likewise, the Zanskar Assembly Segment has 20,397 voters including 10,258 male voters, 10,139 female voters and 259 service voters. Similarly, Leh Assembly Segment has 62,504 voters including 30,281 male voters, 29,566 female voters and 2657 service voters. The Nubra Segment has total of 12,373 voters which include 5,909 male voters, 5,804 female voters and 660 service voters. For Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency 158 Polling Stations set up in Kargil, 79 Polling Stations in Zanskar, 183 Polling Stations in Leh and 56 Polling Stations in Nubra segment. Sources say that 7 Polling Stations in Karigl Segment would be covered through Helicopter service, 7 Polling Stations in Zanskar segment and 6 Polling Stations in Leh segment would be provided Helicopter service to lift Polling Staff and Polling Materials. In case of non clearance of Kargil Padum road, Elections materials and Polling staff for 49 Polling Stations of Zanskar segment would be airlifted. From Kargil, likewise in the case of non clearance of road another 6 Polling Stations of Leh segment would also be provided Helicopter service.
Epilogue Ø 15 × May 2009
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Opinion
Politics: from streets to ballots We must tolerate the change of hearts Separatist leader Sajjad Lone's participation in the ensuing Lok Sabha (Indian Parliament) elections in Jammu and Kashmir may have raised many eyebrows but it should be seen as a welcome step towards better way of understanding and achieving goals. The political space Sajjad will get after the results, would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting.
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SUSHMA MAHAJAN Author is a Research Scholar at University of Jammu
hen Peoples Conference leader Sajjad Lone, son of widely respected moderate separate late Abdul Ghani Lone filed nomination papers for BaramullaKupwara Lok Sabha segments, it was like politics of streets, ultimately, coming to the politics of ballot. Afterreactions should never be, in any way, a reflection of the pattern followed by co- separatists and others including the Centre and the State Government during the days of Plebiscite Front (1955-1975). It was a group led by Ali Mohammad Naik –the general secretary of the Plebiscite Front, Kh. Mubarak Shah, Haji Subhan, Ghulam Mohd. Bhat who broke away from the party and successfully contested the state assembly elections of 1967. Ali Mohd. Naik and Ghulam Mohd. Bhat were the members of working committee of the Plebiscite Front. The total number of the expelled group was 40 (members) and the leader of the expelled group had expressed hope of the revision in the stand of rank and file of the Plebiscite Front vis-a- vis elections. Others breaking away from the party were Abdul Rashid Kabli, Shabbir
Epilogue Ø 16 × May 2009
Masoodi, Afzal Haq, Ghulam Qadir and Mir from Pulwama. According to Ali Mohammad Naik, only question of boycotting or contesting elections was whether the party members should take oath of Indian Constitution or not. The plea in favour of contesting the elections, in words of Ali Mohammad Naik was that the party leadership should not hesitate taking oath or allegiance to the Indian Constitution considering the historical fact that the leadership –Mohammad Afzal Beg –when did not hesitate to take the oath of allegiance to the Maharaja during days of diarchic system, then, why to hesitate to do the same few years later? The Plebiscite Front leadership in fact, had condemned the contesting of elections as 'contrary to the fundamental principle of the Front' and had 'exhorted those who had any idea of entering the election arena, to revise their decision and keep away from elections. It was only by boycotting the elections that Indian Government. be made to understand that Kashmiris demanded an urgent solution to the' future status of Kashmir'. But
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apprehending more cracks in the party arising out of the 'once for all' attitude on the part of the leadership and after being convinced of the futility of boycotting the elections, the Plebiscite Front decided to contest the elections to 'prove to the world how popular the Plebiscite Front was in Kashmir' It may be noted that it was after the collapse of the civil authority in Pakistan that Beg announced at a press conference in Srinagar that the Plebiscite Front would reconsider its decision to boycott elections if dates were extended by three months in 1969. But the election commission turned down the request. 'An election within the framework of the Constitution', po i n t e d o u t t h e commission in its reply to Beg, 'cannot be used as a device to subvert that constitution. A candidate who has made and subscribed an oath of allegiance to the constitution to uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India, and the party by whom he has been set up, cannot constitutionally, legally and morally say or do anything in the course of an election campaign and propagate which may tend to disrupt the sovereignty and integrity. It was however, on June 14, 1969 that the Plebiscite Front declared formally that it would take part in elections. In the subsequent presidential poll of August 1969, the Front members took a different stand and announced their decision to participate in the elections. But, the Front sought to introduce extraneous issues and raised religious slogans to disrupt the age-old unity of villages whereby several Front leaders and supporters sought to intimidate their opponents through violence and rowdyism. And the results show that the Front lost heavily to the Congress. Of 2361 seats for which
contests were held, the congress secured 61.5 percent, the Front 27.2 percent and others three percent. In the uncontested seats numbering 2309, the Congress got 73.9 %; the Front 23.9 % and others 2.3% When Indira Gandhi dissolved Parliament in December 1970 and called for elections in March 1971. Sheikh Mohd.Abdullah decided to stand and advised the Plebiscite Front to contest the elections. When he was about to leave New Delhi for Srinagar on 8 January 1971, a bomb was allegedly
The political space Sajjad will get after the results, would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting. discovered on his plane and the flight was cancelled. The next day, he and Afzal Beg were served orders prohibiting them from entering Jammu and Kashmir. Then the Plebiscite Front was declared unlawful; many of its members were arrested and offices were closed. To make doubly sure, the State Assembly passed a law declaring that members of the Front could not stand for elections. With no opposition in the field, the Congress did well in Kashmir, helping Indira Gandhi to gain a two-thirds majority in Parliament The ban on his entering Kashmir was lifted in June, well after the elections were over. The Congress government did not want to take risk considering the bad
Epilogue Ă˜ 17 Ă— May 2009
plight the Congress supported candidate had to face at the hands of the Plebiscite Front supported- Shamim Ahmad Shamim-as independent candidate during Parliamentary elections a year ago. The nomination papers filed by the supporters of the Plebiscite Front were rejected on the ground that they were 'anti-national'. But the 'expelled group' of the Plebiscite Front had six nominees in the field. A few candidates enjoying the support of the Plebiscite Front contested the elections. This included Mirza Arif Beg; a close relation of the President of the outlawed Front, Afzal Beg, Mufti Mehraj-ud- din and aged Syed Afzal Jalali. Even the party was reported to have stretched clandestine support to the Jamaat-eIslami candidates. The fact, however, cannot be denied that the local papers had carried last minute appeals from Mirza Mohd Afzal Beg and Ghulam Mohd Shah for 'non-involvement in the elections which went unheeded Although, the Plebiscite Front could not participate formally in any of the elections the state conducted, its massive victory in the civic polls gave legitimacy o the stand of the Front that it had stronghold over the minds of Kashmiri people. The political space Sajjad will get after the results, would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting. The amalgam of Hurriyat Conference including both 'the moderates' and 'the extremists' and the political representatives of different streams should learn to tolerate his step in the right direction. Violence is never a tool to resolve any issue.
AS SOR T ED
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
J&K Moving Forward …but there are Wheels within Wheels ZAFAR CHOUDHARY Towards lasting peace and stability in Jammu and Kashmir, it is very important to move forward and keep moving on. But which way to move is the most important question. The official establishment often gets complacent by leaving things around status quo as the best possible way of moving (in fact, not moving, at all) forward. This approach has proved most perilous. There is a fresh and live example which strongly suggests all the reasons for concerted, serious and sustained engagement on Kashmir. In 2007 and till early 2008, Jammu and Kashmir appeared close to any of the most peaceful, progressing and politically stable places in India or anywhere else –militant violence lowest in 20 years, senior separatists and Pakistan's leadership talking of creative and out-of-box solutions, dozens of second rung separatists formally joining the mainstream ranks in view of upcoming assembly elections, lakhs of domestic and foreign tourists overcrowding the hotels and meadows of Valley, chieftains of Indian industry rushing in huge investment proposals –with all these developments, the Kashmir policy desks (wherever they are) had enough reasons to have the course of bilateral dialogue between New Delhi and Islamabad nearly abandoned or slowed down and those elements in Kashmir (and elsewhere) who believe there is a conflict, isolated. The peaceful and promising political environment in Jammu and Kashmir literally suggested a lull before the storm. But it all crumbled at the spur of a moment. A small and completely misunderstood administrative order on a piece of land (for a Hindu shrine) had the State on fire as much as the United Nations Secretary General remarked: “we are watching the situation with concern”. (For years all diplomatic energies are pumped in to prevent such statements.) The distance between New Delhi and Kashmir appeared longest of the history and the gulf between Srinagar and Jammu, perhaps, widest ever. Keen observers of Kashmir expressed their fears, in newspaper columns and TV debates, of Valley slipping out of (Indian) hands and Jammu replaying holocaust of 1947. As a 'deeply concerned' Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rushed in an all-party team of top Indian political leaders to pacify the situation (which they were not able to) there was a sudden realisation that conflict in Jammu and Kashmir was much more serious than viewed at from policy desks. Moving forward is therefore most important for peace in South Asian region and effectively tacking the scourge of terrorism also.
Epilogue Ø 18 × May 2009
AS SOR T ED
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
Kashmir issue: Any definitions
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t wont be an overstatement to say that Kashmir conflict is today one of the most complex living conflicts in the world. And what makes it more dangerous is the official conflict resolution mechanism which overlooks a range of dimensions while engaging in one aspect. As a result the offshoots of the main problem keep on assuming
dangerous proportions. Civil society engagements have not brought any significant results for two reasons: the civil society institutions are not very vibrant in J&K and wherever they are, the engagements and discourses are sub-regional specific while the fact is that Jammu and Kashmir is a mosaic of multi-cultures and multi-aspirations where differences in opinions and aspirations run deep into blood. Taking a ringside view shows Jammu and Kashmir a large homogenous mass embroiled in a historical conflict. At a closer look one gets to see a multitude of conflicts within the region. Looking at Kashmir issue only in context of partition of India and related events from 1947 to 1952 will not serve as any guide to the understanding of issues in the present environment. At the time of division, there was a princely State comprised of several sub-regions having little in common with each other but strongly knit together under Maharaja's autocratic and sole authority. Post-division, these regions shaped into five –Kashmir Valley,
Epilogue Ø 19 × May 2009
Jammu and Ladakh (on Indian side) and Pakistan administered Kashmir and Federally Administered Northern Areas (on Pakistani side). Over past six decades aspirations and identities have shaped in a definite manner and adopted rigidity. The state response and approaches too have remained different to individual areas on both sides. What can be seen as an important aspect of the dangerous complexity of Kashmir issue is the fact that there are at least five sets of well shaped up opinions and aspirants and may be five times more loosely knit stands –all rigid and driven by own reasons. Kashmir conflict is not limited to the Kashmir Valley alone. There is no way of looking at the conflict by seeing just one or two of the five regions in isolation. It is the question of ultimate destiny of all five regions; the level of sufferings in one region may though be more or lesser than the other. For arriving at an understanding of Kashmir issue so as move for a course of reconciliation it is important to know the dominant aspirations. This is the most difficult part. There may be some elements of shared interests between Kashmir Valley on Indian side and Pakistan administered Kashmir on the other side but this is not what the other three regions –Jammu, Ladakh a n d FA N A – a g r e e w i t h . A n y majoritarian solution based on the dominant aspirations in any particular region will find resistance from the others. Things can be easily understood on the Pakistani side but there is a dangerously complex subregional scenario on the Indian side which is largely dealt with in this article to understand deep running differences between three regions.
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Perceptions and Sensitivities
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ourism is one of the mainstays of Jammu and Kashmir economy and a majority of tourists are actually pilgrims (visiting two leading Hindu shrines of the country) who break off to the hills and slopes after paying obeisance at the shrines. Months of summers see an increased influx of tourists as lakhs from the Indian mainland head towards Jammu and Kashmir to escape the summer heats. It has often been seen in the months of June and July when temperature in Jammu is usually between 42 and 46 Degrees Celsius and in Valley it is well below 30 Degrees Celsius the tourists take out warmer clothes as they reach closer to Jammu knowing little that Jammu in this season is as hot as any other part of Indian mainland is. This is how Jammu and Kashmir is known to a majority beyond its boundaries. Geography and whether apart, people outside have very little knowledge of the emotional diversities. A peep inside tells a different story. Two years back when first shopping mall came up in Jammu, it was named as 'Kashmir Square'. The idea was to attract a part of the average daily influx of around 30,000 pilgrim tourists who come to visit the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine. Around same time a first ethnic Kashmiri restaurant came up in the town which was named as Kashir Lounge. Last year when Amarnath land row agitation broke out, the Kashmir Square owner had to rename his mall as 'City Square' and the Kashmir Lounge has been renamed as 'Jammu and Kashmir Lounge'. Movement is still on for changing name of 'Radio Kashmir', the official broadcaster and the last thing named after Kashmir where Jammu is not there as prefix.
What should be the exact framework of seeking a resolution of the Kashmir issue? Should it (the formula and solution) come from New Delhi and Islamabad or the people of Jammu and Kashmir? India and Pakistan deciding the destiny of Jammu and Kashmir in one of their ongoing closed door meetings can never resolve anything. Of course it has to be worked out by New Delhi and Islamabad but a way forward has to come from the people of Jammu and Kashmir. And a solution coming from Jammu and Kashmir can be a 'Jammu Formula', a 'Kashmir Formula' or a 'Ladakh Formula' as in the given regional differences it cant be a formula for resolving Jammu and Kashmir which is endorsed by any significant number of people in all regions. People in three regions of the State (on India side) do not look at anything with the same angle. In November 2002, a new government in Jammu and Kashmir headed by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed convened first session of the legislative assembly. Muzaffar Hussain, the new Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs, grabbed all attention of legislators and press with his eloquent speeches laced with deep sense of history and vision. In an atmosphere of pin-drop silence in the House, Legislators would love to listen to Baig with rapt attention and end up convinced with his arguments 'for the moment'. Such was the prowess of Law Minister's oratory skills backed with knowledge. That was Baig's first experience in legislative assembly. An Oxford graduate, Baig was until then a leading a lawyer at the Supreme Court of India. As he would often refer to the approaches of Nehru and Patel (Sardar Vallabh Bhai, first Indian Home Minister) to underline sensitivity of Kashmir issue, few members from Jammu could
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not resist interrupting him as they lodged a strong protest with the Speaker. “This is not Kashmir Assembly. Why is the Minister obsessed with Kashmir? He should properly name the state as Jammu and Kashmir”, lamented the members. “I correct myself, honourable Spaeaker”, said a taken aback Baig as he continued his speech with an added emphasis on 'Jammu' while referring to Jammu and Kashmir State. A little later in the hour, a member from Nobra constituency, sitting in the last row, invited Baig's attention to Ladakh. Seven years down the line, Baig is found getting extracautious while talking about Kashmir or Kashmir issue. Now he always says the State of 'Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh'. Differences between three regions of the state on Indian side of Line of Control are much deeper than this. Jammu and Kashmir is perhaps a classic case of wheels within the wheels.
Issues and Engagements
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hen Prime Minister Manmohan Singh convened third roundtable conference on Jammu and Kashmir (first two were held in 2006) on April 24, 2007 to discuss the recommendations of the Working Groups constituted by him, the separatists and many others trashed the whole exercise. They had a reason to do so. The people who sat with the Prime Minister around the roundtable were all those who, more or less, endorse New Delhi's view point on Kashmir. There was no voice from those who have reservations with the present system and have sought to challenge the same on various grounds. The exercise without participation of separatists can be described as incomplete but not meaningless. Interesting were the view points when recommendations of four of the five working groups made public.
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"Eyewash", this is the one word most of the Kashmir experts and the people who have reservation with the system used to describe voluminous reports. They are right in doing so. The most important of the five working groups studying the Center-State relations is yet to submit its report to the Prime Minister. The four working groups which have finalised the reports have nothing specific in their recommendations which can become part of the larger Kashmir solution. There is nothing at all which can satisfy, even by a smaller extent, the separatists or Pakistan on Kashmir resolution. A document which does not address the larger political issue is often trashed. However, seen with the eye of a common man, the working groups, perhaps, have been the first ever organised study to understand the prevailing issues which concern the majority in Jammu and Kashmir. Even though many of the issues have not been dealt with deeply and implementation of the recommendations still can be seen with doubt (as recommendations of many empowered groups are still gathering dust) an analysis of the smaller but serious problems have for the first time taken shape of an official document for consideration at the highest level.
Alternative Understanding
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he problem in Jammu and Kashmir has often been described as the one with two dimensions: internal and external. Having understood that the conflict involving Kashmir is live and present, now is perhaps the time to understand that it is a three dimensional issue: With External, Federal and Internal dimensions.
The External dimension involves the engagement between New Delhi and Islamabad, inter alia Pakistan's diplomatic offensive, export of the elements of terrorism into Jammu and Kashmir, covert as well as overt political support to separatist sentiments in Valley, lobbying in Islamic world etc. The Federal dimension, which is often described as international dimension as situation actually prevailing within Jammu and Kashmir is grossly ignored, is about the spirit of the instrument of accession, autonomous status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, provisions of the Article 370 of the Constitution of India, Delhi Agreement of 1952 and Indira Sheikh Agreement of 1974/75. The third, most critical and continuously ignored aspect of the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir is its internal dimension. In fact the peoples are continuously in conflict among themselves and with the state.
Regional and subregional unrest
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t will be no exaggeration to say that the regional conflict within Jammu and Kashmir is far more serious than the level of conflict between state and the centre. Even after the State of Jammu and Kashmir is granted greater autonomy as advocated by the largest political party of the state -the National Conference or Self Rule as demanded by the Peoples Democratic Party the conflict will not end. Rather, settling the power conflict between New Delhi and Srinagar will bring to the fore the underlying conflicts among the regions and sub regions. Jammu and Kashmir is comprised of
Epilogue Ă˜ 21 Ă— May 2009
three distinct regions clearly identified and separated on the basis of geography, topography, demography, culture, language and aspirations. The most unique region in this state -Ladakh has never been at ease with Kashmir and therefore a demand for separation from Jammu and Kashmir and independent status of Union Territory has been there since 1947. The movement for separation from Jammu and Kashmir state and creation of a Union Territory reached a all time high in 2002, when Leh units of all political parties were unanimously dissolved and the local leadership cutting across the ideological and party affiliation formed the Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF). The LUTF candidates won assembly elections unopposed and uncontested as there was complete unanimity for the creation of Union Territory. In a bid to arrest the sentiment of separation from Jammu and Kashmir, the state government, in consultation with New Delhi, empowered the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) to the extent that LAHDC Chief Executive has more financial powers than the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. A classic case of a "State within a State". The J&K CM has authority of sanctioning a project or contingency to the upper limit of Rs two crores. But that too has to be ratified by the cabinet when it meets next. However, the LAHDC chief has the powers to sanction a project of Rs five crore without any administrative approval from the state government. With this huge empowerment and political concession it was thought that the sentiment of separation from the state has been arrested. Interestingly the LAHDC administration and the LUTF leadership says that empowerment of the LAHDC is the first step towards creation of Union Territory for Ladakh.
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This throws an important question on the regional and sub-regional conflict. Ladakh region again is comprised of two distinct areas identified as two different districts and administered by two different authorities. LAHDC-Leh and LAHDC-Kargil. It is only the Budhist dominated Leh district which is spearheading the demand for Union Territory. The Shia Muslim dominated Kargil district has been opposing this vehemently. Both districts together constitute the Himalayan cold desert of Ladakh, they remain isolated from rest of the country for nearly eight months a year due to hostile whether and geographical conditions but people from each entity do not see each other eye to eye for their differences on the Union Territory status. The third distinct region and country's gateway to Jammu and Kashmir -the Jammu region comprising six districts has always opposed autonomy and is now protesting against the demand of self rule. In this region, for several decades there has been campaign against autonomy and a demand for abrogation of Article 370 of the constitution of India through which Jammu and Kashmir enjoys special powers in the Indian Union. However, since mid 1990s, voices are being raised in Jammu region for a separate statehood. A Jharkhand type of movement is taking shape here with the formation of parties and groups like Jammu Mukti Morcha, Jammu and Kashmir Nationalist Front and Jammu Statehood Front. The BJP and its allied groups are fully supporting such movements.
creation of Chenab Valley Autonomous Hill Development Council. The twin frontier districts of Rajouri and Poonch too have been campaigning for separate development council as the fruits of infrastructure and industrial development are concentrated around the capital cities of Jammu and Srinagar alone. As already explained above, if three distinct regions of the state do not find a common ground with each other, the conflict can never find a resolution.
Identity and Cultural Conflict
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or understanding Jammu and Kashmir the identities and aspirations will have to be understood first. The discourse of separatist politics exists only in parts of Kashmir valley while the state extends to vast regions of Jammu and Ladakh as well. Issues and aspirations in Jammu and Ladakh regions have never been the same as those in Kashmir Valley.
The conflict at the sub-regional level is too sharp. Cutting across the political and ideological differences, there is a strong movement in Doda district for
Epilogue Ă˜ 22 Ă— May 2009
Therefore, there has to be a different treatment for different identities. The kind of identity crisis and ethnic conflict that prevails in Jammu and Kashmir is arguable nowhere else in the country. There are five major cultural and linguistic identities in the state Kashmiri Muslims, Hindu Dogras, Gujjar Muslims, Pahari Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits and Budhists. In a population of ten millions, the Kashmiri speaking Muslims constitute less than one third. Ironically in the political description at national and international level every one belonging to Jammu and Kashmir is described as a 'Kashmiri'. In this backdrop there is a strong movement for identity across the state, as people in Jammu and Ladakh refuse to identify their interests and aspirations with Kashmir alone. Then there is a serious identity conflict between Gujjars and Paharis of Jammu region and two districts of Kashmir Valley -Baramulla and Kupwara. Caste based and ethnic conflict has become an order of the day in these areas. The list of identity
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conflict here is not exhaustive as there are other smaller conflicts also. Different ethnic and cultural groups in Jammu and Kashmir have their own definite identities and aspirations. The separatist sentiment, that now has not only the national but also international concerns, prevails among a particular cultural and linguistic group that does not make the majority. With a focus on this particular sentiment, the aspirations of the majority are not only completely ignored but they are also not recognised and identified. This trend has a potential for alienation among those who form the mainstream groups and such alienation is now showing. Thus, there is an imminent need of making a detailed account of all ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities in Jammu and Kashmir, discuss their issues and aspirations. Recognition of different identities will help understand the core issues and can actually simplify the process of conflict resolution.
Denial of Powers to People at Grassroots
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lienation of masses from the mainstream system has its roots always in the denial of democratic rights. A denial of right to franchise to some in Kashmir valley makes the protest audible at international level. But looking deeper, it comes out that the State has no mechanism at all for involving people in a democratic decision making process. There is a big distance between the State and the people. Left unattended, this accumulating dissidence can rupture for the worst. A major cause of discontent in Jammu
and Kashmir is the centralisation of powers and administrative authority. While Srinagar's unease with New Delhi over more autonomy has been an evident "struggle" for fifty years but little is known about the quantum of power the State shares with the people. In fact, the majority in Jammu and Kashmir has no role at all in the development process.
of greater autonomy, which means devolution of more powers from New Delhi to Srinagar as a means of conflict resolution. But if conflict has to be resolved honestly, this power, or the existing powers, need to travel to the people in regions and sub-regions from Srinagar. If power remains concentrated in few hands, as it is today, the conflicts will never be resolved.
At present, Jammu and Kashmir presents the worst case of extermination of grassroots institutions of governance. For example, the Panchayats were dissolved in 1977 as the government wanted to empower them through a constitutional amendment and therefore fresh elections were proposed to be held. That process could not take place for next 24 years. It was in 2000-2001 that National Conference government headed by Dr Farooq Abdullah conducted the Panchayat elections. It is important to note here that the despite state-wide violence, killing of over a hundred political activists and chopping off the ears and noses of eight women who were contesting the elections, the Panchayat polls held after a staggering gap of 24 years saw massive public participation. Such huge public participation and enthusiasm underlined the urges and aspirations for restoration of powers to the people through grassroots democratic institutions of governance. Ironically, however, seven years down the line, the Panchayats were never formally constituted and powers were never devolved to the democratically elected bodies. This can be seen as derailment of democracy and has created deep alienation among the masses.
Moving Forwards
The mainstream political leadership in Jammu and Kashmir, from time to time, has underlined the need of restoration
Epilogue Ă˜ 23 Ă— May 2009
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espite all the historical differences and conflicts of opinion, there are strong basis for moving forward. The framework of moving forward has to be evolved like climbing a ladder. Instead of jumping to the top for an eventual fall down, the need is to make well defined steps from the bottom. The first step can be initiation of dialogue at the regional level and resolution of those smaller issues which do not have to be necessarily put to final resolution of Kashmir issue. Dialogue between Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh regions in first phase and the Pakistan administered Kashmir and Northen Areas in the subsequent phase is important for treating Jammu and Kashmir as a single entity with shared aspirations. Until these distinct regions draw closer, settle their differences and agree to operate as equal partners, there will never be a stable basis upon which relations with rest of India, or on other side of the Line of Control, can be satisfactorily tackled. More than it is required between New Delhi and Islamabad; there is an urgent need of a sustainable dialogue between all five regions of Jammu and Kashmir. To begin with, there should a multi-level initiative of interactions between three regions on Indian side of Line of Control to generate some tolerance and regional understanding of aspirations.
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A framework for Conflict Resolution in Kashmir The Kashmir situation deserves consistent and concerted engagement to gradually contain and ultimately eradicate the cycle of the political violence perpetrated by the state authorities and the militants. Building peace in Kashmir will enhance regional stability and help address the conditions that incubate terrorism.
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ike many other protracted conflicts in the world, the conflict in Kashmir has taken almost every possible dimension. The long history as well as the ethnic, linguistic, religious and geographical diversity of the stakeholders living in various regions of the disputed territory make it difficult to comprehensively capture the complexity of the Kashmir issue. From a conflict resolution point of view, however, there are certain bigger aspects that are fundamental to the contemporary analysis of Kashmir and therefore must form the basis of any framework of peacebuilding in this region. For the reasons of brevity, this article briefly outlines some of these aspects below:
TAHIR AZIZ Author is a consultant with conciliation Resources based in London. He originally belongs to Pakistan administered Kashmir.
Noviolence as a political tool: All stakeholders must realize that the use of violence has not worked in Kashmir. It has in fact brought more miseries. The only way forward in resolving Kashmir is through a nonviolent approach. Until and unless the protagonists completely reject violence as a political tool, any hope for peace will remain elusive. The rejection of violence and pursuing political goals through peaceful negotiations and
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processes are the principles that are equally applicable to Kashmiris and the governments of India and Pakistan. An inclusive framework: The stakeholders in Kashmir – broadly the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the states of India and Pakistan - are yet to articulate a broader framework that accommodates diversified and competing claims. In other words there is a need in Kashmir for a common moral vision. This does not mean that all should agree on one particular political solution, rather it means that the process of achieving differing political aspirations in Kashmir should be inclusive and democratic, where diverse groups feel that they have equal opportunities for achieving their desired goals. Non-zero-sum understanding: People of Jammu and Kashmir need to realize that in order to achieve their political aspirations they need the support of the people of India and Pakistan. In other words the resolution of the Kashmir issue should not be seen at the expense of the interests of the Indians and Pakistanis. It should be a win-win for all.
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Faith in internally-driven change: This is by far the most important aspect that needs constant emphasis. It is a wide held perception among Kashmiris that the situation will only change when Pakistan and India will change it or when the world powers (especially the U.S.) will facilitate this change. While the importance of all these actors cannot be overlooked, the truth is that more than anybody else Kashmiris are fundamentally relevant to their situation and hence it is they who need to have the confidence of initiating and leading a change to their problems. But this understanding of public peace activism is not meant here to undermine the primacy of the official peace process between India and Pakistan; it must be seen in the spirit of complementing these official talks. The insights from contemporary peace processes show that sustainable peace can only be achieved through involving wide sections of society, thus broadening public stake in the peace process. This is because, quite often, when the agreements transpire after the official peace negotiations, that mostly take place in a secret and closed-door environment, the public masses watch in a daze of disbelief as they learn of the concessions their leaders have made which they, the constituency, will be obliged to fulfil. While the leadership is highly involved in the creation of shared space (sometimes having years of confidential talks to adjust to the idea of cooperation with “the enemy”), the people are expected to shift instantaneously from a mentality of defensive victim to peace-loving citizen. The Kashmir situation deserves consistent and concerted engagement
to gradually contain and ultimately eradicate the cycle of the political violence perpetrated by the state authorities and the militants. Building peace in Kashmir will enhance regional stability and help address the conditions that incubate terrorism. The above mentioned principles seem easy on paper but their practical achievement is a gigantic task. However, the overall situation basically
The insights from contemporary peace processes show that sustainable peace can only be achieved through involving wide sections of society, thus broadening public stake in the peace process. This is because, quite often, when the agreements transpire after the official peace negotiations, that mostly take place in a secret and closed-door environment, the public masses watch in a daze of disbelief as they learn of the concessions their leaders have made which they, the constituency, will be obliged to fulfil. points to one thing: without a broader vision and without change in people's hearts and minds, peace is not possible in Kashmir. Fundamental change in the approach of all stakeholders (the Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians) is necessary to incrementally achieve peace in Kashmir. There is no simple magic that can make the whole situation change and bring about a political settlement to the Kashmir
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conflict. In other words, the stakeholders will need to get empowered with a vision of making the change possible. Nothing can be more relevant to capturing this vision than the civil society in Kashmir.
Now Telling The J&K Stories
Epilogue because there is more to know
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Revisiting General Musharaf's Ideas
Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir
General Musharaf's formulations on Kashmir need to be studied in the proper context of global architecture of power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11. It also needs to be analyzed in the context of changing power dynamics in South Asia.
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Dr. GUL MOHAMMAD WANI Author is a Political Scientist teaching in the department of Political Science University of Kashmir
his year's theme at 8th India Today Conclave was “Challenges of Change”. General Musharaff former President of Pakistan, in his dinner keynote address spoke on “The LOC must be torn down like the Berlin wall”. He believed that 21st century is the century for Asia but the question is can we South-Asians be part of it? He attributed his pessimism to continued India-Pakistan hostility. He felt confident that we moderates must guide the events and not allow extremists to create obstacles in the way of peace. We have to head for a solution on Kashmir. I had given a formula which could form the basis for moving forward and taking it towards a solution. It is in this sense that a need is felt to revisit his formulations after General Musharaff has vacated the political scene in Pakistan. Needless to mention all conflict resolution formulations in any part of the world are contextual and grounded in existing realities. The Jammu and Kashmir constitutes no political exception. When dogs from different neighborhoods meet they smell each others tail. India and Pakistan have done it so often in the post-partition era. One of the great puzzles of India – Pakistan relations is not why smaller
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Pakistan feels insecure but why the larger India does so. Prof. Stephen Cohen – widely respected expert on South-Asia argues that the world's most intractable disputes are psychologically paired minority conflicts. It is only for this reason that earlier on in a seminar on South-Asia in the University of Kashmir; I had argued that South – Asia needs to be looked at more as region of regions rather than as a region of states. Regions are more natural and historically more deeply planted. The state–centric paradigm with excessive obsession with national interest has vandalized the social and economic life of the people of sub-continent in particular and that of South–Asia in general. General Musharaf's formulations on Kashmir need to be studied in the proper context of global architecture of power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11. It also needs to be analyzed in the context of changing power dynamics in South Asia. The formulations also evolved in a bilateral context. The composite dialogue began and back channel diplomacy was in operation. In April 2005 Delhi summit declared peace process as irreversible. Further the unilateral cease fire was declared on
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the line of control. In a way these formulations were also the by–products of Indian states inflexibility purely because of the fact that India has never suffered defeat on the Jammu and Kashmir issue. This notwithstanding the fact that Indian state's moral position is seriously compromised on Kashmir. In a fundamental way Khan Gaffar Khan's set of questions raised earlier after India's independence are as provoking today as these were then. He wanted to know as to “whether Indian leadership has fulfilled all the promises it made to the people of Kashmir and also whether people of Kashmir have abided by the promises they made to India”. In the immediate analysis what had prompted General Musharaf to put forth the set of formulations on Kashmir is to look for an explanation both within and without South Asia. South Asia and more particularly indo-Pak equation is a strategic microcosm of clash of emotions. In the contemporary world order the western world displays a culture of fear, the Arab and Muslim world are trapped in a culture of humiliation and much of Asia displays a culture of hope. In its approximation to South Asia one can suggest only one change—a culture of fear and arrogance that the Indian state displays in its dealings with Kashmir. Having said all this I have no intention to join the category of prophets of doom. There is an articulate yet small section of people in India's security and strategic establishment which believes in meaningful engagement with Pakistan. They argue that ignoring Pakistan is neither desirable nor feasible. No country can really be great if its backwater is in mess. Pakistan has proved to be a bold bulwark for the defence of India from the North West from time to time. Even the Prime
Minister also endorsed it when he stated that a strong Pakistan is in India's interest. For India the only way to engage Pakistan and to emerge as a major regional power is to consolidate the region and emerge from it. Deeper engagement with Pakistan is a political investment for India. Lately Stephen Cohen has advised India to liberate itself both from Kashmir as well as Pakistan in order to stake claim for a regional power status. This has become important for another reason also as far as China's observer status in the South Asian regional Co-operation framework is concerned. Be it noted that China's trade with SAARC countries is more than that of India. The above context does provide a wider perspective in which one can examine four components of General Musharaff's formulation i.e., de-militarization; self-rule; porous borders and joint management. De-militarization will take the army to the 1989 position i.e., back to the barracks. General Musharaf believed that the military should be out, security should be done by the people and military should be garrisoned in a few places. He also claimed that demilitarization can be done by steps. Earlier he talked of some good image projection in a few districts of the valley. Some political groups within Kashmir ranging from main-stream to the separatists have over a period of time taken strong position on excessive presence of security forces in Kashmir. It also becomes clear if we only look at the disproportionate presence of forces on the ground which of course is an issue not of consensus but subject to varied assessments. There are round about 45 brigades of army which means anywhere between 160,000 to 180,000.
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As per estimates provided by Gautam Navalkha sometime back there are: 66 bns of RR, 56 bns of BSF, 50 bns of CRPF, 30 bns of CPMF, 5 bns of Ladakh Scouts, 15 bns of J&K Light Infantry, 25 bns of J&K Rifles, 7 bns of Territorial Army, 1 bn of Ikhwanis, 64,000 JKAP, 23,000 SPOs, 25,000 Home Guards and 200 Village Defence Members. The socioeconomic implications of the huge presence of the state too have been examined by experts and government authorities. Officially 681,839 Kanals of land have been occupied by security forces, out of which 3,10,184 Kanals are un-authorized. In view of the fact that de-militarization is a very sensitive issue and very important from the point of view of human security certain sensible suggestions have emanated which should factor into any decision taken on it. First, de-militarization as an issue should not be politicized by groups and political parties. Second, independent voices like that of Mubashir Hassan and Kuldeep Nayer, that India and Pakistan need to reduce the trust deficit should also be taken into account. More importantly civilian spaces having no militant presence need to be immediately vacated. Half a dozen innocent people having fallen to the bullets of CRPF or police men in recent weeks at Bomai and Haigam suggest that AFSPA needs to be scraped and accountability of forces ensured. The Omar Abdullah government needs to fulfill the promise of strengthening the State Human Rights Commission. Self-rule: Self-rule too like de-militarization is subjected to many interpretations and explanations in and outside the state. General Musharaf claimed that while autonomy creates confusion self-rule means people will govern themselves. He said let the people on both sides
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meet and debate. The Indian position is that self-rule will be considered when Pakistan presents it in a format. Within the J&K state the National Conference claims that self-rule is akin to its greater autonomy formulation. The Peoples Democratic Party which recently presented its report on selfrule feels that Art. 370 as adopted in 1949 is self-rule in essence. It also talks of a grand reconciliation between India and Pakistan on issues of self-rule. Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat of Hurriyat Conference (M) says that “we interpret the proposal in the context of sentiments that are fast changing”. He said that “Kashmiries will have their own prime Minister, President, Supreme Court and Election Commission”. Needless to mention that both autonomy and selfrule are most sought after and resisted devices for conflict resolution world over. Self-rule becomes contentious
where it is associated with assertions of or qualifications of state sovereignty. Many conflicts in the world are themselves about the demand for and resistance to self-rule. Though self-rule is the way-out that would eliminate the sources of ethnic, territorial conflicts entrenched into notions of sovereignty yet the challenge is how successfully sovereignty is fudged, diffused and fragmented. It is only for this reason that A.G.Noorani claims that, “experience has amply demonstrated the futility of a New Delhi-Srinagar accord without a prior India-Pakistan accord on it. The joint management mechanism is ultimately dependent upon how much distance India and Pakistan are able to travel together. Unless trust deficit is not transformed into trust surplus the chances of a grand reconciliation are minimal. It is only for this reason that
one can safely conclude that greater people to people contacts and porous borders need to be given preference till peace constituencies in all parts are expanded and people develop a vested interest in peace. Porous borders and more confidence building measures are necessary in view of the fact that historically Indo-Pak relations have been quite accident prone. Musharraf claimed in his speech that during his time the trade list of importable items to Pakistan increased from 200 to 1400 which had equal beneficial impact. He also believed that sincerity, flexibility and boldness are needed to improve the environment. He hoped that India has to show magnanimity and humility as the major power in the region. Let no one ignore the sane words of Charles Darwin: it is not the strongest species that survive the most intelligent but the most responsive to change.
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A New Hope
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he valley of Kashmir which was described as the “High School of Hindu Science” by eminent Islamic Scholar, Al Beruni, in early eleventh century & of which a renowned linguistic expert & writer, Sir George Grierson writes that “from this valley have issued masterpieces of history, romance, philosophy & fable”, and also most eloquent teachers of Saivism & Sufisism”. Today it is known as the valley of turmoil and has been so for nearly two decades now. It is a pathetic perversity of history that the descendants of the ancient architects of the Kashmir's universally acknowledged multifarious glory are today witnessing the disintegration and dematerialization of their own century's old inheritance & ethos some of them the destruction of their own roots in their soil of ancestors. The turmoil in the valley has engulfed the whole state and even the part of it on the other side of the divide. Kashmiris in general have felt alienated, the Pandits uprooted and the people of Jammu discriminated. Even their bretheren on the other side of the line are aggrieved. All this has resulted by what has been happening between India and Pakistan from the bloody days of partition and continues even today, only changing the patterns with the changing times.
ANIL DHAR Author is a Kashmiri Pandit Political and Social Activist now based at Jammu
for larger people to people contact, and larger interaction been the civil societies and primarily the youth. Time has come to move forward. A multipronged strategy based on innovative planning and broad based execution is required at present. The winds of change have made their impact. People of Jammu and Kashmir especially the separatist elements have begun realizing the futility of protracted violence and indifference. The recent happening in Pakistan is an eye-opener for one and all, especially for those who have been abdicating peace and advocating violence for the last two decades. What people of Jammu and Kashmir need today is economical freedom and not political independence. The Govt. both at the Centre and the State and moreover the Govt. of India and Pakistan need to take a lead in promoting infrastructure investment and economic development. In a recently concluded international workshop for conflict resolution in Jammu and Kashmir, held at Bangkok and attended by a cross section of civil society of Jammu and Kashmir on both sides of the divide, it was felt that return of peace and conflict resolution in Kashmir is of utmost importance.
Even though the people of the state in all walks of life yearn for peace, yet it is a little far away. The people of Jammu and Kashmir on the Pakistan side also want more interaction and exchanges in trade, cultural activities and people to people contact.
On a broader scale it was felt that any action to bolster democracy in Kashmir would also help to undercut the rationale of unrest in Kashmir and thereby help to rid Pakistan of the incubus of religion-based terrorism.
The positions of the Govt. at every level have been dismal. No attempt has been made to end the mental distances between the people and the communities, physically living apart. No sincere attempt, by the Govt. has ever been made to create a congenial environment
The civil society in the sub-continent should make significant contributions to the process of restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir and ultimately help the Govt. of India and Pakistan to find a lasting solution to their conflict over Kashmir.
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Keeping hopes alive for Kashmir settlement Despite height of tourism between India and Pakistan, a key confidence building measure - Cross-LoC bus and truck service - in intact. While New Delhi and Islamabad deserve credit for restraint, the people of Jammu and Kashmir have strongly conveyed that they would like to continue their efforts for peace and cooperation.
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he Mumbai carnage reversed the 5-year old composite dialogue process between India and Pakistan. Conversely, the Bus Service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad and the trade route across the Line of Control (LoC) have not only been intact but also making some progress. Amazingly, local authorities decided to open Poonch-Rawalakot route for two days a week instead of once a week recently. Despite the lack of adequate trade facilities this move has the potential to double the ongoing trade between two parts of the divided Jammu &Kashmir state.
ERSHAD MAHMUD Author is Islamabad based security analyst and hails from the Poonch district of the Pakistan administered Kashmir. He can be reached at : rawalakotjk@gmail.com
In past, both Islamabad and New Delhi used to suspend progress on Jammu and Kashmir whenever any tension rose. The inhabitants across the 740 km long LoC had invariably been worst victim of this rivalry. Fortunately, this time it remains largely peaceful. Isolated events of skirmishes along LoC were not allowed to spawn constant occurring. Islamabad and New Delhi deserve credit for showing remarkable restraint even during the height of hostility. The last year state elections in the Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir also underlined the significance for the
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solution of Kashmir problem. Both the ruling and major opposition parties of Jammu and Kashmir used every occasion to impress upon New Delhi to resume the stalled talks with Pakistan over Kashmir. The mainstream parties also realized that without addressing the broader dispute over the future status of Jammu and Kashmir lasting peace and stability could not be achieved. This political consciousness bridged the ideological gulf between separatists and the mainstream parties to a greater extent.
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The widespread desire to seek early solution of the conflict is considered as a positive sign to restart triangular negotiations between New Delhi and Islamabad, Delhi and separatists and finally between Islamabad and Kashmiri stakeholders. On the other side, the ongoing national elections in India also lured major contestants particularly the Congress and BJP to adopt a tough line about Pakistan to grab Hindu extremists' vote bank. The competitive Indian politics scuttled the progress achieved during the last five years. In the 2004 Indian national elections both Congress and BJP were championing India-Pakistan harmony and cordial relations but now their election's flagship is to fight against terrorism or Pakistan. Relations with the Pakistan also figures in the Indian political parties' election manifestoes. The key opposition party BJP says that if it gets power it will resume peace talks with Pakistan only after Islamabad dismantles the 'terrorist infrastructure' on its soil. Without that there can be no comprehensive dialogue with Pakistan. The BJP leadership has persistently been accusing the ruling alliance and particularly the Congress for being soft on Pakistan and making unnecessary concessions to Islamabad.The ruling Congress party also appears tough towards Pakistan. It demands that Pakistan has to come up clean on Mumbai before the resumption of PakIndia peace process. Recently Pakistan's foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi offered the resumption of peace process with India but the later declined the offer and said that until Mumbai attackers were not brought to justice India would not restart the dialogue. Likewise, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh also said that if his
people were being killed he could not resume the dialogue process between two countries. Some observers believe that after elections the Indian government may restart peace process and particularly refocus to expand the scope of confidence building measures in Jammu and Kashmir. However, the increasing diatribe against the 'dubious' role of Pakistan's secret services in 'war on terror' and Washington's ever-increasing thickness with New Delhi offset Pakistan's security establishment.
It is time for this lobby (peopleto-people) to come up with new ideas and redirect the PakistanIndia relations immediately after the Indian national elections. A section of the media and several political actors had done a great deal of damage to the peace process. It can be undone with the greater civil society intervention and the positive media role. Additionally, the India Afghanistan proximity and Washington' complicity with it also sent negative signals to Islamabad. Traditionally, the Kashmir issue had been the bone of contention between the two neighboring countries but now a number of other issues have come in the way and rather have taken the center stage. The alleged Indian support for Baloch insurgency and terrorist networks in Pakistan's tribal areas has pitted both the countries against each other. It also has put a dampner on Pakistan-US relations and has the potential to wrest the stability of
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Afghanistan. Kashmir has been linked with other conflicts in the region particularly with the Afghanistan and terrorism at large. A number of negative and positive developments are taking place in the region in tandem. The robust people-topeople contacts and other sociopolitical ties between Pakistan and Indian had created a large constituency and to some extent had transformed the traditional discourse over Pak-India relations from zero sum game to cooperative mode in recent years. In wake of the Mumbai attacks the peace lobby has been marginalized and hawks took the centre stage at the two side of Wahga border. It is time for this lobby (people-topeople) to come up with new ideas and redirect the Pakistan-India relations immediately after the Indian national elections. A section of the media and several political actors had done a great deal of damage to the peace process. It can be undone with the greater civil society intervention and the positive media role. Fortunately, both India and Pakistan had arrived a broader understanding over Kashmir settlement and had already garnered the support inside Jammu and Kashmir. Besides, both the governments have proposed a number of positive steps for building cooperation between two countries. The bus service and opening trade routes are the bench marks of the positive forward movement. Further, institutional cooperation between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir was also envisaged and, in fact, some good news was around the corner but tragic attacks of Mumbia seized the opportunity. Now, Srinagar and Muzaffarabad can again try to capitalize on these available avenues.
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Images of Kashmir in Pir Panjal Region
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ew people living in Jammu and Kashmir know about the hardworking, skillful and simple Kashmiri people living across Pir Panjal range in Jammu region. But besides the National Highway and some broken forgotten roads and linkages, which connect the valley of Kashmir with these regions, there is a much stronger bond which, many don't seem aware of, that connects the people across. This bond lies in the shared similar culture, tradition, practices and language which makes all the hearts beat in unison. Presence of Kasmhiri people across the Pir Panjal range can be seen right from Poonch, Rajouri, Doda, Ramban, Kishtwar up to Tehsil Billawar, Basohli and Ramnagar areas. Not only this, but across the borders of J&K, 60 to 70 villages of Himachal Pradesh are Kashmiri populated.
ABDUL RAUF MIR Author is a peace and development activist associated with Action-Aid International. He works in Banihal area of Jammu
District Pooch: Twenty miles from Poonch is located Mandi Sarai where 80% of local population are Kashmiris and are considered as colourful centre of Kashmiri culture. About four miles from Mandi is located Qila loher kote, a historic place where the famous Mohammed Gaznavi was defeated by Kashmiris now known as Lohran. In Surankote, half of the population is of Kashmiris. It borders with Uri, Baramulla and Budgam and is at a
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distance of only one or half day. But due to clousure of Haji Pir and Soi Maidan roads, people now have to travel hundreds of kilometers to meet their own relatives on other side of the range. So it seems that the provincial boundaries have become a barrier between them and mother Kashir (Kashmir) and they are now distanced from their language & culture. District Rajouri: In 1965 Rajouri was made a separate district. It is of great importance due to passage of the historic Mughal Road though this district. Cahng Sarai, Fatehpur Sarai, Suz Sarai, Thon Sarais of Mughals are some historic places here. Cahng Sarai is 22 km from Rajouri where Mugahal Emperor Jahangir died while coming from valley and some mortal remains of his body are buried here. Thanamandi here is considered as centre for Kashmiri culture. Tehsil Buddhal and Darhal which are connected to Banihal, Kulgam and Shopian though Mong hal and Hoon hang passes are also considered rich in Kashmiri culture. Although there are less Muslims in Noushehra tehsil, still there is cultural dominance of Muslims and Kashmiris in the district. More like other areas of pir panchal except some areas of Banihal and Bhaderwah there is less or no cultivation of Rice as compared to potato, beans, maize etc, So at some places people take rice only
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once a day, usually at dinner time. Kashmiri tea is common among the Kashmiris and Gujjars of the areas. More like Kashmir valley there are a large number of famous and holy shrines of Sufis and saints in the whole Pir panchal area region. Rajouri is famous for holy Shardra shrief Shrine, Kishtwar famous for Hazrat Shah Asrar sahib's shrine similarly there are many more holy shrines in the entire pir panchal region. It is noticed that the way people practice their religion is more like that of people doing the same on holy shrines in Kashmir valley. Common link between Kashmir's Baba Reshi shrine in Tangmarg and holy shrines in this Pir panchal region can be seen by the way people practice their religion in these holy shrines. Moreover the langar khana (mess) arrangement in Baba Ghulam shah sahib shrine is all made on Kashmiri pattern. Chinab Valley: Without consideration of three districts, Doda, Ramban and Kishtwar the imagination of a complete Kashmiri culture is incomplete. Majority of Kashmiri population of Pir Panjal range live here. Banihal and other areas like Gool, Marwah and Warwan etc are more close to Kashmir valley and thus
influenced by the life style of the people of valley. Nature has made Banihal a cold desert and handed it to fast blowing chilly winds and in the name of the state same wind has swept
Doda district is another example of Kashmiri culture in the region, Bhaderwah which is called as Chotta Kashmir is very closely related to Kashmiri culture. There is very large number of Kashmiri speaking people in the whole district who also speak their regional languages like Bhaderwahi etc. Hindus living in this area very simple and hardworking most of them can speak or understand Kashmiri language. away the identity of this region and restricted it between Jammu and Kashmir by the name of “and” 90% population of Banihal Tehsil living in more than 85 villages speak either only Kashmiri or both Kashmiri, Poogli and
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Gujjri. Similarly Gool area is 80% Kashmiri speaking. More like other PPR areas there are lot of shrines of Sufis and saints in this district also. Moulana Syed Abdullah, Alam Shah Sahib, Shah Asra and many more. The same practices are followed by the devotees which are seen in the valley like organizing Khatme Sharif (special prayers) on special days, Shab Khwani ( full night prayers), celebrating Urs, tying threads of faith on the window sills and rejoicing in the spiritual aura and seeking fulfillment of both worlds. The faith is unflinching and strong which helps the people endure the hardships in life and seek the true meaning of existence. Doda: Doda district is another example of Kashmiri culture in the region, Bhaderwah which is called as Chotta Kashmir is very closely related to Kashmiri culture. There is very large number of Kashmiri speaking people in the whole district who also speak their regional languages like Bhaderwahi etc. Hindus living in this area very simple and hardworking most of them can speak or understand Kashmiri language. Bhalesa area of Doda is considered as rich center for Kashmiri culture in this district.
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Kishtwar: Kishtwar another district of this region is also very rich in Kashmiri culture. The district is very rich in Sapphire. Kishtwar is an example of brotherhood and harmony between the people of this region and Kashmir region, evidence of which are fond in the history when after leaving Kashmir, Yaqoob Chak was helped by Raja Bahadur Singh of Kishtwar and later married his sister Shankar Devi with Yaqoob Chak giving him the status of brothr in law. Kishtwar is also famous for its hot springs like Atpaddar, Chatroo, Marwah, Dacchan and Polark. As I have the privilege to travel to all the blocks of these three districts from Dacchan to Paddar and from Gandooh to Ukheral and Gool. Dacchan, Marwah and Kishwar are nowadays being connected to Kokernag from Margan Top and Sinthan Top respectively which is at a very small distance. Ishrat Kashmiri (writer) has described following regions of Kishtwar where Kashmiri culture is still very rich, these are Dacchan, Nagsaini, Dryal, Kishtwar, Sarwa Sarthal khas Kishtwar, M a r w a h , Wa r w a n , Pa d d a r a n d Bonzwah. It is famous for the presence of various Sufis and Saints and the holy shrine of Hazrat Shah Asrar Sahib is very famous. Although casts of Kashmiris in whole Pir Panjal region right from Poonch-Rajouri to Kishtwar and Banihal are more or the less same. Except a few almost all the casts are present in Kashmir valley eg. Wani, Mir, Khan, Sihekh, Lone, Rather, Nayak, Giri, Shan, Malik, Bhat, Tantry, Parray, Ganaie, Khanday, Manhas, Katoch, Gang, Goni, Mugahal, Tak, Beigh, Lohar etc are found in this region and more or the less same casts are found in Kashmir valley also.
Kashmiri culture is also found in large number of villages in Ramnagar like Panara, Lodra, Bandool, Jakher, Basantgarh, Chanter, Kadu, etc. Same is the case with Malhar area of Tehsil Billawar. In Basooli Tehsil there are various examples of Kashmiri culture in following villages of Bugan,
The reason for detailing the above facts is to bring to light the commonalities in the culture and lifestyle of the Kashmiri people across the state of Jammu & Kashmir, many of whom now live a scattered existence. Much has been talked about people to people interaction, and sharing of cultures and knowledge etc across- LOC & countries. But it is very ironic indeed that we often forget to know more about people within the same State, who are so close to us both geographically and with whom we share a common identity. There is a need for more interaction and communication amongst these people. Fatehpur, Dlang, Dohty, Dagar, Badra, Bikhai, Tappar, Poad and Banjal. There are some great poets and writers who have contributed to the Kashmiri culture across the Pir Panjal region and their contribution is everlasting towards the development of Kashmiri language and culture. Not only in
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Jammu region but all over Jammu and Kashmir some prominent names are Rasa Javidani, Kamgar Kishtwari, Jabaz Dolwal, Margoob Banihali, Tavoos Banihali, Waif Bhaderwahi, Shahbaz Rajouri and Mushtaq Faridddi there are many more who have worked and who are working toward upliftment of Kashmiri language and culture in the region. The reason for detailing the above facts is to bring to light the commonalities in the culture and lifestyle of the Kashmiri people across the state of Jammu & Kashmir, many of whom now live a scattered existence. Much has been talked about people to people interaction, and sharing of cultures and knowledge etc acrossLOC & countries. But it is very ironic indeed that we often forget to know more about people within the same State, who are so close to us both geographically and with whom we share a common identity. There is a need for more interaction and communication amongst these people. This would generate increased awareness and facilitate better interaction amongst them which will eventually go a long way in developing and seeking issues of common interest and survival in the long run. For the conservation of the fast diminishing cultural ethos and identity, a renewed interaction and opening/renewal of the connecting linkages with the people of the Pir Panjal and the people of the valley is essential. This would generate more sensitivity and sense of belongingness among these Kashmiris as for them it is really high time to stop ignoring each other , or stigmatizing and start embracing one another with the common bonds of brotherhood, spiritualism and love.
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Peace via voiceless people; A Northern Areas perspective Strategically most important region in context of Greater Jammu and Kashmir, the Northern Areas is not finding due space in any dialogue.
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he Northern Areas is situated in the extreme north of Pakistan. It is the most glaciated area in the world - outside the polar caps. Having a rich but distinct culture in its lap, Northern Areas is inhabited by five major ethno-linguistic communities, and three different Muslim sects (Sunni, Shia, and Ismaili). Administratively, this region falls under the administrative control of the Federal Government of Pakistan. It is a landscape dominated by high rising mountains, plateau, glaciers and valleys, with the Hindu Kush, lesser Himalaya, Karakoram and Pamirs converging to form a huge mountain mass.
EJAZ AHMED KHAN Author is Media & Development Communication Expert associated with (PEN/Publishing Extension Network) Gilgit, Northern Areas, Pakistan. He can be reached at pen_gilgit@hotmail.com
Strategically the region is one of the most important units in the context of greater Jammu and Kashmir, bordering both China and Afghanistan. Northern Areas – with a population of around 1.5 million people – is scattered over a territory of 72,496 square kilometers. It presents a rich mix of cultures, languages, plants, animals and habitats. In the recent times comparatively easy access to the region has brought about dramatic changes in social, economic, and political fields of the region. As a result the realization for still-illusive constitutional status has accentuated.
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Neither Kashmiri nor South Asian Prior to the British colonization of the Gilgit region in the late 1800s, the people of the western Karakoram Mountains had closer social and cultural linkages with the people of Central Asia and Afghanistan than with the vale of Kashmir or the Punjab. Only with the establishment of the Gilgit Agency, did the British construct the Gilgit Road, linking the town of Gilgit with Srinagar. The British also constructed the Indus Road, linking the region with the Northwest Frontier and the Punjab. However the political representatives of the region had submitted legal petition in AJK High court about constitutional status to become either part of AJK or Pakistan but in vail. The political leadership has the view that at least they should be given representation at any forum like Kashmir committee, Kashmir council and in the process of dialogue on Kashmir dispute.
Neither Part of Azad Kashmir nor Pakistan NA is historically comprised little kingdoms ruled by Rajas, Mirs and Chieftains; it was partially annexed by the Dogra regime of Kashmir by middle of the 19th century. In 1935 the British acquired
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Gilgit Wizarat for 60 years. However, in November 1947, the people liberated the area and acceded to Pakistan. F o l l o w i n g 1 9 4 7 , t h e Pa k i s t a n Government through the various local rulers administered the Northern Areas, formerly known as the Gilgit Agency. Only in the 1970s were the local rajas and mirs retired and formal Pakistani bureaucratic agencies established.
region and is not officially recognized as part of the constitutional territory of Pakistan. As such, the region does not have any representation in the National Assembly nor does it have a democratically elected leadership, as in AJK.
old Indus Road and transformed it into the Karakoram Highway, with extensive technical, financial, and construction assistance from China. With the opening of the KKH in 1978, dramatic changes in the region have occurred.
In addition, the Northern Areas has limited local governance. The Federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs and the Northern Areas, who is appointed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, rules the region. In the 1990s, a Legislative council was created, that is known today known as the Northern Area's Legislative Assembly. However, the Assembly has no independent legislative power.
During the 1990s, the region witnessed a huge increase in tourism, providing many economic opportunities to the people of the region. However, since 2001 tourism to the Northern Areas has all but disappeared.
In Azad Jammu and Kashmir the government of Pakistan established a quasi-independent government, including a president and prime minister. The Northern Areas was never included in such an arrangement nor has the region ever had its own democratically elected political representatives.
The Karakoram Highway and Integration into Pakistan
In compliance with the UN resolution on Kashmir and as per the constitution of Pakistan, the Northern Areas is a disputed
For a long time the ancient Silk Route provided the only significant link to the outside world. In the 1970s the government of Pakistan upgraded the
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One of the biggest impacts on the economy of the region is the “China Border Trade” – many local traders travel back and forth to the western Chinese province of Xinjiang importing a variety of Chinese manufactured goods into the Northern Areas and to the rest of Pakistan. The KKH also provides an avenue of trade with the rest of Pakistan,
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intensifying cash crop production and the providing of forestry products (leading to serious problems of deforestation).
A Civil Society Perspective: Emerging Civil Society Only since the 1978s has the Northern Areas been connected with the rest of Pakistan through the construction of the Karakoram Highway. Following the opening of the highway a number of international NGOs started working in the region. The Aga Khan Development Network is the largest organization with dramatic impacts, particularly within the Ismaili community. Since the 1990s many other international NGOs have been working in the region, including IUCN, WWF, European Community, and various UN agencies including UNDP, UNICEF, UNFEM, and UNAIDS. As a result, many local NGOs have come up to facilitate development work, capitalizing on the investment of funds from international donor agencies. NGOs are having both a positive and negative impact on the region. NGOs have made significant contributions in the fields of health, education, and general social development. Some districts in the Northern Areas are the most literate with female literacy rates around 70% (though female literacy rates in other districts, namely Diamer, remains significantly low at about 4%) NGOs have also left significant economic impact by providing employment opportunities to the educated youth of the region. Very few employment opportunities exist for the people of the region outside the trade
and earlier tourism (which since 2001 has deteriorated). These NGOs offer lucrative packages for a good number of people working for the uplift of their communities.
belonging to different religious and ethnic groups in Gilgit have successfully worked in different ethnic communities in the Northern Areas.
One of the negative impacts has been the creation of economic disparities in the region, creating a class of development professionals who are separate from the mass rural population.
The current status of the Northern Areas is in limbo, having weak voice in political processes. The continued conflict between India and Pakistan has very detrimental impact on the people of the region who are operating without basic rights.
Prospects for Peace
The second negative impact has been the pacification of what was a very vocal and active movement in the 1970s for the right of self rule. NGOs provide an economic path, distracting people's attention from the issue at hand. The ultimate result was that no real leadership could emerge and prosper as the gap was filled in temporarily by the NGOs, offering religious figures to step in. A sectarian strife then turned into a deep-rooted issue of the region, undermining any collective move for the rights.
A Civil Society Perspective: Sectarian Issues and the Prospects for Local Peace Over the past decade, the Northern Areas has witnessed unprecedented violence between the followers of Sunni and Shia sects, particularly in the administrative capital Gilgit. During the period of intense violence in 2005, various civil society organizations maintained their neutrality and interacted with the people at a comparative ease. The organization I represent, PEN – Publishing Extension Network – established in 1997, was founded on the principle of bridging divides between communities. Our Board of Directors
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From the perspective of the people of the region, there are few possible solutions offering alternatives to the current situation. Representation like FATA within Pakistan' National assembly and Senate. Annex to Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Setup like Azad Jammu and Kashmir, with own President and Prime Minister At least representation in the Kashmir Council, chaired by PM Pakistan One of the challenges of identifying prospects for peace for greater Jammu and Kashmir is the recognition of the radically distinct histories and cultures of the region. The affect on local communities is different, and each community must be taken into consideration. No peace settlement can be made without the voice of the different people being represented. Civil society organizations such as PEN will play an important role in the peace process by working with local communities, strengthening their voices, and sensitizing them to the political realities. A forum such as this will offer avenues for people to raise their voices for a peaceful solution to Jammu and Kashmir conflict.
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Remember Past only to Focus on Future
Considering Jammu and Kashmir in one side or other of Line of Control will not lead us to anywhere. The problem has be seen in entire area that formed the Princely state and a solution has to be sought accordingly. ''We are made wise not by the recollection of our Pakistan went through four wars which brought past, but by the responsibility for our future.'' no solution but pain and suffering to human being - George Bernard Shaw at large. Also positive efforts have been made in recent times for reconciliation from both sides Kashmir problem is with the world since 1947, the with active participation from civil society as year of the partition of India. Over these sixty three well as political leaders. But could not come to a years, flashes of intensified conflict and bouts of consensus, may be because of not having a negotiations have followed one another with balanced and harmonious proposal to discuss. monotonous regularity in Kashmir. Media manufactures predictable binary images of conflict – angry men and weeping women, misguided innocents and fundamentalist separatists, victims and aggressors.
TASHI GYALSON Author is a student and political activist associated with PDP. He works and lives in Leh, Ladakh
For more than six decades by now one has to talk seriously about the conditions for the implementation of peace to protect the interest of people at large and finally reach the stage of an actionable program. Should there be any hope for a solution?
The Problem: Problem started in 1947 when British were dividing India into two parts to separate out Muslims, who There is no problem without a solution, at least had demanded a separate homeland for themselves for those which are engineered by human whether consciously or unconsciously. The and the non-Muslims. criteria of a best solution must meet the standard Pakistan had refused to give a chance to the old of a reasonable prudent man test. I feel the most princely state of Jammu and Kashmir and attacked in appropriate solution to the problem of J&K or we the guise of tribal Pathans on October 1947. The could say the alternative solution which is Maharaja asked India for help and joined India on proposed by the Jammu and Kashmir Peoples 26th October 1947. However, by that time Pakistan Democratic Party, which I feel is a good had already occupied about half of the Kashmir. The arrangement by maintaining the status quo in a U.N Security Council resolution of April 1948 had harmonious way, and it reflects the essence of suggested a plebiscite for the people of Kashmir our secular culture and making its preservation is after it would be vacated by Pakistan; India would be of the outmost importance. allowed to maintain some forces to maintain the law and order. Pakistan never vacated the area and as a Since, the resolution proposal documents is long, result, the referendum could not happen. I cannot wholly share its essence here (chapter – 3 of self – rule), but will advice to visit UN declaration of 1948: The UN declaration, on 13th www.jkpdp.com to understand the concept of August, 1948, in the chapter for the 'TRUCE self-rule proposed as an alternative solution to AGREEMENT’ (refer to UN declaration of 1948) the core issue and to provide equal proved unsuccessful and week, which arise a representation to the entire three regions of J&K. question that, is international law is a law? Since since within the state, there are certain regional Pakistan failed to fulfill its obligation suggested by issues and occasionally, voices are raised from the UN declaration. Since then both India and Ladakh and Jammu for trifurcation of the state.
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Peace in South Asia:
Kashmir can be Bridge between India, Pak For decades Kashmir remained a source of conflict between India and Pakistan. It seems so today also but is actually not. A strong urge for peace coming from the people of Jammu and Kashmir has largely changed the scenario. People on both sides of Line of Control have the potential for making Kashmir a bridge between India, Pakistan. They must seize the opportunity for peace in South Asia.
SARDAR AMJAD YUSUF KHAN Author, Executive Director of Islamabad based Kashmir Institute of International Relations, is a resident of Pakistan administered Kashmir. He can be reached at ed@kilr.org
outh Asia is a most complex, volatile and politically explosive region and it remains the most enigmatic and baffling in the world. South Asia has been a region of great importance to the industrialize democracies and specifically the United States. The region has always been an arena where great power competition has been played and managed. It is, of course, possible to argue that the primary significance of the states of South Asia lies in their role in the competition between the United States, the Soviet Union and China for global and regional influence.
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game with Afghanistan as the board which separated their spheres of i n f l u e n c e . Ru s s i a n i n t e r e s t i n Afghanistan in the first half of the19th century was concerned primarily with security and economic, as a result of British activities in the region. The Soviet leadership showed their will in South Asia to limit the US and China influence in the region. India cooperated with the Soviet Union and they moved from non-alignment to a kind of bi-alignment with the Soviets to counter Chinese influence. Both conducted long friendship and become an important symbol in world politics
Russian interest The Soviet Union was a Eurasian empire since its formation and before Continuous with czarist Russia. In the recent past, Soviet concern with Asia dates, however, only from the post World War II, when the communist leadership adopted a “forward” strategy in Asia and this region became an Arena for Moscow's global competition with the United States and, later, for regional competition with China. During the19th century, Russia and the other great power in the area, Britain, played a great power chess
In the cold war era international system was bipolar. India joined the USSR and Pakistan built tie with USA. The Cold War lasted for over 50 years and ended with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989. With the disintegration of the USSR; the new independent states (Central Asian states) took full responsibility for their desertification control. Central Asian states have started to explore their own ways to deal with the catastrophe. This emergence gave a new hope to the occupied territories. Perhaps this is one of the sources of motivation for Kashmir's as well.
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American interest Since 1945 the region of South Asia had no valuable importance for the United States but in the absence of the US the Soviet Union had taken full advantage to expand its influence in the region. For the US region was neither Crucial to its neither economy nor vital for investment and trade relations. It always had shown their interest in the region from global pursuits disregarding the aspiration of regional actors. Thus, the US never introduced long-terms and Well-calculated policy for the region but it was more interested to prevent the flood of communism and determined to contain the Soviet expansionism in the Persian Gulf region. After the cold war USA didn't show any deep concern toward theses states but after the 9/11 USA tilt toward this region. 9/11 war on terror: In war against terrorism the south Asian region was again badly affected. The immediate consequences of the attacks of September 11 particularly for Pakistan were clear and profound. The campaign in the name of Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan made Pakistan a frontline state in the US led counter terror campaign. Pakistan shared a border with Afghanistan and was among the few countries which had a formal diplomatic relationship with the Taliban regime. Now this prolonged war on terrorism has drawn number of the negative impact for Pakistan. Pakistan is one the biggest sufferer of this war against terrorism. Being a front line state in this war the country becomes the victim of terrorist activities. Now the Americans wants that Pakistan and India must aside their 62 years of
the enmity and join their hands together for stabilizing the Afghanistan. Now they really want that these two states should work together on the same grounds. They should leave all animosities. For that purpose they must have to build a very good relationship. But this is not possible yet, until or unless the Kashmir issue is not resolved, they won't keep the good relationship. Now the Americans top most priority should be the Kashmir issue. Because if they want Pakistan and India should join
some stereo type mindset in New Delhi still expecting that Pakistan may be declared as failed state. And they always try to create hurdles in the processes of dialogue.
Epilogue because there is more to know
Monthly Magazine Extensively Researched
Suggestion: Kashmir is no more bone of contention between two countries now it would play the role of bridge.
Written with Clarity and Insight Covers Four Key Issues Politics
Kashmiris should have to pay the leading role and they can also give the win-a-win situation. For that purpose they should forget about their ethnical issue. their hand together for stabilizing the Afghanistan so firstly they have to have resolve their own issue and than they can go for any other thing else. Now this is the time that Kashmiris can play a very affective role in harmonizing the relationship between two countries. Both these states must consider the Kashmir’s in dialogue processes. Kashmir issue was bone of contention earlier now it will play the role of bridge. There is also an impression in Pakistan,
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Economy Culture Strategic Affairs Unlike the General run of the Mill News Magazine
Epilogue Has a shelf life That Extends Far Beyond the News Period Covered Unlike the General Run of the Mill News Magazines Epilogue
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Unheard Traumatized Voices
Let's pray no more Khatoons, Naseemas and Shafiqa are added to painful history of Kashmir It is a known fact that people on both sides of Line of Control have suffered enough pain and the coming generations are going to echo it. This pain resonates in the sufferings of women and children. The situation demands to opt to silence the guns regardless of the identity of perpetrators.
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hatoon, 75 years old, a resident of Budgam has almost lost eyesight longing to see her disappeared son. Her abject poverty and old age did not dampen her spirits to continue search for her son. Her tale is not very different from hundreds of mothers whose sons have vanished without a trace in custody of security agencies. Khatoon's predicament started in 1995 when troops allegedly picked up her youngest son Bashir. She kept looking for him for many years, going from pillar to post but “had to return empty handed”. Her younger son Muzamil, unable to see his mothers suffering took up arms “to avenge the disappearance of his brother” As if this shock was not enough for the wrinkled old woman, Muzamil died in an encounter with troops.
EZABIR ALI Author is a Peace Activist and a Mental Health Honorary Counselor for Jammu and Kashmir Voluntary Health Association, who has trained Community Health Workers in Budgam and Pulwama districts as “bare foot counselors”. She can be reached at ........
Khatoon had no tears… She said, “I have wept enough for years waiting for Bashir… Now the tears have dried up… but my heart always weeps. I don't want money or compensation…. I only want to know the whereabouts of my beloved son ” Naseema, 25 years old, was cooking her father's favorite dish, Nadroo … when
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suddenly she heard her mother burst into loud wails and screams... An IED (Improvised Explosive Device) blast had taken place in Pattan where a prominent religious cleric had to address a mass gathering. The cleric escaped miraculously but Naseema's father along with many other victims fell prey to the IED blast. The bodies of the victims could not be identified amongst the various pieces of flesh that lay hanging on trees and bushes around the areas. A small bag containing some unidentified parts of human flesh is all that was brought back home for last rites and burial. Naseema could never deal with this loss and trauma. The shock rendered Naseema in a state of disturbed bereavement and PTSD ever since. Shafiqa, 18 years old was at home along with her mother and grandmother when their village was cordoned for search operation by the security forces. The men in the village were taken away from their homes to assemble in an open field for identification parade and interrogation. Shafiqa was among the 30 women who were raped on the night of February 23, in a small village in Kashmir. The ages of other women raped ranged from 13 to 80 years.
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Shafiqa has lost the will to live. She has attempted suicide several times. Haseena, 37years old, is a “half widow” from Kupwara. More than a decade back the security forces picked up her husband. She has gone from pillar to post searching for him but to no avail. She only wants the authorities to give his whereabouts… She says, “If he has been killed please hand over his body to me...I can't take this uncertainty anymore.. How am I supposed to take care of the family? I have no source of income. The Govt. also does not provide relief in such cases. I want to ask the Govt. why the widow of a slain militant is treated different from other widows. Why are our problems and status so different? ” The above cases are just a tip of the iceberg of the effects of the armed conflict on women in Kashmir. Countless widows, “half widows”, rape victims and orphans have been added to our society during these last 20 years. Most of these cases remain unreported as they continue to suffer in silence either due to ignorance, social taboo, conservative attitude of society, or because they lack the will to go through the tedious process of getting the guilty punished. There are many untold and unreported cases - Most of the cases reflect that the people, especially women in Kashmir are undergoing psychological problems as a consequence of tension increasing, both at an individual level as well as community level. These cases give an insight that Kashmir not only presents many traumatized individuals but that there is a collective trauma that the society has suffered. Thus, the implications for healing are obvious.
The Valley's lone psychiatric hospital is overwhelmed by the sheer numbers of patients presenting themselves for the psychiatric problems termed as “Post Traumatic Stress Disorders (PTSD) that the Kashmiri community is undergoing due to the prolonged violent armed conflict prevailing in the area for the last two decades
There are many untold and unreported cases - Most of the cases reflect that the people, especially women in Kashmir are undergoing psychological problems as a consequence of tension increasing, both at an individual level as well as community level. These cases give an insight that Kashmir not only presents many traumatized individuals but that there is a collective trauma that the society has suffered. Thus, the implications for healing are obvious. now. This has resulted in deep wounds to the community such that they go well beyond the socioeconomic problems of neglect and poverty. At the moment the support system for the recovery of the society stands damaged and instead elements like fear, distrust, anger, impatience, cynicism, sense of loss, hopelessness and powerlessness have found their way in the society which has led to many social changes making the people insensitive to situations. To add
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to all this, there has been a complete breakdown of traditional and community support and instead there is pervasive insecurity and fear all around. It is a known fact that the people on both sides of LOC have suffered enough pain and the coming generations are going to echo it. This pain resonates in the sufferings of women and children. The situation demands to opt to silence the guns and say no to violence, regardless of the identity of the perpetrators. Efforts are required to desist that this kind of history should not be handed over to the younger generation to remember. It's high time that the dialogue between India and Pakistan, with representation from Kashmir is resumed to help to reach a consensus to resolve the outstanding issues. It is also very important that the role of women as Peace builders is recognized and women are made part of the resolutions, negotiations and reconstruction phases. Women know what it takes to rebuild a society as they have “seen and braved it all”. The issue of Jammu and Kashmir affects the lives of many people; as such representation of all sections/ communities /societies is important, to have lasting Peace in the region. So let's not put dialogue on hold any more - let's give Peace and Dialogue a chance, with a prayer and hope that no more Khatoon's, Naseema's, Shafiqa's and Haseena's are added to the already painful history of Kashmir.
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Kashmir Conflict and its Impact
Civil society can plays their role in conflict prevention and peace building. There is a popular desire to normalized relations between India and Pakistan. The key actors India and Pakistan have gradually shown more flexibility in their rigged and traditional stand.
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he persons who are living in Jammu & Kashmir are defined as state subjects notification through dated 20th April 1927. That all persons who were born within the state before the region of Maharaja Gulab Singh and those who settled therein before 1942 (Bikrami) and resided permanently, were state subject of class-I. Those who settled in the state before the close of 1968 (Bikrami) and resided permanently, on acquisition of immovable property enjoyed the status of state subject of class-II. All those who acquired immovable property under a rayatnama (Urdu words) or Ijazatnama (Urdu words) and resided in the state continuously, were placed in class-III as state subject, class IV pertains to registered companies in the state”.
ILYAS CHOUDHARY Author is a peace activist and Lawyer. He lives and works in Kotli, Pakistan administered Kashmir.
The dispute of state of Jammu & Kashmir is single most contentious issue between Pakistan & India and it is still unresolved. After 1998, 1999 issue is nuclear flash point. Historically India – Pakistan relations have never been friendly. Both are neighbour but living as enemy of each other. This issue directly or indirectly linked several India – Pakistan wars and crises. After 9/11 and after 13/12 attacks on Indian parliament, India mobilized its military
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troops on International border and Line of control (LOC). Situation was alarming and International Actors had involved for normalisation. A new hope and positive step began in the year 2005 when Bus Service launched from Muzaffarabad to Srinagar route, through this confidence building measure (CBM) new face of confidence and interaction started.
Victims of Conflict Kashmir issue affected the lives of millions people of Jammu & Kashmir. Most effected peoples are widows, victim of violence rendered and their houses, other victims are children who have deprived from development, education, protection, survival and their participation in various activities, youths are other effected lot who have been deprived of employment. They are facing Physico Social Trama, missing of identity and falling addicted. Other victims are those persons who have got completely or partially disabled and facing physical, mental and spiritual illness.
Migration Impact Migration started from 1947-1948 till date, the majority of people who have migrated initially living and facing with
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inhuman conditions. The migration from AJK to J&K and from J&K to AJK, many families have divided, the person who have migrated to Pakistan, some are living into refugee camps and some or out of camps. Many of migrated peoples migrated within state these are Pundits from valley. Majority of these people transferred to refugee camps in Jammu and other who were in economical stable choices to travel inside India, where they started to rebuild their lives. In 1947,1965 and 1971 some migrants peoples who have scattered throughout India and Pakistan now are more powerful and holding powerful positions in civil and military bureaucracy but they identify themselves as Ex-Kashmiris. Other migrants peoples are those who can be called as economical migrant, most of them are from AJK, particularly, Mirpur and Kotli Districts. These economical migrant people shifted the UK and other European countries. In the UK these economical migrants people started their lives in miserable conditions but now they are taking interest in local politics, few of them become as Local Councilors, Community Mayors, Lord Mayors and even contesting parliament elections. In Bradford UK where 72% are Pakistan living and among them 80% are Kashmiri from Mirpur District of AJK, similarly Birmingham UK 32% are from Pakistan and among them half population is from Mirpur District AJK. The people who are living in the UK they have introduced themselves as Kashmiri Ethnic Group (not as a Kashmiri race). These peoples developed their relations with influential Hi-Ups in the UK and they have maneuvering and managing to introduce themselves Kashmiri identity group. They have launched private TV Channel and Radio programs, where different identity peoples programs are broadcast. A sense of Kashmiriat has
promoted and introduced these peoples.
Role of Civil Society Actors Civil society can plays their role in conflict prevention and peace building. There is a popular desire to normalized relations between India and Pakistan. The key actors India and Pakistan have gradually shown more flexibility in their rigged and traditional stand. The organizations of civil society and overall general public are prepared to engage in peace making process. It can create a climate conducive to negotiation and help to ensure that the social infrastructure is developed for their voices to be heard at formal talks. Mechanism for public participants in peace process can be extremely i m p o r t a n t . Pa r t i c i p a n t s f e e l comfortable and are able to participate fully and effective contributions. Alienation and frustration can otherwise set in quickly. No doubt there is a road map, which shows us how to drive and where to drive, without map cannot understand where we are and where we may be going. We have distinguished what is important from and from what is not important. What path we should take to achieve our goals. Civil society actors play their roles to normalize the situation. Process of reconciliation among different identity groups not resisted, even some feel it is too late. Civil society actors from J&K and AJK sides are going to construct bridge building among diverse people groups.
URGENT STEPS People to people contacts People to people contact means not only developing relations between divided families, but whole the peoples who are living with J&K irrespective of religion and region.
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Crossing Points India and Pakistan opened five foot c r o s s i n g p o i n t N a u s e r i - Ti t w a l , Chakothi-uri, Hajipur-uri, RawalakotPoonch and Tattapani-Mehnder but more new crossing point KhuirattaNoshera, Samani-Noshera required to be opened. Road Links Kargil-Skardu, Jammu-Sialkot, TurtueKhapuly, Chamb Jaurian-Mirpur, Gurez Astore-Gilgit, Titwal-Chilhan, Jhangar (Noshera)-Khuiratta Kotli, TattapaniPoonch, Nakyal-Mehndar and Rajori, Karakram Highway-Ladakh, Linkage of civil society: Civil society actors can play their role in peace process and conflict resolutions. Hence, all special interest groups, professional groups need to be encouraged. Telecommunication Restoration of telephonic landline network cut in 1965 war and provision of facilities of mobile telephonic service across the L.O.C. Disasters Management: Sharing information on whether conditions, flow of waters in rivers, floods and other information. De-mining: Joint efforts could be mounted to locate and remove land mining that have been planted on both side of L.O.C over the year. Sports Hockey, Cricket, Polo, Football, volleyball, Basket Ball and Kabadi matches can be organized at between both sides of L.O.C, relationship improved and exchange of teams defiantly charge the mindset of people and misconceptions removed.
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Sufferers must play their roles
Conflicts around the world do not get resolved until the sufferers are ready to play their role in resolving the conflict. What we are lacking in Kashmir conflict is the combined efforts to act together. We are still divided in our thoughts.
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istory has seen such times, when the crime was committed by a moment, but the punishment was suffered by centuries. Sheikh Abdullah, 1981 Kashmir conflict is one of the most complex conflicts of the world. There are three parties to the conflict, India, Pakistan and the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It is now one of the dangerous conflicts, not so much because of the situation itself but because of India and Pakistan's failed relationship in dealing with it. Both the countries are standing on their stated positions and the sufferers are the people of region especially the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Any terrorist act whether in India and Pakistan, which causes a delay in composite dialogue between the two countries puts a nail in the coffin of kashmiri's hopes.
UZERA SHAH Author is Director, Human Rights, Kashmir Institute of International Relations, Islamabad. She belongs to Pakistan administered Kashmir and her family had migrated from Srinagar
We , K a s h m i r i s h a v e s u f f e r e d tremendously whether it's physical, emotional and economical. Kashmiris migrated to India, Pakistan, AJK and around the world. There are more than 2 million living in Pakistan and AJK, Kashmiri Pandits in India, and about 1 million around the world. Kashmiris are scattered and when communities are scattered they are divided. We are a divided nation.
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Kashmiris has given lives whether it is the blood of a Kashmir Muslim or kashmiri pandit they were all the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Our fathers, brothers and sons are missing. Our children are orphans. Our sisters and daughter are widowed and halfwidowed. Our sisters and daughters were raped. Our people were subjected to forced migration. Why do we often debate about which community suffered more? When will kashmiri muslims start talking about the miseries of kashmiri pandits and when will kashmiri pandits start speaking on behalf of kashmiri muslims? Conflicts around the world do not get resolved until the sufferers are ready to play their role in resolving the conflict. What we are lacking in Kashmir conflict is the combined efforts to act together. We are still divided in our thoughts. To get there, we have to first start having dialogue amongst ourselves. Mindsets will have to be altered and historical baggage will have to be jettisoned for start of the process. I know and do believe peace will come. I have firm believe that we will live in peace but the question is how much pain we will have to go through to get there.
Towards Blurring Radcliff and Other Unwanted Lines
Epilogue I S S U E S THAT MAKE CHANGE
Of our 29 issues since January 2007, 12 were exclusively dedicated to the most pressing cause of peace in Jammu and Kashmir and bridging divides between various regions on both sides of the Line of Control. The present issue is a summit of ideas originating from all regions of J&K. Writers decided to share their opinions at a workshop they attended together at Bangkok in ending March.
The Promises Ahead ear 2007 began in Jammu and Kashmir really on a promising note. There was a huge push to the peace process and the talk of Cross-LoC trade gained currency. We interviewed Mirwaiz Umar Farooq a day before left for Pakistan and the Pak administered Kashmir tour. He talked of 'imaginative solution' to Kashmir issue. Almost same sentiment was echoed by Syed Ali Shah Geelani in another exclusive interview. State budget advanced by two months promised a massive employment program to take the youth out of quagmire.
Baglihar and other Chestnuts n the backdrop of World Bank appointed neutral expert Prof Raymond Lifette's award on Baglihar hydro-electric project on Chenab, our March issue focused on management and resolution of conflicts between India and Pakistan. Indus Water Treaty one such agreement between both countries which withstood all harshest tests of the times since 1960 and this was first time ever that both countries first agreed to appointment of a third party arbitration and then both accepted the award describing it s victory in their own way.
Billion Dollar Question for Peace ormer Finance Minister of Pakistan, Shahid Javed Burki had written a paper for United States Institute of Peace. The study suggested an investment of US Dollar 20 billion for infrastructure development on both sides of J&K and argued that subsequent stakes in economy will overrun politics to pave way for Kashmir becoming conduit of peace between India and Pakistan. Our analysis of this research endorsed the argument but with an addendum: emphasis on economic development is good but political aspiration can't be overlooked. This issue also carried an interview with J&K Finance Minister and President of
Looking Beyond 'K' Issue hat we tried to underline in our June 2007 issue became dominant nationwide cry exactly a year later. In June 2008 thousands of people in Jammu were on streets and the state was engulfed in a fire of regional and communal hatred. This issue was a forewarning on the fallout of a skewed political approach. Our main argument was based on the premise that external dimensions of Kashmir issue can be resolved by force or by diplomacy but no resolution can be lasting without addressing the internal dimensions.
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JK & 60 he problem with our younger generation in understanding Jammu and Kashmir is that they know very little about past. They key events most of the people in our age remember are the partition and wars. Our August 2007 issue was essentially a commemorative volume chronicling metamorphosis of change Jammu and Kashmir underwent from 1947 to 2007. Every key development arranged in a sequential order made this issue an essential reference on J&K. Which is why August 2008 issue is still in demand not only from across the country but also from abroad.
J&K: The Land of Contact his was second of our four issues exclusively devoted to the peopleto-people contacts between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir and beyond. A team of experts traveled different parts of state including Ladakh and spoke to key stakeholders before concluding that Jammu and Kashmir can essentially be a land of contact not only between India and Pakistan but also in the South and Central Asian region. Backed with extensive research, this issue analyzed importance of throwing other routes to open to trade and tourism.
60 Years of Conflict t was the month of October 1947 that the events, one after the other, pushed Jammu and Kashmir into a most enduring of the conflicts world saw in recent history. That no two people have been seen or heard sharing same opinion on Kashmir issue, we requested many to send in their view points. Few of them responded with their understanding. Notable among them were Wajahat Habibullah, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Abdul Aziz Zargar, Masud Chaudhary, MY Tarigami, Iftikhar Geelani and KN Pandita. In their own perspective, the authors trace genesis of conflict and its journey over 60 years.
Pakistan elections e can say with authority and confidence that no other magazine in India could cover the general elections in Pakistan as we did in March 2008 issue. There were indepth reports, regional trends and analysis. We transcended borders to cover Pakistan elections as restoration of democracy in our neighbourhood assumed a huge importance for India in general and Jammu and Kashmir in particular.
Identity And Politics e believe that the issue of Jammu and Kashmir can not be dealt with properly without obtaining an understanding of identities –regional and ethnic. Our May 2008 issue was about the tribal identities which have not been touched upon in researches and also in the larger political discourse. Gujjars, spread across the state, and Dards of Ladakh were the two tribes we covered in this issue with a promise to cover all identities in subsequent issues.
Cross-LoC trade rade across the Line of Control has arguably been the mother of all confidence building measures between India and Pakistan involving Jammu and Kashmir. Epilogue was arguably the first news and current affairs publication to come up with a comprehensive issue on broad contours of Cross-LoC trade. The bottlenecks we had talked about were later evident when trade was actually initiated in October.
J&K's summer agitation ummer of 2008 will always be remembered as a dark chapter in the secular and tolerance history of Jammu and Kashmir. On Amarnath land row, the lunatic and hawkish voices had completely taken over the sensible voices. We launched a search for the voices of peace and reason and came up with as many ideas as possible. We are happy that no chance was given to the narrow regional or religious views to creep in our pages.
Intra-Kashmir contacts and trade hortly before the historic cross-LoC trade was launched between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir, the United States Institute of Peace had come up with a most comprehensive study on making borders irrelevant. Under a special endowment from USIP, Epilogue carried reproduced the study in fall. It was a painstaking research taken by Hassan Askari and PR Chari, two leading policy experts of Pakistan and India, respectively.
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Analysis
New Af-Pak Strategy: Old Wine in a New Bottle
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he new comprehensive Af-Pak strategy unveiled on March 27, 2009 by President Barack Obama sets up the core goal of the US to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its safe havens in Pakistan, and to prevent their return to Pakistan or Afghanistan. As a mix of military and political measures, Obama's strategy contains three components: a counterinsurgency component for Afghanistan, a counter- terrorism component for use in Pakistan and a counter-radicalization component for use in the entire Af-Pak region. While the US other NATO powers will implement the military component the role of India, China and Iran is restricted to the political component and will have no say in the military intervention. The Obama Administration views FATA region as the frontline in the "war on terror" and would like to dictate to the Pakistan government on how to conduct the war. While insisting that the primary goal of the new Afghan strategy be narrow, President Obama has actually widened the US involvement in the region. He runs the risk of getting into a political and military quagmire, much like the US faced in Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s.
M SHAMSUR RABB KHAN Author is Editor with the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies
Why did Obama need to place this 'New Af-Pak Strategy' after all and how is it full of flaws? As an agent of change, Obama has been desperate in
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something 'new', which is not new at all though many in the US and other parts of the world might have this illusion. In the first place, ex-President George W. Bush left a bleeding stalemate in Afghanistan for Obama with no end in sight, as human casualty rising, for example, in 2008 alone, according to UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), 2,118 civilians deaths reported. The Associated Press estimated that a total of 286 foreign military personnel were actually killed in Afghanistan in 2008, the highest since 2001 when the invasion began. This figure represents an increase of almost 40 per cent compared to 2007, when 1,523 people lost their lives in the conflict. In unveiling an Af-Pak plan founded on narrow goals, Obama has fallen prey to a long-standing US policy weakness: the pursuit of near-term objectives without much regard for the security of regional friends. To focus entirely on one's own security, and to give primacy to what is politically expedient, is to repeat the very mistakes of past US policy that inadvertently gave rise to the scourge of jihadist transnational terror. Let's be clear: Pakistan and Afghanistan, two artificially created states with no roots in history, constitute the most dangerous region on earth. Additionally, Pakistan is where state-nurtured
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terrorism and state-reared nuclear smuggling uniquely intersect. Yet Obama's central objective is not to clean up the mess but to extricate the US from the war in Afghanistan by winning over the bulk of the Taliban, including by pandering to Pakistan, the terrorist procreator and sanctuary provider. Neither Bush was right in going alloffensive in Afghanistan, nor is Obama too smart in making a concrete change in the precarious situation in Afghanistan-Pakistan region by sending 30,000 more troops. What Obama, via this policy, is carrying forward the Bush legacy though in a smart language, which is going to end in a bigger mess, as gloomy signs are appearing. There is little question that the NATO forces are bombing civilians in Afghanistan, and causing almost as many civilian deaths as the Taliban. There is no question that mostly American planes have dropped more bombs on Afghanistan in 2008, i.e. 800,000 pounds in the first 7 months than at any point since 2001.
While calling the US has a vital national security interest in addressing the potential security threats posed by al Qaeda and other groups of terrorists, the policy suggests 'new way of thinking about the challenges, a wide ranging diplomatic strategy to build support for US efforts, enhanced engagement with the publics in the region and at home, and a realization that all elements of international power'. However, in practice, the ability of extremists in Pakistan and Afghanistan becoming more powerful is the sheer failure of the US war on terror waged so far. The rise of Taliban has put the US into direct confrontation with Pakistan, long held as partners against terror. One of the objectives of the Af-Pak strategy is to 'disrupt terrorist networks in Afghanistan and especially Pakistan to degrade any ability they have to plan and launch international terrorist attacks'. But the truth is that the US led NATO forces are being interrupted and ambushed by the extremists groups on a regular basis, thus proving that greater military intervention is a defeatist policy. Albeit the strategy calls for 'promoting a more capable, accountable, and effective government in Afghanistan that serves the Afghan people and can eventually function, especially regarding internal security, with limited international support; the reality is that the present Karzai government in Afghanistan is nothing but a mere puppet following the dictates of the US, and once the foreign powers will be out of the country, a bloody political upheaval is bound to throw the country into utter chaos. . The Obama's strategy is as full of illusions as the strategy of Bush was except for 30,000 more troops to reinforce the failing military strategy in
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Afghanistan, which could only lead to more civilian casualty and more insurgency. Everyday the danger is increasing, as the US has been unable to understand that the spread of extremists in area and number is the direct offshoot of US military action. In the first place, since no Afghans were involved in the 9/11 attack according to the “official 9/11 story” of the egregiously dishonest Bush Administration, .the very war on terror on Afghanistan, like Iraq's, was illegal and illogical. It has not yet captured Osama bin Laden or his deputy. And compelling Pakistan to act beyond its capacity is to transfer the onus of failure on Pakistan, not on the US. The result is: Pakistan is battling the resurgent Taliban though it bought truce through the Sharia deal in the SWAT region. A critical factor is that US military and civilian agencies lack the skills and training as well as the institutional framework necessary to carry out culturally and politically sensitive socio-economic programmes at the local level in Afghanistan, or even to avoid further alienation of the population. The US government does not even have enough people capable of speaking Pashto, the language of the 14 million ethnic Pashtuns. As a result, the US faces huge 'trust deficit' in Afghanistan and Pakistan, where people have firm belief that the US and its western allies are not a reliable longterm partners, but are all-out in intimidating them. So far, like the Bush administration, Obama has failed to engage the Afghan people in ways that demonstrate the US commitment to promoting a legitimate and capable Afghan government with economic progress. Obama lacks knowledge about
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Afghanistan and what his advisors, who suffer from the prescriptive deficiency that is the result of mixing facts with illusions, whisper he is following. He is taking the war to Pakistan territory through daily attacks by unmanned Drones, which result in daily human casualty. This multiplies the anger against the US manifold; hence, in spite o f c o o p e r a t i o n , t h e Pa k i s t a n government finds it difficult to convince its people about the intention of the US and its allies. The tragedy is that while the Pakistan government is made to follow the US dictate, the people at large are totally averse to its imperialist policies. If the economic aids failed to make Pervez Musharraf co-operate sincerely against Al Qaeda and the Taliban, it can be even more noncooperative under Zardari. Obama's strategy, like that of Bush, is marked by extending punishment to Pakistan if it fails to check the rise of extremist groups. The general talk of 'Pakistan is not doing enough' is the sheer policy shift whereby the US is out to place the blame on Pakistan for the failures on war on terror, which is its own. Since a failed Pakistan may be a disaster for the people of Pakistan, it will provide much needed alibi to the US to nail Pakistan because of its nuclear capability, the only Muslim country to possess such a weapon though Iran, it is said, can be other one. The N-capacity is the crux of the matter for which the US has perhaps made a long-term engagement in the region. If it is believed that Al Qaeda and its associates operating from sanctuaries in Pakistan as posing a threat to the world as a whole, and the US in particular, it is strange that the might of the US-led NATO forces has failed to gauge the fact that a totally defunct al Qaeda has limited capacity to go ahead with another 9/11 in US territory mounted from this region.
Since the very beginning, the US has not engaged the international community, say, India, China and Iran, and now when it faces serious challenges, it calls for cooperation from other countries. Here also, the US has two sets of dealing: if India is attacked, it should not go ahead with preemptive strikes against terror groups in Pakistan, while the US has every right to initiate whatever military offensive it desires even if there is no direct threat the US and its people. Kashmir's exclusion from Obama's plan was well calculated, as it wants India to engage for the purpose when the time comes. Though India has more reasons to attack Pakistan than the US, it has been restrained by the latter, citing the threat of a full scale war. But what is the US doing is not good for the people of the region as a whole. During the last five years neither George W Bush, nor Barak Obama, nor any of the policy maker in the US and elsewhere has voiced for a political situation to be attained via negotiations and deliberations. While on paper, the Af-Pak policy talks of finding a solution to problem of growing extremism in the region, the US seems reluctant to engage those groups and bring them to the negotiating table for a lasting solution. The high powered team of US Special envoy to Afghanistan-Pakistan Region Mr. Holbrooke and Pentagon Chief of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen are the hype that the US wants to create to show off its seriousness, but the ultimate objective is as much killing as possible to turn the region into an unstable place to live. The US and those countries, including must understand, along with force via military operation, other means are more viable and feasible, if the scourge of terrorism is to be eliminated forever.
Epilogue Ø 50 × May 2009
For example, the RAND Corporation's study, “How Terrorist Groups End: Lessons for Countering al Qaida” reports that the global war on terror failed to work because the US has pursued the wrong line of action since 9/11. Based on a comprehensive research on 648 terror groups that existed between 1968 and 2006, RAND's findings indicate that most terrorist groups, in order of preference, have ended because: (1) they joined the political process (2) local police and intelligence agencies arrested or killed their members; (3) their goals were achieved. How do terror group end? In the answer to this question lies the formidable antiterror strategy and effort. The RAND study presents five ways in which terrorist groups end: political solution, policing, military force, splintering (break up as a result of competition among terrorist groups), or victory, among others. The report reveals that terror groups ended because of a range of counter-measures. While political negotiations (43%) and effective policing and intelligence (40%) are the two major means of ending terror groups, military force has rarely been the primary reason for it (7%) and terrorist groups ended because their goals were achieved (10%). Quite clear that military option is the least effective choice since it is also marred by human rights violations, as we have seen in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). No doubt, with new upsurge of Taliban, the attainment of goals set in Af-Pak strategy are daunting tasks, which require a whole new plan, not the AfPak, the old wine in a new bottle, and if the US is so serious about ending terror, it must come up with something pragmatic and novel.
V I EW
PO I NT
Balancing J&K
Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh
In Quest of Regional Balance
Politics in Jammu and Kashmir has been considerably influenced by deep seated historical, socio – psychological and economic factors. Since independence the main issues in Kashmir have revolved around its status, regional conflicts within the state and the relationships between the state and the central governments, all of which are inseparably interconnected.
T
he contemporary world confronts a variety of problems which are related to the socio – economic and politico – cultural aspects of life. Among the various social divisions in the contemporary world, regional divisions have raised some of the most complicated issues. Moreover, these problems arise when there is a combination of factors as geographical isolation, independent historical traditions, racial, ethnic or religious peculiarities and local, economic and class interests. The manifestations have been, and are as varied and evocative of diverse responses as the size, nature and demographic composition /strength of the different regions and /or regional demands. Plural societies contain sub – systems that are distinct from each other and one may acquire an advantage over the other in the period of state and nation building.
SAHIL SHOWKAT Author is a research scholar in the Department of Political Science. University of Kashmir.
One of the most conspicuous paradoxes of today's world is the simultaneous appearance of centralization and regional and ethnic tensions, suggesting a reaction against that very centralization. The widespread legitimacy of pluralist democracy expands opportunities for ethnic and
Epilogue Ø 51 × May 2009
regional expression. Such consciousness involves issues like autonomy and administrative decentralization. Regional demands for autonomy may be said to assume the existence of regions as coherent political units endowed with right to represent the aspirations of their constituents and provides the existential basic phenomenon of regional identity. So the sense of identity within a region develops regionalism or regional consciousness. The latter as the ideological correlate of the concept is important in many historical, political and sociological studies. In order to apply these generalizations to the empirical situations of Jammu and Kashmir, the study of the political crisis of Jammu and Kashmir in a regional conflict becomes of utmost importance. A careful examination of the regional autonomy proposals and regional peculiarities of the state is necessary for arriving at a rational understanding of the long – standing political crisis in the state. J a m m u a n d K a s h m i r, I n d i a ' s northernmost state, lies south one of the highest regions of the Himalayan mountains in a region bordering
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PO I NT Balancing J&K
Pakistan, Tibet and china. The state comprises the areas of Jammu, on the plains below the Pirpanjal mountain ranges and the Kashmir valley, which lies between the Pirpanjal and Pangi ranges south of the highest peaks of the Karakoram Mountains. The state also includes Ladakh, bordering Tibet. The distinct cultural identity of Kashmir has its roots in the region's unique geography and its contested political history. The present state of Jammu and Kashmir was created after the second Anglo- Sikh war, when the British forces granted control over Kashmir to the maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu in 1846. Jammu and Kashmir was one of the princely states of India which, under British rule, had a semi-autonomous status. At independence, though these states are theoretically reverted to sovereignty, their real choices were confined to merger with either India or Pakistan. In practice, all other states were merged by choice, coercive persuasion or force into Pakistan if their population was predominantly Muslim and into India if their population was predominantly Hindu. The conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir arose because, though the states population was predominantly Muslim, its ruler was Hindu, and it abutted both India and Pakistan, making its merger into, either a real possibility or the option for full independence a possible goal as well. In the event, Pakistan forced the issue by allowing, irregular and Pakistan Army elements to advance towards the state capital of Srinagar which precipitated the formal – though reluctant and originally limited and conditional accession of the state into the Indian union, followed by the first indo – Pakistan war and its conclusion in an informal partition of the state into two parts, of which the
largest and most populous remained with India. Kashmir's importance in Indian politics arises from several inter-related features of its history and status in Indian union. The first is its symbolic connection with the very ideological basis of the Indian state. It has been frequently reiterated by every one who has written on the subject that the integration of Kashmir into Pakistan after its accession to India could not be accepted because it would appear to validate Mohammad Ali Jinnah's argument that there were two nations in south Asia, one Hindu and one Muslim where members could not live together in peace within the same political unit. Validation of the two nation theory would also ipso facto deny the legitimacy of its opposite, the Indian nationalist ideology which proclaimed that India is a secular state which can accommodate religious diversity in a pluralist democracy. Further, because of the peculiar constitutional circumstances under which Kashmir was integrated into the Indian union with an exemption from the full application of the Indian constitution to its territory its special status also has come to be seen as a potential threat to the integrity of the Indian union. Under article 370 of the constitution of India, the Indian parliament can not legislate on items listed on either the union or concurrent list of powers without the approval of the Kashmir legislative assembly which along with other special features, appears to give to the state of Jammu and Kashmir a kind of regional autonomy. Militant Hindu nationalists have always objected to the special status of Kashmir as unwarranted and have demanded the abrogation of the article
Epilogue Ø 52 × May 2009
370 and the full integration of the state into the Indian union on the same basis as every other state. Thus, the integration of Kashmir into the Indian union was never completed to the satisfaction of all important ideological and political forces either in Kashmir or in India as whole. Since 1948 the politics of Kashmir and arguments about its status have been influenced by internal regional differences, by changes in centre – state political alliances and by shifting political tendencies and the development of new political forces within the state. Broadly speaking, the state of Jammu and Kashmir is divided into three distinct regions of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The valley of Kashmir constitutes a single ethno – cultural unit. The other two regions are further sub - divided on account of their religious and social composition. The three regions of the state of Jammu and Kashmir have had different Political orientations and have spawned as well regional separatist movements within the state. Many Hindus in Jammu have supported militant Hindu parties which have demanded the full integration of the entire state in the Indian union through the abrogation of article 370. Although, there has also been at times a demand for separation of Jammu from Kashmir. The political events of 1953 that led to the dismissal of sheikh Abdullah, the most potent advocate of the state's autonomy started casting their shadow on the state's special position. This facilitated the process of legal merger of the state within the Indian union beginning with the presidential order of 1954. This further undermined the legitimacy of the Indian hold viz – viz the people of Kashmir. S i m i l a r l y, t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l amendment of 1958 brought the state
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PO I NT Balancing J&K
under the control of central administration, including extension of Articles 356 and 357 of the Indian constitution in 1964-65 during sadiq's tenure. Article 249 was also made applicable to the state. The designations of Head of the state (Sadri-riyasat) and Prime Minister were also changed to governor and chief Minister like in any Indian state. Furthermore, the governor is to be appointed by the centre rather than by a nominee of the elected Kashmir legislature. Thus, the inherent right of autonomy was snatched away from the people of Kashmir in a systematic way by the mid1960 and even the Indra -Abdullah Accord of 1975 could not restore it. The militancy in Jammu and Kashmir rose after the rigged elections of 1987. When a large number of Kashmir youth crossed over the line of control for training in Pakistan and induction of arms and ammunition in the valley started. So, to tackle this problem, the Indian govt. promised autonomy once again to check the secessionist trend in Kashmir and create a favorable situation for the pro-accession parties and hold the elections. Though the situation was not favorable, yet dates for parliamentary elections were fixed in 1996. Farooq Abdullah, after winning the assembly elections in 1996 concentrated on his first priority of defining, deciding and negotiating a package of autonomy for the state and within this package of autonomy, the quantum of regional autonomy for the three regions of the state were also taken into consideration. Thus, a committee was constituted by Dr. Farooq Abdullah on nov.1996, to recommend ways and means for regional autonomy to the three provinces of the J&K state. The committee submitted its 25 Page report
to the state govt. on April 13, 1999. The committee has suggested regional and district provinces model for the restoration of regional tensions in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Balraj puri, a veteran writer, journalist and a political activist from Jammu also proposed a regional autonomy model and suggested a five-tiered decentralized institutional structure for Jammu and Kashmir leading to “a federation (IJK) within a federation (The Indian union).”The tier would be village, block, district, region and state, three constituted regions of Jammu and Kashmir –valley, Jammu and Ladakh –should have its own elected legislature, with authorities over matters devolved from IJK level of government, and an executive accountable to the legislature. He suggested that the government bureaucracy and development agencies also to be decentralized as much as possible, to regional and sub – regional levels. To meet the regional grievances of Ladakh, in oct. 1993, the union govt. and state govt. agreed to get Ladakh the status of Autonomous Council. Thus, the Ladakh autonomous hill development council (LAHDC) was created under the Act. Of LAHDC Act.1995 as a regional autonomous model following the demands of Ladakhi people to make the district a new union territory because of its religious differences with Kashmir. Another significant model relevant to the study is the Chenab valley formula that has been proposed to meet the regional grievances of the state or to solve the Kashmir problem, which divides the Kashmir along the river chenab, separating the Muslim majority areas from the Hindu and Buddhist one. If the river is made the new boundary, both Jammu and valley will be partially autonomous.
Epilogue Ø 53 × May 2009
People's conference leader Sajad lone's proposal for division of Jammu and Kashmir is yet another proposal on the subject.. Since the intra – state regionalism embodies the guest of a part within a state for self identity and self development in positive terms but it also involves many kind of problems, socio – cultural – economic and political. Therefore the study of these problems falls within the purview of enquiry To conclude we can say that Politics in Jammu and Kashmir has been considerably influenced by deep seated historical, socio – psychological and economic factors. Since independence the main issues in Kashmir have revolved around its status, regional conflicts within the state and the relationships between the state and the central governments, all of which are inseparably interconnected. These models assumed significance because of the growing regional tensions in Jammu and Kashmir which have always added to the unfortunates of the already problematic state. These proposed models will unveil different dimensions of the J&K problem. Further more, these models it is hoped, will facilitate the long academic process of bringing different dimensions of the J & K problem, both within and without to the lime light. The recent polarization in the J&K state over the Amaranth Land issue has also added the significance of these models . The recent assertion of the Jammuhites in the state and the backlash by the Kashmir Muslims in the Kashmir division has steered it clear that in any step towards the normalization of the abnormalities of the J&K problem, proposed regional autonomy models are going to play a vital role.
C O L UMN
Women Voices
Recollecting Marrah’s Liberation
‘…I forgot what fear is’
W
hen I set out to meet women from the Kulali-Marrah Village Defence Committee (VDC) in Surankote, I didn't realize the journey would be so long and difficult, yet beautiful, and one that would leave lasting impressions. The government of India advocated VDCs in the early 90s to combat militancy in the state of Jammu & Kashmir, and the twin villages of Kulali and Marrah in tehsil Surankote, district Poonch, have the distinction of forming the first of its kind all women's VDC in J&K. Once I reached Surankote, I was stationed in Draba for 2 days before I could travel further up in the mountains to reach Kulali. I had to wait for the Sikh Regiment of 16 RR (Rashtriya Rifles) to carry out a road-opening patrol, to ensure the road up to Kulali was not laced with land mines or explosives.
MANISHA SOBHRAJANI Author is an independent Researcher based in New Delhi
Militancy came to the area in 1998 with largely only Kashmiri militants. They were friendly with the local civilian population, who in turn supported them. Soon, the Kashmiri militants were overpowered by militants from the other side, largely from the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). They ill-treated the locals and ensured that no people from neighboring areas such as Hill Kaka could stay there. Till the year 2002, people in the Kulali-
Epilogue Ø 54 × May 2009
Marrah region supported insurgents. According to Army sources, the area was considered a 'liberated' zone, and the Pakistani flag on housetops and on vehicles was a common sight. The insurgents often demanded food and shelter from the villagers, who complied. Soon, the demands turned more aggressive in nature, with the insurgents beginning to misbehave. Women were sexually harassed with instances of molestation and rape becoming common. Men and children were made to work as porters without being remunerated. The LeT disrupted the functioning of the anyway limping government machinery and freely used the money, assets and resources of the local people. Many civilians were also killed. The youth from the area who were mostly working in Saudi Arabia returned and decided to take charge of the situation. The turning point came when the younger brother of one of the village leaders was slain by insurgents for disobeying them. The locals approached the Army, and reported on the insurgents' base in the Hill Kaka range in the Kulali-Marrah area. The Army first built a road, and later carried out Operation Sarpvinash, a major combing-out operation from January – June 2003, with active support from the locals. The combined efforts of the locals and the Security Forces resulted
C O L UMN Women Voices
in the killing of 13 main terrorists and displacing several others. The Kulali-Marrah region was virtually 'cleaned'. Along with a formal all men's defense committee, an all women's VDC was also formed, considering most men are away rearing cattle or busy with other work and hence away from home over a period of time, leaving the women behind. After meeting with some women in Kulali, I wanted to explore adjoining areas in the hope of interacting with more women who were part of the VDC, but lived in far away areas. My local guide, Lal Bhai, couldn't believe this, and tried hard to dissuade me. But we travelled on foot to cross 2 mountains, a few water bodies, and some deserted caves (which, Lal bhai informed me, used to serve as militant hideouts) to speak to a few more women. I can still recall the amused looks on their faces when they were told about my reasons for visiting them.
absence of men, we have to protect ourselves.” After much reluctance, she opened up. “A few years ago, the Army used to roam around during day time and the mujahids used to roam around during the night. We didn't know who to support. Now, due to Operation Sarpvinash, there are virtually no militants in the area. But our men are away at work, and we are on our own. Even now, there are
I got curious and asked what they did with their weapons when they are not using them. Alisha Bi replied: “The weapon is usually kept at home, but when I go up to the forest to collect firewood or to graze the cattle, I always carry it with me. After I first held a gun in my hand, I forgot what fear is.”
Apart from the women's VDC, Surankote is also known for Noor-e-Cham, a beautiful 75-feet tall waterfall, which merges with While it would not be incorrect to assume that river Surn. It is said that queen almost every woman above the age of 15 in the Noor Jahan was fascinated by this waterfall, and it was Kulali-Marrah area can use weapons for selfnamed after her.
defense, some of the daily issues of home and hearth they deal with make them no different from most other women. When I asked them how they felt about using weapons, Munira Begum said “The gun made me feel that I have an equal status to that of my husband in our family.”
While it would not be incorrect to assume that almost every woman above the age of 15 in the Kulali-Marrah area can use weapons for self-defense, some of the daily issues of home and hearth they deal with make them no different from most other women. When I asked them how they felt about using weapons, Munira Begum said “The gun made me feel that I have an equal status to that of my husband in our family.” Shamim Akhtar said to me: “It was indispensable for us women to learn the use of weapons because in the
militant attacks sometimes, and we women didn't have a choice but to learn how to use weapons. As time passed, we got better at it. We realized we could live without fear. It was the feeling of 'do or die'. We don't know whether we will live for one hour or one year – but we live without fear.”
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I wasn't convinced about how the women's VDC came into existence, and I kept asking questions, sometimes silly ones. I was repeatedly told this narrative where once there was an attack on a house, and the woman of the house being all alone had no choice but to pick up her husband's rifle and start shooting. She set an example for everyone in the area. Soon, the media started publicizing this incident so much that all the women in the area wanted to fire guns and make it to the headlines. Eventually, this resulted in the Kulali women's VDC.
According to another oftrepeated story, all the men in the area were forced to flee because the militants who had managed to escape during Operation Sarpvinash came back and threatened them. Everyday threats to their lives forced the men to go away to Saudi Arabia, and all that was left in Kulali-Marrah were women, and hence the women's VDC.
SPEC I AL
SER I ES
Heritage
Must See in Jammu
Sheikh Noor-ud-din Noorani Museum Museums can be defined as the Man`s utilization of surrounding through exhibition for the understanding customs, environment of a particular social and cultural group activity in the past. Museum is like a vault of a bank, which preserve objects of beauty and great value. The Museum is the property of the nation and its citizens as part of the technological development & scientific values, historical inheritance of the country as the collection. Most of the capitals of the states as well as important cities of India have Museums, some of them are under private trust funds , some under local Government State departments of archeology and the Central Governments. Archeological Survey of India site museums in their charge are important centre of tourism. Some universities also have museums on particular subjects.
Q
uite a few of these museum are housed in old buildings of palaces , government offices, residences and , monuments which are totally unsuitable for museum purposes . Some museum housed in new buildings, these are also equally unsuitable for the need of modern equipment in terms of security etc. Modern museum buildings are fulfilling all the essential requirement of this important institution of education.
A.K. KHANNA Author is Deputy Superintendent of Archeology. Archeological Survey of India, J&K Circle
A museum whether it is of Archaeology, Art, personal, Science or technology has to collect objects and specimen, preserves them and interprets for the understanding of the particular field. For building a modern museum, it will take considerable effort, expertise and finance to make the existing building suitable for the purpose of museum as interpreted in the 21st Century. It is also necessary to prevent multiplications of unsuitable of space in the buildings, which represent the
Epilogue Ă˜ 56 Ă— May 2009
past traditions. Therefore, it is necessary to lie down, educate standards and norms like lay out of the objects, lighting, labeling, showcases, security, etc. for a museum building that the architect and planners have to take into consideration as the basic functional requirement of a modern museum. A museum building provides the minimum facilities in order to fulfill the basic functions of a museum. It must have space for all its essential activities of collecting, exhibiting, interpreting and preserving displayed objects. There can be no museum without its visitors. For the convenience of the visitor, i.e. his easy access to all primary areas of communications in the museum. The exhibitions galleries, the auditorium, the library, the book counter, the information counter-, which need important consideration while planning the museum. The collection of the museum requires
SPEC I AL
SER I ES Heritage
utmost attention of the curator of each section. the preservation of the museum objects so that they do not perish, for installation of exhibits, for operating educational activities etc. all require expertise . The working and a provision of space as the secondary area or a backstage unit required for efficient functioning of the whole museum need a proper planning. Sheikh Noor –Ud – Din also known as Nund Rishi is the most respected Muslim saint of Kashmir origin. He was born on the occasion of Eid- ul- Zuha in 1377 AD in Kaimoh, once known as Katimusha now in Tehsil Bijbehara of District Anantnag .His father was sheikh Salar- ud –din and mother Sadra Moji born as a Hindu Rajput and also a widow with two issues at the time of her marriage with Sheikh Salar . Yasman Rishi had converted her to Islam. Sheikh Noor –ud –din also considered as the founder of Rishi order in Kashmir valley
The cultural or natural heritage of the state needs preservation for future generations. The Museum will serve the purpose of nodal agency in the state to inculcate the idea of museums as an intuition for the restoration, preservation and conservation of cultural property. The state of Jammu & Kashmir is lacking behind in the growth of Museums in comparisons to the other states of India. As the museum becomes a source of education in itself depicting the history both past and living at one place. The city of Delhi has 45 museums including the Tiolet Museums, second is the World run by Sulabh International. The latest in addition is in the Supreme Court Museum exhibiting the various costumes , equipments &tools used in the past throwing light on the history right from the establishment of the Supreme Court of India. The
Sheikh Noor-un - Din Noorain Museum of Heritage exhibiting History and culture of Jammu and Kashmir state in the Zorawar Singh Auditorium of Jammu University Campus . The modest museum display the rich, composite and varied cultural heritage of Jammu Kashmir and Ladakh regions. The Museum will serve a platform for the dissemination of information about history and culture of three regions. By understanding each other's cultural diversity help them to come closer to each other. The affords of the dynamic Vice – Chancellor Prof. Amitabha Mattoo of Jammu University leads to the creation of Centre of Studies in Museology in the university , a much need subject required in the curricular of the upcoming university .
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Science Museum at Pragati Maiden is the most sort after place for the parents and children with scientific mind , whole day is not sufficient to see and understand the various aspects of science. The Sheikh Noor-ud-din Noorani Museum of heritage is located on the left side of ground floor of Zorawar Singh Auditorium in Jammu University campus. The huge auditorium with greenish glass façade is feather in the cap of the Jammu University. The museum presently displays variety of objects from Paleolithic tools to modern specimens of Shikhara of Kashmir from Buddhist Stups replica to Ladakh monastery. In fact, the display of various artifacts in a continuous historical sequence, which provide the
SPEC I AL
SER I ES Heritage
visitors, all aspects of cultural developments of the region from Prehistoric time to modern era?] The earliest artifacts are from Jammu is the from Neolithic Period ( New stone age tools ) tools from Malpur ( near Akhnoor ) Then the pit dwelling of Burzohum from Kashmir valley. The Pre- Historic rock Petroglyphs of ladakh also put in display. The patroglyphs of Ladakh through light on the religious, cultural, social and economic lives of the people, who lived on this vast desolate cold desert of India The Pre- historic section has displayed the Neolithic tools of black grey stone with polished surface. The hand axes , adzes , chisels ,mace - head from the site of Burzohum ( Kashmir ) and Malpur ( Jammu) . Replica of the dwelling pit present a unique Neolithic culture of Kashmir valley with influence goes to ( 3500 BC ) or Nearly five thousand year old . The Archaeological specimens from the northern most site of Indus valley or Indus Sarawati civilization of Manda( inside the Akhnoor fort ) Akhnoor in Indian Subcontinent . The Proto historic section has the display of the evidences of Harappan culture in Jammu region attested by excavation of Manda ( inside the Akhnoor fort ) on the right bank of the Chenab , The Indus valley site has yielded red and grey ware , jars dishes stand beakers and goblets . The replica of the copper hair pin used by the ladies of the period a characteristic trade items as old as 5000 years old also found in the Royal graves in Bahrain ( in the middle to east ). Then , the Historic section has largely display the objects ranging from
Kushana ( 2nd Century BC to 1st AD ) to the Gupta Period (5th century AD ) of Jammu region . The most important display of the museum is the replica of the Buddhist site in Jammu and Kashmir. Where relics of Lord Buddha found in a reliquary containing all those articles normally found in stupas of Indian subcontinent ( India and Pakistan ) . The Buddhist site of Ambaran is located just below the new bridge on river Chenab in the Akhnoor. The post – Gupta architectural spice man are the temple of Kirmchi (Udhampur). The museum has many photographs, maps and line drawing to supplement the information about various periods of history to make the visitor understand the use and utilities of the objects displayed in the museum. The coins and manuscripts of different period of the region also displayed to high light the historical significance of the state. The state has been a home of various ethnic groups like Gaddi, Baltis, Gujjars, Bakerawals, Hanjjis, Dogras, Kashmiri Pandit, Muslims, Brokhpas, Dokpas, Shinnas and Ladhakhis. A modest attempt made to present the various facets of culture of some of ethnic groups through the display of their household items and other cultural traits in the form of replica of Buddhist monastery, mud house of the lower Shivaliks. A small display of document s related to the creation of Jammu and Kashmiri state shown with the aid of old maps, photographs of documents depicting various aspect of modern history. The layout of the museum conceptualized by Dr. Poonam Chaudhary, Director of the Centre for
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Musicology and Shri Balbir Jamwal of Archaeological Survey of India, All the artistic work and creation of replicas carried out by Shri Balbir Jamwal in a meretricious way. The some artifacts belong to Professor Poonam provided to the museum. The few of the artifacts contributed by Prof. Anita Billowria, Prof Nirmal Singh of Dept of History, Mr S.D. Jamwal I.P.S and Jasbir Singh for the exhibition in the museum .The museum could not attain the present shape with invaluable efforts & keen interest taken by Prof .Poonam and the then Vice -Chancellor of the Jammu University. The Museum opens between 10 am to 5 pm except on Sat. Sunday.
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S TOR I E S
OF
CHANG E
Transport
Financing Transport Sector JK Bank Commercial Vehicle Finance for old and new vehicles In Jammu and Kashmir, banking climate has undergone tremendous transformation, but the banking players, particularly the nationalized banks and the new generation private sector banks have ignored the changing dynamics of expanding market segments in the state. Most of the banks have not gone beyond traditional range of products tailored some four decades ago. Such banks may be offering tailor-made products and services to their customers in other parts of India, but while dealing with a local customers here, system of tailoring need based products and services takes a back seat.
T
hese are actually a few lines, which I received through email from a person who has identified himself with transport sector. He has called the transport sector of the state, particularly in Kashmir, a dead industry that has left thousands of families on the brink of starvation. For this, he has identified 'criminal' attitude of government authorities and lack of sufficient financial support from the banks and financial institutions. Precisely, he has sought details of any such scheme which can pave a way for him to purchase a fleet of second hand commercial vehicle (Tipper).
SAJJAD BAZAZ Author is a widely read columnists on Economy, Politics and Society. He is associated with Jammu and Kashmir Bank
There is no denying the fact that the transport sector, be it passenger buses, trucks, tippers, oil and gas tankers, taxis, mini buses, light commercial vehicles, tempo, auto rickshaws or any other mode of transportation under public carrier permit, has suffered during the past two decades of turmoil in the State. It is also true, that the sector has a huge growth potential, but the lack of proper financial facilities have emerged as one of the biggest
Epilogue Ă˜ 59 Ă— May 2009
hurdles for the transporters to tap the available potential. Banks and financial institutions operating in the state have traditional schemes in place to finance this sector, but the riders in terms of margin, documentation, processing of case for sanctioning etc in such schemes are too cumbersome for a transporter to bank upon for financial support. Even as we have not come across any such product from a nationalized bank or a new generation private sector bank, specially customized for J&K state, it is the J&K Bank alone, which has not only been tailoring new products and services, but also redesigning the existing ones. Under its renewed strategy where the bank has been entirely focusing on J&K for the past more than three years now, a new range of region and sector specific products and services has distinguished it from rest of the banks operating in the state. Be it agriculture sector, industry sector or services sector or arts and crafts of the state, the bank has been on the forefront to offer customer-friendly schemes matching the needs of the people.
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OF
CHANG E Transport
As far as local transport sector is concerned, the bank has re-designed its scheme so that the transporters meet their financial needs without any hassles. The purpose of the scheme is to finance transporters for purchase of fresh commercial vehicles or new chassis and/or fabrication for commercial purpose or for captive use. The vehicles have to be of approved models/makes. To remove the bottlenecks, the bank not only restructured the scheme and reintroduced it as JK Bank Commercial Vehicle Finance, it has also added one more option for the transporters in its product basket. For financing purchase of second hand commercial vehicles, the bank has launched a new loan product - “JKBank Commercial Vehicles Finance (Used Vehicles)”. Finance under this scheme shall be available to the transporters for purchase of used Commercial vehicles like used Trucks, Tippers, Buses, Mini Buses, light commercial vehicles, pick ups, three wheelers (cargo), auto rickshaws, etc of any approved make and model. However, the second hand vehicle should not be more than 6 years old. The scheme is flexible in nature and accommodates takeover of loan accounts from any branch of the J&K Bank or from any other banks/ financial institutions, provided such loan account is running satisfactorily and as per the fixed repayment schedule. Individuals / Proprietorship/ partnership firms and Limited companies owning / operating or proposing to own / operate transport vehicles for carrying passengers or goods on hire are eligible to take benefit of the scheme. However, they should have sufficient net worth to pay for the margin and initial recurring expenses. In case where a borrower does not meet this requirement, a coborrower having sufficient net worth can be included.
It is notable that ownership of a preowned vehicle is not mandatory. The firms and companies must have a minimum two years of existence in business. While as, individuals seeking support of the scheme must have commercial driving license and should reside within the service area of the branch.
There is no denying the fact that the transport sector, be it passenger buses, trucks, tippers, oil and gas tankers, taxis, mini buses, light commercial vehicles, tempo, auto rickshaws or any other mode of transportation under public carrier permit, has suffered during the past two decades of turmoil in the State. It is also true, that the sector has a huge growth potential, but the lack of proper financial facilities have emerged as one of the biggest hurdles for the transporters to tap the available potential. Yet another hassle in terms of margin has been eased. Instead of 40 per cent margin, which used to discourage transporters to go for a bank loan, it has been reduced and kept at 25 per cent. The borrower will be required to deposit the entire margin upfront with the bank to be released subsequently along with the loan component directly in favour of the supplier/fabricator to ensure proper end use of funds. Loan amount for each used vehicle depends upon the value of vehicle less margin amount, subject to a maximum
Epilogue Ø 60 × May 2009
limit of Rs. 7.50 lacs per vehicle with an aggregate limit of Rs 15 lacs per borrower. The loan has to be repaid in equal monthly installments with a maximum period of 60 months for vehicles less than 3 years old. For used vehicles between 3 to 6 years old, the maximum repayment period shall be 48 months. The transporters had to face lot of hassles on security aspect of the loan. Most of them were unable to meet the requirements as envisaged in the scheme. Now, this aspect has been taken care of in the scheme. Primarily, the vehicle to be purchased would be hypothecated to the bank. The bank's name as hypothecate to be got noted in the books of the RTO and also the Registration Certificate. Collaterally, up to Rs. 10 lacs, the borrower has to give third party guarantee of two persons. For loans above Rs. 10 lacs, the borrower has to give mortgage of immovable property of value equivalent to 100 per cent of the loan amount. The borrower has been relieved of the job of obtaining No Due Certificate (NDC) from other branches of the bank, which shall be obtained by the branch itself. But the borrower as well as guarantors shall have to give affidavit undertaking that they are not borrowers with any branch of the Bank or with any other Bank or else disclose the extent / status of his / their liabilities to the bank / other banks. However, he has to get the NDC from other banks himself. The rate of interest has been linked to the prime lending rate of the bank, which is currently 14.5 per cent, and repayment schedule of the loan. For loans with repayment up to 4 years, the borrower has to pay 16 per cent (PLR + 1.5%), while's loans exceeding repayment schedule of 4 years are granted at 16.50 per cent (PLR + 2%).
L ADAKH
Report
Unemployment on the Rise
TSEWANG RIGZIN
I
n view of the growing unemployment, in its annual general body meeting on April 13, the All Ladakh Unemployed Youth Association (ALUYA) was reorganized taking on board all political religious and non governmental organizations. ALUYA was formed by a group of concerned educated youth in 2005 to help fight unemployment and to find solution to the rising unemployment. ALUYA invited unemployed youth in hundreds to register as members and started taking out rallies alarming the danger of unemployment. The organization went on hunting for vacant posts lying in different governmental departments and then requested the administration to fill up such posts. Dorje Angchuk, president ALUYA, claims that this organization was able to force the administration to fill up hundreds of vacant posts. Early this year the announcement of the Class-IV interview results for about 300 posts in the district triggered a major controversy on account of alleged favoritism in the selection. Unemployed youth in hundreds demanding a fresh interview assembled on Leh pologround which was reportedly dispersed by the police later. Dechen Angmo, an unemployed youth, finds the results suspicious because, near and dear ones of many public representatives, such as some councilors and executive councilors, and some interview committee members seem to have been allegedly
interview results in the court of law. It is the general sense of feeling today that some one having good education with no government job is considered an unemployed. In the traditional self reliant Ladakh almost everyone was an employed person. But this system seems to have buckled under globalization and government job obsessed society. accommodated leaving many deserving candidates in despair. In a memorandum submitted to Ladakhi leaders and the unemployed youth has strongly criticized against what they call the unfair selection and demanded justice in this regard. “Hundreds of us, who have not got selected, demanding fresh interviews assembled peacefully on Leh pologround to protest against the unfair selection to class-4 posts in the district. But, to our surprise, the police resorted to indiscriminate lathi charge on us without any justified reason and they also took away the proof of the misdemeanor exercised by the selection committee and thrown them into the drains of the bazaar”, the memorandum reads adding that the dharna staged by them was also lifted forcefully by the police which was very undemocratic and highhandedness of the police. Many protesters were reportedly wounded in the incident and later they had to be hospitalized at S.N.M Hospital Leh. This episode finally compelled the unemployed youth to challenge the
Epilogue Ø 61 × May 2009
Since the dawn of the 21st century some non governmental organizations and the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council in Leh have been trying hard to create awareness among the masses to think beyond government jobs. Many educated youth have also started taking up alternative ventures. However setting up of small industries by availing loans through government agencies are also not that an easy task due to bureaucratic irregularities and redtapism, although the district administration and district industry centre do organise seminars and deliberations about the issue with all concerned agencies. Incidents like unemployed youth taking to the streets seem to also indicate that Ladakh is no exception to the rising of unemployment phenomenon. This seems an alarm, rather timely, of the growing problem and has posed a challenge before the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council to explore alternative avenues of employment besides vacancies in government departments as response to the rapid rising of unemployment.
MED I A
Special Report
MEDIA:
The Kashmir Jigsaw
In a State without big industries, the media is a growth industry. But things are done a little differently here…
T
he media in Kashmir is relatively immune to the Lok Sabha elections. Varun Gandhi is easily found on the pages of the Jammu press, so is news about the elections in general. Not so in the newspapers in the valley. Not even Chief Minister Omar Abdullah's pronouncements on both issues get the same prominence here. When you are in Jammu you are in India. When you are in Srinagar you are in Kashmir. If there is an election which journalists here still want to discuss, it is the one which took place last December for the State assembly, not the one that is coming up. The “turnout” continues to be a matter of considerable academic discussion, with dimensions to it which never surface in the national press. Shared legacy
SEVANTI NINAN
What both Jammu and Kashmir have in common though is a thriving media. For a State with a population of around 80 lakhs, the media presence is considerable. There are 71 dailies in Srinagar, the only publishing centre in Kashmir, and some 61 in Jammu. Many of these are referred to as lithos, black and white four pagers. In Jammu even some of the four pagers sport colour. In a State with little industry, media,
Epilogue Ø 62 × May 2009
mysteriously, is a growth industry. There is no media recession here. The year has already seen the launch of a weekly newspaper called Kashmir Life, Rising Kashmir's Urdu daily is on the cards, so is the Urdu edition of The Kashmir Times which has long been in the offing, and an English and Hindi newspaper are scheduled to come out of a publishing stable in Jammu. In one to one conversations here, correspondents and editors love doing
MED I A Special Report
the math to show you how a paper with a proper editorial set up including reporters, cannot possibly be viable, let alone profitable, on cover price and advertisements alone. The ad flow is more from retail outlets than industry and comes to only a leading handful of publications. The State government has a total annual advertising budget of Rs. 5 crores, which stretches in some years, but is still not adequate to keep some 378 publications in business. And DAVP ads put in by the central government require circulation of an order which less than a handful of publications in the State would have. Supported by the State So who patronises the media in Kashmir with exclusive stories, monetary help, advertising, and bank loans? The many arms of the ruling establishment, including the State government and the intelligence agencies and the militants, though the local ones are not as well endowed today as they were before. Conflict, as you discover from day one, has been a huge fillip to the media here. Before 1990 there were only three Urdu publications including the Congress organ, Khidmat. The only English newspaper, The Kashmir Times, was published out of Jammu. Today the numbers tell the story. In some ways, it is a cosy place to be a journalist. Government apartments in Press Colony provide office space for many publications. The enterprising do better: an NDTV correspondent here even occupies a ministerial bungalow. This is also a place where working journalists are media owners: at least three representatives of the Delhi press have publications of their own, though
their names do not figure on these. Even young reporters are widely travelled, fellowship programmes in the West covet applicants from this conflict hotspot. There was a time not long ago when you risked your life being a journalist in Kashmir, but not so now. Today, it is the Northeast which is the dangerous place to work. The flip side of all this is a media that is so poorly paid that many journalists do two or three jobs, and some publications are edited and run by government bureaucrats, teachers and lecturers who switch roles after 4 p.m. I met an anchor from the cable TV channel Sen TV who begins his day voicing bulletins for Radio Kashmir, then moves on to a news agency to file five or six stories there, then goes on by evening to the cable channel to help put the evening bulletin in place and anchor it. Local cable channels are meant to give you exposure, not a livelihood. A cameraman gets Rs. 200 a story, a reporter could get Rs. 1500 a month. Backbone The real backbone of J&K journalism is the news agencies: KNS, CNS, UNS, API, PBI and several others. These put out dozens of stories which enable all small newspapers to function without their own reporting staff, both in Jammu and in Srinagar. All the power centres in Kashmir feed these agencies stories, some of which get carried the next day under a newspaper staffer's byline. It also makes getting media coverage across the State easy. You don't have to contact lots of reporters. You just to have to give, or leak an item to a news agency. Subscribing to them is not just cheap
Epilogue Ø 63 × May 2009
though in practice it is often free. The editor of an Urdu daily Nida-I-Mashriq says, “I have used one agency for the last four years. I have not paid them anything, and they have not asked for anything till this moment. I have never received a bill.” When you are trying to figure out the real picture about the media in Kashmir these are all different pieces of a jigsaw that you have to fit together.
Classified Mart
Epilogue
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