Editor: Rekha Saraswat

Vol. 78 No. 10

JANUARY 2015

RS. 20/MONTH

THE RADICAL HUMANIST (Since April 1949)

Formerly : INDEPENDENT INDIA (April 1937- March 1949)

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FOUNDER EDITOR: M. N. ROY

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The Radical Humanist

www.theradicalhumanist.com

Vol. 78 Number 10 January 2015

Contents 1. From the Editor’s Desk: The Allegory of the Cave

Monthly journal of the

Indian Renaissance Institute

3 Devoted to the development of the Renaissance —Rekha Saraswat Movement; and for promotion of human rights, 2. From the Writings of M.N. Roy: scientific-temper, rational thinking and a Historical Role of Islam: Islamic Philosophy 4 humanist view of life.

3. Guests’ Section: Founder Editor: Citizens and State Conduct M.N. Roy —M. Hamid Ansari 6 Editor: Which Gita? Hon’ble Minister Sushama Swaraj Dr. Rekha Saraswat —Bhagwat Prasad Rath 12 Contributory Editors: Hidden Persuaders Dr. R.M. Pal —Uday Dandavate 15 Professor Rama Kundu From Cold War to the War on Terror Publisher and Printer: —Nandita Haksar 16 Mr. N.D. Pancholi 4. Current Affairs’ Section: Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat, C-8, Tragedy & Conciliation; Aftermath of Kashmir Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India, Polls Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011 —Kuldip Nayar 20 E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Govt. Forming In J&K Demands Statesmanship Send Subscription / Donation Cheques in —Rajindar Sachar 23 favour of The Radical Humanist to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber 5. IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Number 111 (Near Post Office), Supreme Court Fascist War Against Humanity 25 of India, New Delhi, 110001, India —Vidya Bhushan Rawat n.vyas@snr.net.in The Controversy over Religious Conversions Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, —K.P. Reddy 29 09811944600 The Last Crusade?

Please Note: Authors will bear sole —Ajit Bhattacharyya 31 accountability for corroborating the facts that Chunikaka – A Source Of Inspiration! they give in their write-ups. Neither IRI / the —Gautam Thaker 32 Publisher nor the Editor of this journal will be Mrs. Ellen Roy responsible for testing the validity and authenticity of statements & information cited by —Jawaharlal Jasthi 34 the authors. Also, sometimes some articles 6. Academicians' Section: published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the Radical Humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them.

—Rekha Saraswat

Astrology —Chandrahas 7. Book Review Section: A Look at What We Are: —Dipavali Sen 2

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THE RADICAL HUMANIST From The Editor's Desk:

JANUARY 2015

The Allegory of the Cave —Rekha Saraswat is a cave. It is dark inside but for a There small ray of light coming from without.

There are shadows on the walls of the cave.

These are reflections of some statues kept inside the cave projected through the ray of light.

And there are people inside too who have never stepped out of the cave. They do not move, nor even turn their heads. They only see the shadows on the walls and ponder. They try to understand their meaning. They try to analyze the shadows. They are not aware of the statues behind them. They do not know that the shadows are the reflections of the statues. (They are believers who have faith in their destiny and are happy where they are and as they are because they are not able to know more.)

Then there are some more people in the cave.

They are able to turn their heads but are not able to move their bodies. They can see the shadows and the statues as well. They compare both and realize that the shadows are the exact replicas of the statues. They also realize that the shadows do not appear on the walls when the ray of light disappears for some time.

They arrive at the conclusion that the shadows are actually the reflections of the statues visible in light. (They are the agnostics, using their common sense and trying to correlate what they see and believe in only what they can prove.)

But they are unable to convince those people about this truth who cannot see the statues because they cannot turn their heads.

There are still some more people inside the cave who not only can turn their heads but can also move their bodies. They are curious to know why the ray of light, coming from without, appears, disappears and then reappears. They run out of the cave the moment the ray disappears to catch 3

it but can find nothing as there is equal darkness outside too. They come back confused. (They are the discontented intellectual-predators who want to use their reason but do not have access to truth to satisfy their curiosity.)

A fourth set of people emerges out of the last one which dares to follow the ray when it reappears and steps out of the cave in broad daylight to find, to its bewilderment, the live forms of the statues kept inside the cave. (They are the men of enlightenment who are introduced to reality for the first time and they rush back inside the cave to share their knowledge with the other three groups of people and try to motivate and attract them to the world outside. Renaissance begins.)

Once out of the cave they come to know that the darkness of the cave comes back every few hours but the outside world calls it night without the light. So, they conclude that there is no perpetual light outside the cave just as there is no perpetual darkness inside the cave. (They are the utopians who begin building theories based on their growing newer experiences in the outside world.)

They learn to use their experiences to experiment upon the chain of cause and effect and gradually derive set formulae to solve life’s riddles. (The science of being and becoming evolves.)

The cave becomes the past but does not vanish.

It remains in the minds of people. They compare, they share, they evaluate, they reminisce upon their life that was then inside the cave and that is now outside it. (Philosophy begins.)

Yes, I am remembering today Plato’s ‘four levels of understanding and knowledge from his ‘Divided Line’ approach to analyze where we actually stand in defining life on this first day of 2015.

Happy New Year to all my readers wishing lots of philosophy and science in your lives with pots of love and happiness too!!

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JANUARY 2015 the Arabian philosophers and scientists that the rich patrimony of Greek learning reached the father of modern rationalism and the pioneer of scientific research, Roger Bacon, who was a disciple of the Arabs. In the opinion of Humboldt, the Arabians are to be considered “the proper founders of the physical sciences, in the signification of the term which we are now accustomed to give it.”

Al Kandi, Al Hassan, Al Farabi, Avicena, Al Gazali, Abu Bakr, Avempace, Al Phetragius, (the Arabian names are so contracted in historical works written in European languages) – these are names memorable in the annals of human culture; and the fame of the great Averroes has been immortalised as that of the man who made the forerunners of modern civilisation acquainted with the genius of Aristotle, thereby giving an inestimable impetus to the struggle of European humanity to liberate itself from the paralysing influence of theological bigotry and sterile scholasticism. The epoch-making role of the great Arab rationalist, who flourished in the first half of the twelfth century under the enlightened patronage of the Sultan of Andalusia, is eloquently depicted by the well known saying of Roger Bacon: “Nature was interpreted by Averroes.”

The standard of spiritual revolt against the authority of the Christian Church and the domination of theology was hoisted in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The rationalist rebels drew their inspiration from the scientific teachings of the great philosophers of ancient Greece, and these they learned from the Arabian scholars, particularly Averroes.

The bigotry of the pious Justinian, in the beginning of the sixth century, finally purged the holy world of the Christian superstition of the remaining vestiges of pagan learning. The last Greek scholars were forced to leave the ancient seats of learning. They emigrated from the Roman Empire, and sought refuge in Persia; but there also sacerdotal intolerance proved equally hostile to profane learning. Eventually, the

From the Writings of M.N. Roy:

BOOK: Historical Role of Islam Chapter VI

Islamic Philosophy learning lasted Theaboutage fiveof Arabian hundred years, and coincided with the darkest period of European history. During the same period, India also was lying prostrate, underneath the triumphant Brahminical reaction which had subverted or corrupted Buddhism. Eventually, it was thanks to the inglorious success of having overcome the Buddhist revolution, that India fell such an easy prey to Muslim invaders.

Under the enlightened reign of the Abbassides, the Fatemites, and the Omminades rulers, learning and culture prospered respectively in Asia, North Africa and Spain. From Samarkand and Bokhara to Fez and Cordova, numerous scholars studied and taught astronomy, mathematics, physics, chemistry, medicine and music. The invaluable treasure of Greek philosophy and learning had been buried under the intolerance and superstition of the Christian Church. Had it not been for the Arabs, it would have been irretrievably lost, and the dire consequence of such a mishap can be easily imagined.

Vain piety and hypocritical holiness induced the Christians to spurn the science of antiquity as profane. In consequence of that vanity of ignorance, the peoples of Europe were plunged into the medieval darkness which threatened to be bottomless and interminable. The happy resurrection of the divine light of knowledge, lit by the sages of ancient Greece, at long last dissipated the depressing darkness of ignorance and superstition, prejudice and intolerance, and showed the European peoples the way to material prosperity, intellectual progress and spiritual liberation. It was through

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derelict science of Athenian culture found a hospitable home in the court of the Abbassides Khalifs of Bagdad, who were so impressed by the wisdom of those foreign infidels that neither Koran nor sword was offered to them. On the contrary, all the remaining votaries of ancient knowledge, whose knowledge ridiculed faith and indulgently smiled at all religion, were invited to accept the liberal hospitality of the Commander of the Faithful.

The Khalifs not only took the exiled Greek scholars under their protection. They dispatched competent men to different parts of the Roman Empire with the instruction and the means to collect all the available works of the sages of ancient Greece. The precious works of Aristotle, Hipparchus, Hyppocrates, Galen and other scientists were translated into the Arabian language, and the Khalifs gave every encouragement to the propagation of those irreligious teachings throughout the Muslim world. Schools established at State expense disseminated scientific knowledge to thousands of students belonging to all classes of society, “from the son of the noble to that of the mechanic.” Poor students received education free, and teachers were handsomely remunerated for their services which were held in the highest esteem. The Arab historian, Abul Faragius, records the following views of Khalif Al Manon regarding the men of learning: “They are the elect of God, his best and most useful servants, whose lives are devoted to the improvement of their rational faculties…….The teachers of wisdom are the true luminaries and legislators of a world which without their aid would again sink into ignorance and barbarism.”

The current notion of the bigotry and fanaticism of Islam loses all historical authenticity when it is known that the men of learning were so highly appreciated by the successors of the Prophet, were mostly devoid of any religious fervour, not a few of them holding views frankly heretical; and the general burden of their teachings was the assertion of the reason of man as the only

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standard of truth. History does not provide the critical student with many instances of the head of a religious order encouraging “the improvement of rational faculties”, as Khalif Al Manon did. For, the cultivation of rational faculties is entirely incompatible with faith. Yet, Al Manon was but one of the industrious line of Abbassides Khalifs who not only encouraged the propagation of scientific knowledge, but themselves participated in it. Nor were the enlightened Abbassides an exception.

The Fatemites of Africa and the Omminades of Spain rivaled them in political power, material prosperity as well as in the patronage and propagation of knowledge. The library of Cairo contained over one hundred thousand volumes; whereas Cordova boasted of six times as many.

This fact gives the lie to another calumny which depicts the rise of Islam as an eruption of savage fanaticism, namely, the tale of the destruction of the famous library of Alexandria. One must have a pious mind or credulous disposition to believe that those who took delight in founding and supporting such noble seats of learning, would have callously set fire to the library of Alexandria; that those who command the gratitude of mankind for having saved its most precious patrimony, could have possibly begun by contributing to the destruction of that treasure.

When dispassionate and scientific study of history dissipated legends and discredited malicious tales, the rise of Islam stands out not as a scourge but as a blessing for mankind.

While books written in the eleventh and twelfth centuries indignantly detail the shocking tale of the burning of the library of Alexandria, the historians Eustichius and Elmacin, both Egyptian Christians, who wrote soon after the Saracen conquest of their country, are significantly silent about the savage act. The former, a patriarch of Alexandria, could be hardly suspected of partiality to the enemies of Christianity.

Contd. ................

Reference: 1. Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos, Vol. II.

THE RADICAL HUMANIST Guests' Section:

JANUARY 2015 of becoming the enemy of the people; hence the need for continual oversight to ensure that a people must be kept sufficiently awake to the principle of not letting liberty be smothered in material prosperity.

In a widely reported judgment In July, 2011 the Supreme Court of India’ highlighted the imperative of ensuring ‘conditions of human dignity within the ambit of fraternity.’ Thus the operative concepts are dignity and equal and unalterable rights to all. With this in mind, I propose today to explore the state of play with regard to the civil liberties and human rights in the context of what WE, the PEOPLE of INDIA gave to themselves in the Constitution. The constitution-makers were aware that sovereignty to be commensurate with justice had to be embedded in democracy and, as an eminent jurist has observed, the Rule of Law cannot coexist with traditional conceptions of absolute sovereignty. This, in fact, was the trend of informed opinion throughout the past century and as early as 1914, Earnest Barker had penned an essay ‘The Discredited State’ in which he depicted sovereignty in internal matters as ‘Poison – not to be taken internally’ since it leads to a false view of the law.” It is generally accepted that a pre-requisite of participatory governance is a commitment of the State to its own laws and to their uniform application. The term Rule of Law is a part of our daily vocabulary and implies supremacy of law, equality before the law, and fair and equal access to justice. As one jurist has put it, ‘the Indian constitutional conception of the Rule of Law links its four core notions; right, development, governance and justice.’ This approach has been upheld in judicial pronouncements with the Supreme Court describing the Rule of Law as ‘a potent instrument of social justice to bring about equality in results.’

The debate over the core principles of the Constitution has stretched over six decades.

Social philosophers, political scientists, jurists, courts of law, public personalities, political

Citizens & State Conduct —Shri M. Hamid Ansari [Following is the text of the eighth V.M. Tarkunde Memorial Lecture delivered by Hon’ble Shri M. Hamid Ansari, Vice President of India on November 21, 2014 at India International Centre, New Delhi on the topic ‘Citizens and State Conduct’] t is a great privilege to be invited to deliver the 8th Tarkunde Memorial Lecture today. I did not have the good fortune of knowing Justice Tarkunde personally, but heard a good deal about him and his work from my late friend, Dr. Iqbal Ansari, who rendered Yeoman Service to the cause of human rights after he retired from teaching at the Aligarh Muslim University. Vithal Mahadeo Tarkunde was a versatile man. An eminent judge whose calibre was acknowledged by the Supreme Court of India in a Full Court Reference, an ardent advocate of civil liberties and human rights, a supporter of cause of fighting against injustice, a founder-member of the Committee on Judicial Accountability, and the founder of the Centre for Public Interest Litigation. He kept alive, as he put it, ‘the hope of the dawn of a new day” with the recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and unalterable rights of all the members of the human family as the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.’ He will be long remembered for his advocacy of secularism, for his propagation of the philosophy of radical humanism, and above all for his persistent efforts to highlight the fragility of individual liberty in the modern state as well as specific cases of injustice. He was a passionate believer in the core values of the Constitution of India.

It has been said over and over again that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, that power is ever being stolen from the many by the few, and that the hand entrusted with power stands in danger

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activists and informed citizens have been active participants. The explicit provisions are evident enough; the text also has, secreted in its interstices, many values that have been dilated upon and amplified in judicial pronouncements.

These have been reinforced by international covenants to which India is a signatory and which have become a part of the law of the land.

The Constitution of India did not emerge in a vacuum. It was a product of the freedom struggle and of the values and principles enunciated and honed over decades. Issues of rights and liberties were of practical concern to the freedom fighters. Apart from individual acts of assertion of rights, perhaps the first initiative to form a civil liberties organization was taken by Jawaharlal Nehru in November 1936 when he founded the Indian Civil Liberties Union (ICLU) with Rabindranath Tagore as its president, Precision to the task on hand, and its pitfalls, was forthcoming from Dr. Lohia. ‘The concept of civil liberties,’ he said, ‘defines State-authority within clear limits. It assigns well-defined liberties to the people. The task of the State is to protect these liberties. But the States usually do not like the task and act contrarily. Armed with the concept of civil liberties, the people develop an agitation to force the State to keep within clear and well-defined limits.”

The quest for civil liberties did not cease with end of colonial rule. The march of events after Independence brought into sharper focus the imperatives of sovereignty and nationalism and their implications for civil rights. Some of these became evident after June 26, 1975; in the words of a close observer, ‘these events changed the basic relationship between the citizen and the State’. It propelled the formation later that year of the People’s Union for Civil Rights (PUCL), later to be named People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL). The purpose was to mobilise, not to stand outside the State, but to make the State more responsive and to recognise its constitutional obligations towards its citizens.

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The comprehension and advocacy of civil rights has undergone quantitative and qualitative changes in the past four decades. Debates over ‘civil rights’ have progressed into wider realms of ‘democratic rights’ and then to ‘human rights.’

Alongside, new dimensions have emerged as social movements focusing on women, Dalits, regional, minority and environmental issues came into focus. Each of these developed principally in relation to the State since the State was the only conduit through which all segments of society related to each other.

In the final analysis therefore the focus is on the conduct of the State in relation to its own citizens keeping in mind Rousseau’s dictum that ‘there will always be a great difference between subduing a multitude and ruling a society.”

A primary function of the State, in its most productive form, is to dispense justice to its citizens, since justice, as John Rawls rightly pointed out, ‘is the first virtue of institutions’ and ‘in a just society the liberties of equal citizenship are taken as settled and the rights secured by justice are not subject to political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests.’

Two broad categories seem to emerge in considering the failure of the State to deliver. In the first place, act of omission of those matters where the State qua state should have acted in terms of its laws or constitution. Indications of this are readily available in various social development indices. Secondly, act of commission or those acts that were plainly illegal or exceeded the legal or public morality limits prescribed by the law. These can be assessed in terms of the human rights norms present in our laws or subscribed to. Credible documentation with regards to both categories is available nationally and internationally.

The obligations of the Republic of India towards its citizens have been stated in the Constitution, particularly in the sections on Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy. A separate section delineates the Fundamental Duties of Citizens. Together, they amplify the

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vision and the principles enunciated in the Preamble namely, to secure to all citizens social, economic and political Justice, Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship, and equality of status and opportunity and furthermore to promote among them Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation. A broad categorization of State responsibility in terms of constitutional obligations would relate in the first place to those matters that concern economic, social and cultural rights and the rights to development. A second set of responsibilities would pertain to provision of security and its achievement through the use of legitimately sanctioned force within stated parameters. In the third set, the State is required to ensure access to justice through appropriate mechanisms to redress grievances.

A set of questions seem to emerge: Has State responsibility been institutionalized for each of the above? What is its extent and efficacy? To what degree does the Indian State practice in conformation to global standard indicated in international instruments to which we have subscribed?

The answer to the first question is in the affirmative. The Constitution and the various rights-centric statutes prescribe the policy and institutional framework for human rights protection; they also enjoin the concerned State institutions in discharging their responsibilities.

The institutional safeguards for the rights enshrined in the Constitution include an independent judiciary and the separation of judicial and executive functions. Legislation and exercise of executive power is subject to judicial review with regards to its constitutionality. In the event of infringement of an individual’s fundamental rights, the highest court in the land can be moved.

Our development objectives have been carefully spelt out in the 12th Five Year Plan. It is to seek ‘a broad-based improvement in living standards of all sections of the people through a growth

process that is faster than the past, more inclusive and also more environmentally sustainable.’ This requires a carefully crafted strategy for management of resources, demographics, inclusiveness, rural-urban balance, energy security, environmental sustainability and a sustained period of social peace internally and absence of conflict abroad, particularly in the neighbourhood.

Much has been done to move towards the development targets for the country. Innovative legislation pertaining to right to food, education, information and rural employment has been put in place. A critical analysis of the results however would show imbalance in implementation and insufficient attention to some other areas. We rank 134 out of 187 in UNDP’s Human Development Index and while the poverty rate has shown a decline from 45.3 to 37.2 percent in the decade ending 2004, the debate about nutrition levels and poverty line continues unabated. The average growth rate in 2007-2011 was 8.2 percent but the decline of poverty in the same period was 0.8 percent.

A poet may well say: Roshan kahin bahar ke imkaan huai to hain; Gulshan main chaak chand garibaan huai to hain; Ab bhi khizan ka raj hai lekin kahin kahin; Goshe rahe-chaman main ghazal khwan huai to hain; (Though autumn remains dominant, prospects of spring have brightened and flowers have started to bloom).

At the international level, India is a signatory to the six core human rights covenants. It is committed to the rights proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948.

We have signed and ratified Human Rights Conventions which inter-alia include the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. In 2005, 8

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we ratified the two Optional Protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the child and thereafter the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disability.

We have signed, but not yet ratified, the Convention against Torture, and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. The same holds for the Convention on Enforced Disappearances.

It is relevant to recall that section 2(d) of the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993 defines “human rights” as the rights relating to life, liberty, equality and dignity of the individual guaranteed by the Constitution or embodied in the International Covenants and enforceable by courts in India. This definition is in conformity with the accepted interpretation of human rights. The Supreme Court has, in its concern for human rights, also developed a highly advanced public interest litigation regime.

It is thus clear that the requisite intellectual, legal and institutional framework for protection and promotion of human rights is in place.

Questions however do arise in regard to their efficacy in actual implementation as cases of discrimination based on religion, caste, language, ethnicity, work and economic status continue to be reported. These relate both to violation or denial of rights by state agencies and to violation or denial of rights by individuals and groups to individuals and groups. The weak – individual or group – is invariably the victim.

In the context of today’s subject, what concerns us most is State conduct resulting in violation or denial of rights of citizens. It has been observed that there is a ‘profound disenchantment with the State at the popular level where ‘the lines between legality and illegality, order and disorder, State and criminality have come to be (viewed) as increasingly porous.’

The most serious human rights violations by the State vis-à-vis its citizens pertain to Article 21.

Some of these are abuses by the police and security forces, including extrajudicial killings,

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custodial deaths, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, enforced disappearances; poor prison conditions that are frequently life threatening; lengthy pre-trial detention; and widespread corruption at all levels of government, leading to denial of justice. This is particularly acute in areas of internal conflict, such as Jammu and Kashmir, the Northeast, and the Naxal belt where serious complaints about the misuse of laws like Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), the Disturbed Areas Act (DAA) or the Public Safety Act (PSA) continue to be made. Much of this is credible, has been carefully documented, and reflects poorly on the State and its agents.”

According to the latest Annual Report of the Ministry of Home Affairs, during the period January 1, 2013 to March 31, 2014, the NHRC conducted investigation of 6,834 cases, including 4,450 cases of death in judicial custody, 448 cases of death in Police custody and 186 cases of police encounter deaths.

These figures speak for themselves. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that the judiciary is overburdened and court backlogs cause lengthy delays or the denial of justice.

Despite the constitutional and legal guarantees, religious minorities continue to be target of violence and discrimination from time to time.

Patterns of systematic mobilization of hate and divisive politics are discernable; in many cases these have been pursued with impunity. The same holds for other weaker sections of society including SCs and STs, women, children and persons with disabilities. Credible data on these is available in government, academic and civil society reports. These cut at the root of the constitutional principle of equality of opportunity and equal access to justice and highlight the failure of the State to act appropriately. As we embark on the path of rapid economic growth and development, the issue of finding a balance between traditional rights of citizens, with environmental imperatives and economic objectives will have to be addressed

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by State; else, social tensions will undermine the development agenda.

A particular area of concern is the inadequacy of State action in relation to women. The UN Special Rapporteur on violence against Women has reported that it is systematic and occurs in the public and private spheres. It is underpinned by the persistence of patriarchal social norms and inter-and intra-gender hierarchies. Women are discriminated against and subordinated not only on the basis of sex, but on other grounds, such as case, class, ability, sexual orientation, tradition and other realities. The manifestations of violence against women are a reflection of the structural and institutional inequality that is a reality. An eminent former judge has recently observed that ‘even today, most women in India neither have freedom nor liberty to take decisions.’ The need for greater social awareness, and correctives at all levels of society, is imperative.

Records show that a number of progressive legal and policy initiatives have been taken by the Government. Equally true is the fact that implementation is tardy, that ‘mind-set’ obstacles and social prejudices are formidable, that allocation of resources is inadequate, and that contradictions persist between economic policies, ‘development priorities’ and national and international human rights commitments.

I would like to conclude by drawing attention to two sets of impulses. The first suggests dogged defense of the status quo; the second a measure of introspection. A plural society, and a mature system of governance, would opt for the latter, more so because we stand committed to constitutional and global norms. Pursuant to this, India is a party to, and has participated in, the Universal Periodic Review of Human Rights held by the Human Rights Council in May 2012.

The Status Report prepared by the Working Group on Human Rights after the second review summed up its assessment, inter alia, with the following observation: ‘Despite a number of progressive and policy 10

initiatives taken by the Indian Government, the continued prevalence of human rights violations across the country poses manifold challenges. The claim of rapid economic development does not hold any value when it fails to include the excluded lack of proper implementation of government policies due to the bureaucratic lethargy, inadequate allocation of resources, contradiction between different policies, other development priorities and the so called national and international interests continue to hinder to the full realization of human rights for India’s most vulnerable. The ever-growing trend of atrocities against religious minorities, women , children, SCs & STs, apathy towards the disabled and other disadvantaged people, constitute a scar on the face of Indian democracy…’

In a foreword to the Report, the convenor suggested that ‘India must meet the human rights accountability challenge defined by the contents of its Constitution, the international human rights instruments it has ratified, and the recommendations that have emanated from the UPR I and UPR II processes at the UN as well as from other UN treaty bodies and special procedures. To meet this enormous challenge, nothing but a radical shift in economic, social and security policies is needed – both at the central and state levels.’

We as a people need to awaken our collective conscience, strive for fulfillment of national norms and global standards, and induce fuller accountability into the system of governance at all levels so that the culture of impunity ends, and the State and its functionaries are held accountable for every act of omission or commission.

References: Nandini Sunder & Ors V State of Chhattisgarh (2011) 7 SCC 547: ’18 Such misguided policies, albeit vehemently and muscularly asserted by some policy makers, are necessarily contrary to the vision and imperatives of our constitution which demands that the power

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vested in the State, by the people, be only used for the welfare of the people – all the people, both rich and the poor, thereby assuring conditions of human dignity within the ambit of fraternity amongst groups of them. Neither Article 14, nor Article 21, can even remotely be conceived as being so bereft of substance as to be immune from such policies. They are necessarily tarnished, and violated in a primordial sense by such policies.’

Roy, Anupama, ‘Ideas and Vision; Introduction’ in Human Rights and Peace; Ideas, Laws, Institutions and Movement (Edited by Ujjwal Kumar Singh, New Delhi 2009) p xvi Bingham, Tom. The Rule of Law (London 2010) p 161, citing Professor Sir Francis Jacobs.

‘Barker, Ernest, Church, State and Education (Michigan 1957) p 169 ‘Lohia, Ram Manohar. ‘The Concept of Civil Liberties’ in Ujjwal Kumar Singh, op cit p 210 ‘Dhar, P.N. Indira Gandhi, the ‘Emergency’, and Indian Democracy (New Delhi 2000) p. 222 ‘Gudavarthy Ajay: Ujjwal Kumar Singh op cit p 255 ‘Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice (1999) pp 3-4 The Prevention of Torture bill 2010 was introduced in the Lok Sabha and passed by it on April 26, 2010. The Rajya Sabha referred it to a

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Select Committee on August 31. Its Report was presented on December 7, 2010. No further action was taken by the Government and the Bill lapsed with the dissolution of the 15th Lok Sabha.

Mehta, Pratap Bhanu, The Burden of Democracy (New Delhi 2003) pp 113-115 A.G. Noorani & South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre: Challenges to Civil Rights Guarantees in India (New Delhi 2012).

This publication analyses in particular the role of the criminal justice system in India in the erosion of civil rights and focuses on Preventive Detention, Extra-Judicial Killings, Counter-terrorism and Human Rights, the Death Penalty, Narco-analysis, Under-trials and Video-conferencing, anti-conversion Law, Impunity, and AFSPA. Also, for an overall assessment, Ashis Nandy ‘From the Age of Anxiety to the Age of Fear’ in Rajesh Chakrabarti The Other India: Realities of an Emerging Power (New Delhi 2009) pp 94-100.

Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India Annual Report 2013-14, p 83 – paragraph 6 Seth, Leila. Talking of Justice: People’s Rights in Modern India (New Delhi 2014) p 69 Human Rights in India Status Report 2012 (Working Group on Human Rights in India and the UN, New Delhi, December 2012) pp 178 & IV

G.B.M. & Board of Trustees Meeting of I.R.I. on 23rd & 24th January, 2015 Venue: Seminar Hall, Indian Institute of Engineers, Jadavpur University Campus, Kolkata, (W.B.).

Registration Forms (see page 15) should be sent by ordinary postal mail to Indian Radical Humanist Association, 15 Bankim Chatterjee Street, Kolkata 700 073. Cash payment could be made only personally to the office secretary Sri Arun Bose at the office premises of Indian Radical Humanist Association, West Bengal Unit, Monday to Thursday, and Saturday (4-30-7-30 p.m.).

Registration Fee: For outstation and local participants Rs 100/-. This includes tea/snacks during the session & seminar material. For persons willing to attend only the Seminar Registration Fee is optional. Local participants are requested to contribute Rs 250 for lunch for two days. On prior intimation if they want they will be provided with dinner, snacks & tea outside the Meeting time on payment of approximately Rs 125 for lunch/dinner, Rs 40 for snacks & Rs 10 for tea.

Organisers' E-mail ids: Subhankar Ray: subhankarr@yahoo.com; Subhendu Bhattacharyya: subhendubh@gmail.com; Ajoy k. Chanda: ajoyk_chanda@yahoo.co.in .

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Which Gita? Hon’ble Minister Sushama Swaraj —Bhagwat Prasad Rath hon’ble minister Sushama Swaraj Thesuggests the present Gita to be made the national book of India. This essay is in response to that suggestion.

The great historian D.D. Kosambi tells about two Gitas: one Gita speaks about non-violence; the other lays stress on violence. This information is present in Hsiuen Tsang’s memoirs. To quote Kosambi, ‘The earliest dated mention of anything that could possibly represent the Gita is by Hsiuen Tsang early in the seventh century, who refers to a Brahmin having forged at his king’s order such a text, (supposedly of antiquity) which was then ‘discovered’, in order to foment war.

M.K.Gandhi says that the Gita preaches non-violence, but Gandhi’s grandson Rajmohan Gandhi says that Gita is a book of justice- based violence. Both are correct because there are portions of Gita where non-violence is greatly emphasized and there are other portions where violence is justified. This type of phenomena made Iravati Karve, the writer of the famous book Yuganta, declare that Hindu culture advanced through accretions (the juxtaposition of different or even contradictory view points).

The present Gita became popular after the 7th century A.D. Kosambi says ‘We may similarly trace other—unlabelled-schools of thought such as Samkhya and Mimamsa down to early Vedanta (G.15.15 supported by the reference to the Brahma sutra in G.13.4). This helps date the work as somewhere between 150-350 AD, nearer the later than the earlier date.’ The other Gita was written probably in the 9th century B.C. or earlier. One Gita (the earlier one) is from the book Jaya which contained 8800 Slokas, the other is from the present Mahabharata containing one lakh Slokas. The first Gita embodies the philosophy of the non-Aryans of

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pre-Vedic India, Yoga, Samkhya and Lokayat (all the three are Godless philosophies). It is the true Yoga Sastra, where non-violence is the primary value of life. The other Gita extols wars where the primary emotions are hatred and violence. In the later Gita Krishna is called Yogeswara. He urges his disciple and friend or Sakha, the great fighter Arjuna, to become a Yogi and also kill the Kurus in the same breath. This is sheer hypocrisy. Kosambi points out that there are so many inconsistencies in the present Gita.

‘To put it bluntly, the utility of the Gita derives from its peculiar fundamental defect, namely dexterity in seeming to reconcile the irreconcilable. The high god repeatedly emphasizes the great virtue of non-killing (ahimsa), yet the entire discourse is an incentive to war. So, G.2.19 says that it is impossible to kill or be killed. The soul merely puts off an old body as a man his old clothes, in exchange for new; it cannot be cut by weapons, nor suffer from fire or the storm. In g.11 the terrified Arjuna sees all the warriors of both sides rush into a gigantic Visnu-Krishna’s innumerable voracious mouths, to be swallowed up or crushed. There moral is pointed by the demoniac good himself (G.11.33): that all the warriors on the field had really been destroyed by him; Arjuna’s killing them would be a purely formal affair whereby he could win the opulent kingdom. Again, through the yajna sacrifice is played down or derided, it is admitted in G.3.14 to be the generator of rain, without which food and life would be impossible.

This slippery opportunism characterizes the whole book. Naturally, it is not surprising to find so many Gita lovers imbued therewith. Once it is admitted that material reality is gross illusion, the rest follows quite simply; the world of “doublethink” is the only one that matters.’

D.D. Kosambi: Myth and Reality: Social and Economic aspects of the Bhagavad-Gita.

The first or the original Gita is mentioned in the Chhandogyo Upanishad.

According to this Upanishad, this Gita does not contain any information about Atma or Brahma.

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The second Gita contains a lot of verses (Slokas) which deal with the topics of the Upanishads, Atma and Brahma. Similarly Bhakti or devotion has no role in the first Gita because it embodies the three Godless philosophies of Yoga, Samkhya and Lokayat. The verses referring to God were not present in the original Gita.

Kosambi writes, ‘Bhakti or devotion became prominent in the age of the Guptas’…….‘the ideas are older, not original, except perhaps the novel use of Bhakti’………

‘However, the Gita did contain one innovation which precisely fitted the needs of a later period: Bhakti, personal devotion. To whoever composed that document, Bhakti was the justification, the one way of deriving all views from a single divine source.’

The older Gita was of small size. It contained less than 130 Slokas. The present Gita contains more than 700 Slokas. Atma, Brahma, Bhakti, Karmavad and the theory of rebirth were not present in the early Gita. It did not support the caste system. Men and women were having equal sexual rights in Lokayat philosophy.

Kautilya writes in Arthasastra that Aanwikshiki (Yoga, Samkhya and Lokayat) is the light of all knowledge, the best method of doing all types of work and the essence of all religions.

Mohenjodaro Harappa civilization was guided by Aanwikshiki. There were no kings, no Gods, no priests and no warriors in that civilization. The society was perfectly egalitarian.

The early Gita contains the ideals and beliefs of the society of this wonderful civilization.

Geographically this society was Indian, but in culture and social thinking this society belonged to the whole world of living beings. From the Mahabharata we know that women enjoyed sexual freedom in this society. Rishi Uddalaka’s wife, Rishi Bhrigu’s wife, Rishi Uttanga’s Guruwife, Javala, Sulabha and many others freely chose their sexual partners. Aanwikshiki was a product of the female brain. No male brain could have discovered ‘non-violence’ as the

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supreme value of life. The Gita criticizes the Vedic Yaggna in Canto two. In Canto four it is written that Yoga was first practiced by the Rajarshees. From the Mahabharata we know that the Rajarshees were Vritra, Namuchi, Vali and others of that ilk. These Rajarshees accepted non-violence as the supreme value. No divine deity guided them.

Lokayatikas were the leaders of Aanwikshikian society in pre-Vedic India. They were the stiffest resisters of Vedic culture. Charvak, a Lokayatika, was murdered. Lokayatika Brishaspati was seduced by making him the Guru of the deities including Indra.

Nationalism is anathema to the early Gita because Sarva -Jiva-Maitri is its ideal.

This Gita can be accepted by any religious community. To claim it as a Hindu Sastra does violence to its ideals. Our present world, though rich in science, is poor in ethical universal-ideals guided by love extended to all living creatures.

The early Gita is centered on Yoga. Now-a-days India is full of fake Yogis. The true Yoga must pass the test of science. The Yogi’s mind must be tested in a laboratory to find out if it is free from destructive emotions like hatred, anger jealousy and greed.

Early Gita does not approve miracles or mysticism. It is absurd to claim that the discoveries of modern science were made earlier by Vedic sages. The Vedic age was an age of decadence because not rationality but blind belief guided its seers. The Vedic priests put an end to the advances in the field of science made by the Sindhu civilization. Gita gives a vivid picture of how Yoga was lost in the Vedic age.

Jainism and Buddhism milked the legacies of the past Aanwikshikian ideas and beliefs.

The present Gita is not acceptable because it supports the caste system, makes derogatory remarks about the Sudras and women. By supporting Karmavad and rebirth, it legitimizes the social inequalities of our society, eulogizes

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violence. We can only accept the earlier Gita based on Arthasastra –praised Aanwikshiki.

Mohenjodara Harappa Aanwikshikian society was an egalitarian society. No social classes existed in the Indus Valley. Thus writes R. Rajagopalan in his book 'Indus Valley' ‘If social classes had existed, then some people would have bad better food and hence better growth.

This would be shown in their teeth and bones.

Now 350 skeletons from five major sites do not show any significant difference! There are also no royal tombs. It is possible that the Indus Civilization was maintained at an advanced level without social classes, central authority and warfare! If we can prove this, the Indus Civilization would be shown to have been a truly exceptional one –unmatched even by today’s democracies and republics!’ The Mahabharata gives ample proof that this civilization was a unique one and reached a higher level than what

was dreamt of by all the utopian philosophers of the world. Leading scientists simulating evolution in the computer have discovered that nature has evolved its own unknown methods to go ahead of all the plans and endeavors directed by our knowledge of social sciences. Only the earlier Gita provides a road map for reaching the dream land of Aanwikshikian society and deserves full acceptance by all the democratic socialists of the world.

[Bhagwat Prasad Rath, 3rd Line, Roith Colony, At/PO/Dist. – Rayagada –2 PIN- 765002, Odisha.

Ph. 06856-235092; Mob. 08895860598; bagwat_prashad@rediffmail.com satyabhamajankalyantrust@rediffmail.com www.samalochanal.blogspot.com www.samalochana.blogsome.com]

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Hidden Persuaders —Uday Dandavate uring the last Lok Sabha elections Mr Narendra Modi adopted state of art methods of communication. A successful 12 year long campaign in Gujarat has demonstrated that he has keen interest in human psychology and deep trust in the power of advertising. Mr. Modi was able to offer his media team an opportunity to expand their imagination and creativity with abundant freedom and limitless resources. A target audience craving for the sight of a knight in shining armor provided a perfect opportunity for creative story telling. The promise of development to an audience appalled by the corruption under the congress government was compelling. A decisive persona was projected as a more attractive option than a meek spectator Mr. Manmohan Singh was perceived as or a fumbling and confused person Rahul proved to be. A man who wielded power in Gujarat was positioned as a better option than the man who sacrificed power in Delhi.

The team was able to harness religious metaphors in Indian psychology through branding Mr. Modi as NAMO, making a ritual out of the slogan Har Har Modi and projecting other audio visual animations on the stage to turn a Modi meeting into an occasion for assertion of

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Hindu identity.

An innovation introduced into the election campaign was ‘holographic meetings’ it is reported that Mr. Modi was able to address 45 meetings simultaneously through use of holographic imaging technology.

A 3 dimensional video image of Mr. Modi would appear on the stage at 45 different places and he would address them with magical effect-almost as if a deity appeared on the scene.

While Mr. Modi’s supporters revere him for his innate talent in hidden persuasion, his detractors find in his approach more style than substance, more hype than meaning, more illusion than reality.

Media hype can work for a while but there must be clear evidence of ground level changes in the lives of ordinary people. Mr. Ambani and Adani have already begun to experience better days.

Ordinary citizens cannot be expected to remain mesmerized with techniques in illusion.

Holographic images, however enticing, will not satisfy the hunger pangs of starving people.

[Uday Dandavate heads a design research consulting firm, SonicRim in U.S.A. He writes and speaks on topics related to people centered design and innovation in international journals and conferences. uday@sonicrim.com]

Indian Renaissance Institute Board of Trustees Meeting & G.B.M. - 2015 Registration Form: 1. Name (in block letters) 2. Full postal address and e-mail identity (if any) 3. Whether accommodation required: (yes/no) 4. Date, time and mode of arrival 5. Amount remitted: (cash / cheque / draft no.)

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THE RADICAL HUMANIST

JANUARY 2015 It took nearly three decades more for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to become enforceable law.

From Cold War to the War on Terror

—Nandita Haksar January 7, 1976: World War has been called ThetheSecond deadliest conflict in history in which an estimated sixty million people died; a third of the human population in 1939. These deaths include the five million prisoners of war who perished in the gas chambers, camps and detention centres; the figure includes 11,000 Indian prisoners of war taken at the Fall of Singapore, who died in captivity. These statistics do not tell the stories of the millions of individual tragedies and the sufferings of the survivors.

It was the horror and brutalities that pushed the world’s independent states to draft a Universal Declaration on Human Rights. The idea was to include a vision of a world which would be free of fear and want. It took two years to draft a Declaration acceptable to the majority of people.

December 10, 1948: The General Assembly passed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. But it was by no means a document acceptable to everyone; although no country voted against it. Forty-eight sovereign states voted for the Declaration; there were eight abstentions.

Saudi Arabia objected to equality of women; South Africa objected to the idea of equality of races; and the Soviet Bloc objected to the declaration on the ground it encapsulated a capitalist vision in which the individual was supreme.

The Declaration could become law only if it was elaborated into a Covenant and it would take nearly twenty years for the world to agree on the contents of the Covenant.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the most celebrated document in the world; and the Guinness Book of World Records says it is the most translated document; more than 400 translations from Abkhaz to Zulu.

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There were sharp disagreements between the Western capitalist countries and the Soviet Union which had the support of the growing number of Third World states.

The dispute was whether human rights should include socio-economic, cultural rights of people such as the right to work, the right to social welfare and the right to development; or as the West argued, human rights were designed to protect individuals from State violence.

Finally, in order to accommodate the sharp political differences there were two Covenants passed which together are called the Bill of Human Rights. The Covenants are the basis of international human rights law: the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

United States of America did not ratify the Covenants or any major human rights treaties all though the Cold War.

War and Military Interventions: 1948 to 1988: The USA interventions throughout the fifties to eighties were made in the name of curbing and curtailing Communism which it claimed to be a threat to the “free world”.

U.S. troops used a substance known as napalm from about 1965 to 1972 in the Vietnam War; napalm is a mixture of plastic polystyrene, hydrocarbon benzene, and gasoline. This mixture creates a jelly-like substance that, when ignited, sticks to practically anything and burns up to ten minutes. The effects of napalm on the human body are unbearably painful and almost always cause death among its victims.

Throughout the duration of the war, 1965 – 1973, eight million tons of bombs were dropped over Vietnam; this was more than three times the amount used in the Second World War.

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In addition to dropping napalm bombs the USA used Agent Orange, a deadly defoliant, to destroy fields and forests in Vietnam. Agent Orange not only had devastating effects on agriculture but also on people and animals. The Vietnam Red Cross recorded over 4.8 million deaths and 400,000 children born with birth defects due to exposure to Agent Orange.

At home the USA launched the counter-insurgency programme, COINTELPRO by the FBI. FBI agents destroyed Black Panther movement, resistance by Native Americans and even organizations fighting to end the war. One of the most famous prisoners of the time was Angela Davis. A student of Sorbonne University who was released after a worldwide campaign was launched told the FBI undercover agent: Yes I am a communist. And I will not take the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination, because my political beliefs do not incriminate me; they incriminate the Nixons, Agnews and Reagans.”

Burning Naga Villages, Bombing Mizoram: It was during the 1950s and 1960s that India waged her own wars in the North East region of the country in a desperate bid to put down the insurgency by the Nagas and later the Mizos.

Villages were burnt to cinders by the Indian army, women were raped and men tortured for months. Later the Indian Air Force bombed Aizwal in a bid to stop the Mizo National Front from declaring their independence from India.

This was the time the Indian Parliament passed the notorious Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958.

The Communists and the rest of the country were silent on the horrendous human rights violations of Indian citizens. They said that the insurgencies had been instigated by the CIA; even if that were true can combing of one’s own citizens be justified?

In 1975 the Congress Government declared a national Emergency. During that period hundreds of people across the country were

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arrested and jailed; this included opposition party leaders, students, activists and journalists.

In the aftermath of the National Emergency human rights movement in India was born.

Human Rights Discourse: Tool of Imperialism: After the USA lost their war in Vietnam they tried to recover their lost prestige by becoming champions of Human Rights. This was the time when the USA foreign policy linked human rights to foreign aid. The 1974 Foreign Assistance Act was used by the USA to acquire moral high ground by appearing to be champions of human rights while supporting the most brutal and vicious governments; The Reagan Administration supplied the Salvadoran military with billions of dollars worth of security assistance in its attempt to suppress a left-wing insurgency that threatened the brutal military-controlled dictatorship. The result was the deaths of over 80,000 Salvadorans. The imprecise phrase “gross violations” of human rights also allowed the United States executive the opportunity to circumvent U.S. law.

American Presidents, when they want to provide aid to governments that violate human rights, simply determine that the violations do not constitute gross violations. The legislation mandates that the violations must be significant in their impact without determining the level of significance. Arbitrary imprisonment is listed as a gross violation but detention with- out charges for weeks, months or even years are not considered gross because of the relatively brief period of confinement.

Another major limitation of the legislation is “consistent pattern.” Presidents simply fail to find patterns or declare the patterns of human rights violations inconsistent, and, thereby, aid can be granted to abusing countries. For example, Carter found that in the case of Indonesia in 1979 there was not a consistent pattern of human rights violations because there was a plan to someday release the political prisoners. So, in spite of the fact that approximately 100,000 people were murdered

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30,000 were still incarcerated, Indonesia was not denied U.S. security assistance. These human rights violations could all be justified in the name of containing communists and communism.

Structural

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Programmes:

Throughout the 1980s the West tried to manufacture consent among the human rights community that the main cause of human rights violations were the ethnic conflicts within the third world countries. One expert stated: “The fact that nearly all wars after World War II took place in the Third World” but he forgot to mention that these regimes were supported and propped up by the West.

Also a large scale human rights violations were due to the structural adjustment programmes imposed on poor countries by the International Monetary Fund.

According to UNICEF, over 500,000 children under the age of five died each year in Africa and Latin America in the late 1980s as a direct result of the debt crisis and its management under the International Monetary Fund’s structural adjustment programs.

These programs required the abolition of price supports on essential food-stuffs, steep reductions in spending on health, education, and other social services, and increases in taxes. In 1994 many activists formed a coalition against the policies of the World Bank and the IMF on the fiftieth anniversary saying “50 years is enough”.

Terrorism: An Outside Enemy: The War against terrorism did not begin after the attack on the Twin Towers. The USA needed to invent another enemy to replace the communist as the main enemy of freedom and liberty; another threat to democracy, human rights and freedom. That enemy was going to be Islamic terrorist. The invention of this enemy began right from the 1970s. Right back in 1972 the General Assembly of the United Nations set up an Ad Hoc Committee to define terrorism. There was a sharp division between the US and the third world countries on who was a terrorist. The 18

third world leaders refused to call political activists engaged in national liberation wars against foreign occupation as terrorists.

Even though many anti-terrorist law were passed in the USA in the 1990s they did not arrive at a satisfactory definition of terrorism.

The problem was to define who was a terrorist and what is terrorism? After a survey of leading academics the International Institute of Terrorism (founded in 1996, long before the attack on the Twin Towers) discovered there were 109 different definitions of terrorism.

India And The War Against Terror: India also had its own war against terrorism. In 1985 it passed the Terrorism and Disruptive Activities Act. Large scale human rights violations were committed by the police and finally the Act was allowed to lapse in 1995.

On August 24, 1994 Union Minister of State for Home, Rajesh Pilot, told the Parliament: “Of the approximately 67,000 individuals detained since TADA came into force, 8,000 were tried and only 725 persons were convicted. Some 59,509 people had been detained with no case being brought against them. The TADA Review Committees found that except in 5,000 cases the application of TADA was wrong and asked for the withdrawal of cases. Despite the admissibility of the confessions made to the police as evidence – which were invariably made under torture – the conviction rate was less than 1 per cent. Yet, thousands of people underwent prolonged detention without ever being convicted. The maximum numbers of arrests under TADA were not made in Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir or North-east India but in Gujarat, which had no record of terrorism. The majority of the victims belonged to religious minorities.”

The War Against Terror: Human rights community has been alarmed by the lowering of international human rights standards in the name of security legislature in the United States and all over the world. During the two terms of US President Ronald Reagan CIA gave aid worth

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five billion worth of dollars to fund the Afghan war in order to defeat the Russians. In their desire to fight communism they made radical Islam a force which they cannot control.

In the name of democracy and human rights the USA has invaded. A large-scale survey of Iraqi households by UNICEF, published in 2012, estimated that between 800,000 and a million Iraqi children under 18 – or about five percent of Iraqi children – have lost one or both of their parents. As of 2007 more Iraqis had lost their homes and become refugees than the population of any other country. Over 3.9 million people, close to 16 percent of the Iraqi population, have become uprooted. Of these, around 2 million have fled Iraq and flooded other countries, and 1.9 million are estimated to be refugees inside Iraq.

The American soldiers who have been in this war are suffering from mental and physical disabilities; including PTSD and amputations.

The full truth of the horrors of the war against terror would never have been exposed had it not been for a few very brave individuals, journalists and whistle-blowers. For instance, it was WikiLeaks which first exposed in November 2007 how the US had tried its best to control and restrict access of the International Committee for the Red Cross to prisoners, especially those held in solitary confinement. The US military denied that there were certain prisoners who were off-limits to the Red Cross; WikiLeaks exposed the lie. WikiLeaks also exposed the fact that dogs were used to intimidate prisoners.

For the founder of WikiLeaks, Julius Assange himself has been under threat of arrest for revealing government secrets. Like Assange, Edward Snowden risked his life to expose the extent of surveillance being carried out by the USA. He has had to leave his home and country and seek political asylum in another country.

For Edward Snowden and Julius Assange human rights do not offer adequate protection but the right to free speech and the right to privacy are their only legal defence and the basis for a 19

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worldwide campaign for their right to publish.

Human rights law can offer legal protection to individuals but only if they can afford expensive lawyers who are trained to use human rights law in courts which are biased in favour of the government, the rich and the powerful.

Human Rights Today: There are nine million men, women and children languishing in the prisons all over the world. The highest rate of incarceration is in the USA. It is estimated that one of every four Black men in the USA will be in prison at this rate.

Eighty per cent of humanity does not have adequate food to eat. It is estimated there are 30 million slaves in the world and many of these include girls and women who are trafficked.

In India between 1980 and 2010 twelve million girls were aborted. This gender-cide has resulted in 37 million more men in India than women.

The world is not getting any safer; it is still racist and patriarchal; and it is unjust and increasingly conservative and authoritarian.

For these millions of people who go hungry every day, watch their children die of curable diseases because they cannot afford medical expenses; for those who sleep out in the cold Human Rights Day is meaningless. For the millions of men, women and children who are victims of human rights violations the Bill of Rights offers very little solace. They must find other means to resist the occupation of their country by foreign troops, the denial of human rights by their governments and the fight in the unfair international order.

[Nandita Haksar, a human rights lawyer of repute, traces the background to analyse the current violations of human rights under the war on terror being waged by governments of the world.]

Article URL: http://thecitizen.in/NewsDetail.aspx?Id=1661&Fro m/The/Cold/War/to/War/on/Terror

THE RADICAL HUMANIST Current Affairs Section:

JANUARY 2015

Tragedy and Conciliation —Kuldip Nayar was a genuine pain in India over the There mindless killing of schoolchildren at Peshawar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi asked all Indian schoolchildren to maintain a two-minute silence in memory of the lives lost in Pakistan. He readily offered any assistance that India could render to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Such gestures transcend the borders. I wish this atmosphere could sustain between the two countries.

Unfortunately, the civil society in India and Pakistan don’t feel concerned over their youth nourishing enmity towards each other. They, including those from Bangladesh, are the best of friends outside the shores of the subcontinent. But, in their own country, they are always in the midst of schemes to hit the other hard without realizing that hostilities may become inevitable. The Pakistanis often say that once the Kashmir problem is solved both sides will live as friends. I have my doubts. Kashmir, according to me, is a symptom, not the disease.

The disease is their mistrust in each other. Even by some miracle if the Kashmir issue is solved, some other problem will crop up because of the suspicion.

The Indians and the Pakistanis are carrying on their enmity to everywhere they come into contact. It is sad that even cultural events suffer from the same thinking. The Quwals from Pakistan could not sing at the Delhi Press Club, supposed to be liberal. On the other hand, India was ridiculed with obscene gestures by the Pakistani players after defeating India in a hockey match.

The visiting Pakistani MPs not meeting the Lok Sabha Speaker, although the Indian MP who arranged the meeting with the Speaker did not check whether she was free at that time. The Indian MPs should have made amends in some

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other manner but there was no such effort even for the courtesy sake. Such incidents indicate that even after 70 years of partition, the two countries have not settled down to normal courtesies, much less friendship. The future too does not look bright when enmity seems revealing the Hindu identity.

Yesterday it was Sanskrit, the language of Hindu scriptures. Today, it is conversion. The conversion of some Muslims has only downgraded India in the eyes of the world, particularly Pakistan. When the ‘converted’ say that they were coerced into and promised ration card or the BPL card that gives the poor the essentials at a subsided price things seem to be murkier than one would imagine. That fundamentalism is spreading in Pakistan does not surprise me. A state having such blasphemous laws as can kill a liberal Punjab governor with no action against the murderers is lengthening the shadows. It is unfortunate but when even the liberal voices are mute because of consequences, the fanatics are bound to grow in number and in impudence.

The real point of worry is what is happening to India. The country represents a democratic, secular polity and it is respected for this all over the world. Unfortunately, New Delhi is rapidly becoming a goalpost of Hindutva, to the disappointment of the world and to the horror of minorities. What the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Chief Mohan Bhagwat has lamented without any serious challenge that the Hindu raj has returned to India after 800 years is bound to question our secular credentials. I am not surprised that the BJP has enrolled four lakh members in Delhi itself. The Congress which can stall the tide is too embroiled in dynastic politics.

But in the past, the party’s ideology of egalitarianism and pluralism was very much in the forefront, whether Jawaharlal Nehru groomed Indira Gandhi and she, in turn, Rajiv Gandhi. But today even Congress president Sonia Gandhi is seen as the right of the centre, not even the centre.

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India’s politics is too engrossed in personalities.

Today, it is Narendra Modi but not what he stands for. Development is too vague to mean any direction. India should have taken the initiative to develop the region on the whole. But when the ideology is sought to be based on parochialism, it is neither pervasive nor egalitarian in content. The common man feels as much isolated and marginalized as he has been all these years since independence.

The ruling party may have changed at the Centre but the political culture has not. We continue to be feudal in our outlook. This trait transcends other considerations. It does not go well with the democratic temperament. But it is there and has not undergone any perceptible change in the past. Those who come to power become dictators in action. Even when they profess that power is with the people they are using it figuratively and not realistically because they, a very few, serve the country.

Modi has, in the process, buried Nehru’s idea of non-alignment deep. True, the movement has lost its raison d’être, the confrontation between the Communists and the democratic bloc. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990, the Communists lost the cold war. Still the movement had come to represent an idea that small nations should not fear the big ones because of their size or power. Modi is a product of the capitalist world. He has neither the pull of the Nehru era of socialism, nor that of Mahatma Gandhi’s self-sufficiency. Modi, it appears, wants the country to develop, whatever be the means and how big the economy may create a distance between haves and the have-nots.

Aftermath Of Kashmir Polls t was not plebiscite, as the outgoing Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah had cautioned before the polling. Yet the Jammu and Kashmir election very much tilted towards the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which reminded the Valley of autonomy, the kernel of the plebiscite demand.

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The PDP, which has emerged the largest party with 28 seats, said during the election campaign that it would refurbish the state’s identity which, according to it, had been diluted by the ruling National Conference. Perhaps this paid dividends.

Unfortunately, the State which has been an example of secularism for the rest of the country has been somewhat polarized. The PDP won in the Muslim- majority Valley. However, the most blame is that of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP).

It has tried its best to polarise the society. It’s hush-hush campaign that the State’s integration meant little when the Hindus had no say in the affairs of governance. So electrifying has been the result that the party has jumped from 11 seats in the last election in 2008 to 25 seats.

It is obvious that the polarization in the State has changed the complexion. Jammu has become a base of Hindus and the Valley that of Muslims.

Incidentally, the BJP did not get a single seat as predicted by Omar Abdullah, although it has increased the vote.

The problem is not new. By electing the Muslims from the Valley, the Kashmiris enjoy a vicarious satisfaction of being separate from the rest of India. The candidates who sustain this illusion get the support. However, this is nothing new.

The National Conference (NC), founded by Sheikh Abdullah, a popular leader in Kashmir even when it was a princely state, disseminated this idea when the state integrated with India after the lapse of British paramountcy in 1947.

Maharaja Hari Singh, the Hindu ruler had the opinion to stay independent or join either India or Pakistan. He preferred to stay independent.

I have no doubt that Jammu and Kashmir, a Muslim majority state, would have come to Pakistan if it had been patient. The Maharaja declared independence and entered into a standstill agreement with Pakistan. India refused to follow suit because it appeared to harbour some other ideas.

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Impatient Pakistan sent troops followed by the regular forces to take over the Valley by force.

The Maharaja sought India’s military support to ward off the Pakistan onslaught. The then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru refused to extend any help until the State acceded to India.

The Maharaja had no alternative except to signing the instrument of accession. The Indian forces flew to Srinagar at the nick of time because the Pakistani troops were almost in the precinct of airport. Had the Pakistani forces not indulged in looting and delayed their departure from Baramula so as to arrive in Srinagar before the Indian forces, the history of Kashmir would have been different.

Since the integration of Kashmir with India was in the hurried circumstances, although, Sheikh Abdullah was fully behind it. Nehru promised that the wishes of the people would be ascertained after the things had settled down.

That eventuality never came because of changes in the global picture. Pakistan which was claiming Kashmir joined military pacts of the West and accepted weapons from it. Those were the days of the Cold War. The Pakistan’s action was taken as a step towards joining the western bloc.

Nehru said at that time that his promise to ascertain the wishes of the people of Kashmir did not hold good because of the induction of weapons by the West. The Pakistan’s government blames Nehru for going back on his promise but its acceptance of weapons by the Western bloc changed the situation and diluted the Pakistan’s claim.

The choice to join either India or Pakistan held the ground for decades. For some time the Kashmiris have raised the standard of independence (Azadi) a sovereign country of their own. How a land-locked state would keep its freedom intact without reaching an understanding either with India or Pakistan for a passage with the outside world is beyond

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comprehension. Yet azadi is what has swept the Kashmiris off their feet. Pakistan, which was once unequivocally opposed to the proposal, has now shed its objection. Its expectation is that the Azad Kashmir would ultimately join their co-religionist, the Muslims, in Pakistan.

Whatever the twist of history, the fact is that India cannot hand over Kashmir to Pakistan, nor can Pakistan take Kashmir forcibly from India. The two have to reach a peaceful settlement for the betterment of the people and for normalization in the region. They have fought three wars and a mini one at Kargil. Both countries are also nuclear powers. But there is no end of hatred.

No doubt, several futile attempts have been made to sort out the problem. The reason is that Pakistan considers Kashmir an unfinished task of partition while the state has integrated with India legally.

All the formulas and proposals have failed to produce a solution because the parties concerned are not really for an agreement but for the prevalence of their ideas.

The two countries have wasted some sixty seven years in finding a solution to the dispute over Kashmir. Both can waste another 67 years if they do not come down from the pedestal of rigidity on which they continue to sit.

Pakistan has brought in the factor of religion and has made the problem more intractable. The proposal that the Hindu majority Jammu joins India and the Muslim majority Valley Pakistan may reopen the wounds of partition.

There cannot be a one sided solution. There will have to be consensus. There can be a solution on the basis of British Cabinet Mission Plan which envisaged the retention of basic of partition and still kept the India together.

[Kuldip Nayar is a veteran syndicated columnist catering to around 80 newspapers and journals in 14 languages in India & abroad. kuldipnayar09@gmail.com]

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Government Forming In Jammu & Kashmir Demands Statesmanship —Rajindar Sachar he exercise of forming the government in J&K is posing a delicate situation as no single party can form the government on its own. B.J.P. for all its broad developmental propaganda totally failed to make any dent except in Jammu where it got 93% of votes polled as against Kashmir where it got a miserable 4% and Ladakh even where Buddhists are in large numbers its share is only 2.39%.

B.J.P. has got out of total 87 seats 25 seats in Jammu region but nil in Kashmir region. So here is the unfortunate situation where no party has not only got a majority but the two regions of J & K have voted sharply differently. P.D.P. with 28 seats has to have coalition with other parties like National Conference (15) and Congress (12).

But there is too much personality clashes amongst the leaders of these parties to obtain workable solution. That apart, they will be falling over with each other to retain their support in Kashmir valley with the resultant absence of participation from Jammu, the majority Hindu area.

Historically J & K represents the enviable civilization and culture of both Hinduism and Islam for centuries. Which place is so holy and fortunate enough to have the holy strand of Hair of Prophet of Islam and at the same time of Shiv Linga of Hindus which is an occasion for Amar Nath yatra every year, temple dedicated to Shankracharya the greatest exponent of Hinduism. With all this complex situation a workable solution can only be coalition of PDP and B.J.P. (however distasteful for people like me who believe the B.J.P. policy of developmental propaganda is a chimera and its inability to openly condemn the ugly Communal activities of Mohan Bhagwat and his disciples who are bent on spreading communal poison).

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But notwithstanding my personal views, the peculiar circumstances of Kashmir require a special strategy. It is for this purpose that the odd suggestion of B.J.P. / P.D.P coalition in Jammu & Kashmir may be the better solution for avoiding Governors role. In this the personality of PDP leader Mufti Mohammed Sayyad is very important as he has worked with B.J.P. in N.D.A. Government in 1990.

I believe talks are going on between National Conference and B.J.P. with efforts to rope in some independents. But this combination will hurt the sentiments of Kashmir, who have thrown out National Conference. Of course B.J.P. is trying its best at this solution because it hopes that it will get its Chief Minister from Jammu Region, who will inevitably be a Hindu. I believe this scenario is the most dangerous for J & K and will make any permanent solution of J & K impossible. I have no hesitation in saying that both on principle and practical politics Chief Minister of J & K has to be from Kashmir region and a Muslim. This is not communalism but appreciation of ground reality of the historical peculiar situation of J & K. (In similar situation in pre-independence in Punjab General elections 1946, Congress had the largest number in coalition but the Prime Minister (as he was then called in States) was the Muslim Unionist Party leader Khizar Hayhat Khan.) B.J.P. / P.D.P. combine will bring a representative character and will be a source for removing misunderstanding between the two regions. Of course before P.D.P. and B.J.P. can enter into a pact some absolute pre-conditions will have to be accepted by B.J.P. which uptill now with its small partisan politics has made B.J.P. adopt policies which are not permissible under our Constitution, namely abrogation of Article 370.

The result has been its total alienation in the valley. The results clearly show that sentiment still prevails – notwithstanding Modi's repetitive visits to the valley with his trumpet of development programme and the skillful avoiding of mention of Article 370 it still brought

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a zero result in the valley. B.J.P. must understand that the dignity and self respect of the people of valley of Kashmir is tied to the non-abrogation of Article 370. It is not as if Article 370 is the only exception. Article 371 provides for special responsibility of the Governor for establishment of a separate development for Saurashtra and Kutch (in Gujarat) and Vidharba in Maharashtra for equitable allocation of funds for development of the area. No objection by BJP was ever raised even when Modi was the Chief Minister. Article 371G introduced by Constitution (55th Amendment Act 1986) provides that no Act of parliament in respect of ownership and transfer of land shall apply to the State of Mizoram unless the legislative Assembly of State of Mizoram by a resolution so decides. This provision is identical to Article 370 of the constitution regarding J & K. B.J.P. was a party to above amendment. Why does BJP apply double Standard in the case of Muslim majority State of Jammu & Kashmir? It needs to be appreciated that retention of Article 370 is a matter of self respect and honour and assertion of its distinct identity for people of J&K. Can not BJP, even when most Parties in J&K are desirous of finding a lasting solution, be

statesman enough to give up its opposition to Article 370 – which no Kashmiri can possibly agree to abrogate.

It is true that if the communal activity of RSS and allied bodies going ahead with their impetuous activities of Ghar Vapas, the silent collusion with Hindu Maha Sabha of praise of Godse, the murderer of Gandhiji are not strictly suppressed, Modi's efforts at coalition with PDP will be an impossibility.

BJ.P. must consider consequences of J & K not getting genuine elected majority of valley in the Jammu and Kashmir Government. This will spread further disillusionment. Notwithstanding that Army under electoral pressure on B.J.P. was quick enough to admit and take action against its army officers for false encounters. But B.J.P. Central government alone can give confidence to the people of J & K especially of the Kashmir valley that human Right violations by the State or the army will be severely dealt with. This can only be done by the Coalition Government of B.J.P. / P.D.P. Is BJP especially Modi willing to show that statesmanship.

[Justice Rajindar Sachar was Chief Justice, High Court of Delhi and President, PUCL, India. rsachar1@vsnl.net;sachar23@bol.net.in]

Indian Renaissance Institute Board of Trustees Meeting & G.B.M. - 2015 Accommodation and other details for outstation participants: Oasis Guest House, 3 Raja S.C. Mullick Road (Jadavpur, near 8B bus terminus in a by lane besides HDFC Bank, Jadavpur, Kolkata 700 032, West Bengal; phone 09007308949). The Oasis Guest House is booked from 22 January 2015 9 a.m. to 25 January 9 a.m. The charges are Rs 600/ person in a double bed room. Those who want single accommodation in a double bed room should pay an additional charge of Rs 600/day. We are charging Rs 2500 for accommodation for 3 days (22 January- 25 January) and food (from morning tea to dinner) charges for two days (23 and 24 January). Accommodation with limited facilities will be provided at Sri Manoj Dutt’s flat on payment of Rs 200/day. Sri Sisir Chakrabarty (phone number 09831088315) and Sri Ajoy Kumar Chanda (phone number 08697536882) will look after the outstation participants. Outstation participants are requested to pay the necessary charges preferably directly to Savings account number 10959204035 (MICR number 700002078, IFSC code SBIN0000150) State Bank of India, Park Street Branch, Kolkata 700 016 in the name of Indian Radical Humanist Association. After deposit, the photocopy of the payment slip is to be submitted along with the duly filled Registration Form.

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Fascist War Against Humanity —Vidya Bhushan Rawat he slaughtering of over 140 children by the Pakistani Taliban is a grim reminder of how religious rights have no faith in democracy and its order. That they can kill anyone at their own will and the authorities are left to react once they have done their ‘duty’ shows how powerful have they become so far.

Further, this reflects that the war on terror has failed on all account. Just a day before this incident, we saw the infamous Sydney show where a gunman kept hostage so many visitors of the café keeping the authorities guessing his motives and resulting in killings of a few of the hostages. The killing spree of the gangs and thugs in the name of religion continues world-over and it is a matter of great concern as at the end of the day it is the common person who is becoming the victim of their hate mission.

Pakistan’s incident is a sad reminder of the existing situation there and the biggest crisis the nation faces after its birth in 1947. It is true that idea of Pakistan was conceived by those who wanted a political space for Muslims in which a majority including Mohammad Ali Jinnah were secular to their core belief but immediately after the death of the first generational leadership in Pakistan we have witnessed military rule, martial law and anarchy in the street. Still till 1980s, Pakistan had a better economy than India and in many things it was ahead including both our traditional sports of Hockey and Cricket. It produced some of the finest teams. In Hockey it actually replaced India since independence while it was a far better team till 1980s than the Indian cricket team.

The point I want to mention here is that there is no point in discussing whether Pakistan was created rightly or wrongly as we can produce

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argument to prove both the points. As an Indian passport holder, I cannot preach all the time that it was a wrong decision. When you are amidst a political movement, you need to take a decision but which has to discussed years later. For any decision there is no one single situation responsible but a series of events. How can the condition of Muslims, their poverty and marginalization, communal riots not justify partition? Contrary to it, the creation of Bangladesh and continuous killings of innocent Muslims and minorities in Pakistan clearly indicate that as a national state it failed miserably probably because Jinnah never wanted a theocratic Pakistan. He was dreaming for a Pakistan of modern ideas which could provide leadership to Islamic countries like Turkey.

Pakistan today is not of the dreams of Jinnah.

The military dictators killed the constitution and vision of Jinnah and handed it over to Islamic fundamentalists. When the people rose up against the martial law regime the military leaders got legitimacy through Islamisation process in the country. The long presence of Soviet forces in Afghanistan gave a reason to Pakistan’s military regime to extract maximum in terms of money and arms from United States and other Western countries as each one of them was pitched against Soviet supported Babarak Karamal and Nazibullah governments there. It is ironical how the ‘biggest’ and ‘best’ ‘democracies’ in the world use religious rights to fight against communists, Americans needed ‘religious rights’ and hence creation of Taliban to counter. The dictator Zia ul Haq found it absolutely useful to fulfill his agenda of ruling Pakistan through Islamisation process which again provided his regime a legitimacy.

Pakistan, meanwhile, kept contesting upon the best form of Constitution that should be used to run the government. In less than sixty years of its independence, it reflected pathetically on the political leadership how they virtually created extra-constitutional forces to counter the

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opponents and legitimize themselves. Zia ruthlessly went ahead ignoring international protest by hanging his opponent Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Pakistan slowly slipped into Islamic anarchy. Apostasy became the biggest weapon in the hands of the Islamic fanatics to threaten all those who tried to reason with people politically. Minorities were hounded and threatened for speaking their voices and believing in their faith. Zia’s Islamic assailants were up in the street to threaten them most of the time. Blasphemy law was the best way to target them, grab their properties and convert them to Islam.

Zia’s death resulted in forces of democracy gaining ground with Benazir Bhutto becoming the prime minister. Internal fight for power among the political parties always strengthened the army which continues to use Taliban and Kashmiri militants as the trump card against the opponents. It is a well-known secret that the entire Kargil operation was done by General Parvez Musharraf without even providing any information to his Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

Though Musharraf was a ‘forward looking’ general yet he did play different games to compete with political parties. He was forced to retire from Pakistan and political process brought Nawaz Sharif back to the country from his long exile in Saudi Arabia. Asif Ali Zardari who was the president now has to pave the way for new Muslim League government which gave lots of hope but soon the entire hopes evaporated. Pakistan is in deep turmoil now and if things are not brought under control now the dirt might spill beyond its boundaries.

Those who justified Islamisation process of Pakistan did not understand that it would turn the tables on them. That initially the entire process actually eliminated the religious minorities and their politics. Later, it claimed Ahmedis who the Islamists said were not Muslims at all and had no right to read Quran and enter into the mosques. The number of Hazaras or Shias killed in terrorist violence in

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Pakistan is exorbitantly high. Pakistan today is facing the biggest crisis and it is the creation of its state apparatus which suffered from the ‘power’ of a ‘Hindustan’. We did not call it Hindustan as officially India is called Bharat but Pakistani Muslim leadership in their attempt to justify the creation of a Islamic state always termed India as ‘Hindustan’, a term which is now being used by the Sangh Parivar and its propagated media in high decibel. They also narrate similar stories of victimization in partition and claim that since Muslims got Pakistan, Hindustan must be for Hindus.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah was the champion of a secular society, for whom the problem of Hindus and Muslims was not cultural but political in nature and therefore immediately after independence he talked of a Pakistan which could be owned by everyone irrespective of their faiths but then when you promote to a wrong idea, it will only create a wrong precedence.

Pakistan’s successive regimes used the religious thugs for their political purposes and the result today is that the state is feeling helpless in front of them. Whether it is Hafiz Sayeed or anyone else, Pakistan cannot watch helplessly and allow them to spew venom against India but then we have our own Hafiz Sayeds. In democracy, they say, the ultimate judge is the people and hence if people have elected them, hence we will have to listen to them and consider their ‘opinion’ as important.

It is good that Indian Prime Minister offered his condolences to victims of Peshawar massacre of children. The gesture of schools mourning was great along with showing of solidarity by Indian Parliament but it is time we need to ponder. After the slaughtering of these innocent children in Lahore, Indians are in ‘preaching’ mood. Every channel is ‘guiding’ Pakistan to adopt ‘war against terror’. Unfortunately all of them keep quiet when similar things happen in India.

Pakistan’s extra-constitutional apparatus is a fodder for right-wingers here in India who are also bulldozing our constitution and threatening

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peace. There is no difference between a Muzahid leader speaking in Pakistan and spewing venom and the Shiv Sena leader on a Hindutva loudspeaker speaking the same way. After this government came to power these loudspeakers are roaring and have become louder.

Pakistan is paying the price of the flirtations of its leaders and military regimes with the religious rights. India, on the other hand, was fortunate enough that immediately after independence its leadership understood this and opted for a secular India. Democracy may have lots of follies and we complain about them still people have got that small window to use their right which the theocracies and military regimes do not offer. Theocracies result in fascist tendencies.

India and Pakistan opted for political democratic models but without challenging the existing social norms. It would not be possible for political democracy to succeed in environment and culture of theocracy that push towards majoritarian tendencies and consider every minority as a ‘dissent’ and every dissent as a ‘threat’ to the country. While we grew as a political democracy we did not really mature into it as our political parties did not have power to sideline the religious rights. We too started appeasing the religious rights and ignoring the dangers of majoritarian communalism.

World-over, minorities suffer from identity crisis but in our societies the majorities always believed that minorities are gaining at their cost.

South Asia is suffering from that and each community has to act responsibly because a majority community in Pakistan may be a minority in India or elsewhere and similarly a majority community in India is a minority elsewhere. Whatever we do to our minorities it lays its impact upon their psyche elsewhere resulting in deep-rooted prejudices as well as threats of intimidations.

South Asia has to grow and develop its secular democratic process. The imposition of religious values and religion by state is dangerous. Can we imagine a South Asia with common text

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books, common history books and common books on social studies? Is it possible? It should be made possible if we want to make our children better human beings and not through religious agendas of our particular sects. Yes, a common thread could be the humanist principles which promote reason and call a spade a spade. We all know that although all religions in the world talk of common brotherhood (obviously none talk of sisterhood) and despite the ‘greatness’ of all the religions we could not save ourselves from holocausts and killings of innocents. How can we justify an Islamic nation if we oppose a Hindu Rastra? If we oppose a Buddhist nation, we cannot support a Christian theocracy. For every theocracy the minorities are the biggest obstacles in their long term agenda. Theocratic ideas are nothing but fascist ideas and that is why these days it is not just the state but its tame surrendering to extra constitutional forces which is giving rise to fascist elements in our countries.

If Pakistan is feeling helpless about Hafiz Sayed then we too do not have a great record. All those who are roaring and crying to finish Christianity and Islam from India are roaming free in the country. It is this tendency of majoritarianism that gives rise to intimidation and threat to minorities and their dissent. Such tendencies often hijack the democratic processes and put the society into the hands of religious norms and traditions which aren't compatible with modern ideas. Thus, they will speak against girls’ education. They will speak against love marriages. And, they will hate everything that is modern which they will term as ‘westernization’ while simultaneously, enjoying everything that the western societies have produced (their technologies and goods). Culture becomes a handle for them to beat the opponents. If we compare these fascists in India and Pakistan, we can find much commonality among them. They threaten the minorities with dire consequences.

They justify violence against women and they misuse the vulnerability of the state apparatus.

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India and Pakistan can learn a lot from their miserable failures. It is not a time for preaching.

It is time to act. Promote secular liberal values in your lives. Promote that kind of polity and encourage people to people contact. As long as we support violence in the name of religion, we will not succeed. Pakistan and India should focus on their poor, on their women and work towards removing those hurdles which are the bane for our society. We must work for a secular Pakistan in the very similar way as I say; we must strengthen a secular India. How great would it be when the polities in both the countries are secular and children learn common history and

culture. Weakening of secular forces in our countries has already harmed our societies a lot and if we wish our children should peacefully grow, it is time, we must work upon secular humanist societies otherwise the religious fascists are ready to kill you anytime without having any remorse and remember they always have a book to justify their mindless violence.

[Vidya Bhushan Rawat is a social activist, human rights activist, anti-caste worker, & works against manual scavenging. He is the founder of Social Development Foundation. www.manukhsi.blogspot.com; www.thesdf.org]

An Appeal to the Readers Indian Renaissance Institute has been receiving regular requests from readers, research scholars, Rationalists and Radical Humanists for complete sets of books written by M.N. Roy. It was not possible to fulfil their demands as most of Roy's writings are out of print. IRI has now decided to publish them but will need financial assistance from friends and well-wishers as the expenses will be enormous running into lakhs. IRI being a non-profit organization will not be able to meet the entire expenses on its own. Initially, following 15 books have been ordered for print: New Humanism; Beyond Communism; Politics, Power and Parties; Historical Role of Islam; India’s Message; Men I Met; New Orientation; Materialism; Science & Philosophy; Revolution and Counter-revolution in China; India in Transition; Reason, Romanticism and Revolution; Russian Revolution; Selected Works-Four Volumes; Memoirs (Covers period1915-1923).

Cheques /bank drafts may be sent in the name of ‘Indian Renaissance Institute’ at (address): Shri Narottam Vyas, Advocate, Chamber No.111 (Old), Supreme Court, New Delhi-110001 Online donations may be sent to: ‘Indian Renaissance Institute’ Account No: 02070100005296; FISC Code: UCBA0000207 UCO Bank, Supreme Court Branch, New Delhi (India) We make an earnest appeal to you to please donate liberally for the cause of the spirit of renaissance and scientific thinking being promoted in the writings of M.N. Roy. Thanking you.

IRI Executive Body: Subhankar Ray, Officiating President

N.D. Pancholi, Secretary

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Narottam Vyas, Treasurer

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The Controversy over Religious Conversions —Katangoori Pratap Reddy is unfortunate that new set of Itcontroversies on religious conversions are emerging in various parts of the country. It is a matter of shame that, while the whole world is advancing towards intellectual, scientific and technological growth taking human evolution to celestial levels, some sections of our society and more particularly those belonging to the majority, are indulging in such controversies tending to lead the society and the country into medieval period which would adversely affect our constitutional goal of integrity of our nation.

I am sure this malady is really being felt by the intellectuals of our civil society, and they are already thinking of some remedy to eradicate this problem.

It cannot be denied that in all efforts of finding a solution to a trouble, it is always necessary to go into the origin, or cause of the adversity. In such process of tracing the origin or causes of the present predicament, we inevitably come down to the deplorably inhuman caste system reaching the lowest level of the mal-practice of ‘untouchability’ existing in the Hindu Religion.

We all know the horrible past conditions of our untouchable (also known as Panchamas) brethren. They were driven to live in separate habitats and deprived of all civic rights. They were forced to live on the carcasses of dead animals. Even if they came to the main village of upper castes to attend to menial work of the latter, they were forced to come with a Jhadu (sweep stick) tied to their back in order to satisfy the inhumanly whimsical belief that the path trodden by these untouchables (panchamas) was cleansed while walking by them by means of the Jhadus tied to their backs. This is but one of the many inhumanly uncivilized treatments that our panchamas (untouchable) brothers were subjected to by the upper class (Brahminical) members of the Hindu Religion.

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Now, let us have a glimpse into the historical advent of Christianity and Islam into our country.

While the Portuguese, Dutch and English Tradesmen came into India in the 17th century, the Christian missionary led by Saint Thomas, bringing the message of equality and brotherhood of Jesus Christ had come into India in 52 AD itself. Likewise, while the so-called Islamic rule was established in the 13th century, Arab traders came into India in the 6th & 7th centuries bringing the message of equality, justice and compassion of Prophet Mohammed.

Jawaharlal Nehru in his celebrated book “The Discovery of India” in Chapter VI, Page No.244 referring to the growth of Hindu-Muslim culture and Indo-Arab relationships wrote as follows: I quote: “There were no invasions, contacts between India and Arab world grew, by travel to and fro, embassies were exchanged…

“These trade and cultural relations were not confined to North India. The southern states of India also participated in them, especially the Rashtrakutas, on the west coast of India….

“This frequent intercourse inevitably led to Indians getting to know the new Religion, Islam.

Missionaries also came to spread this new faith and they were welcomed, mosques were built…………………

“There was no objection raised either by the State or by the people, nor were there any religions conflicts. It was the old tradition of India to be tolerant to all faiths and forms of worship. Thus Islam came as a religion to India several centuries before it came as a political force”.

It must be understood that our oppressed untouchable (panchama) brothers were attracted to the preaching of message of equality and humanity spread by Christian and Islamic missionaries and adopted the religions where they were given equal treatment; either by Christians or Muslims, as the case might be. It might be true that the Christian missionaries

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have given to our erstwhile untouchables (panchama brethren) free education, shelter but it is no true to say that the conversion was by use of force. This is a totally ignorant assertion by our “Sangh Pariwar” groups. As stated above, while the Islamic state or Islamic rule, as the case maybe, came into India in the 13th century, the English rule came into India through the East India Company in the 18th century and directly in the middle of the 19th century. It must be realized by our Sangh Pariwar brethren that the conversions of our erstwhile untouchable (panchama) brethren into either Christianity or Islam were much earlier to the establishment of either Islamic rule or the British rule.

One other aspect, our Sangh Pariwar brethren, who are involving in this present controversy of reconversion, must realize that the conversions of Hinduism into either Christianity or Islam were only from the oppressed members of Hindu religion who were subjected to inhuman and humiliating treatment by the upper class (Brahminical) members of Hindu religion. It is sometimes claimed that some Muslim kings also converted some Brahmans by force but at the same time the very same Brahmans and other upper class Hindus claimed that they got themselves converted by the process of Shuddhi.

One other aspect of this process of “reconversion” (being called “ghar vapasi”) is to what caste these “ghar vapasi” people will be added. Will they once again be added to the same “pancham” community or will they be given a higher status as Brahmins, Kshatriyas or Vaishyas, in as much as the caste system is not

only continuing but taking stronger roots in the country in the socio-political context of the reservation of seats in Parliament, assemblies, panchayat raj, employment and educational fields.

It was in this context, the great saints like Swamy Dayananda Saraswati and Guru Nanak in the west and north, Ramakrishna Paramahansa in the East and social reformers like Narayan guru, Sane guru, Basaveshwar, Subramanya Bharati and Gurujada Appa Rao, Unnava Lakshmi Narayan, in the south struggled all their lives for the abolition of castes.

The Father of the Nation “Mahatma Gandhi” along with his struggle for independence of India from foreign rule campaigned for abolition of untouchability many times undertaking “Fast unto Death”. In spite of such movements the caste system and the ill-practice of untouchability 9recognised now by the name of “Schedule Castes” is still existing. Even constitutional mandate against them has not much helped.

My humble request to our “Sangh Pariwar” brothers is first to undertake a campaign with a missionary zeal to abolish the abominable caste system still prevailing in the Hindu society and not to indulge in politicization of this heterogeneous caste system in the majority community of the Indian polity.

[K. Prathap Reddy is senior advocate at High Court of Andhra Pradesh. He is the Chairman of A.V. Education Society, Andhra Mahila Abyudaya Samiti and the President of Vigil India Movement; reddyk_pratap@yahoo.co.in 91-9848055502]

"The difference between reason and romanticism is that one perceives what is necessary and therefore possible, whereas the other declares impetuously what is desirable, what should be done. Is the idea of revolution, then, irrational?Is there no room for reason in the scheme of revolutionary practice? There must be, if revolutions take place of necessity. Romanticism tempered with reason, and rationalism enlivened by the romantic spirit of adventure, pave the road to successful revolutions" —M.N. Roy Reason, Romanticism and Revolution, Vol. I, pp. 14-15

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The Last Crusade?

—Ajit Bhattacharyya o quote M.N. Roy, “The scientific mode of thought having driven religion from pillar to post, over a period of several centuries is meeting the final assault of the vanquished adversary” But how comes the final assault? It got the start after long hibernation through the clumsy partitions of India and the Palestine.

We must look into the recent reported news that political parties, Govt. agencies, the insurgents and the business interest groups are keeping insurgency alive in the North East and the Maoist affected areas as it ensures easy Govt. funds, private taxes and kidnap extractions. It is to be remembered that there are so many private arms dealers who have no scruples in selling small and heavy weapons to the insurgents.

Govts world over do the same free of cost, not so infrequently.

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The alleged policy of the British rulers to keep the Durand Line as a living firing range for the practice of its armies seems to be inherited.

Finally there is the alleged U.S. policy to update their non nuclear weaponry by experimenting on far off countries. All these have become common practices with many countries. But who are the cannon fodders? It is the common people from the 1st Crusade launched in 1095 AD. Poor people from both sides trying to escape from hardship both in medieval and present day life in an armed pilgrimage leading for the first time to Apotheosis at Jerusalem and now to heaven becoming a “shaheed” for religion or for the country.

Religious hinterland is ever present in all countries, hidden though in some areas.

Secularism is the real antidote. But exploiting it for political purpose is counter productive.

[Ajit Bhattacharyya is a veteran Radical Humanist from West Bengal bajitrh@gmail.com]

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Chunikaka – A Source Of Inspiration In The Fight Against Injustice!

—Gautam Thaker A towering personality of constructive activities and conflict resolution!

(1918-2014) [Chunibhai Vaidya was a leading Gandhian and Sarvodaya Leader of Gujarat. He passed away on 19-12-2014 at Ahmadabad.] the passing away of Chunibhai With Vaidhya who constantly fought against injustice, public life of Gujarat will feel a sense of vacuum. Public well being and issues facing the common men remained his prime and constant concerns all through his life. He never feared any one in his resistance against injustice.

Issues like prohibition, farmers’ agitation, 1975 emergency days, Narmada Movement etc. were the camping ground for his lifelong battles. He played a leading role in all the fights concerning the issues of water, lands and forests. After the carnage of the year 2002, he had played an important role in bringing back communal harmony and tranquility. He fearlessly fought legal battle against press censorship of 1975

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through the channel and medium of Bhumiputra. (Fortnightly magazine) But, passing away of a person such as Chunikaka who used to stake or risk his life for the issues concerning interests of public at large, is not going to discourage, our ideology and activism in any way. The stature of this person was so hugely resourceful that we wondered in which major movements or issues not to associate him. Chunikaka was intimately associated with all different groups battling against injustice and for the cause of public well being. Having had the opportunity of closely working with him during last five decades, it has become possible to know about his nature and ideology from close quarter.

In the first place, before our eyes, emerges the scene of emergency days of 1975. Against the press censorship, Chunikaka waged fearless battle against unilateralism or authoritarianism through the means and medium of “Bhumiputra”. When the censorship officer issued notice against the news being published in the “Bhumiputra”, then as a young worker, I played the role of a postman for the advocate Chandrakant Daru and Chunikaka. During that spell of emergency “Bhumiputra’s” role was unique. The High Court of Gujarat issued necessary orders against the censorship but declared it ultra vires. As a result, advocate Chandrakant Daru and Chunikaka, as an editor of “Bhumiputra”, were sentenced to jail. In that period even during the conversation he did not express a word of any kind of fear or danger.

Similarly, after the crisis of emergency, when I had an opportunity to closely work with him during Narmada Movement his view point was very clear that arrangements for irrigation and drinking water must be ensured for the people of North Gujarat, Saurashtra and Kutch.

Simultaneously, he was equally vocal and supporting for rehabilitation of affected Adivasi population. During the Ferkuva agitation, Chunikaka had very politely tried to convince Baba Amte about needs of drinking and

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irrigation waters. Now-a-days, when the Gujarat Government started allocating Narmada waters for industrial use, it caused grievous pain in his mind. We are the eye witness of both these movements spearheaded by Chunikaka, with massive public involvement.

He had raised public furor all over Gujarat, on the issue of peoples or collective ownership of waters, lands and forests. He firmly and clearly believed that waters, lands and forests rightfully belong to the people and Government cannot have any say or stake in that. Due to this, obviously, involvement of Chunikaka had become indispensable in the farmers’ agitation.

He firmly convinced his above view point, to the farmers, during his tours and meetings in most of the villages of Gujarat. Even at the age of 95 he had provided guidance, like a young man, in the matters of Nirma Movement or agitation against Bahucharaji SIR (Special Industrial Region). Attracted or inspired by Chunikaka, farm labourers and the farmers immediately responded to his call. He provided effective guidance to the farmers of Gujarat by mingling with their life style and living conditions. ‘Waters and Lands are ours and not owned by the Government.’ Surplus lands should be allocated among the poor. He raised voice against the grazing land being wrongfully grabbed by the Special Economic Zone. All through his life he

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made attempts to see to it that natural resources are conserved and that local population should maintain the forests while subsisting on it for their livelihood.

Lately, when I happened to meet kaka, at his hospital bed (He was 97 Years), I uttered ‘Kaka, you have to beat a century’, upon which, like a stalwart, Chunikaka quickly retorted “if we make a sum total of our relationship then it will definitely work out to a ‘century”. Even at his hospital bed, he insisted on us to share a cup of tea, as though posing for his last photograph.

It is indeed very difficult whether to call Chunikaka a farmers’ leader or a leader spearheading movements for prohibition or Narmada, or as a person dedicated to the cause of waters, lands and forests. Whenever the agitationists felt that they were ‘hurt’, they immediately rushed to Chunikaka for ‘dressing’.

After his passing away, where shall we turn to for ‘dressing’? Whom would we approach for guidance?

By recalling the memory of his direct help and co-operation till his last breath, in our five decade long public life, we pay our heartfelt homage to Chunnikaka!

[Gautam Thaker is Gen. Secretary, PUCL, IRHA, Gujarat, Mob. 09825382556, gthaker1946@gmail.com]

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THE RADICAL HUMANIST

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Mrs. Ellen Roy —Jawaharlal Jasthi Continued from the last issue.....

The Impossible Happened: was a German by Thebirth.fatherButof heEllenacquired American citizenship and settled in America. Her mother was a German. She herself was born in Paris while her father was working there. She had her elementary education there. Because of the transfer of her father, her subsequent education was in Germany. According to law and according to her passport, she was an American. But she never stepped on to that continent, except once in 1955 after the death of her Indian husband Roy. Wherever she went she was considered a foreigner. In her view all the countries were her countries equally.

When she was studying in Germany, there were Germans and Americans among her friends.

Naturally the German culture was more obvious.

She noticed some difference in the values prevailing there from what she observed through her experiences. When America entered the First World War all the American citizens were herded to Switzerland. She felt offended that they were not treated with dignity. (But later at the time of Second World War, America also did the same with the Japanese). She never had to face any adversity in her school by virtue of being an American. In spite of her special talents, her friends never treated her differently.

There were competitions conducted in the school during the war time. The competitions were intended to train the students to show respect to the soldiers and offer them gifts.

Songs were written to that effect. Ellen too wrote some songs that earned prizes. Her drawings merited a special show. That was amazing to some of her friends since the war was against America to which she belonged. By that time Ellen was not aware of what the war was. Her mother was a German. She too detested war not

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because it was against France or America. For her war itself was an undesirable venture. Ellen too used to feel something bad about it.

Germany introduced some reforms in the education system after the First World War. Student associations were formed in classes.

Ellen used to participate actively in it. She used to argue that science must be given prominent place in the syllabus as against religious matters. People with such ideas were derided as communists and called “commus”. Ellen knew that the derisive word refers to communists, but she did not know what communism was. When she was herself blamed as a communist, she decided to know what it meant. She made a deep study of it. Instead of repulsion she got attracted to it. The ideas of international outlook ignoring the borders of countries impressed her very much. In addition, she also fell for the demand for equality and antireligious teachings of communism. It had become her ideal.

Later when she left the safety of her home on differences with her father, she felt the need to erase the borders between countries at every step. At every stage police asked her for her passport and visa to stay in Germany which were not required when she stayed with her family.

When she approached the American Consulate for extension of her passport they asked her why she was staying in Germany and why she did not go back to her native America. When she asked the German authorities for a visa to stay in Germany, they asked her why she wants to stay in Germany. She had to give answers as they required. Strictly speaking, she had no work anywhere and had no country of her own. It was enough for her if she was allowed to stay where she was and allowed to have her own way of life.

She spent her time in self-education, in odd jobs and with friends. If anybody asked her to which country she belonged, she had to think about it.

Is it necessary that everybody should belong to some country? One of the developments in Germany was gradual decline in international outlook and preponderance of nationalism. A

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sort of antagonism developed against foreigners. An international conference was held on behalf of Green International Peasants. It was permitted by the government. Even then, the police invaded the premises when the conference was going on and snatched the passports of all those who were present there.

Ellen too lost her passport then. She found a man sitting in a corner. She expected him to be in the same condition as herself. She just enquired whether the police took his passport also. He immediately took out his passport, tore it to pieces and tried to chew it. It was his passport of Poland which was an enemy country for Germany. It might have been trouble for him if he was caught with it. Somehow he escaped.

But when she enquired about it, he felt that she might be an agent of the government and tried to destroy the evidence against himself. (It reminds one about the joke on Stalin regime.

When a group of persons were chatting, a man appeared and asked whether they liked Stalin.

One of them took him aside and whispered in his ears that he loved Stalin very much. What does it indicate?)

After some time police returned the passport of Ellen. But she could not get a visa to stay in Germany. Even without that she stayed there for about three years. After Hitler came to power there was further deterioration in the situation.

Instead of asking ‘why you are here?’ they were asking ‘why don’t you go away?’ When she made an application for visa, it attracted vigil over her and her residence. The other people residing in the complex also suffered. It had become a ghost house. Ellen felt confident that no one would dare to enter the house and her belongings would be safe there.

It took a long time for her to get the passport extended. Meanwhile it had become a problem to escape from the German police. She decided to go to France. There was a French Consulate in Berlin. If one wanted to get a visa to enter France, one had to give her passport there. It would take time – a long time – to know the fate

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of the request. Meanwhile one had to stay without a passport and could even be arrested. If you wanted a visa for a short period, it could be easy. But Ellen needed it for a long stay. So it takes a long time to be processed. A fee also was payable on the application. But she was anxious to leave Germany at the earliest. If she just entered into France, she would think of the consequences later, she thought. After all, it was the country that she was born in. Thus after the passport was extended, she entered France and went to Paris. She tried to regularize her stay there and settle in some job. When she approached the police department, she found it a hell. It was crowded with Jews who left Germany and anxious to get permission to stay in France. Nobody was sure whether he would get it or not and if he got it when it would be. She noticed that there were unusually frequent shake hands and realized there was some significance in each of them. Immediately after the shake hand the person was getting the visa.

Nobody was willing to leave France. She stayed in Paris for two years without residence permit.

Then she received a notice demanding she leave the country. She pocketed the notice and spent another two years. Meanwhile there was an agreement between France and Russia. The concerned Russian officers knew her while she was in Berlin. They felt it better to have her services to strengthen the relations between the two countries. Official arrangements were made for her stay in France.

All this experience left an indelible impression on Ellen. Why are these borders between the countries? What is this drama of passports and visas? Why should anybody give permission to anybody to stay anywhere? She recalled of what she knew about the communist philosophy. It brought her nearer to that party. She remembered many of her friends did not have a passport or visa. She decided to help them. It was just in her nature. Even when she was staying against law, she was able to get her food somehow and she never starved for want of

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food. It was because of her friends and she could not afford to ignore them now. While doing her odd jobs she was helpful to Prof. Rudolf Older in finalizing his books “Brown Book Against Nazism” and “White Book of Pogroms in Germany” These books were published later by the League of Nations. A ship carrying children was drowned by the Germans. Prof. Older also was drowned along with the children.

She used to cook in the old age homes. Many of her friends used to gather in her room every day.

They consisted of workers, poets and writers, all anti-Nazis. The food she had she shared with all of them. Some people were jealous as she had an American passport as it carried some privileges with it. But she did not have any use of those privileges as she never availed them.

When she approached the American Consul for extension of passport, the officer there asked her “Why don’t you go to America?” “Is there a dearth of unemployed people there?” she asked her “Here I am filling my belly somehow. What shall I do going there?” Her passport was extended.

Before coming to India she went to the American Consulate for extension of passport. The lady officer there asked her why she wants it. She replied “I want to go to India and get married there”. The officer then told her that she will never get her passport extended on that ground because American citizens are not allowed to marry Hindus. She advised Ellen to give some other cause. Then Ellen told her that she wants extension of visa as she wants to visit Eastern countries before settling in America. Extension was granted. After coming to India and getting

married, she came to live an the fourth country which she could claim as her own. There was no more need for passports and visas. Even if she looked a foreigner, she believed India was her country. “I am just like you. If I am imprisoned, no consul would come to my rescue. I am not thinking of any other home for me” she declared. After that somebody stole her hand bag containing her passport. With that she lost her umbilical cord with America. Even then America considered her an American citizen till her death.

A police officer in India approached her telling her to get registered as a foreigner. She told him she had no papers proving that she was a foreigner. If at all she had to be considered a foreigner she would be an American and as it was a friendly country, it would not be necessary to get registered. The officer felt satisfied and left. That was how she loved India. In return, what did India give her?

By December, 1944 France was free from German occupation. Both were her countries in one sense. That is, for her, one native country got relieved from another native country. If the native country Germany had to get freedom, it had to be defeated in the war by another native country. Then what was the meaning of countries and borders? Ellen had a wish that someday she would have an opportunity to visit all her native countries and renew her acquaintances. It was one of her unfulfilled ambitions. ............to be continued.

[J.L. Jawahar is a veteran Radical Humanist and Rationalist, writer and author from Hyderabad, A.P. jjasthi@yahoo.com]

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— Rekha Saraswat

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THE RADICAL HUMANIST JANUARY 2015 Research Scholars' & Academicians' auspicious time for the next three months.”

“Why?” “Look. She can’t come here in the month Section:

Astrology —Chandrahas [Following is the English version of Prof J. L Reddy's Purana Pralapam.

Mr. Chandrahas, Retd. Commissioner of Income Tax has translated a major portion of Purana Pralapam into English. The original book by the name of Khattar Kaka was written by late Hari Mohan Jha of Patna University and it was received well in Hindi world. It was also translated in Telugu by Prof Lakshmi Reddi.

Sent by N. Innaiah] day the astrologer was studying the That almanac. Then Uncle suddenly came there. When the astrologer saw him, he was in trepidation and began to pack up the almanac and his other belongings. Uncle accosted him, “What are you studying, my dear astrologer?”

“The newly-wed bride is still at her mother’s place. Looking for the auspicious day for her to come here,” the astrologer said. “She can come here whenever she wishes. Why do you take so much trouble to fix it?” “She has to commence her journey on an auspicious day, shouldn’t she?” “True. She should not commence her journey on a bad day such as when there is a cyclone. Isn’t that all that’s there to it?”

“There isn’t a single good day this month,” the astrologer said.“Why not? This month has all the thirty days.” “But the time is moving in the easterly direction, isn’t it?” “Don’t tell me those devious things. Is time a bull left to roam freely in the village to say that it has gone to graze in the open field in the east? Time always stays where it ought to be.” “You don’t believe in science. Now the sun travels from the west to the east.”

“So what? What’s the bride’s mistake in that that you don’t permit her to come to her in-law’s home?” “What do you want me to do? There’s no 37

of Pushya.” “Why?” “This month is not auspicious.” “What sin has Pushya month committed?” “How can anyone argue with you?

In Magha and Falguna months time reverses its path. In Chaitra, moon will not be beneficial.”

“God himself is against these people. That’s why they are asking you to fix a good day. O! Master, what do you mean when you say time is reversing in Falguna and the moon is not favourably disposed of in Chaitra?” “Then, Bhadra month (astrologically not auspicious) will arrive,” said the astrologer.

“You are the most inauspicious Bhadra, I say.

Ask me instead. I’ll fix today as the auspicious day,” Uncle said. “How’s that possible? Today is Monday. And it is prescribed that you have to give up travelling in the easterly direction on Monday,” the astrologer said. “Why? Are there any nails in the path or what?” Uncle said. “You speak like an atheist. ‘Travel to the east is proscribed on Saturday and Monday.’” “Why? Tell me then how would the train from Delhi to Howrah run today? In fact, the whole earth itself rotates from the west to the east. How?” “Wise people travel when the celestial constellation is beneficial to them,” the astrologer said. “If travelling in the direction of strength causes rain of laddus (sweet balls), then I’ll travel everyday in that direction. I travel everyday in every direction. Where there is a proscription, nails didn’t hurt me. Nor did it rain flowers when there was no problem with the day.”

“Do you mean to say the directional problem is all humbug?” “The problem that you are talking about is nothing but the thorn in your eye.”

“What about the problem with the particular days? Is that also humbug?” “Yes. Why is that there no such problem in other countries? We are the worst fools, aren’t we?” “If you ignore science, what can be said? But take a look at ‘Muhurta Chintamani’…” Uncle snapped at him.

“Not Muhurta Chintamani’ but ‘Dhurta

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Chintamani’. Self serving people like you have trapped everyone in the great vicious circle of auspicious moments. Muhurtam for every damn thing. Time for the king to perform abhishekam, for the army, horses and the elephants to march, soldier to wear the armoury, merchant for purchase and sale, money-lender to grant loans, washerman to wash clothes, dancer to start the dance. What is this but sheer humbug? The farmers have been caught in the web of muhurtam for everything - for ploughing, seeding, transplantation and harvest.

You have a geater grip on the women’s hair.

When should they tie the hair into a bun? When should the fire be lit? When should they bathe?

When should the children be breast-fed?”

Uncle observed the expression of surprise on my face and said, “I’m not saying this for fun. The astrologers have attained great control over the women’s breast-feeding also. Even the child who suckles is not spared by the astrologers. If you don’t trust me, listen to this – ‘…’ (Daivajna Vallabha) ‘It is good to breast-feed the child on all days except Chaturthi and Tuesday.’ “Arey!

What’s this madness? Why should Mangala planet be annoyed and cause harm if a woman feeds her new born child on Tuesday? Why should it have enmity with her feeding her child?” “Uncle, probably the planets and the stars do have an effect and that’s the reason for such discussion on time.”

“Arey! Time is the cause of our ruin. Time at home and outside. Time for the field. Birth time.

Time for death. Time for marriage. Surely no emperor or king would have had more fuss and pomp than the emperor of time. ‘He will destroy if annoyed.’ This fear has made cowards of people. Muhurth for marriage, muhurth for nuptials and muhurth for house warming. This is not all. There’s muhurth for conception too.

What is this if not extreme foolishness?”

“Uncle! I’m sure you are saying this for fun. How could anyone consult the almanac for conceiving?” “Arey! You don’t seem to believe this! You are innocent. What do you know?

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Listen to this relating to the time for conceiving – ‘…’ ‘There’s no permit for conception on shasti, ashtamai, full moon day, no moon day, chavithi and chaturdasi. There’s permit for this activity only on Monday, Wednesday and Friday.’ Answer this: Will the moon be eclipsed or will the sky break up if the bride and bride groom come together on the pleasant full moon night? And if the couple do so on Sunday, will the horses of the Sun’s chariot be frightened or the wheel be broken?

Why should the astrologers, like the self existent beings, like the flies in the ointment, poke their noses in everything as if it is their personal matter? Why do they interfere like the scorpions in the affair of the couple? Why should they come like this, uninvited?”

“Uncle, don’t you have faith in astrology?” “Arey!

If astrology was true, I should have died two thousand times by now.” “How, Uncle?” “This is what is said in astrology- ‘Trouble is round the corner if oil is applied on Sunday. Monday it’ll enure brightness; Tuesday, death; Wednesday, money; Thursday, penury and Saturday, comfort. In these, only the astrologer should tell what the relationship between the cause and the effect is. For the last fifty years I have been applying oil everyday. In these years, there must have been more than two thousand five hundred Tuesdays. Yet I’m alive. Now tell me. Do you want me to believe in astrology?”

“Uncle! Only an astrologer can give a reply to this.” “What would he say? He’ll fix you tightly in his net. Look at the hubbub created in Ruthuprakaran, where at one place, it is said – ‘…’ ‘If a woman menstruates on Sunday, she will become a widow.’ “At another place, it is said – ‘…’ ‘If if a woman menstruates on Panchami, she would never be a widow.’ “Now I’ll ask the astrologer this. What will happen to the woman who menstruates on panchami Sunday?”

The astrologer remained mum. Then Uncle continued. “At one place it is said – ‘…’ ‘If a woman attains puberty in Magha month, she would give birth to children.’ “At another place,

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it’s like this- ‘…’ ‘If a woman attains puberty in Krithika star, she would be childless.’ “Now ask the astrologer whether she would give birth to an impotent person if she attains puberty in Magha month and Krithika star?” Noticing that the astrologer was in no position to reply, Uncle said, “See this funny thing. It’s said at one place‘…’ ‘If puberty is attained in Dhanu rasi, she will be woman of virtue.’ “At another place – ‘…’ ‘If puberty is attained on Saturday, she will be a prostitute.’ “Now you decide this yourself. What would happen if puberty is attained on Saturday in Dhanu rasi?

“Arey! What all should I have to recount? So much of deceit, fraud, trickery, cunningness. If I describe everything, it’ll be a big purana. Yet, people here go on following the astrologer.”

As Uncle was speaking, Buddhinath Choudhary came running and said, “O! Astrologer master!

Just now a boy is born in my home. That’s why I’ve come rushing to you. Please cast his horoscope and advise me.” “How long ago was the child born?” asked the astrologer. “Ten minutes ago,” Badrinath replied. The astrologer consulted the almanac and started. He shouted, “My goodness!” Uncle asked, “What’s the matter?

Have you been bitten by a hornet or what?”

The astrologer put his hand on his head and said, “No. If it were that I wouldn’t have been bothered. But I see wholesale destruction.”

Buddhinath Choudhry’s face turned pale. He shivered and said, “Please tell me at once, master. What’s there in the horoscope?” “What’s there in the horoscope to say? Mud and dust. His birth star is moola first padam and in ganda yoga. He’ll be the cause of his father’s death.”

Buddhinath Choudhry felt as though he was struck by thunder. His eyes brimmed with tears.

The astrologer gravely said, “This child has been born to cause trouble to you. There are only two options. Cast away the child. Or else, send the child and his mother to his grandfather’s house.

You can’t see his face for eight years. And from now on you have to donate cows, gold, perform navagraha puja, et al.”

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Uncle couldn’t take it any more. “Whoever has written this is a big scoundrel, a conceited fellow and a cheat. You are the evil planets in reality. In the name of stars, you make good of your own star. Through your needless conspiracy, why do you torture the poor man?” “Does it mean that you don’t believe in horoscope?” the astrologer asked.

“As far as I know, there’s one benefit out of the horoscope. Your child will get ear rings. In my view horoscope is nothing but trickery.

Thousands of children would have been born at this time. Will their destiny and life be the same because of that? Twins will be born at the same time. One will survive and the other won’t. The horoscope of both must be the same. Then why are the results are so contrasting?”

The astrologer was somewhat confused and said, “Bhrigu and Parasara and others have dilated so much on the horoscopes. Do you imply that that was all humbug (mithya, a mirage)?” “For thousands of years, you have been in this cunning business, peddling these names, aren’t you? Whatever occurs to you, make a sloka and attribute it to Parasara.

O! Man. I have also read books on astrology.

Only rogues could have written those things.

Putting blinkers on the eyes of the householders, they have said obscene things about their women too.”

The astrologer started, “Where? For example?”

“Not one or two. Many. Look at this – ‘…’

“Looking at the horoscope of the house owner, they (astrologers) would doubtless know that the man’s wife would be stout, like a sack of puffed rice.

I was surprised. Uncle noticed this and said, “Don’t gape at me like this. This is nothing.

Listen further – ‘…’ ‘The wife of the person who has this yoga doubtless would become a prostitute or would satisfy the desire of many persons.’” “Uncle! Married life would be ruined completely because of such words, wouldn’t it?”

I asked. Uncle said, “The persons who make the

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sloka have no worry. Hear this – ‘…’ ‘If the child’s horoscope has this yoga, the child without doubt is a bastard.’” I said, “This sloka can cut the throat of a woman.” Such ruffians in this country are called the ocean of learning of astrology.”

“You have mentioned so many things. Are they all in the treatises on astrology?” I asked. “What do you mean? I’ve quoted from the texts. The astrologer is right in front of you. Ask him if all these are there in the texts or not? And what text is it? ‘Parasara horasarah’.”

The astrologer scratched his head and said, “True. These are there in the text. ‘Parasara horasarah’ is a standard text on astrology. But why do you call it untrue?” “Not only untrue but obscene. The kind of abuses written in that can’t be heard anywhere except in brothel houses.

Look at this – ‘If a person has the influence of this planet, he would covet other women. His wife will become a prostitute. His mother will be a bitch.’ “Such abuses about wife and mother will be heard only in cultureless families. Is this a language of the scholars?”

“Uncle! I never knew that the texts on astrology would contain such words.” “You don’t know because you never read astrology. You would know if you read ‘Brihajjatakam’ and ‘Parasara horasarah’.”

The astrologer couldn’t contain himself any more. “Where’s the evidence to say that all this is false?” he asked, as if he was throwing a challenge. Uncle replied: “I’m the evidence. My horoscope predicted that I’d be a king. Forget kingdom. I don’t even have four acres of land.

Instead of rajayoga, everyday I’m forced to practise hatayoga.

Then about jaraja yoga. Apply some logic. Does anyone get into adultery after consulting the almanac? Thereafter, would the child come of the womb after checking the lagna? Forget about others. You can’t detect even your own child’s jaraja yoga.

Keeping in view people like you, it has been said – ‘…’ ‘You would be watching the time of union of

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the moon with Visakha but wouldn’t know of your wife’s activities, who is rollicking in the embrace of many people.’ “That being the case, how could you catch that someone is a bastard?”

The astrologer was angry. “What you have said is abusive. Do you mean to say that the wife of an astrologer would be a prostitute?” Uncle smiled and said, “The feminine gender for ganaka (astrologer) is ganika (prostitute). Isn’t that so?

Besides, ganaka also more or less does the same work as ganika. Look at how well it has been explained – ‘…’ “Ganaka and ganika are equal. The Creator intended both to earn money by enticing people through their five parts of the body. Ganaka opens the almanac and shows to the people. And Ganika does the same but physically’” The astrologer was as good as dead. Yet, he proudly said, “Whatever has been mentioned in the science of astrology is proven and true.

Bhrigu and Parasara had vision of the past, present and future.”

“Do you have faith in astrology?” asked Uncle.“Of course,” replied the astrologer. “Then let me look at your horoscope.” The astrologer hesitantly picked up the horoscope and handed it over to Uncle.

Uncle examined the horoscope and said, “Do you want me to tell you the result? You’ll not run away, would you?” “Why would I run away?” said the astrologer. “Then hear this. Parasara says like this – ‘If Sukra enters planet Mangala or is seen in conjunction with Mangala, the person will have the pleasure of bhaga kiss.’

“Then look at where Sukra is in your chart. Tell me if the result applies to you or not. Do you want me to explain the meaning of this in crude language to everyone?” The moment he heard this, the astrologer packed his books and left the place in a huff.

Uncle kept calling him from behind. “O! Master, o astrologer! Take at least some nut powder and go.”

But why would the astrologer return?

THE RADICAL HUMANIST Book Review Section:

JANUARY

A Look at What We Are —Dipavali Sen [Nilima Jha, Yahin To Hun Main (Hindi), illustrations by Suvidha Mistry, published by Vrishti Books Café, Noida, 2014, paperback, pp 102, price Rs 135] his is a collection of ten short stories focused on young readers, especially girls. But, after a reading, I feel that adults too will benefit from this most humanist document with its radical insights. As its title says, the book provides an honest look at what humans beings are, individually and in the wider social context.

Nilima Jha is a dedicated writer for children with several publications. She is a prominent member of the Association of Writers and Illustrators (AWIC) and an enthusiast of its story-telling project Katha-vachan.

This collection of stories displays her acute observation of human nature, her economy of words and her awareness of environmental, economic and social issues. ‘Aparajita Devi’, the first story, centers round a disfigured and disagreeable music teacher who is unduly harsh upon a pupil named Prohibit is from Prachi’s point of view that the story is told. She learns through circumstances that Aparajita Devi, beneath her rough exterior, is vulnerable and lonely, deserted by her husband for her pock-marked face soon after giving birth to her baby – who is none other than Prachi.

Misunderstandings are cleared. Young Prachi understands that Aparajita Devi, instead of disliking Prachi (as she had inferred from her harshness), loves her so much that she has taken up her job as a music teacher in the locality only to be near her, yet never disclosed the truth to her for fear of rejection. In the next story, the theme is difficult but the author has treated it sensitively without making it a mushy melodrama. Despite a speech handicap, Anjali is a carefree fourteen-year-old when a visitor suddenly drops a bombshell: Anjali is an

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adopted child, her parentage unknown as she was found forsaken at a church threshold. Anjali feels her world shattering all around her. She feels alienated from the family she had till now known as her own. She feels unloved and turns unloving. Especially as she cannot express her feelings in spoken words, they pile up within her as a brick wall against her family. Then a baby is found in the neighbourhood, abandoned. Anjali finds love welling up within her and realizes that this is what her adoptive family must have felt on seeing her fourteen years ago.The wall of resentment crumbles and Anjali is once again united with her family. She utters no words but kisses her mother again and again. The next story takes us to sand dunes and coal mines of central India, with pits occasionally emitting noxious gases. Radhiya, the orphaned daughter of a miner, has lost her father to those gas emissions and is scared to let her pet bird be used to test for gas. But she realizes how crucial such a test is for saving coal miners and allows it.

With this gesture comes liberation of her thoughts and spirits. Radhiya set her pet Bulbul free. Lal Sari Wali (The Woman in Red) depicts the process of adjustment between Sumi and her stepmother, Sumi and her kid brother Pavan react differently to the new entrant into the family, the woman who drapes herself in red and is their father’s new wife. Pavan carries no baggage and soon accepts her as Mummy. But Sumi resents her and her Bua (her father’s sister) mischievously encourages her in regarding the stepmother as an intruder, a rival claimant to her father’s affection. This is a common scenario witnessed by many of us directly or indirectly. Here Sumi’s gradual acceptance of her stepmother is handled with subtlety and grace. The next story takes us to the forested slopes of northeastern India of Jhum (shifting, slash-and-burn) cultivation. Jhum has traditionally involved clearing of forests on the slopes of hills. This felling of trees has loosened the earth on the slopes of hills and precipitated landslides. Tribal kid Divang finds how terrifying

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this can be. Uncle Boken urges the tribal community to give up their traditional occupation of Jhum cultivation. But there is no consensus. Divang and his friend Khumji feel confused till Uncle Boken himself suggests a way out of the dilemma: plant a sapling for every tree that is cut down. The story provides a glimpse into tribal community meets feasts and festivals as impacted by ecological issues.

The next one takes up a woman’s issue. Adya has not only been married off early but widowed as well. The fifteen-year-old has been withdrawn from school but has other interests and talents such as in art. However her parents are most concerned about her in-laws refusing to take her into their household. What use is a widowed daughter-in-law, they say. Perhaps there is a chance that they will relent, says Adya’s family, if Adya falls at the feet of her father-in-law. No, I shall not do that, says the spirited Adya. It so happens that her drawings catch the eye of Niranjana Devi, an elderly widow well-known for her artwork of the Madhubani style. She offers to take Adya in as a trainee, Adya gets a chance to prove her own essential worth and lead a life of self-respect and economic independence.

Kunti, the next story, is not about the mythological mother-figure but a contemporary girl-child who earns a living by carrying the shopping of fine ladies on her head. She stands with her basket on the footpath beside a busy market place and pleads the ‘mem sahibs’ to use her services. She follows them around, hoping for a chance. But as soon as an item is lost, or a purse misplaced, she becomes the prime suspect. Then when the matter is cleared up and her innocence is established, the ‘mem sahibs’ casually offer her the compensation of charity.

But Kunti has her pride and says: ‘As I am not a thief, so I am not a beggar.’ Richa is rather casual about everything and generally always in a rush. Whenever her mother rebukes her about crumpled bed-sheets and other such instances of untidiness, she answers back: `what difference does it make?’ But this should not

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lead us to misjudge the teenagers of today. They are not callous or uncaring. Within, they have reserves of strength and, yes, social concern.

Richa risks her life to save that of an unknown youth being beaten up unjustly by the police in a road riot. Later, the youth’s grateful father says: But you could have lost your life in saving my son!’ Richa answers in her casual way: What difference does it make?’ The next story is, on the surface, a detective one. The thief uses hypnotism to make young Binu hand over her chain and later, the key to the household safe.

And the thief is not the member of the working class upon which suspicion had, as usual, fallen.

It is not the proud and outspoken maid but the new neighbour whom Binu addresses as ‘aunty’ and whose sari she admires. Under the garb of an unusual detective story is a reminder of social hypocrisy. The last story is a rendering of the famous incident of a mere Bhikshuni taking upon herself, upon Buddha’s appeal, the task of famine relief in Shravastipur. She ventures where rich merchants hesitate. For they think in terms of individual strength whereas the Bhikshuni thinks of building up a social fund through the contributions of rich and poor alike.

The author has created the atmosphere of those times through various details of those times (e.g., the dress - the uttariya, the mukut, the tilak, and the Mandar flowers on one’s hair). The story reminded me of Rabindranath Tagore’s famous poem ‘Nagarlakshmi’ which is based on the same incident. Thus Nilima Jha’s assortment has variety, ranging from contemporary times to the past, central to north-east India, gender issues, personal issues, socio-economic and ecological issues. There is one critical comment that I must make, though. There should have been more of these stories. Why did the book have to end with only ten?

[Dipavali Sen, from DSE & GIPE (Pune), Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan teaches at Sri GGSCC, Delhi University. She is a prolific writer and has written creative pieces and articles both in English and Bengali. dipavali@gmail.com]

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