Aug 2009 rh

Vol. 73 No 4

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THERADICALHUMANIST (Since April 1949)

AUGUST 2009 Formerly : Independent India (April 1937- March 1949)

Founder Editor: M.N. Roy

473 Constitutions & Challenge of Social and Economic Change: Quest for Freedom and Justice —Dr. Kamal Hossain World under Holy Siege —Iqbal Jafar Philosophy of M.N. Roy and Modern Science —Swarajbrata Sengupta Terrorism and the State -R.A. Jahagirdar Signs of Hope in Obama’s Message: An Indian Muslim Response —Iqbal A. Ansari Diversities play a decisive and positive Role in Indian Politics —Balraj Puri

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The Radical Humanist

—Contents—

Vol. 73 Number 5 August 2009

1. From the Editor’s Desk: Heal The World!

—Rekha Saraswat 1 2. Contributory Editors’ Section: Terrorism and the State —R.A. Jahagirdar 2 3. Guests’ Section: Constitutions and the Challenge of Social and Economic Change: Quest for Freedom and Justice —Dr. Kamal Hossain 4

Monthly journal of the Indian Renaissance Institute Devoted to the development of the Renaissance Movement; and for promotion of human rights, scientific-temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life.

Founder Editor: M.N. Roy Contributory Editors: Professor Amlan Datta Professor A.F. Salahuddin Ahmed Justice R.A. Jahagirdar (Retd.)

Dr. R.M. Pal Professor Rama Kundu Editor: Dr. Rekha Saraswat Publisher: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Printer: Mr. N.D. Pancholi Send articles to: Dr. Rekha Saraswat C-8, Defence Colony Meerut, 250001, U.P., India Ph. 91-121-2620690, 09719333011 E-mail articles at: rheditor@gmail.com Send Subscription / Donation Cheques to: Mr. Narottam Vyas (Advocate), Chamber Number 111 (Near Post Office) Supreme Court of India, New Delhi, 110001, India n.vyas@snr.net.in Ph. 91-11-22712434, 91-11-23782836, 09811944600 In favour of: ‘The Radical Humanist’ Sometimes some articles published in this journal may carry opinions not similar to the radical humanist philosophy; but they would be entertained here if the need is felt to debate and discuss upon them. —Rekha

World under Holy Siege —Iqbal Jafar 11 4. Current Affairs: Signs of Hope in Obama’s Message: An Indian Muslim Response —Iqbal A. Ansari 13 Diversities play a decisive and positive Role in Indian Politics —Balraj Puri 16 IRI / IRHA Members’ Section: Philosophy of M.N. Roy and Modern Science —Swarajbrata Sengupta 19 Source of the need for freedom & Ban on CPI (Maoist) - Naxal movement —Jayanti Patel 24 Democratic Racism —Bhaskar Sur 26 6. Students’ & Research Scholars’ Section: The Poetic Luster in Gulzar’s Pen —Ashok K. Choudhury 30 7. Book Review: A Need for Reassurance —Dipavali Sen 38 8. Humanist News: 40

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From the Editor’s Desk: Heal the World by “healing the kids”— was the message of Michael Jackson.

The deep meanings of all his songs cut across culture and race, country and age and saw the world dancing and singing, yelling and crying along with him— then when he was there, and now when he is no more!

Strange were his ways and stranger were his deeds! A man who defied his colour, his features and his past! A man who tried to remake not only his own history but also the future of the world through his message of unconditional love! How so ever much we may ridicule his mannerism or his gestures but he meant business of love with all honesty! He was a maverick of his own kind yet a humanist of intense feelings.

Myself not speaking much today, I would like to give various quotes here from the text of his speech delivered at Oxford University in March 2001 to prove my point.

His words are so full of those simple realities which we have neglected in this modern world to our own peril and to humanity’s disaster.

He said at one place in his lecture— “It is not just Hollywood child stars that have suffered from a non-existent childhood. Today, it’s a universal calamity, a global catastrophe... Today, children are constantly encouraged to grow up faster, as if this period known as childhood is a burdensome stage, to be endured and ushered through, as swiftly as possible...Ours is a generation that has witnessed the abrogation of the parent-child covenant. Psychologists are publishing libraries of books detailing the destructive effects of denying one’s children the unconditional love that is so necessary to the healthy development of their minds and character. And because of all the neglect, too many of our kids have, essentially, to raise themselves. They are growing more distant from their parents, grand parents and other family members, as all around us the indestructible bond that once glued together the generations, unravels.”

The results are terrifying. He then cited the example of that single day from the U.S. where six youths under the 1

age of 20 committed suicide, 12 children under the age of 20 died of firearms....399 kids were arrested for drug abuse, 1,352 babies were born to teen mothers. And this, he said, was happening in one of the richest, most developed countries in the history of the world.

Again, in Britain, he said, as many as 20% of families only sat down to have dinner together once a year and that only 33% of the British children aged 2-8 had a regular bed time story read out to them. Parents were finding no time for children. They came home with their offices and professions in their minds. They were having wealth, success, fancy clothing and fancy cars, but an aching emptiness on the inside.

He again said, “Love is the human family’s most precious legacy, its richest bequest, its golden inheritance. And it is a treasure that is handed down from one generation to another. Previous ages may not have had the wealth we enjoy. Their houses may have lacked electricity, and they squeezed their many kids into small homes without central heating. But those homes had no darkness, nor were they cold. They were lit brown with the glow of love and they were warmed snugly by the very heat of the human heart. Parents, undistracted by the lust for luxury and status, accorded their children primacy in their lives.” But now that cavity in our chests, that barrenness at our core, that void in our centre is the place where the heart once beat and which love once occupied. Michael called upon the modern society to allow certain ‘inalienable rights’ to its children to ‘restore the joys and security of childhood’ to make this world a better place to live.

He wished to install in every home a “Children’s Universal Bill of Rights” with the following basic tenets: The right to love, without having to earn it. The right to be protected, without having to deserve it. The right to feel valuable, even if you came into the world with nothing. The right to be listened to, without having to be interesting. The right to be read a bed time story, without having to compete with the evening news. The right to an education, without having to dodge bullets at school.

The right to be thought of as adorable— (even if you have a face that only a mother could love).

Michael is gone, but has left these simple, yet beautiful expectations for us to fulfil. Hope each one of us will help in ‘healing this world’ and ‘blighting its pain’ by giving more time and love to the children around us!!

THE RADICAL HUMANIST

Contributory Editors’ Section:

R.A. Jahagirdar

[Justice R.A. Jahagirdar (Retd.), former President of Indian Radical Humanist Association and former Editor of ‘The Radical Humanist’ is now one of the members of the Contributing Editorial Board of The Radical Humanist.]

Terrorism and the State great tragedy that the citizens and no less Ittheis a State are taking terrorism in their stride. Terrorism is not a small crime. It is against the society and the State, and an act of terrorism results in the death of several innocent citizens. In recent years, acts of terrorism have increased. Star hotels in Mumbai, Malegaon (in Maharashtra), Hyderabad, Parliament, Akshardham in Ahmedabad, suburban (local) trains in Mumbai, Jaipur, Ahmedabad and Bangalore–these are some of the places where acts of terrorism have taken place with the loss of hundreds of lives. One does not know who are behind these acts and what their motives are. One can guess the motives of terrorism in Kashmir. One can also imagine the acts of terrorism indulged in by Naxalites. But terrorism elsewhere is un-understandable. Acts of terrorism are committed by faceless men.

What do the terrorists want? Who are the terrorists? Answers to these questions can pave the way for negotiations. In Kashmir they are seeking union with Pakistan or at least independence. The demand is for obvious reasons, non-negotiable. But terrorism in other parts of India is without proper cause. If it is by Muslims, it can never succeed. India has, next to Indonesia, largest Muslim population who are, however, not staying in any

AUGUST 2009 localized area. A second Pakistan is not possible. Acts of terrorism which are indulged in can never succeed. Nor can it be said that terrorism is aimed only at non-Muslims. Indian population is mixed and when terrorist acts take place, they harm Muslims also. The chain acts of terrorism in Mumbai suburban trains and the bomb blasts in Samjhauta Express injured and killed Muslims also. A glance at the terrorist acts in other countries shows the utter senselessness of terrorism.

On July 28, 2008, two bomb explosions in Istanbul killed 126 persons and injured 150 others. The Hindu mentions that 700 Afghan civilians have been killed in 2008. Between May, 2003 and February, 2008, a staggering 104,317 Iraqis were killed in terrorist attacks.

In Baghdad and Kirkuk, three suicide bomb attacks killed 61 civilians and wounded 238. The last one mentioned is only for one day. On other days, more bomb attacks have taken place. This is because of the Shia-Sunni problem in Iraq. According to South Asia Intelligence Review, the number of civilians killed in India in 2007 was 957. Other reports have given higher figures.

I have given these figures only to show the severity of the terrorist problem. What is the State doing, at least in India? The citizens are tired of the State sounding red alert, only after the incident. High officials issue condolences and the Governments often sanction money to the next of the kin of those killed and those injured. It is not seen that the Governments having taken some, let alone adequate, steps to prevent recurrence of such incidents. The Governments are busy with politics.

Under the Constitution of India, law and order is a State subject. It is the function and duty of the State to maintain peace in the State. It has been argued, and it is possible to argue, that repeated acts of terrorism are a national problem and the Centre should step in. This is neither logical nor legal. In fact, the States in India will never allow the Centre to take over the function. The States are ruled by parties different from the ones at the Centre. Incidentally it should be noted that in India the last three out of four acts of terrorism were in BJP-ruled States, with the last attack on the hotels and railways station in Congress led Mumbai.

I am suggesting that terrorism should not be a matter of political issue. It should be handled as a national subject. It is not too much to expect that all the political

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parties come together and evolve a common strategy of tackling terrorism. It is unpatriotic to apportion blame. The intelligence agencies, though controlled by the Central Government, should share intelligence, at least on terrorism, with State Governments irrespective of the fact that the State Governments belong to different parties. The Parliament may pass necessary laws; the State Government has to implement them. The anti-terrorist laws should not be the subject-matter of politics or debate.

The history in India has unfortunately not been free from politics. Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) was passed in 1985, basically to deal with Khalistani problems in Punjab. The Act was meant to be temporary for two years, but was continued till 1995 in which year it was allowed to lapse. The non-Congress parties were not happy with practical repeal of TADA. NDA Government along with other parties passed Prevention of Terrorist Act (POTA) in the year 2002. It could not be passed in the Rajya Sabha as the Congress was in majority. The Government took the unusual step of getting it passed by the joint session of the Parliament (see Article 108 of the Constitution). It was a tragedy that in an issue like that of terrorism there should have been such a difference of opinion as to require a joint session of Parliament. Ultimately, when Congress-headed U.P.A. came into power, POTA was repealed in 2004. The Supreme Court has upheld the validity of both these laws with minor modifications. The interest shown by the Parliament can be seen from the fact that while passing TADA, only eight members participated in the discussion which lasted merely an hour and ten minutes.

The repeal of POTA was accompanied by incorporating almost all the provisions of that Act in Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), 1967 in 2004. If this were so, why did the Congress oppose the passing of POTA and when POTA was allowed to lapse why specific provisions of POTA found a place in UAPA? In Kartar Singh v. State of Punjab, while upholding the validity of POTA, the Supreme Court affirmed the existence of a class of offenders as distinct from ordinary criminals who could be tried under “normal” laws. Terrorism was recognised by the Court as “an aggravated offence”. It allowed the admissibility of confessions before a senior police officer under Section 15. The Government of the day defended the Act before the Court, but Parliament, at least a part of it, dissented. The Supreme Court has recognised that terrorism is a special kind of offence requiring a special kind of law. This view, I am sure, pervades the entire judiciary. But our legislators are not convinced. Some of our legislators have openly said that a Section of the population is not terroristic. Is it because of their pivotal role during the elections?

Terrorism is a serious problem; it is a phenomenon. Though it is a law and order subject and thus a State subject, it is a national problem. The State, with a capital, must be concerned with it. It must be handled by the nation as a whole. The Central Government should be an agency that should deal with terrorism. The States should welcome such a move as it would protect their territory and their populations. It is not merely a law and order problem; it is not merely a Constitutional problem. It is a question of the life of the nation. It is a question of unity and integrity of the country.

Letter to the Editor Dear Madam, Few days back I received your June 2009 issue. I went through the article “Rights of a Surrogate Mother” in the Teacher’s and Research Scholar’s Section. I am really thankful to you and to Madam Ranjana Ferrao for giving this useful information. One of my neighbours, a lady was facing the same type of problem and she got an the amicable solution on reading this article. Your magazine is really very very useful. Good wishes to you Madam Editor, and to the other staff too. Thanks.

Atul K.Raval cvaraval@yahoo.com

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Guests’ Section:

Constitutions and the Challenge of Social and Economic Change: Quest for Freedom and Justice

By Dr. Kamal Hossain [Third V.M. Tarkunde Memorial Lecture delivered by Dr. Kamal Hossain, eminent jurist from Bangla Desh at India International Centre, New Delhi on 12 July, 2009] am truly honoured and feel humble as I stand Ibefore you to deliver the third Tarkunde Memorial Lecture. It is appropriate to begin with a tribute to an outstanding personality, who had done so much to earn respect as lawyer, judge, human rights activist and much more, a person guided by conscience to commit himself to the common good and the rights of the poor and the vulnerable - whose life and work we have assembled to remember and revere. When I read the tribute paid to Shri Tarkunde at the condolence meeting held on 2 April, 2004 and read a particular passage, I felt we had intuitively chosen the most appropriate topic for today’s lecture. The passage which I had read was as follows: “To apply the words of the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), 1948, Shri Tarkunde was one of those who kept alive “the hope of a new day dawning” with the “recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and unalterable rights of all the members of the human family in the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.”

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides an excellent starting point for the thoughts I would like to share with you. The Declaration adopted in 1948 by the UN General Assembly was truly an act of faith, of a shared commitment to constitutionalism, based on human rights as “the foundation of freedom and justice and peace in the world”. The global reality at the time was one in which the majority of the world’s people remained deprived of their human rights. They lived

AUGUST 2009 under colonial rule, while apartheid continued aggressively to promote racial discrimination and authoritarian regimes continued to oppress peoples, who remained condemned to poverty, economic deprivation and social exclusion. The Declaration was, thus, a bold expression of humanity’s resolve to change the existing reality. It proclaimed in the opening words of its operative part that the Declaration would serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, so that every individual and organ of society should strive to promote respect for the rights and freedoms set out in that Declaration. It was in effect a pledge to strive, at the national and international level to challenge colonialism, apartheid and authoritarian rule the world over and thus to universalize ‘constitutionalism’ and commit us all to concert our efforts to bring about social and economic change.

The Universal Declaration itself clearly reflected the aspirations and objectives of those across the world, who were actively engaged in movements for political freedom and for economic and social justice. The values set out in the preambles of our post-independence constitutions, in particular, the ones adopted in India and Bangladesh, express the objectives of the popular movements through which independence was attained, and reflected values and goals which are universally shared. The emergence into independence meant for all of us the beginning of a quest for freedom and justice – for a free and just society, in which many and diverse expectations and competing interests would seek fulfilment. It fell to those placed in leadership roles to articulate those aspirations and to devise constitutional instruments and institutions to realize them.

Looking back to the early years, one is struck by the similarity of the language in which those aspirations were expressed. We had asserted our right to self-government, to representative institutions to be established through free and fair elections, to the rule of law, to an independent judiciary, and through these institutions to strive for social and economic transformation of our societies, in which there existed unacceptable levels of social and economic inequality.

Our post-independence constitutions reflected the values of our independence movements which were based on assertions of human dignity and equality of “human rights”, in the case of India long before these were formally accorded recognition in the Universal 4

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Declaration. The Objectives Resolution adopted on 22 January, 1947 by the Constituent Assembly of India solemnly pledged to secure to all the people of India justice, social, economic and political, and to safeguard fundamental human rights of all, including minorities. It drew upon popular consensus as expressed in documents which went back to the end of the nineteenth century.

These included: the Constitution of India Bill, prepared in 1895 by some eminent Indians, the proposal adopted by the Indian National Congress, at the special session in Bombay in August 1918 for the new Government of India Act to contain a “Declaration of Rights of the people of India as British citizens”, followed by resolutions adopted at the Madras Session in 1926 (and the Karachi Session in 1932) that the future Constitution must include a declaration of fundamental rights. The Commonwealth of India Bill, finalized by the National Convention in 1926, embodied rights, in terms practically identical with the relevant provisions of the Irish Constitution. The Sapru Committee (1944-48) in its report urged the incorporation of fundamental rights in the Constitution while recommending their further division into justiciable and non-justiciable rights.

Albie Sachs, the architect of South African Constitution has described a constitution as “the autobiography of a nation”. Thus, the Bangladesh Constitution reflects the prolonged struggle extending over two decades, of a people seeking to liberate themselves from denial of political rights and economic deprivation. This is why Bangladesh’s Proclamation of Independence in 1971 expressly declared that it was being made in exercise of the legitimate right of self-determination of the people of Bangladesh, and assured to the people of Bangladesh equality, human dignity and social justice. The Bangladesh Constitution adopted in 1972 committed us to build “a society in which the rule of law, fundamental rights, freedom, equality and justice, political, economic and social, would be secured for all citizens.” Political and civil rights were incorporated as justicible fundamental rights, while economic, social and cultural rights were embodied as non-justiciable fundamental principles of state policy.

While the Universal Declaration remained a source of inspiration, the separate constitutional provisions for political and civil rights and economic, social and cultural rights can be taken to be a doctrinal overhang from the Irish Constitution, the Indian Constitution, and 5

the separate International Conventions adopted in 1966 on Civil and Political rights on the one hand and Social, Economic and Cultural rights on the other. The coming decades would see progress towards an integrated approach recognizing all human rights (political and civil and social, economic and cultural) to be universal, indivisible inter-dependent and inter-related. This was proclaimed in the Vienna Declaration of the World Conference of Human Rights in 1993.

The Rio Declaration (1992) had enumerated as its first principle that “human beings are at the centre of concerns for sustainable development”. This followed the words in the Stockholm Declaration (1972), which had asserted: “Both aspects of man’s environment, the natural and the man-made, are essential to his well-being and to the enjoyment of basic human rights - even the right to life itself”. The critical relevance of civil and political rights to the realization of economic and social rights has been underscored by the Nobel Laureate, Professor Amartya Sen, who as the author of the first chapter of the Human Development, 2000 spelt out the conceptual framework for it, thus: “Civil and political rights give people the opportunity not only to do things for themselves, but also to draw attention forcefully to general needs, and to demand appropriate public action.

Whether and how a government responds to needs and sufferings may well depend on how much pressure is put on it, and the exercise of political rights (such as voting, criticizing, protesting, and so on) can make a real difference.” (A. Sen “Human Rights and Economic Achievements” in J. Bauer and D. Bell, eds., The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights, (1999).

National constitutions were to reflect this integrated approach. The new South African Constitution (1996), a state-of-the-art expression of constitutionalism, unequivocally secures all universally recognized human rights. As Albie Sachs himself explained: “The fundamental constitutional problem, however, is not to set one generation of rights against another, but to harmonize all three. The web of rights is unbroken in fabric, simultaneous in operation, and all-extensive in character ... the achievement of first generation rights is fundamental to the establishment of democracy and the overcoming of national oppression. But for the vote to have meaning, for the Rule of Law to have content, the vote must be the instrument for the achievement of second and third generation rights. It would be a sad

THE RADICAL HUMANIST victory if the people had the right every five or so years to emerge from their forced-removal hovels and second-rate Group Area homesteads to go to the polls, only thereafter to return to their inferior houses, inferior education, and inferior jobs.” (A. Sachs, Promoting Human Rights in a New South Africa, 1990, pp.8-9) The challenge of changing the institutionalized inequality inflicted by apartheid in South Africa was expressly entrusted to the South African constitution-makers. The Freedom Charter, a statement of political principles by South Africans opposed to apartheid, ratified at the Congress of the People in 1955, called for a social order in which: “Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children…. …All people shall have the right to … be decently housed, and to bring up their families in comfort and security… [N]o-one shall go hungry; [and] free medical care and hospitalization shall be provided for all, with special care for mothers and young children.”

The 1988 Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic South Africa, drafted by the ANC Constitutional Committee mandated that: “The Constitution shall include a Bill of Rights based on the Freedom Charter …. The state and all social institutions shall be under a constitutional duty to take active steps to eradicate, speedily, the economic and social inequalities produced by racial discrimination.” The mandate was clearly understood, as was expressed by Kader Asmal, a member of the Constituent Assembly for the ANC, thus: “The struggle for liberation in South Africa was not only a struggle for the right to vote, to move, to marry or to love. It has always been a struggle for freedom from hunger, poverty, landlessness, and homelessness. Our Bill of Rights therefore must reflect…the multidimensional and all-encompassing nature of the struggle for liberation.”

The South African Constitution eliminated the dichotomy which was a feature of some of the earlier constitutions. Civil and political rights as well as social and economic rights are given the same status as constitutionally-recognized rights.

The state’s obligation with regard to the right to health care, food, water and social security is expressed in terms which provide that, “the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realization of each of these

AUGUST 2009 rights.” (Article 27) The South African Constitutional Court has contributed significantly towards judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights, keeping in view that protection of these rights is dependent on the availability of resources. After initial hesitation in the Soobramoney case (1998(1) SA 765 (CC); 1997(12) BCLR 1969), the Constitutional Courts in its subsequent decisions in the Grootboom case (2001(1) SA 46 (CC) and the Treatment Action Campaign case (2002(5) SA 703 (CC) and the Khosa case (2004 (6) SA 505(CC), consistently rejected the State’s argument of resource constraints. In the words of a commentator, in so doing the Court has tended to agree with the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights which has noted that: “In order for a State Party to be able to attribute its failure to meet at least its minimum core obligations to a lack of available resources, it must demonstrate that every effort has been made to use all resources that are at its disposition in an effort to satisfy, as a matter of priority, those minimum obligations.”

(General Comment 3, The Nature of States Obligations (Art 2 para 1 of the CESCR) (5th Session, 1990).”

The Indian Supreme Court has been giving substance to directive principles, holding in Kesavanda’s case, that: “The Directive Principles and the Fundamental Rights mainly proceed on the basis of Human Rights.

Representative democracies will have no meaning without economic and social justice to the common man.

This is a universal experience. Freedom from foreign rule can be looked upon only as an opportunity to bring about economic and social advancement. After all freedom is nothing else but a chance to be better. It is this liberty to do better that is the theme of the Directive Principles of State Policy in Part IV of the Constitution”.

The judgment went on to observe that the Objectives were “a precursor to the preamble to the Constitution and had set out in detail the objectives that were to be before the Constitution markers and that “those objectives have now been incorporated in the preamble to our Constitution.”

In the Ashok Kumar Gupta case ((1997) 5 SCC 201, it was held: “It is but the duty of the Court to supply vitality, blood and flesh, to balance the competing rights by interpreting the principles, to the language or the words contained in the living and organic Constitution, broadly and liberally. The judicial function of the Court, thereby, is to build up, by judicial statesmanship and 6

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judicial review, smooth social change under rule of law with a continuity of the past to meet the dominant needs and aspirations of the present. This Court, as sentinel on the qui vive, has been invested with more freedom, in the interpretation of the Constitution than in the interpretation of other laws. This Court, therefore, is not bound to accept an interpretation which retards the progress or impedes social integration; it adopts such interpretation which would bring about the ideals set down in the Preamble of the Constitution aided by Part III and IV – a truism meaningful and a living reality to all sections of the society as a whole by making available the rights to social justice and economic empowerment to the weaker sections, and by preventing injustice to them. Protective discrimination is an armour to realize distributive justice.”

Chief Justice Bhagawati explained the rationale for the expanding scope of judicial review and the judiciary’s pro-active role in promoting social and economic rights through public interest litigation. He emphasized that the constitutional promise of socio-economic transformation and an egalitarian social order called for a liberal judicial approach. Over the years the Supreme Court has contributed towards protection of socio-economic rights in cases involving child labour, (Labourers Working on Salal Hydro Project v. State of Jammu and Kashmir (1983 Lab IC 542), bonded labour (Bandhowa Mukti Morcha v. Union of India (AIR 1984 SC 802), environmental degradation and pollution (Vellore Citizens’ Welfare Forum v. The Union of India (AIR 1986 SC 180), and access to education, Sheela Barse v. Secretary, Children Aid Society (1987) 3 SCC 50), gender equality, Air India v. Nargash Mirza (1981 4 SC 335), and in enforcement of the constitutional provision abolishing untouchability (N. Adithayan, v.

Travancore Devaswom Board, AIR 2002 SC 3538). It has also approved of reservations by way of affirmative action in favour of the less privileged (Indra Sawhney v.

Union of India (AIR 1993 SC 477).

In Bangladesh the Supreme Court has played a pro-active role in entertaining public interest litigation petitions to protect the lives and livelihood of people from adverse environmental and ecological impacts of projects adopted without effective consultation with those affected. It has also admitted public interest litigation petitions and granted protection to slum dwellers threatened with forcible eviction, to factory 7

workers exposed to risks to health and safety (fires in garment factories), environmental hazards (explosion in a gas field), corruption in granting of public land without following proper procedures, inhuman custodial practices (imposition of bar fetters in judicial custody and confinement of rape victims (in handcuffs) and other women in “safe” custody).

The constitutional mandate to bring about social and economic transformation is a pledge to the people. There is a legitimate expectation that constitutional organs, each in their own sphere, will make their utmost efforts to achieve that goal. The increasing resort to public interest litigation and the pro-active role progressively assumed by courts is in part the result of the deficits in discharging their role by other organs. In India, since 1970 to the present day, the Supreme Court role has been expanding its protective role through adjudicating on public interest petitions. By innovative interpretations of the right to life and other provisions, it has given protection to those being denied their socio-economic rights, including the right to housing, education and health. In South Africa the Court has moved from a hesitant beginning to positive enforcement. The criticism that such a pro-active role by the judiciary amounted to judicial overreaching into spheres reserved for other organs has, however, yielded to the view that such a role is justified as legitimate judicial realization of the Constitution’s transformative social values. Chief Justice Chaskalson of the Constitutional Court explained its role, thus: “What the Constitution demands of [the Court] is that a legal order be established that gives substance to its founding values—democracy, dignity, equality and freedom; a legal order consistent with the constitutional goal of improving the equality of life of all citizens, and freeing the potential of each person. The challenge facing us as a nation is to create such a society; the challenge facing the judiciary is to build a legal framework consistent with this goal. [109].”

I would argue that the constitutional mandate for social and economic change requires activism on the part of all the organs as well the citizens. Therefore, I would come down strongly in favour of judicial activism. I am aware of recent criticism in India that public interest litigation cases seem to be moving from issues affecting the underprivileged in the 1970s and early 1980s, to a broad range of issues affecting the middle class in the late 1990s. Even supporters of the Court’s activism it is

THE RADICAL HUMANIST reported have expressed scepticism and caution. But speaking from my own experience over the last two decades I would say that not only has Indian Supreme Court earned public respect and given hope to those segments of the poor and vulnerable who were marginalized and excluded, but has generated legal resources which others have drawn upon. In Bangladesh, we have provided meaningful protection to the poor and the vulnerable: to slum dwellers faced with forcible eviction, we drew upon the Indian precedent of Olga Tellis to generate jurisprudence which has protected thousands who would otherwise have been rendered homeless. We have been able to obtain protection for garments workers, who were victims of terrible fires and collapsed factory premises, by securing judicial directions to ensure safety in the workplace. A recent judgment has protected women students from sexual harassment. There is a legitimate expectation that there will be effective action taken by all concerned to implement those directions. The widely discussed recent judgment of the Delhi High Court obtained by the Naz Foundation demonstrates judicial courage and creativity in drawing upon the resources from many jurisdictions to protect persons who have been victims of social taboos. The rich discussion in the judgment of comparative constitutional jurisprudence is entitled to respect as is the following passage which characterizes as “the conscience of the Constitution, the fundamental rights and directive principles of state policy”, thus: “…The Indian Constitution is first and foremost a social document. The majority of its provisions are either directly aimed at furthering the goals of the social revolution or attempt to foster this revolution by establishing the conditions necessary for its achievement. The core of the commitments to the social revolution lies in Parts III and IV, in the Fundamental Rights and in the Directive Principles of State Policy.

These are the conscience of the Constitution.” (Writ Petition No. 7455/2001, Delhi High Court).

Social transformation through enforcing of constitutionally-recognized socio-economic rights is an on-going process and can be described as work-in-progress. Change can only be ensured by identifying the barriers, which are placed in the path of social and economic change by powerful interests, and the means of overcoming them through a strategy of empowerment of citizens and a strengthened

AUGUST 2009 democracy. It is worth citing the insights expressed by persuasive voices from the developed world. Former US Vice-President, Al Gore in a chapter entitled “The Politics of Wealth” in his recent work, The Assault on Reason (2007), writes: “If political and economic freedoms have been siblings in the history of liberty, it is the incestuous coupling of wealth and power that poses the deadliest threat to democracy. If wealth can be easily exchanged for power, then the concentration of either can double the corrupting potential of both. Freedom’s helix then spirals downward toward unhealthy combinations of concentrated political and economic power.” “That is what has happened throughout human history. Over and over again, wealth and power have become concentrated in the hands of a few who consolidate and perpetuate their control at the expense of the many.” “The derivation of just power from the consent of the governed depends upon the integrity of the reasoning process through which that consent is given. If the reasoning process is corrupted by money and deception, then the consent of the governed is based on false premises, and any power thus derived is inherently counterfeit and unjust. If the consent of the governed is extorted through the manipulation of mass fears, or embezzled with claims of divine guidance, democracy is impoverished. If the suspension of reason causes a significant portion of the citizenry to lose confidence in the integrity of the process, democracy can be bankrupted.” “If citizens no longer participate, those among them who notice signs of corruption or illogic have no way to voice their concerns and summon the attention of others who, upon examining the same evidence, might share their dismay. No critical mass of opposition can form among individuals who are isolated from one another, looking through one-way mirrors in sound proof rooms, shouting if they wish but still unheard. If enough citizens cease to participate in its process, democracy dies.”

A former EU Commissioner on Development from Germany, Dieter Frisch, wrote as follows: “The rule of law cannot be replaced by market forces … (a new culture is emerging where) the pursuit of fast and easy money by any means makes people who work hard appear naïve and foolish…” The ethos of this new culture is well encapsulated in an aphorism attributed to the Hollywood star, Zsa Zsa Gabor: “What good is happiness if you cannot buy money with it?” When 8

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societies promoting economic liberalization have ignored the need for law and social policies efficiently to regulate the operations of the market, uncontrolled freedom has tended to degenerate into licence to maximize private profit by any means and resulted in burgeoning corruption, fraudulent financial transactions involving banks and stock exchanges, the emergence of powerful criminal syndicates and growing violence paralleled by ruthless and lawless law enforcement.

Former Federal Reserve Chairman, Alan Greenspan, testified in October 2008 before the Congress and responded to the charge that he had failed when he had had the authority to prevent irresponsible lending and now the whole economy was paying the price. When charged with having mistakenly opposed the efforts to regulate derivatives he admitted: “I made a mistake in presuming that the self-interest of organizations, specifically banks and others, were such that they were best capable of protecting their own shareholders and their equity.” The press was then quick to confront him with his own testimony made in 2002, to the effect that “an infectious greed seemed to grip much of our business community”, and “It is not that humans have become any more greedy than in generations past. It is that the avenues to express greed had grown so enormously”.

Globalization and economic liberalization have significant implications for the implementation of economic, social and cultural rights, and, in particular, the rights of the poor and disadvantaged, and of women and children. The linkage between democracy, development and human rights is underscored by studies which have documented that “bad governance leads to incompetent - and often discriminatory - administration of social services and development projects, widening social gaps ...and constitutes a major obstacle to social development” and also “the impoverishing effects and basic inhumanity of gender discrimination - in terms of prescribed and limiting roles; lack of economic opportunity, health care geared to the needs of women and children, access to education, credit, land, income and property; and participation in institutions which enable popular participation” (J. Paul, “Incorporating Human Rights … ,” ASIL (1995), pp.13-14.

We had been forewarned of these dangers several decades ago by the Nobel Laureate, our revered

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Kaviguru Rabindranath Tagore, thus: “We have for over a century been dragged by the prosperous West behind its chariot, choked by the dust, deafened by the noise, humbled by our own helplessness and overwhelmed by the speed. We agreed to acknowledge that this chariot-drive was progress, and the progress was civilization. If we ever ventured to ask ‘progress toward what, and progress for whom’, it was considered to be peculiarly and ridiculously oriental to entertain such ideas about the absoluteness of progress. Of late, a voice has come to us to take count not only of the scientific perfection of the chariot but of the depth of the ditches lying in its path.”

As early as 1964 Pandit Nehru, in response to Andre Malraux’s question: “What has been your greatest difficulty since independence?” had answered: “Creating a just society by just means.” Some five decades later those words have a strange contemporary ring as the quest for freedom and justice still continues in our societies. The State and Democracy in South Asia Report (2008) brings home to us how formidable is the challenge of social and economic change that still faces us. Once seen as a contradiction in terms which required a country to choose either political freedom or economic equality, the challenge of simultaneously pursuing the two goals is present in some measure in all parts of the world, but nowhere is the challenge as imposing as it is in South Asia …. If one needed any evidence to believe that freedom from want is still a distant goal in this region that South Asians experience the most intense forms of poverty, deprivation and destitution, this report lists it all. The per capita income in every country of the region … is less than half the global average and below the global average for developing countries. Nearly a third of the people in the region still live below the poverty line. … Literacy and enrolment figures are way behind the global average; nearly 40 per cent of the adult population is non-literate and only about half of the school going age children are actually enrolled in schools. Health indicators are equally dismal; one-fifth of the population is undernourished; infant mortality is higher than the global and developing countries’ averages; the region has more patients of tuberculosis than in any other region of the world. … All this evidence presents us with the paradox of the co-existence of mass poverty and mass democracy.

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Restoring justice to development calls for strengthening democracy, this in turn calls for re-generation of healthy politics. Politics must be re-generated so that it is once again the means for engaging the hearts and minds of all our people. It is through mobilizing of empowered citizens and their shared efforts that a just society can be built. Conditions need to be created in which citizens become aware of their responsibility to exercise vigilance, to articulate their priorities, to monitor the activities of those who exercise governmental powers, and to ensure that the checks and balances written into the constitution function as more than paper provisions.

Human rights activism, popular mobilization and the strengthening of civil society in support of the core democratic values gives depth to democracy. Effective national human rights institutions, press freedom, including independent radio and television, and an independent judiciary are critically important for a truly functioning democratic political order through which economic and social justice can be achieved.

I cannot do better than to conclude with the inspiring words of Aung San Suu Kyi, (Freedom from Fear, 1991): “The quintessential revolution is that of the spirit,

born of an intellectual conviction of the need for change in those mental attitudes and values which shape the course of a nation’s development. A revolution which aims merely at changing official policies and institutions with a view to an improvement in material conditions has little chance of genuine success. Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces which produced the iniquities of the old order would continue to be operative, posing a constant threat to the process of reform and regeneration. It is not enough merely to call for freedom, democracy and human rights. There has to be a united determination to persevere in the struggle, to make sacrifices in the name of enduring truths, to resist the corrupting influences of desire, ill will, ignorance and fear.

Saints, it has been said, are the sinners who go on trying.

So free men are the oppressed who go on trying and who in the process make themselves fit to bear the responsibilities and to uphold the disciplines which will maintain a free society.

“Let all of us sinners aspire to be saints. Let us go on trying.” I feel this is an appeal which Shri Tarkunde would wholeheartedly endorse.

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World under Holy Siege —By Iqbal Jafar [This is an editorial published on Wednesday, 08 Jul, 2009 in Dawn paper available at http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-conten t-library/dawn/the-newspaper/editorial/world-underholy-siege-879 tvo@isb.comsats. net.pk] the early part of the last century it was a Ingenerally accepted view that religion would gradually become more of a private matter and less of a factor in the public domain of human relations.

A rationalist-secularist-idealist world view was expected to lead to an age of humanism that seemed to be the destiny of humankind. That world view persisted despite the tragic aberrations of the mindless savagery of bolshevism, nazism, fascism and the two world wars, remarkable as much for their destructiveness as for the absence of a justifiable cause or purpose of the military aggressions that launched them.

That phase of history ended with the end of the Second World War, and it seemed for a while that reason and idealism would prevail in the future discourse within and between nations. That did not happen. With the perspective of hindsight we now know that at that very moment there were powerful undercurrents that would sweep away all such notions as so much flotsam in the turbulent waters of the world ahead.

It all began in the late 1940s with three fateful divisions of the land and the people on the basis of religion or ideology. It happened in quick succession. The first to materialise was the ideological division between the ‘godless creed of communism’, and Christian Europe.

The division of Europe was formally inaugurated by Winston Churchill in March 1946 in his speech at Fulton, Missouri by these words: “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.”

Soon enough, however, that division became a global ideological divide between the religious and non-religious antagonists of the ensuing Cold War. The second was the division of India, on the basis of religion, in 1947; and the third was the division of Palestine, again 11

on the basis of religion, in 1948. Before the world could realise what on earth was happening, religion had kicked the door open for global politics to make its unheralded entry.

It was but inevitable, therefore, that religion should assume an important role in the global political arena.

While conflicts in Kashmir and Palestine kept smouldering at low intensity, the East-West conflict drew all the attention and resources as the compulsions of the Cold War unfolded with growing intensity.

Mobilising the religious right all over the world against the ‘godless creed’ was one of the weapons in the arsenal of the West, and it set about forging that weapon as early as the 1950s.

The strategy evolved by the West for ideological defence had three main elements: the religious right was to be encouraged; the political right, including a rightist military dictatorship, was to be supported; and the notions of secular democracy, considered to be fertile ground for communist ideas, were to be discouraged.

This strategy was not confined to the Muslim world alone, but was pursued all over the Third World.

This strategy is also reflected in some of the writings at that time as the debate within the western establishment about the containment of the Soviet bloc continued throughout the 1950s. The thinking at that time was summed up in an essay ‘Communism and Islam’ by Bernard Lewis. He argued that “Communism is not and cannot be a religion, while Islam, for the great mass of believers, still is; and that is the core of the Islamic resistance to communist ideas”. He went on to say that “if the people of Islam are forced to make a straight choice, to abandon their own traditions in favour of either communism or parliamentarianism, then we are at a great disadvantage”. This clearly was advice to encourage Islamic orthodoxy and discourage democracy in the Muslim world.

In violent episodes, apart from full-scale wars, inspired by this strategy, hundreds of thousands of people were killed, democratic governments toppled and military dictators propped up in Asia, Africa, South America and, at least in one case (Greece), in Western Europe itself.

The religious right was not only supported, its rivals, the secular liberals, were physically depleted if not altogether eliminated. There is, thus, no mystery about

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the resurgence of religiosity and the retreat of liberals all over the Third World.

It did not just happen but was a desired outcome of a strategy enthusiastically planned and ruthlessly implemented. So ruthlessly, indeed, that even Pandit Nehru, the icon of secular democracy in the Third World, was planned to be assassinated in 1955, according to William Blum in Killing Hope. Unluckily for the Hindu militants the plan was not implemented or could not be implemented.

As if in obedience to the law of unintended consequences, the West, especially the US, could not remain unaffected by the religious frenzy that it had helped unleash in the rest of the world. Senator Joseph McCarthy and J. Edger Hoover, for example, got so infected by the ideological frenzy orchestrated by their government that they launched a campaign of their own to rid the US of the liberals (‘commies’) through sustained persecution, almost succeeding in making America a police state.

What the US government, politicians, media and some members of the academia did in the 1950s and 1960s became a prelude to the surge and empowerment of the

Christian right as a political power to reckon with in the 1970s and later. It made firebrand televangelists like Franklin Graham and Pat Robertson, the mirror images of Osama bin Ladaen and Ayman Al-Zawahiri, possible.

During those four decades of the Cold War , the religious orthodoxy and militancy became so firmly rooted in the minds of millions of people (Muslim, Christian, Hindu and Jewish) that the fuel for fanaticism did not dry up even after the demise of the ‘evil empire’. To make things worse, a backup for religious militancy also existed in the form of India-Pakistan and Arab-Israeli conflict where the West was an ally of Israel. Thus emerged a new foe: Islam!

The new foe was duly and formally identified by Margret Thatcher herself in her article that she wrote for The Guardian. The title of the article said all that she wanted to say: ‘Islamism is the new bolshevism’. No surprise then that the battle between ‘good and evil’ continues to rage unabated and the world remains under a siege by the holy warriors. Finally, a puzzle for the newcomers: the holy warriors on both sides of the divide happen to be recognisable as the cold warriors of yester-years.

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Current Affairs’ Section:

Iqbal A. Ansari

[Professor Iqbal A. Ansari, Professor English, (retired), Aligarh Muslim University, Visiting Professor, Academy of Third World Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, Centre for Advanced Socio-Legal Studies, Jamia Hamdard, New Delhi and Centre for Federal Studies, Jamia Hamdard, has written extensively on issues relating to human rights, minorities, communal violence and conflict resolution including Kashmir. iqbalansari2001@hotmail.com]

Yes, You Can— Signs of Hope in Obama’s Message: An Indian Muslim Response Dear President Obama, reetings from an Indian Muslim, a member of one of the non-majority communities of the ‘Muslim world’, who did not find any direct mention in your powerful, moving speech, delivered in Cairo on June 4, 2009 though Af-Pak region did figure as an area of your major concern. Listening to your speech live on television, I was touched by your sincere search for a new beginning in America’s relation with Muslims and Islam.

Since in your speeches you often refer to your culturalintellectual background, I may let you know that I am among the very few teachers in the University at Aligarh, where I served, who actively opposed the ‘authoritarian emergency regime’ imposed by the Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in June 1975, suspending all fundamental rights, and joined the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) founded during this dark period.

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I consider Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), 1948 as one of the finest achievements of Western liberal humanism, and the Amnesty International as the best institution, impartially pursuing the cause of freedom and justice worldwide.

My humble research–publication and activism have been directed towards promotion of rights, especially of vulnerable minorities in India, along with seeking inter-community /State conciliation for durable peace in the Indo-Pak region In view of this, I specially welcome your commitment to rule of law and human rights, though wisely leaving the choice of system of government to the people themselves. Similarly welcome is your commitment to freedom of religion and equal rights of minorities, including in Muslim majority countries. Again your readiness to accommodate cultural norms of communities like dress code for women is in full accord with the celebration of cultural diversity along with pursuit of equality, the two major human rights concerns of our time.

I compliment you for your courage to reject hegemonic Western mission of secular cultural homogenization, which considers a woman covering her hair as less equal, and the prescription of norm that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal.

My sincere thanks are for your avowal of the cause of “fighting against negative stereotypes of Islam, wherever they appear.” Your resolve requires enacting a law under article 20 (2) of the ICCPR prohibiting religious hatred, reinforced by Human Rights Council’s Resolution 7/19 on ‘ Combating Defamation of Religions’, which has noted with deep concern “attempts to identify Islam with terrorism ….” and “ethnic and religious profiling of Muslim minorities.”

I appreciate your non-use of the word terrorism preferring the descriptive term “violent extremism in all of its forms”. You rightly referred to the persecution of the Jewish people by the Christian countries of the West in the form of anti-Semitism, which found its worst expression in the Holocaust. But how does it justify similar violent extremism of the Zionist Jews against innocent Palestinians, abetted and aided by, among other, the successive US Governments?

I welcome your very sincere sympathy for the pain of dislocation of the Palestinians and their daily

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humiliations under occupation, which has made you pledge to secure for them a state of their own. I wish you had expressed your future plan in the region in terms of the ideals of the Pilgrim Fathers and the American vision of common and equal citizenship for all persons inhabiting the land, of whatever racial-social origin or ethnic-religious affiliation, fulfilling the dreams of Two Peoples under One State, which will make the issue of recognition of secure, defined borders disappear. A common Israel-Palestinian State will be the only ideal as well as viable and stable solution, which can secure durable peace for all citizens and communities enjoying equality as well as their distinct identities under some consociational-democratic formulation about equitable sharing of power and resources.

Such an arrangement requires paradigm shift from hegemonic control of the oil-rich region by the West led by the United States for their political-economic gains, an example of which was so honestly cited by you of the toppling of the Iranian Government of Mossaddeq in 1959 While admiring your frankness in unambiguously stating America’s unbreakable strong bonds to the Jewish state of Israel based upon cultural and historical ties, I must remind you that your preferred scheme wants Palestinians to submit to a segregated inferior status giving up their dream of returning and reclaiming their ancestral home.

On this issue I can do no better than ask you to pay attention to the humanist framework of “This land is your land, this land is their land’ contributed by the Libyan Leader Muammar Qaddafi to the New York Times, January 2009.

However, given the realities of the situation, such a transformation may take a long time. Hence the need for acceptance of the compromise of two state solution, whose success will depend on renunciation of Israel’s hegemonic agenda and destruction of its nuclear weapons, an issue that you meticulously avoided to deal with. Does your two-state solution for two peoples living in peace and security envisage perpetuation of the asymmetric pattern of a nuclearised Israel and an unarmed Palestine? It amounts to acceptance of master-slave relation between the two, supported by “freedom loving” Americans led by you. It is the potential threat to this pattern of Israeli dominance in the

region which made America wage an unjust war against Iraq for its imagined possession of WMD and which is causing it to bully Iran. Let American people know that it is their avowed unbreakable bond with Israel, irrespective of however grossly unjust policies it pursues, and the palpable double standards practised by their governments, which is the ultimate source of the adversary’s tribal rage, which led to an irrational, insane, unethical, and anti- Islamic revenge of 9/11.

The same Koran that, you rightly cited, declares inviolable sanctity of all human life permits people oppressed beyond endurance like the Palestinians who have been forced to flee their homes on the ground of their religion, to fight the oppressor to liberate themselves from tyranny, with the provision that during armed hostilities all non-combatants, especially women, children, old, disabled persons and worshippers, and all civilian activities will enjoy protection, like under the four Geneva Conventions of 1949. The Islamic creed rules out targeted killing of innocents or recourse to such weapons, and sites which are certain to cause harm to innocents.

But when you give a call to the oppressed Palestinians not to resort to violence whose victims are innocents, think of Hiroshima, think of Vietnam and recall killing of innocents at dozens of other places by America. As your mind is capable of deeper reflection, think of all weapons of mass destruction as the diabolical invention of the secular western (anti-Christian) industrial civilization whose value orientation needs a second course correction under its valuable gift of universal human rights. You will do well to prepare your people, especially the WASP and Jews, to let your government fulfil its international human rights obligations under universally applicable standards on WMD, on environment, on trade, and on observance of the Four Geneva Conventions.

More importantly let the government and civil society in Israel enter into a detailed Treaty on the Protection of Innocent Persons in All Situations of Use of Force by all Parties in the Israel-Palestine region, with the provision of international sanction against the erring party for violation of its terms and human rights standards.

Let your government pledge to make the unbreakable bond with the Jewish State of Israel conditional on its withdrawal to its original borders and to its adherence to

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the Geneva Conventions and to the terms of the envisaged Treaty on the protection of civilians. This should lead to de facto recognition of Israel by all Palestinian resistance groups. It may involve deferment of the exercise of right of return of the Palestinians to their homes in Israel.

Dear President Obama, you ended your remarkably impressive speech by recalling the homily of ‘do unto others as you would have them do unto you’. May I ask you to imagine yourself as a Palestinian child uprooted in 1948/67 from the land with the yearning to return home! May you do to Palestinians what you would like others do unto you!

While dealing with Af-Pak region, it is good that Hillary Clinton has frankly admitted the American guilt of sowing the seeds of violent extremism. It also needs to be admitted that among sections of bigoted Muslims there has been a yearning for reviving the agenda of ‘holy war’, though its modern form of terrorism is just a perversion.

What has, however, not been taken full cognizance of as one of the most potent sources of violent extremism in the region, worse than bomb blasts, hijackings, hostage taking, is militarized political Hindutva, avowedly inspired by Hitler as well as Italian fascism, born out of a manufactured Hindu sense of siege for perceived wrongs of history and Partition of India in 1947. It has been relentlessly pursuing the agenda of hate and revenge against Muslims and Islam. Its ultimate objective was to enact a Spain i.e. exterminate Muslims. Having realized its futility, it has been successful in getting about 140 million strong Muslim community of India marginalized. The community’s socio-economic ranking, according to official studies, is far below Hindu backward classes. Moreover they are terrorized into submission by subjecting them periodically to riots, pogroms and massacres.

The Indian public discourse does not include killing of three thousand Muslims on a single day in 1983 in Nellie (Assam) or the demolition of a four hundred years old functioning Muslim mosque in December 1992 in the presence of state forces by Hindu mob led by no other then L.K. Advani, former Deputy Prime Minister

of India, as acts of terrorism-aided by the states law-enforcement system.

It has been conclusively established by official inquiry reports that it is partisan policing during anti-Muslim pogroms in Mumbai in 1992-93 and loss of hope in the justice delivery system that made some angry frustrated Muslim youth play some supportive role in the incident of bomb blast in March 1993. Such individuals however have never enjoyed any Muslim organizational support.

On the contrary there has been universal Muslim Ulema led community condemnation of all acts of terrorism.

How to explain post 9/11 tide of anti-American sentiment among Indian Muslims?

Since your speech is exclusively devoted to seeking a new beginning in America’s relation to the Muslims world, do kindly keep in mind that Indian Muslims have always expressed solidarity with the Muslims in the Middle East!

However, being more conservative they have tended to consider America as their natural ally in fighting atheistic totalitarian communism which was clearly manifest during the entire cold war period. Recent Anti-Americanism of Indian Muslims owes exclusively to its grossly unjust policies vis-à-vis Palestine, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan. It got aggravated by the West/America lending prestige to Salman Rushdie, Taslima Nasrin and the Danish Cartoons.

If your government chooses to continue luring India into American strategic network aligned with Israel, with its potential of anti-Muslims world design, no one can stop Indian Muslims from intensifying their opposition to the US government, though not its peoples.

Therefore, reorienting your government’s policies vis-à-vis not only Israel but also India will be advisable, as India’s alliance with Israel is bound to increasingly cause rise of Hindu militarization against not only Muslims but no less ferociously against Christians who are already under attack. While supporting India’s search for Global Great Power status, do say it in the open that it should remove the slur of being the largest democracy without rule of law and a secular state without secular justice.

Dear friends, Please send your articles with passport size photographs at my following address: C-8, Defence Colony, Meerut, 250001, U.P., India. Or e-mail them along with your scanned photographs to rheditor@gmail.com —Rekha Saraswat

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Balraj Puri [Mr. Balraj Puri is an authority on Jammu and Kashmir Affairs. He is Director, Institute of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs, Karan Nagar, Jammu-180005 Ph.:01912542687,09419102055 www.humanrightsjournal.com]

Diversities play a decisive and positive Role in Indian Politics the result of 15th Lok Sabha election Though was out long ago, a fierce controversy is raging in each party and election analysts on the way voters behaved. The right wing Bhartiya Janata Party and the leftist front of the communists, the main opposition parties contending for power are pondering over the causes of their rout. In the case of the former, the media had given wide coverage to the conflicting views of its senior leaders. The communist are more disciplined. But the internal debate and differences are already in public knowledge. The victorious Congress led front least expected such spectacular success. It had been hailed, particularly by the young educated urban middle class, as a victory of nationalist forces at the cost of parochial, caste, community and regional loyalties.

As reports about ground realities were analyzed, the role played by diversities of the country was gradually recognized. The analysis would reveal the peculiarity of the working of the largest democracy of the world.

The election campaign was certainly carried on national issues. The left raised an international issue like nuclear energy agreement while the BJP made cross border terrorism as one of the issues. Other issues included Hindutva and change in the special status of Kashmir.

The performance of Manmohan Singh government during the last five years including measures like

National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and waiver of loans to poor farmers also had a national impact.

But all told, these measures contributed their share in the increase of Congress votes by mere two percent over its performance five years ago, even though it contested slightly more seats i.e. 440 against 417 the last time.

The increase in Congress as well as the United Progressive Alliance led by it, share of seats and decline in that of the opposition was more due to interplay of what is called identity politics, based on caste, community, ethnicity and regional appeal.

Region, community and caste factors varied in their impact in different parts. For instance regional appeal was paramount in states like Tamil Nadu, Orissa, Jharkhand and Sikkim. Garo hills in Meghalaya returned a young girl of 28 of the Nationalist Congress Party which pleads a special status for the area but has no base any where else outside Maharashtra. Gorkhaland in West Bengal returned an outsider and unknown to the people before election, the BJP leader Jaswant Singh because he pleaded the case for a separate Gorkha state.

Nitish Kumar led JD (U), though a part of the NDA, disowned the manifesto of the BJP, condemned Varun Gandhi’s hate speeches and did not allow Narendra Modi to campaign for the NDA in Bihar. By retaining the identity of his state intact he won 20 seats for his party and helped the BJP to win 12 seats out of 40 seats in the state. The alliance of most backward classes like Kurmies and upper castes like Thakurs and Brahmins that he made became a formidable force, in Bihar.

In Karnataka, the only southern state where the BJP had been able to strike roots; it had won over lingayats community alienated by the Congress and Davegoda JD (S) for various reasons. Congress was able to make in roads in MP and Chhatisgarh mainly by concentrating on Tribals and other marginalized castes. In Rajasthan, the BJP had lost support among Meena and Gujjar communities, for different reasons. The jat leader Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, the former Vice President of India, had staked his claim to be projected as the future Prime Minister by the BJP as he was senior to LK Advani. As his claim was rejected, he and his community got disillusioned with the BJP. In Gujarat, considered to be a fortress of the BJP, the Hindutava icon Narendra Modi’s appeal also rested on his championship of Gujarati pride and appeal to Other Backward Classes

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to which he belongs.

In Punjab, Akali Dal, a party of the Sikhs, had made a radical decision on the eve of the last assembly election to open its doors for all Punjabis and gave some tickets to non-Sikhs also. But by its alliance with the BJP, it neither remained an effective Sikh party nor a Punjabi party. Advani’s attacks on the personality of Manmohan Singh (a Sikh) cost his party Sikh votes in Harayana and Delhi also.

Muslims are the biggest religious minority of the country. There are more Muslims in UP than in any other state. They are also most vocal about the rights and grievances of not only their community in the state but also of the whole country. They were getting alienated due to neglect of Urdu in its home state and other factors mentioned in the report of the Sachar committee. Series of arrests of Muslim youth for their alleged involvement in terrorist attacks in different parts of the country in recent years had further upset them. Some time back two trains full of Muslims called Ulema Express visited Delhi to launch a protest demonstration.

Ulema Council in UP, Assam United Democratic Front and representatives of some non-descript parties along with independents, in all estimated to be 780 Muslim candidates contested the elections. But excepting those who contested as candidates of secular parties most of them lost or by dividing secular votes contributed to the victory of the BJP. In Assam AUDF, led by Badruddin, Ajmal Qasim, a Mumbai based Muslim businessman, was its lone successful candidate. But it helped in increasing the tally of the BJP in other constituencies. In Maharashtra, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Orissa, Muslims failed to get a single candidate elected. In Maharashtra, they only ensured victory of the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance. In Gujarat, for instance, veteran Congress leader, Shanker Singh Waghela, lost to the BJP by about 2000 votes, because a Muslim candidate got more votes than this margin. The net result was that Muslim representation declined from 34 in the previous Lok Sabha to 30 this time, including four from Jammu and Kashmir State.

To be fair, Muslims had reasons to be disillusioned with the secular parties. The BSP was becoming too ambitious and unwieldy. It had put up over five hundred candidates all over the country, more than any other

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party and its leader Mayawati was aspiring to be the Prime Minister of India. Its appeal had started loosing credibility among all communities; more so among Muslims as it was equating the Congress with the BJP. Samajwadi Party led by what was called “Maulana” Mulayam Singh Yadav did inspire Muslims. But his understanding with Kalyan Singh, under whose Chief Ministership Babri Masjid was demolished, completely disillusioned the Muslims. His fourth front, extending to Bihar damaged the prospects of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan, Yadav and Dalit leaders, also.

By process of elimination, the Congress became the only viable choice for Muslims. That explains the remarkable recovery of the party in UP. Muslims support along with a section of upper castes played a vital role in rise of its tally to 21 seats in UP. A valuable lesson for the Muslims in this election is that no religion based party on its own has any scope for success. If a Hindu party like the BJP had learnt its lesson and, in course of time, tried to transform itself to be more broad-based, Muslims have far more reasons to align with a party which is secular with maximum chances of success.

Finally the collapse of the third front, which had neither a strong core group nor reliable allies, contributed to the success of the Congress. The collapse of its so far most impregnable citadel in West Bengal is very instructive. It rose to power on the strength of the sentiments of regional nationalism of Bengal ably represented by Jyoti Basu. But its successor could not reconcile the aspirations of all diversities within the state.

Gorkhas have never been integrated with Bengali nationalism. Tribals and socially depressed Hindus like doms, duels and bagdis had become alienated by highly regimented system of CPM cadres mostly of upper caste called Bhadralok. The current revolt by the tribals, led

by Maoists, is an other instance of alienation of non-Bengali communities. While Bengali speaking Muslims had aligned with Bengali nationalism, the Urdu speaking Muslims of South Bengal spread over Kolkata, Howrah, Barrackpora, Dum Dum and Asansol were conscious of their distinct entity and were demanding the second language status for Urdu.

Some recent events brought two set of Muslims closer to each other as well as to other discontented communities.

The protest against land acquisition for industrialization in Nandigram, an Urdu speaking Muslim area, were

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sought to he suppressed by armed CPM cadres, got wider sympathy including that of Trinamool Congress.

Body of Rizwan ul Rehman, a Muslim technocrat who was in love with the daughter of a Hindu businessman, found on a Railway track and initial police inaction, evoked widespread Muslim protest. It was followed by wider Muslim demonstration demanding externment of Taslima Nasreen, a Bengaldeshi writer, condemned for her alleged sacrilegious writings who had sought asylum in Kolkata. What further disillusioned Muslims of the West Bengal with the leftist government was the disclosure by the Sachar Committee report that Muslim representation in various fields in West Bengal was much less than in many other states including Gujarat.

Thus Muslim aligned with other discontented elements in West Bengal led by Mamta Bannerjee. Her alliance with Congress led to the rout of the leftist alliance which could get only 13 seats against 25 won by the UPA. In Kerala also the leftist front was routed which got only 4 seats against 16 won by Congress led front. The conflict within ruling front, including between the chief minister and general secretary of the CPM and corruption charges against the latter were responsible for its rout. Its efforts to enlist the support of a sizable Muslim population in alliance with Abdul Madni,

involved in terrorist attack at Coimbatore some years back, misfired. It offended bulk of liberal Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Indian Union Muslim League, a liberal Muslim organization, helped Congress led front to get a majority. The leftist, for various reasons, had also alienated Christians, who have a sizeable presence in the state.

Thus it was interplay of diversities and their dimensions which projected UPA as a unifying force and brought it to power. It also acted as a moderating influence on BJP which had to drop its core agenda to form the NDA led by a Socialist George Fernandes and will have to further moderate itself if it has to survive. Likewise, Indian left has to learn a lesson from its experience in the elections; it must moderate itself like its counterparts in Europe which turned into social democratic parties after the collapse of Soviet Union. It can become a formidable force along with erstwhile socialists of India and by recognizing the vital role of diverse ethnicities in their strongholds.

All in all no political outfit in India can survive without taking into account diversities of India, which are not only a reality but also check the centralized nationalism and ultra nationalist forces.

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IRI/IRHA Members’ Section:

Swarajbrata Sengupta [Dr. S arajbrata Sengupta is a celebrated author, editor and linguist from West Bengal. He is a permanent Fellow, South East Asian, Underdeveloped Language Communities (Manila). He has authored many prominent books some of them being—Modern Science, Man and his Imagination Science, Society and Secular Humanism Gathering Fuel Jean Paul Sartre. This article is from his “ Selection of Essays: Science, society and Secular Humanism” Ph. 91-033-6730398]

Philosophy of M.N. Roy and Modern Science according to M.N. Roy is the Philosophy, interpretation of the Universe: a contemplation, a study and a knowledge of the nature as propounded by Pythagoras. Roy did not stop here. He held that the function of philosophy is also to create the world. Philosophy is not only an intellectual pursuit but also a creative driving force for action. Thus, a philosopher is a man both of thought and of action, a thinker and a revolutionary. M.N. Roy has proved the correctness of his proposition by his own life.

Philosophy – Materialism: Philosophy must be based on empirical knowledge derived from objective reality perceptually and conceptually by the subjective factor – human brain and mind. M.N. Roy’s view is that the objective reality has its own existence independent of the subjective factor – 19

objective reality is not the projection of the subjective factor. Rather subject is also an objective reality operating consciously on the external object. Apparent dualism of object and subject has been reduced to monism by M.N. Roy tracing the origin of the subject in the object itself. Subject is the conscious operation of the object. In other words, object and subject are two mutually convertible elements of the objective reality and to be more precise in philosophical terminology, it is in other words, a physical reality. I should repeat, knowledge is empirical derived perceptually and conceptually. Truth is the content of knowledge and so it must be correspondent to objective reality which can be verified and experimented upon. In other words, truth is the verified and experimented entity of objective reality.

Philosophy being the quest for truth and interpretation of the universe through a process of verification and experimentation has been co-terminus with materialism.

Both spiritualism and metaphysics are empty speculations, mental gymnasium and kite-flying, having no existence in the realm of physical reality or relation with truth.

Modern conception of Matter: At the advent of scientific theories like Theory of Relativity by Einstein and Quantum Theory of Plank and the theory of wave mechanics of Heisenberg, classical materialism has undergone a radical change and it has survived in physical realism. To classical materialism, the matter was perceptual, bound within the four corners of sense organs but physical theories mentioned above have revolutionised the concept of matter. Matter is no more perceptual. The ultimate composition of matter is neutron, a combination of electron and positron, and electric particle and electricity is mass in motion. The conception of electron or neutron or position does not do away with mass which is a measurable entity. Energy is equivalent to mass and as such energy is a form of matter. On the strength of the quantum theory of Plank, M.N. Roy views that the constant is an atom of action, the minutest fraction of energy. Plank’s constant has a mass. This being the position, both matter and energy are mutually convertible. The ultimate unit of this fundamental reality is conceived as event instead of mass-point in order to lay emphasis on its dynamic character. The world is not a static being; it is a process of becoming. Therefore, it should be interpreted as events that are of change in the state of ultimate

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constituents. Events are of dynamic physical magnitudes. In other words, modern concept of matter is wave conception. Energy is a form of matter that is a vibratory substance. Atomic Physics has reduces matter to energy and Quantum Physics has reduced matter to electricity which is vibratory as well as corpuscular.

Static electricity (electric field) is a field of vibratory motion. An electric current is a stream of electrons which are material particles. Quantum Physics has traced the magnitude of mass and energy to the common foundation of a vibratory substance - so Roy argues that matter and energy are two elements of substance. This theory has been further strengthened by Schrödinger Heisenberg theory of wave mechanics – its constant is still a physical entity. Matter, according to M.N. Roy, is the energy and event in motion. So matter in its new conception is physical reality and modern materialism has, in fact, survived in physical realism.

Spirit and Matter: Apparent dualism in concepts of Spirit and Matter has been resolved by M.N. Roy with the help of modern physical science into a conception of physical reality.

Spirit and Matter are not two different categories.

Rather, these two are intermingled and intermixed with each other, these two are one and single category of substance which is a physical reality. The physical reality is not perceptual but conceptual, a mathematical symbol having a measurable mass. So, according to M.N. Roy, the physical reality is the ultimate reality and the origin of the universe has emanated from this ultimate reality. So M.N. Roy says that “the theory of relativity has reduced the entire cosmic scheme including space, time, mass, motion, force, energy to one single category-matter”. In M.N. Roy’s cosmology consciousness is not an absolute category independent of physical reality, rather a category of matter at a certain stage of evolution and growth of matter. Roy has come to this conclusion from a different angle on the strength of physical sciences of modern time.

Matter, Space and Time: So long spiritualist philosophy maintained that both space and time are two categorical entities and ultimate realities and they have independent existence. But the theory of Relativity has exploded this theory of spiritualism. Space and time derive their very existence from a common source which ontologically is

antecedent to both. These are functions of physical existence. Hence though qualitatively so different they are always inextricably mixed up. Even their qualitative distinction is apparent. Fundamentally they represent self-same physical reality, extension or extendedness of matter, geometrical or chronological respectively. Since space is constructed of points, it is a product of existence. The function of the point is to exist. Existence, therefore, is antecedent to space. Duration is also conditional upon existence. Time cannot exist independent of space. Nature has welded it together with space. Being is three dimensional and becoming is four dimensional because it embraces existence and change, space and time. A process of becoming is a four dimensional continuum. M.N. Roy asserts that disappearance of absolute space as well as of absolute time leaves matter as the ultimate constituent of the physical universe. Implication of the general Theory of Relativity was the interdependence of space and time which results from their common dependence on matter.

Four dimensional space is the graphical picture of three dimensional matter. The time function involved in motion is the fourth coordination. Motion not only absorbs time but also space. Motion is the function of matter—consequently the space-like and time-like dimensions are also functions of matter. In other words, space is the extension of matter and time is the sequence of matter. Intervals between events are spatial as well as temporal. On the basis of the theory of relativity M.N. Roy argues that time and space being elements or categories of matter, there can be no existence of spirit independent of space and time which are ultimate categories of matter.

Spiritualism has no leg to stand upon as spirit can survive only in matter. From this point of view, materialism is the only philosophy possible in the context of above theories of the physical science.

According to M.N. Roy, these theories have laid down a strong foundation of materialism, in other words, physical realism.

Matter, Life and Consciousness: Physical reality being the ultimate reality of the universe, life is also the product of physical reality at a certain stage of physical growth of the world. In developing his theory, M.N. Roy has based this theory on the latest developments of biology. Roy has based his

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theory on the authority of Lamarck, Haeckel, Darwin, Oaken, Huxley and a host of other biologists. Lamarck wrote, “Life is purely a physical phenomenon. All the phenomena of life depend on mechanical, physical and chemical causes which are inherent in the matter itself.

The simplest animals and the simplest plants which stand in the lowest point in the scale of organisation, have originated and still originate by spontaneous generation. All animate natural bodies or organism are subject to the same laws as inanimate natural bodies. The idea and action of understanding are motional phenomena of the central nervous system. Taking the thread from Lamarck’s theory, Darwin immensely improved upon Lamarck’s theory with the help of his theory of natural selection. Haeckel the disciple of Darwin has found sufficient ground fort eh assumption that there is in the foundation stones of the structure of matter itself a property similar to sensation. At a certain stage of the physical growth of the world, organism came into being and by descent and natural selection organism has evolved into diverse organism of the animal as well as physical, including that of man.

Haeckel has said in his book ‘General Morphology’ about organisms without organs as first semblance of origin of life. Haeckel has said, “They are small living corpuscles which, strictly speaking, do not deserve the name of organism, not composed of organs at all, but consist entirely of shapeless, simple homogeneous matter. The body of one of these is nothing more than shapeless mobile, little lump of mucus or slime, consisting of an albuminous combination of carbon – simple or more imperfect organism we cannot possibly conceive”. Haeckel has further said, “On account of the perfect homogeneity of the albuminous substance of their bodies, on account of their utter want of heterogeneous particles these are closely connected with an organ than organism and evidently form the transition between the inorganic and the organic world of bodies, as is necessitated by the hypothesis of spontaneous generation.” Primitive form discovered by Haeckel and Huxley were not composite organism, not aggregate of several organs. They consist solely of a single chemical combination and yet grow, nourish and propagate themselves.

On the strength of these biological theories, M.N. Roy says, “So, a simple compound of carbon was found to be the seed of original life – the totality of the molecular 21

motion of matter, which in higher forms of organism is endowed with dignity of the mysterious supernatural “vital force” (soul). Since then organic chemistry discovered that the most elementary substance which brings into evidence the play of the mysterious vital force, was a combination of carbons with oxygen, hydrogen and nitrogen. The material play ground of the supernatural vital force is an albuminous substance.

Originally, all organisms are simple lump of such albuminous formation called protoplasm.” M.N. Roy further says “When a combination of a number of chemical elements produces the phenomenon of life, it enters into the organic domain. The primary manifestation of the phenomenon is the process of nutrition and multiplication”. So, from these formulations, it has been evident that life has originated from physical realities at a certain stage of the growth of the world and in process of descent and natural selection and nutrition and multiplication life has manifested itself into diversity of the animal world. Modern biology has obviated the difference of the organic and the inorganic, the animate and the inanimate, life and matter. Matter being an event, a mass in action, life is also the product of matter as life consists of carbon with oxygen, hydrogen and nitrogen and these are all elements of matter or physical realities. Now coming to the problem of consciousness, M.N. Roy has said, “Consciousness is nothing but the sum total of sense perception. It is the immediate result of external influence upon an organic matter. Mind is not an independent entity. It is simply the property of organic matter”. So consciousness is not anything supernatural, but being an element of matter itself, the monistic philosophy of materialism has been established under a sound foundation of physical sciences, biology, physiology and psychology. The life is the element of matter at a certain development of growth of the world.

Matter and Idea: Idea, according to M.N. Roy, “originates in the human brain which is a lump of a specific physiochemical combination resulting from the entire process of biological evolution. The origin of idea is scientifically explained by tracing it in pre-human biological impulses. Biological evolution in its turn takes place in the context of physical nature, called the world of dead matter”. Roy has further said that “Idealism is a physiological process. But once ideas are formed in the

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minds of man, they exist by themselves, governed by their own laws. The dynamics of idea runs parallel to the dialectics of social evolution, the two influencing each other”. It is evident from all these observations that idea is the property of the brain and brain is the product of the physical entity or matter. From this point of view, idealist philosophy has no legs to stand on as ideas are not ultimate categories as conceived by idealist philosophers, rather the function of the brain. But once idea is formed, it has its own existence in the cultural heritage of man. Idea influences the environment which is the sum-total of matter and at the same time matter influences the idea. So in this process of interaction of matter and idea human society or environment unfolds itself into a harmonious process of higher and higher civilisation and social order. This is the way philosophy becomes a driving force for creation of the new world satisfying the man’s quest for freedom and freedom itself is a purposive continuation of the biological struggle for existence.

Matter, Free Will and Determinism: Will is the manifestation of life and Roy says that “all manifestations of life – consciousness, intelligence and will can be traced down to a common origin which is physical substance. There is a red thread of continuity running through the entire process of cosmic evolution including the biological evolution”. Roy has further said that “all human attributes – intelligence, reason, will, instinct, intuition – are rooted in the process of biological evolution antecedent to the appearance of homo-sapiens”. Will as the biological property of matter acts as a free agent to mould the social organism and the world of matters. Although is the biological product of matter but once created will act on matter as a free agent.

So in M.N. Roy’s cosmology of materialism, free will has a role to play. Free will being the conscious part of biological function of matter can be really free and act on the universe on its own motions. But free will being the part of the law governed universe can be fitted in with determinism. M.N. Roy’s materialism is deterministic as a matter is determined by its own inherent laws. So M.N. Roy writes, “Man rose out of the background of the physical universe, through a long process of biological evolution. Man with his mind, intelligence and will remains one integral part of the physical universe. The latter is a cosmos – a law-governed system. Therefore, man’s being and becoming, his emotion, will and ideas

are also determined. Man is essentially rational. The reason in man is an echo of the harmony of the universe”. Matter is determined by the law of causation which is inherent in matter itself. The law of causation is a physical process and not pushed by a Prime Mover or the First Cause. So, M.N. Roy’s determinism is not teleological, it is rather physical. M.N. Roy’s determinism is based on the law of probability and not on the law of inevitability. The law of probability fits in well with the theory of with the theory of relativity. Will is also part and parcel of determinism and matter being governed by its inherent law is also deterministic. M.N. Roy has developed his monistic physical realism-materialism and has found unity in diversity tracing it down to physical reality as the ultimate reality having inherent laws of its own.

Materialism and New Humanism: New Humanism is the social philosophy of M.N. Roy and “New Humanism” is deducted from a general philosophy of nature including the world of matter and the world of mind. Its metaphysics is physical reality and its cosmology is mechanistic; conceptual thoughts and sense perceptions are harmonised in its epistemology. It merges psychology into physiology and relates the latter to physics through chemistry. It bases ethics and rationalism and traces the roots of reason in the orderliness of nature and harmony of the physical universe. By tracing will and reason, emotion and intelligence to their common biological origin, New Humanism reconciles the romantic doctrine of revolution that man makes history, with the rationalist notion of orderly social progress”. Physical realism is the philosophy of M.N. Roy in the realm of pure thought and its function is to interpret the universe and New Humanism is the philosophy of action whose function is to create the world. But New Humanism is not a social philosophy independent of physical realism. Rather New Humanism is the practical application of physical realism (materialism) which is the lever and driving force of social revolution. In other words, New Humanism is the revolutionary doctrine of physical realism in creating a better world and higher and higher civilisation and social orders. New Humanism is inextricably integrated with physical realism. Physical realism being the genus, New Humanism is the species.

Conclusions:

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Physical realism of M.N. Roy ushers in a grand march of materialism over spiritualism and idealism, and has co-ordinated all branches of scientific knowledge, i.e.

Physics, Chemistry, Physiology, Biology with the help of his rigorous logic into a comprehensive philosophy of nature. M.N. Roy’s philosophy is not a closed system; it is rather a method of interpreting the universe on the

basis of scientific knowledge unfolding itself, generations after generations, ages after ages, and centuries after centuries. Let humanity join itself in this grand march of physical realism and social progress.

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New Book Release—Secularism, Women & The State: The Mediterranean World in the 21st Century Institute for the Study of Secularismin Society and Culture, Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (ISSSC) has published this book edited by Barry A. Kosmin and Ariela Keysar. It has been divided into two parts— (a) Secularism and the State and (b) Women and Society.

It can be downloaded free of charge at www.trincoll.edu/secularisminstitute. Paperback can be purchased for $10. Kara Ledger may be contacted for the same at 860 297 2381. The Editors may be contacted at: isssc@trincoll.edu 23

THE RADICAL HUMANIST

AUGUST 2009 over and above the struggle for survival and for the urge for freedom.

He has rightly observed in the ensuing paragraph that “All human attributes—intelligence, reason, will, instinct, intuition—are rooted in the process of biological process antecedent to the appearance of homo sapiens. The capacity to acquire knowledge, as distinct from the common biological property of awareness differentiated man from his animal ancestry.”

However other animals know about their environment and adapt with it, but they do not have the capacity to change their environment. This capacity to affect changes in environment is the result of human creativity.

Creativity helps man in developing skills and tools suited to effect changes conducive to not only his survival but betterment.

Creativity in the initial stage helped man to shape tools from the available material from nature. Later on it was responsible for developing language and expressing his thoughts and feelings through various forms of art.

This need for freedom to express is basically individualistic need. It envisages freedom from any collectivity (group, state or religion) imposing its norms or standards on the individual.

Creativity is also related with the development of an aesthetic sense which has contributed in the evolution of moral norms in the society.

Jayanti Patel [Prof. Jayanti Patel is a Political Scientist. He was Vice President African Studies Society, India, President Gujarat Rajyashastra Mandal, Founder Secretary, Gujarat Univesity Area Teachers Association and Gujarat Rationalist Association. He was also formerly President, Indian Radical Humanist Association. He was Editor of Vaishvik Manavvad (Monthly). He has contributed innumerable books and research articles in his areas of special interest—Political thought, African Studies, Political Violence. jaykepatel@gmail.com] I

Source of the need for freedom

II

thank the Editor for publishing excerpts from IRoy’s writing in RH issue No. 468 (March, 2009) titled “The Essence of the Philosophy of New Humanism”. I think that Roy’s observation (second paragraph), “As soon as it appeared on the earth, the human species had to undertake the struggle with environment for survival. That was the beginning of an endless struggle for freedom, since then all human achievements—cultural progress, scientific knowledge, artistic creation—have been motivated by the urge for freedom.”, needs some elaboration and re-examination.

First, struggle for survival is not specific to human being only. All living beings strive to survive. This urge for freedom is more specifically evident in human beings.

Hence, we have to look for some other added factors,

Ban on CPI (Maoist) - Naxal movement provides a peaceful method for the Democracy redress of grievances. Hence, a violent struggle for redress of grievances in a democratic set-up may not be justifiable. The central governments decision to declare violent Naxal movement, which is consolidated under the banner of CPI-Maoist, under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act as a terrorist group and ban it may sound justifiable. However this is a legal action and it does not take into account the basic causes responsible for the growth of this movement. It neither provides a plan or policy to redress the grievances which

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are the causes behind the growth of this movement. It should be remembered that when 186 (out of 630) districts of 22 (out 0f nearly 30) states, nearly 33% of the country, is under the influence of this movement simply a legal step of banning it and repressive force may not solve the problem.

It is clear that our parliamentary democracy, even after six decades of its tenure, has failed to eradicate poverty, inequality and injustice from the deprived classes. It has failed to satisfy the expectations of backward classes, Adiwasis, and the rural populace. Nearly forty percent of people are living under the poverty line. They cannot go on waiting for an indefinite period of time without any hope for redress of their grievances.

History teaches that legal ban without appropriate policy for redress of grievances has never borne fruit. During our freedom struggle during colonial period banned violent struggle continued, challenging the might of the British Empire. There are many violent movements in human history which were never curbed by simple legal banning or repression.

Large portion of our land is still under feudal landlords.

Rural peasantry is exploited in these areas. The Gandhian Bhoodan movement spearheaded by Vinoba simply touched the fringe of this problem and failed to resolve it. Government laws regarding the land policy have remained on paper and powerful landlords continue to contravene them.

Dalits and Adiwasis are still marginalized. Inequality in income is increasing. Malnutrition, suicides due to economic reason, are on the increase. Democratic

system is subverted by corruption, gangsters and political opportunism. These are the causes of large scale frustration and of nurturing the propensity for violence.

On the other hand, the parties and organizations trying to subvert our secular ethos are openly flourishing. They are dividing the nation on communal lines by advocating the politics of hatred. There are Muslim and Hindu organizations which are prepared to resort to violence and terror tactics to intimidate people. Instead of tackling the basic issue of people’s welfare they are diverting the popular will in the channels of non-issues.

Some of these groups are banned but groups like VHP and Bajarangdal etc. are active in enforcing their norms of ‘culture’ (hope it does not turn into ‘Kulture’) by force. But even banning them would not be sufficient without a real secular policy on the part of government and developing an educational programme inculcating rational and scientific spirit in the people. Similarly, banning Naxal movement without a proper policy of eradication of poverty and injustice would not prove fruitful.

One dangerous aspect of such prohibitory and preventive acts is associated with the arbitrary use of these powers by police. There is always a fear, which we have already experienced during emergency and under acts like TADA, AFSPA, etc., that these powers are used to curb even peaceful and democratic dissent, criticism and protest. Politicians, administrators and police avail of these powers to silence or curb persons who might not be in their good books. It is necessary that some machinery should be evolved to prevent such misuse.

“1859—A Meeting of Poets & Scientists” We announce here with great pleasure that Rani Drew our guest writer from London / Cambridge has written a play “1859—A Meeting of Poets & Scientists” on the occasion of Darwin Anniversary Festival—2009.

It was presented by Making Good Theatre at Judith E. Wilson Drama Studio, 9 West Road, Cambridge (English Faculty) on 8th, 9th and 10th July2009.

Readers interested in further details may contact Ms. Drew at rdrew@waitrose.com

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Bhaskur Sur [Mr. Bhaskar Sur is a former teacher and an activist.

He is the co-founder and the present president of Bibartan, a popular science organisation dedicated to the promotion of scientific outlook health care and environmental security. He is also a civil right activist since his student days. He is the present Secretary of the Indian Radical Humanist Association.

Bhaskar_radical@yahoo.com]

Democratic Racism the past few months racial attacks on the ForIndian students in Australia received much coverage both in print and electronic media; not so much because of the viciousness of such acts but the fact that the victims came from the wealthiest and most influential section of the Indian elite’. Racism is a slippery concept, prone to assume different forms in different contexts but central to it is the belief in biological and cultural exclusiveness and superiority.

Ali Rattansi, one of the specialists on the subject, defines the phenomenon in the following words. ‘Strong racism can be defined as a belief that separate, distinct and biologically defined races exist; that they can be hierarchically ordered on the basis of innate, and unalterable superior and inferior characteristics and abilities; and that hostility is natural between these races.’ Racism is therefore more than what the French philosopher Pierre Andre Taguisff has called ‘heterophobia’ or the negative evaluation of the different as it is almost always related to the structure of power and domination. If racism has in recent history been a Western phenomenon with disastrous consequences for

26

its victims, it is because for the past five centuries the Western nations have conquered, dominated and moulded the rest of the world. Its most ancient variety, casteism, a hierarchical structure of allotting power and privilege according to the degree of racial intermixture was the outcome of the influx of the conquering hordes of the light skinned Indo Aryans in this sub-continent.

The Sanskrit word “Varnashram” unambiguously indicates that it was based on ‘Varna’ or skin colour. It was much later, owing to social stratification that it came to be associated with status.

It would however be wrong to suppose that the Western civilization has always been racist. True that the Greeks were keenly conscious and proud of their civilization’s attainments and looked down upon the Barbarians—-those who could not speak the Greek language. Here the perceived sense of superiority was based not on race or external or physical features but language. The Romans extended their citizenship to the people of all conquered land; it was based on class, not colour. It is also remarkable that one Roman emperor Septernus Serverus (193-211 A.D) was actually dark skinned as it is evident from a contemporary portrait.

It is during the Renaissance that racism began to take a definite shape in the notion of inherited superiority of the white skinned and identifying non-whites, particularly blacks as naturally inferior, incapable of civilization and therefore suitable for servitude. The Spanish and other European nations who joined in the competition for conquest, domination and plunder needed such a moral and psychological justification for large scale genocide and highly profitable slave trade. Though the Spanish and Portuguese conquistadors carried out genocide in Meso America and South America, they did not or could not, exterminate the entire native population as the Anglo Saxons, most systematically and methodically, did. Further, the Spanish and Portuguese were more permissive regarding the racial mixture than their Anglo Saxon counterparts. When America was ‘discovered’ for Europeans it was not a wilderness but fairly populated land with some ancient civilizations as old as the European antiquity. The estimated population of North America alone was around 50 million – about 10% of the world population of the time. In his “American Holocaust” David E. Stannard has shown how genocide of the native and the pestilence brought by the Europeans decimated the native population. No

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country in history has done it with better thoroughness and efficiency than the United States of America which continued with its policy of displacing and eliminating Amerindians till the middle of 19th century. The French Sociologist Alexis Taqueville who visited America in the mid 19th century to study the nature of its democracy, wrote with awry humour “United States have accomplished this torpid purpose (displacing and eliminating the natives) with singular felicity, tranquillity, legally, philanthropically, without shedding blood and without violating a single piece of morality in the eyes of the world” At the moment there are about 60 thousand Amerindian living in the United States, as a museum piece rather than a people with a vibrant culture, significantly influencing policy making. The most horrible instance of racial hatred and violence is the Holocaust in which six million Jews, Gypsies and other minorities were murdered to cleanse Germany of racial impurities. But if one would study the tragic history of the native people in America as well as the Blacks who were brought in millions as slaves, Holocaust would seem a natural consequence and not much worse. As one Holocaust Historian has observed with much honesty, ‘The Nazi System was the consequence of ideas and followed the strict logic; it did not arise in a void but had its root deep in the tradition prophesied it prepared for it and brought it to maturity. That tradition was inseparable from the past of Christian, civilized Europe.

Though the Enlightenment has been called the Age of Reason, many of its proponents bequeathed irrational racial prejudice to the European tradition. David Hume and Emmanuel Kant are such unlikely persons to lend their support to racialism. David Hume in his On National Characters (1754) confidently states: “I am apt to suspect that Negroes in general and all species of men (for there are four or five different kinds) to be naturally inferior to the whites. There never was a civilized nation of any other complexion than white.” Archaeology was later to prove none of the ancient civilizations (except perhaps the Cretan) was the creation of the white people.

Kant who was deeply influenced by Hume in Metaphysics also took a cue from him in racial arrogance and prejudice. He came out with a characteristic remark in 1764 “this fellow was quite a black…. A clear proof that what he said was stupid.4 In Germany it led to the concept of culture as an expression of social ethos. The German nation of Kulternation as 27

propounded by Herder (1744-1833) stands in sharp contrast with the civic model handed down to us by the French. Not all the proponents of the Enlightenment were hostile to the dark or yellow skinned. Montesquieu looked at the vices of the Persian life through the eyes of a Persian traveller; Voltaire, on his part, almost idealized the picture of the Chinese and their ancient civilization which he found grounded in sweet reasonability. Such tolerant views had little impact on general white attitudes. Slave trade reached its highest point in 18th century and played a significant role in pre-industrial capital formation. It is estimated that about 15 million African men and women were caught like wild animals and shipped to the Americans where there was a growing market for such a ‘commodity’. Though it may sound incredible, Isaac Newton invested a huge amount in stocks of slave-trade Company, hoping a quick and fabulous return.

In 19th Century there appeared a whole range of scientific theories seeking to explain all variations on the basis of the innate racial characteristics. Robert Knox believed that ‘race is everything’ and he put it forth in The Races of Man (1850) which might have influenced Arthur de Gobineau’s more influential racist classic “Essay on the inequality of Human Races.” He writes, “Among his four basic promises the last two are important: Each race was innately associated with the distinct social cultural and moral traits. The races could be graded in a coherent hierarchy of talent and beauty with whites at the top and blacks at the bottom.”

Darwin’s hypothesis that despite external differences like skin colour and hair, human beings belonged to the same species and in all probability descended from a common stock which had its origin in Africa, had almost very little or no impact on the mainstream intellectuals.

Racist theorists like Herbert Spencer (1820-93) made selective use of a few scraps of Darwin’s ideas in support of both laissez faire economy and imperialism. It was Spencer, who in analogy of Darwin’s ‘struggle for existence’ coined the phrase survival of the fittest which, at once caught the bourgeois imagination. Spencer argued in the scale of progress in technological advancement coupled with cultural refinement the nations of Europe (who are also White) have proved themselves ‘fittest’ as within the western societies the bourgeois, making use of new opportunities has proved itself fittest to rule and dominate. Using this spurious

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evolutionary standard, Spencer pleaded for minimum state control over society or economy and the withdrawal of the state from all welfare measures on the ground that such measures impede competition and the natural elimination of the inferior. Spencer’s social Darwinism and Gobineau’s scientific racism only prepared with way for more uncompromising Nazi eugenics and murderous racialism. Till its last, Nazi racism had donned the scientific garb, thereby making it appear more rational and natural. Hitler’s program of the systematic elimination of the Jews and other ethnic minorities of East Europe was put forth as a Final Solution to the troubled Jewish question which was a strong allurement to a people going through humiliation imposed by the Versailles treaty and the economic crisis.

After the World War II when the full horror of Auswitz gradually dawned on the people’s consciousness, racism, for a time being at least, had to go into a retreat though remained in place in much of the Anglo Saxon world – in the U.S.A, U.K, Australia and most scandalously in South Africa. The Apartheid System, based on racial segregation and exclusion of the Black majority, could not have existed without the active support of Britain, the former imperial power and the U.S.A, its legitimate heir. Under the pressure of the anti-imperialist and anti-racist movements across the globe, UNESCO on July 18, 1950 came out with a ‘statement on Race’ –By Social Scientists. It began with the following memorable statement ‘Scientists have reached general agreement in recognizing that mankind is one: that all men belong to the same species, Homo sapiens.’ The statement clearly and convincingly shows the distinction between the ‘biological fact of race and the myth of ‘race’ and that ‘there is no proof that the groups of mankind differ in their innate mental characteristics shelter in respect to intelligence or temperament.’ The statement was concluded with a passionate call for universal brotherhood and human cooperation. In the post war period millions of skilled and unskilled workers from the former colonies of the European powers poured into EU countries to supply for the acute labour shortage caused by the war and the social reconstruction initiated under the Marshall Plan.

Some of the immigrants also married European ladies, probably, as Fanon suggested, to overcome their sense of racial inferiority. There was always a dormant racial

tension under the surface which began to come out in the open from the end of 70’s of the last century. In the last three decades there has been a proliferation of such racist organizations not only in West Europe but also in some east European countries which, under the influence of socialism, have, till the other day, been more tolerant and warm towards the non-whites. Ali Rattansi has called this new phase of racism ‘post colonial’. French sociologists have distinguished between the old racialism of ‘inegalitarianism’ that treated non-whites as inferior and the new racism based on differentialism which insists on excluding non-whites on the specious ground that their culture is incompatible with the British or French culture. This new racism coincides with the decline of the welfare state, and breakdown of socialism.

In Germany Turkish immigrants have been targeted by the Neo-Nazi groups resulting in several deaths. Mrs Thatcher expressed her fear of being ‘swamped’ by aliens at home. In France, Marie Le Pen of National Front conceives the nation as a biological and cultural entity threatened by immigrants with a different ethnic and cultural identity. The paradox is, they are all for free trade and globalization but against the globalization of the labour force. They will sell their commodities in the global market without any frontiers but fiercely oppose the free movement the people whose only saleable commodity is their labour power. Further, if colonialism had not destroyed the traditional societies and their crafts, these people would never risk the uncertainty of life in an alien land. In the recently concluded election of the European Parliament the Rightist’s including Britain’s openly racist National Party has made significant gains. The analysts have attributed it to the economic slowdown and rising unemployment. As in the past, racism rooted in prejudice and privilege, is likely to thrive and become more vicious and aggressive unless a radical politics with a viable vision of the future emerges.

To return to Australia, our starting point, we shall do well to remember that, like its counterpart America, the land had long been inhabited by the dark-skinned natives called Aborigines. When Captain Cook first set his foot on this vast land in 1768, it was inhabited by the peaceful Aborigines numbering about a million. In the beginning Australia was a penal colony for the British criminals which are why their descendants destroyed most of the early documents. The colonization of Australia began,

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truly speaking, from 1850 when the destitute of Britain, the by-products of industrial capitalism, were given incentives and often helped with the passage money to settle there. This inevitably brought the settlers in conflict with the Aborigines whose land they were taking away by force and shooting them down whenever they felt it needed. This policy of plunder and genocide euphemistically came to be known as ‘Pacification of Force’ Australian historians and anthropologists have usually edited out such unsavoury details out of their narratives of progress and justice, they nevertheless tell us a lot. We may take, for instance the following heartless account written by one of the greatest Aborigine specialists in Australia, “In self protection they [the White settlers] banded together and organized punitive expeditions to teach the natives a lesson – often shooting indiscriminately. This method grew up particularly during the decades from 1840 to 1880 receiving indirect recognition from the Legislative councils and Legislative assemblies.” As the Aborigines were not Australian citizens, they could not hope to get any legal protection. When their number had dwindled alarmingly and they were facing extinction, the Government began to think of civilizing them. This led to a scheme which was hardly less invidious than the state sanctioned massacre - taking away Aboriginal children from their parents to be educated in special schools. The parents lost their children forever and children on their part, lost their language and culture.

But they still remained dark Aborigines and found themselves unwanted and despised in the white society.

They have been called, recalling Hemmingway, ‘the lost generation’. During the Gold Rush many Chinese immigrated to Australia to make a living as workers and menials. In 1861 a racial riot broke out in goldfields near Lambing feat and many immigrants were brutally massacred. Till 1973 Australian Government pursued the policy of White Australia by restricting its immigration only to the Whites. Australian government has always allied itself with the UK-USA strategic interest by sending troops to Korea, Vietnam and Iraq.

And it is not a coincidence because imperialism and racism go together.

The Western Nations, the champions and guardians of democracy and human rights are guilty of worst human rights violations and genocide but they have been remarkably successful in white-washing the past or giving it a descent burial by virtue of their enormous economic power and virtual domination of the media.

Truths are not perhaps objective; they are manufactured in schools, colleges, universities and most importantly, in the powerful media. The question remains: Can we deconstruct this hegemonic truth and allow the victims of racism speak for themselves?

Mr. Bhaskar Sur may be contacted at 301, Basundhara Appartment, 211, Station Road, Bagbazar, Chandannagore, Hooghly, 712136 (W.B.)

M.N. Roy Memorial Annual Essay Writing Competition—2009-10 on “Obstacles to World Peace” The essay may be in 2500 words in either Hindi or English.

Participant’s name, father’s/husband’s name, age, profession, full address with pin code and telephone/mobile number may be written in bold letters on a separate slip and attached with the essay.

The essay will carry 90 marks and bibliography will carry 10 marks.

Last date of sending the essay is 30th September 2009.

The prizes are Rs. 5000/-, 4000/-, 3000/-, 2000/-, 1000/- (two) and 500/- (sixteen).

Result will be declared by 31st Dec. 2009.

Please send them to Mr. Ugamraj Mohnot at D-98 A, Krishna Marg, Bapu Nagar, Jaipur-15, Rajasthan, India.

Ph. 91-141-2621275 —Notice by IRHA, Rajasthan unit 29

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Teachers’ & Research Scholars’ Section:

Ashok K. Choudhury

The Poetic Luster in Gulzar’s Pen man of many identities - poet extraordinary, Aaccomplished filmmaker, outstanding lyricist and writer is Sampooran Singh Kalra, popularly known by his pen name Gulzar. It is very difficult to box him into one category. The uncrowned king of the world of words, he plays with words and embellishes them in the form of poetry lyrics. Gulzar paints landscapes of emotions with his writings. He makes you smile, cry, fall in love and feel dejected by simple words. Gulzar creates a magical world where you wish you could live forever.

Such is the power of his poetry. He is a paragon of contemporary Urdu poetry mixed with the rich essence of the past which identifies itself with cultural diversities of India. A poet at heart, Gulzar says, “Poetry has been, and always will remain, my ‘real’ passion. It is in poetry that I find true meaning which urges me on through some turbulent moments in life. Poetry is my life line. He vows that I will continue to write poetry as long as I live.

But all depends upon how long I live”. He feels that poetry will continue to exist as long as life exists in this world.” ‘Gulzar’, the name itself stands for ‘happiness experienced in a garden in full bloom’.

To quote Bhooshan Banmali, “A poet is a conch-shell that gives voice to the emotions. A lyricist sings of dreams. A visionary is a painter who plays with rainbows. A thinker ponders upon human relationships like a monk who holds council with the trees of forest. A

rare blend of all these, is Gulzar. What is noteworthy about his creativity is his extremely good taste- both in his written words as a lyricist, a poet, a dialogue writer of outstanding merit, and in the visuals he conjures up as a filmmaker of growing eminence. Gulzar’s songs, dialogues, films, all have one common quality- they carry a ‘rasa’ (taste) of poetry because basically he remains a poet. His expressions are thoughts of a modern visionary in words that are hauntingly appealing and yet so simple as to reach the mind of even the most unsophisticated member of his audience. Like all poets of genius he also has his ‘Divine Madness’ to beautify everything. And like all thinkers, his life also is the journey from being to becoming”.

His love for poetry had intensified during his school days. In a bid to recite poems in the school poetry competition, he out did his rivals by reciting his own poems. By reciting he started understanding poetry, and then writing prose and later poetry became his temperament. Gulzar came across Rabindranath Tagore, Sarat Chandra, Sukumar Ray, Iswarchandra Vidyasagar, Qazi Nazrul Islam, Jibanananda Das, Subhas Mukhopadhyay, through the translations. The Bengali ambience in their writings infatuated him, and deeply impressed the young boy which made him learn the language. Besides, many influences have together moulded his creativity. Ghalib, Mir, and Faiz Ahmed Faiz have also greatly influenced him. He feels that it is important to share one’s writings with readers and also writers of other languages. Besides Bengali, Urdu, Punjabi, he is well acquainted with the writings in Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, Telegu, Kannada, and Oriya.

Simultaneously, the poet in him bloomed. Sensitive and contemporary, Gulzar was closely associated with the Progressive Writers Movement. He ventured into Urdu poetry with the first collection of poetry Jaanam (1962).

Eight collections of poems, both in Urdu and Hindi, including Jaanam: Ek Boond Chand (1970), Chauras Raat, (1963), Kuch Aur Nazme (1980), Chand Pukhraj Ka (1995), Pukhraj (1994), Raat Pashmine Ke (2002); and three collection of short stories: Chouras Raat, (1963), Raavi Paar (1997), and Dhuan (1997), so far, have been published. It is, perhaps, his experience of pain, loneliness and alienation that has struck a sympathetic cord within Kuch Aur Nazme. He has attempted the agony through the poems of Kuch…

Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, in the ‘Foreword’ to Raat

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Pashm Ke, writes, “It pleasantly surprises me to know that born in Jhelum and brought up in the environs of Delhi and Mumbai, Gulzar has been so original that the picture feature of his poetry has become synonymous with his personality. Who else but Gulzar could see the moon in the shape of a dry leaf and wonder if it would be carried on the breeze onto his lawn”?

His recent anthology of poems Triveni has an astonishing feature that the poet seems to have invented.

He has developed a new style of writing poems which comprises of three lines composition in which the first two lines converge like the rivers Ganges and Jamuna, whereas the third startles the reader like a strong, invisible streams of Saraswati, taking the meaning of the above two lines at a tangent.

There is no doubt about the fact that what Gulzar has been able to create through his verses over the last four decades or so is something that’s peculiar, unique and quite unlike the conventional patterns and norms of Urdu poetry produced in the 20th century. An inherent silence, pure and evocative, constitutes the core of his poetry. There is always an inherent silence in his poem.

He says, “The poet hides behind the silence and yet he is loud enough to be echoed by those who shares his heartbeat”. He is a poet of pain and soft solitude of love and death, striving constantly to retain his sensitivity to the human condition in a hostile milieu of crass materialism. The pain experienced in his poems has a dimension of its very own, which leads to realization.

His language is simple, lucid, and evocative. His words are not solid blocks of meaning. They say much more than their apparent shapes.

Most of his poems have been translated into English, which includes: Silences, translated by Rina Singh, published by Rupa in 1994; Autumn Moon, translated by J.P. Das, published by Rupa in 1999; Splinter and Other Poems, translated by Ranjana, published by Rupa in 2003; and Selected Poems, translated by Pavan K. Verma, published by Penguine-Viking in 2008. Sharing his translations in English, the poet says, “Reading my poems in English is like seeing them in a new dress. Well stitched, well stretched, and ironed very carefully. When I used to read my poems in Urdu they used to sound like me. In English they sound like my teachers. I used to like them. Now I am impressed by them”.

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In the poems in Silences, the poet seems to hide behind a silence although his voice echoes throughout his poetry.

A hint of romance, a twinge of regret, pain of separation, Gulzar weaves a tapestry of a myriad mood in Splinter and Other Poems. The poems in the anthology are passionate, resonant with deep emotions. Writing ‘Preface’ to the collection, Gulzar writes, “For my indulgence in cinema, I wanted to call them ‘shot-shot’ poems; because, a large number of them are rendered through images, which are quite cinematic. But my editor, Ranjana, rightly spared the reader and called it Splinter. ‘Splinter’ explains the Khalish of the poems itself”.

The poems in Autumn Moon, a seminal collection, are reflection of Gulzar’s penchant for the sublime. The poems, which present some of the most significant Urdu works in translation for the first time, are a deep exploration of love, longing, passion, ecstasy, absence and loss. In the ‘Foreword’ to the collection, Gulzar writes, “Autumn Moon is dear to me for more than one reason. I am now at a new exciting and peaceful crossroad of my life. Meghna, who Rakhee and I nurtured, is to be a bride in the coming year. This book is dedicated to her and Gobind. The second and more professional reason is that I had the opportunity to work with J P Das, whom I fondly call JPda, a doyen of Oriya poet…”

A wide range, from birth to death, separation to reunion, love, grief and hope, could be found from Selected Poems, a collection of forty-five poems, mostly sonnets with English translations. The volume is tinged with nostalgia, loneliness, and longing for the years gone by.

Many of them deal with nature and the callous manner in which man continues to denude it. Another category dwells on relationships- between man and woman, husband and wife, father and daughter. The poems touch upon a gamut of little everyday things and small moments of life which makes for the most powerful verses. The themes are diverse: from the rural fields where Gulzar was born, to the din and underbelly and his adopted home Mumbai, ennui of the big city life and his ties with nature, mankind and god. Verma says, “The poems represent the range and depth of Gulzar’s work and there is a need for startling imageries”.

His short stories, though, are not very elaborate, but are based on small incidents. They are brief, evocative, and

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sharply observant. Through Chouras Raat, Dhuan, Raavi Paar, Gulzar has occupied a great position in the genre. Dhuan, a collection of twenty seven short stories in Urdu, won him the coveted Sahitya Akademi Award in 2002. The book is noted for its fine craftsmanship.

“The stories, collectively and individually, attract the reader in a spontaneous way. Employing elements of biography, autobiography and history, Gulzar succeeded in briefing out what is profound in a given set of situations. Hence Dhuan is a remarkable contribution to Indian short-fiction in Urdu”, says the Award citation.

Gulzar, however, is not that much happy with the award for short fiction. In an interview he said, “I would have been happier if I would got the award for my poetry. He added, admittedly my writing has always been recognized. But the particular award was recognition of my personal work- and this is what made it so satisfying”. However, the volume has been translated into English entitled Raavi Paar and other stories. The stories in the first ever short collection in English have a distinct cameo quality, reflected in each story’s subject matter and narrative style. They are replete with the perceptions of a man who has viewed the world with equanimity and compassion. In spite of concerning with human suffering, the stories are refreshingly free from cynicism. The unconventional stories, reveal the truth of existence with sincerity and sensitivity, weave tales with universal themes, ordinary characters and everyday incidents from the story-teller’s own unique perspective.

In the ‘Foreword’ to it, Gulzar writes, “I am fond of travelling in time and space. In due course of ‘time’, I may come up with some more stories which in a sense ‘travel’. I undertook a similar journey to look at the extinguished star, Eta Coriniae’s impression on one part of our mother-Earth. It becomes all the more relevant now since the graves of the star poet of all times, Zaqu and Ghalib, have been dissolved in very shabby conditions in Delhi…”

The same year in 1997, Gulzar brought out another story collection in Hindi, titled Ravi Paar, on Partition. To quote Yogendra Bali, “In ‘Ravi Paar’ or ‘Across the Ravi… the river, flowing between India and Pakistan, is the metaphor for one of the most traumatic happenings of the Indian subcontinent, the Partition of India, which gave birth to several tales of terror, tearful tragedy and stunning trauma… There is hardly a lover and connoisseur of Urdu… who can afford not to know

Gulzar and his great art of storytelling. His pen has eyes, heart and a mind…”

After a pretty long time, penning some peppy songs, Gulzar returned to story-telling again in 2008 with Two Tales of My Times, released during the World Book Fair.

The volume presents two of his most thought provoking and hard-hitting film scripts, New Delhi Times and Maachis, in the form of narratives. While Maachis is set around Indira Gandhi’s assassination, New Delhi Times is reflective of the political era of the decade. The writer says, “It is the story of my times and experiences. It also reflects history of ‘80s. The book has two tales: one happens to me and the other to Ramesh Sharma. I have combined them into one”.

Khuswant Singh says, “Gulzar is a self-effacing kind of man, rare in film industry”. As a filmmaker and lyricist, most of us are well acquainted. He is best known in India as a lyricist for songs which form an integral part of Indian cinema. “Only literature brought me to cinema”, says Gulzar. From his first lyric “Mora gora ang layee le” for Bimal Roy’s ‘Bandini’ (1963), picturising Nutan, he has always transcended the borders of popular entertainment. As a teenager he always wanted to be part of the film industry, but had to work as a garage mechanic. One day he followed his heart and landed in Mumbai. After a long struggle, he was lucky enough to get a job as an assistant to Bimal Roy and Hrishikesh Mukherjee, then legendry filmmakers.

Since then he has penned some of the best known compositions of R.D. Burman in movies such as ‘Parichay’, ‘Aandhi’, ‘Khushboo’, ‘Ijaazat’, ‘Masoom’, to name a few. Gulzar has had, besides, award winning associations with Salil Choudhuri, for the movie ‘Anand’; Madan Mohan, for ‘Masoom’; Vishal Bharadwaj, for ‘Maachis’; A R Rahaman, for ‘Dil Se’ and ‘Guru; and Shanker-Ehsaan-Loy, for ‘Bunty Aur Babli’. The memorable works of Gulzar as a lyricist are ‘Shriman Satyawadi’, ‘Aashirwad’, ‘Mere Apne’, ‘Kinara’. The hex of his lyric mesmerized the listeners and he won the Filmfare Award for best lyricist for the film ‘Gharaonda’ in 1977.

His magical pen did not stop and Gulzar went on with movies. His ‘Palkon Ki Chchaon Mein’ and ‘Ghar’ walked away with best lyricist Filmfare award for ‘Golmal’, followed by ‘Thodi si Bewafai’. And his quest for success was never ending. The magician of words

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wrote songs for super hit movies like ‘Namkeen’, ‘Angoor’, ‘Sadma’ and put under his belt the best lyricist award for ‘Masoom’. Gulzar bagged National Award and Filmfare award for best lyricist for ‘Ijaazat’. He penned lyrics for movies like ‘Libaas’ and won Filmfare award for ‘Lekin’. His lyrics were appreciated largely by listeners in ‘Rudaali’, ‘Khalanayak’, ‘Maachis’, ‘Aastha’. In the ‘Prison of Spring’, ‘Chachi 420’, ‘Satya’, and for ‘Dil Se’, he won another Filmfare award and continued enchanting the listeners in movies like ‘Hu Tu Tu’, ‘Khubsurat’, ‘Pinjer’, ‘Makdee’, ‘Dil Vil Pyar Vyar’, ‘Filhaal’, ‘Asoka’, ‘Saathiya’, ‘Aks’, ‘Yahaan’, and Bunty Aur Babli’.

The lyric of the theme song of Commonwealth Games 2010, sung by five eminent playback singers, has also been given by Gulzar. He has given lyrics to a Pakistani film, produced by Humayun Saeed, a Pakistani TV artist-turned film producer. However, there was much more than poetries and lyrics through which Gulzar entered the heart of audience. He is still creating unique imageries.

Apart from lyrics, Gulzar has written scripts for over fifty films, the most important among them are ‘Anand’, ‘Guddi’, ‘Bawarchi’, ‘Namak Haram’, ‘Khamoshi’, ‘Andaaz’, ‘Gharonda’, and ‘New Delhi Times’. The year 1971 was an eventful year in the life of Gulzar as his first film, as a director, ‘Mere Apne’, was released and was a hit too. Since then he has directed some of the most memorable films of Indian cinema such as ‘Khushboo’, ‘Achanak’, ‘Kinara’, ‘Meera’, ‘Parichay’, ‘Ijaazat’, ‘Libaas’, ‘Lekin’, ‘Maachis’, and ‘Hu Tu Tu’. Some of his films have walked the tightrope of art and commercial with success. However, the making of ‘Maachis’ had its genesis in the horror scenes that Gulzar had witnessed during 1947 Partition. He still remembers the stench of the half-burnt bodies stuck to the roads which the garbage collectors would have to scrap up with a spade; garbage trucks filled with distorted carcasses; stray limbs left behind on the streets.

Inspired from a Japanese movie ‘Happiness of Us Alone’, which was screened during the first International Film Festival in 1952, Gulzar produced the film ‘Koshish’ during ‘80s. The theme is on integrating a person with disability with especially, the society. He ended it with the tagline “And the Koshish (effort) continues…” The film revolved around creating a special and separate world for the disabled. Gulzar says, 33

the idea, which appeared to me from 1952 Festival onward was very reactionary, I wanted to prove that the disabled are part and parcel of society”.

Gulzar had leftist leanings, from an Indian perspective, in his early days which can be seen from early movies like ‘Mere Apne’, translated as ‘My Dear Ones’. His film “Aandhi’, an oblique criticism on Indian polity, was banned for a time because it was seen as a criticism of Indira Gandhi for the imposition of the emergency. He also depicted a flair for adapting stories/concept from literature as well as from other films like ‘Angoor’, based on Shakespeare’s ‘Comedy of Errors’, and ‘Mausam’, an adaptation of A.J. Cronin’s ‘The Judas Tree’. Gulzar has also adapted ‘The Sound of Music’, the Hollywood classic, into ‘Parichay’.

The dialogues written by Gulzar made the viewers laugh and cry with the characters of the film. The dialogues did wonders for the characters and they became larger than life. The famous character Anand from the film ‘Anand’ is a classic example of that. The year 1971 was also the year when he won the first Filmfare award for the best dialogue for the film ‘Anand’. Besides, his films like ‘Namak Haram’, and ‘Maachis’ won the Filmfare award for best dialogues.

In the small screen Gulzar, also, is an important figure.

He has made two documentaries: one on Ustad Amjad Ali Khan, an eminent Sarod Maestro; and other on Pt. Bhimsen Joshi, a renowned vocalist, and bagged the Filmfare award for Best Documentary for the former one. He has also directed three eponymous TV serials.

The first among them was ‘Mirza Ghalib’, on the life of legendry poet, starring Naseeruddin Shah, essaying the role of immortal Urdu poet, shown on Doordarshan in 1988. Gopi Chand Narang, scholar-critic of Urdu, says, “…Then came the revolution of the electronic media with the advent of the audio and video cassette and the age of satellite television. Gulzar’s highly sensitive serial, ‘Mirza Ghalib’, met the challenge of time at the critical moment. Jagjit Singh’s singing, Naseeruddin Shah’s characterization notwithstanding. Gulzar’s creativity served as a catalyst in turning Ghalib into a household name in the subcontinent. There is no gainsaying that Gulzar immensely succeeded in identifying with Ghalib’s complex and iconoclastic approach towards love and life. Today, many justifiably claim that Ghalib had three savants: two died their

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natural death, he lives on”. For his contribution in popularizing the verses of Ghalib, Gulzar was honoured

by Sahitya Akademi, along with Naseeruddin Shah, Surayya, and Jagjit Singh, in the three days International seminar on 13-15 December 1998, at New Delhi, to mark the bicentenary of Ghalib’s birth. Shri Atal Behari Vajpayi, then Prime Minister of India, presented them with plaques and shawls.

His serial, ‘Taheer-Munshi Premchand Ki’, based on twenty six famous stories and novels of the celebrated writer Premchand, is directed by Gulzar who has also given the lyrics. He says, “Televising an author’s work is one way of reaching the youths”. ‘Kirdar’, the other serial, is based on short stories from literature. These three serials are good examples of how literary works and literary subjects can be ideally adapted to the audio-visual media. His documentaries bagged National Awards in 1991 and 1993 too.

Music Albums are also in Gulzar’s creative repertoire: ‘Marasim’ with Jagjit Singh; ‘Vaada’ with Ustad Amjad Ali Khan; ‘Ishq-Ishq’, containing eight Sufi songs, sung melodiously by Rekha Bharadwaj; ‘Dil Padosi Hai’ with Asha Bhosle and R.D. Burman; ‘Suneset Point’ with Vishal Bharadwaj, Bhupinder Singh and Chitra Singh; ‘Main Aur Mera Saaya’ with Bhupen Hazarika; ‘Udaas Pani’ with Abhishek Ray and Jagjit Singh; ‘Visaal’ with Ghulam Ali; ‘Koi Baat Chale’ with Jagjit Singh; and ‘Raat Chand Aur Main’ with Abhishek Ray. Gulzar, besides, has written a musical ballet ‘Pinochio’ with music by Zakir Hussain and choreographed by Bhaswati in Kathak style.

He has also recited poems of Amrita Pritam, the most powerful voice of Punjabi literature. A cassette by Times Music entitled, ‘Amrita Pritam- Recited by Gulzar’ (2007) is about eight poems of Amrita. Begins with Gulzar’s brief introduction of the poetess, it is presented in a ‘flash back’ style. A beautiful rendering, the cassette, starts with Amrita’s last moments weaved through Gulzar’s writing on her. It is dedicated for those who want to read her original poems. Gulzar is one of the most talented and respected names in the Indian film industry and just like his sun-sign Leo, he rules the Indian music world too.

A child at heart, Gulzar is completely in love with children. The poet says, “I have not grown beyond my childhood”. And this love comes out best in memorable

songs like ‘Lakdi Ki Kathi’, Jungle Jungle Baat Chali Hai…’ Most children fondly remember him for the serial ‘Potli Baba Ki’, Ek Kahani Aur Mili’, ‘Guchche’, ‘Alice in Wonderland’, ‘Daane Anaar Ke’ which he has written for TV serials for children. Other than these title songs for serials, Gulzar is a writer of seventeen books for children, out of them thirteen books have been published under Bosky series, a series dedicated to his daughter, Meghna Gulzar, which is an eponym for their home ‘Boskiana’. Ekta, Kayada, and Ek Mein Do are to name a few books of the genre. For Ekta, he received NCERT Award in 1989.

He strives hard to pass to children the folk culture and traditions of India. Gulzar feels that art of scripting books, TV programs, and films for children should be in consonance with their psychology. According to him, “the best way to write for children is to get into their minds. It’s tougher than writing for adults. You have to understand the sound that can catch the attention of the children”. The arid world of Hindi children’s theatre bloomed with Gulzar’s foray with the adaptation of Brecht’s play ‘He Who Says No, He Who Says Yes’, entitled ‘Agar Aur Magar’, a play with which young people would be forced to think and shake the rigidity of thought imposed by society. It is necessary to question, otherwise there is no progress.

‘Kharaashein’ is a collage of Gulzar’s literary creation on stage. The stories and poems are linked by the fact that they are all set against the general backdrop of riots.

The play was staged in NSD-hosted Mahostava in April 2003, what he has experienced the pain and loss that people suffered during the riots following Partition; unfortunately, we have faced the same time and again.

Silently he was adding on poems on the theme all this while.

Gulzar’s works bear eloquent testimony to his commitment to his art and craft. He is known for making brilliantly sensitive portrayal of subjects ranging from human relations, biographical profiles and often controversial social issues. About his experience as a poet and lyricist, he says, “the only difference between my literary output and my film lyrics is the medium.

There is poetry in both”. For him film making is a way of sharing his thoughts. His films symbolize the way he looks at life. His intention is to get across his point of view or vision and to share it with audience. For his

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contribution to arts and cinema, he was awarded ‘Padma Bhushan’, the second highest civilian award of Government of India, in 2004.

As a lover of music, he has a deep sense of Hindustani classical music. In our country, Gulzar says, music is all around us in our daily lives. His sense of music, his feelings for sound and rhythm guide his choice of meters, phrases, even images and colours. “Music has a natural place in our lives. Right from the shloka you recite in your morning puja and the milkman who comes whistling on his cycle, to the fakir singing as he begs for alms and your mother humming around kitchen. Music fills our spaces naturally. It will always be dear to us”, says Gulzar. Although his talents are manifold, Rina Singh says, “Gulzar is a renowned filmmaker, known for films, that are unique, a story writer, a dialogue writer, a lyricist of hauntingly beautiful songs- poetry remains a single overwhelming talent and passion that colours all his other talents and probably defines his function on earth”.

One of the most versatile artists to leave his mark on cinema and literature, Gulzar was born to Makhan Singh Kalra and Sujan Kaur on the other border in a place called Dina in Jhelum district, British India, on 18 August 1936. He lost his mother when he was an infant.

He had a troubled childhood while being surrounded by a step mother and a horde of step-brothers and sisters.

After Partition he came to Delhi. By the time young Gulzar had completed his education in Delhi his love for poetry too had intensified. Hence his literary roots are firmly grounded in poetry. He took pen name Gulzar after becoming an author. After a lot of struggle, he got a job as an assistant to the renowned director Bimal Roy in 1961. As a result, he appears to have imbibed the best of rich literary traditions of India- Urdu and Bengali, which strengthened his confidence and contributed to his later accomplishment.

For the past four decades, Gulzar has been an indefatigable creative force. His talents are manifold and his achievements voluminous.

As a poet-lyricist-writer-scenarist, all his works belong to different genres- from biographies to commentaries on modern India. His range varies from the contemporary to the medieval to the mythological. “Gulzar’s works show the wide range of his imagery. His language is more Hindustani than chaste Urdu. There is always a touch of

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earth, or the soil in his work. He has the ability to juxtapose a thought with an image so powerfully that a reader is literally wrenched out of his or her world”, says Pavan Verma. Whether he is conjuring up exquisite lyrics, authoring delightful screenplays, directing propounding moving celluloid odes or writing books, Gulzar is a consummate master of his craft. His style makes a sensitivity that is best reflected through his writings. He is a keen observer of the human relationships which have stirred him the most. His film songs and films reflect the same. He is ever committed to nourish the spirit, soothe the soul and enrich the mind; he remains one of a very special kind.

An insight into the life of Gulzar can be taken through a book called Because He Is… (2004). A biography, written by his filmmaker-writer daughter, Meghna, brought out by Rupa, it reveals many intimate, personal details about Gulzar who has been enriching the film world in various capacities for more than thirty years.

The volume starts with how Gulzar was born as Sampooran (complete) into a family that had nobody except his father, struggled to find his identity as a person. Meghna has penned how her dear Papi, as she calls her father, rose to one of the most respected names in the Indian film industry. She beautifully intersperses her narration of incidents from Gulzar’s life with interesting facts about Indian film greats like Bimal Roy, Meena Kumari, Sanjeev Kumar, Hrishikesh Mukherjee and others with whom he was intimately close.

Because… is a comprehensive documentary of the pictures, which are taken from Gulzar’s family album, it presents the family and the professional life of the poet marking his life career, personal moments, joys and sorrows. It ends with a few words about Gulzar, reminiscing about Meghna’s childhood, his Sahitya Akademi award and winning of seventeen times Filmfare and seven times National Awards to date.

Meghna, however, through a simple and touching narration, introduces various facets of Gulzar’s personality in a way only a daughter can.

Another befitting tribute to Gulzar is Echos and Eloquences: the Life and Cinema of Gulzar, by Saibal Chatterjee, a senior member of the print media with more than a couple of decades writing experience behind Gulzar. Well produced hard cover book by Rupa, it narrates the tale of Gulzar through the usage of

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languages. The seasoned biographer paints an impressive portrait of a man who while steeped in the roots of yore is not at all hesitant in presenting the contemporary picture of the time that he lives in presently. It balances the personal and professional life of Gulzar quite well. Chatterjee has clearly traced the Gulzar phenomenon and his life and times through the medium of the films that he has made and the various incidents that made up for his journey in filmdom.

The book attempts to eloquently capture the ups and downs at varied flavours of his life. It begins with childhood, Eloquences… moves through his move from Delhi to Mumbai. Also it gives the details of his estrangement from his family and his desire to join film industry, his association with Bimal Roy. It offers sensitive vignettes of Gulzar’s relationships with R.D. Burman, Sanjeev Kumar, Meena Kumari, Suchitra Sen and Rakhee, whom Gulzar later married. It presents the genesis of several of his songs and is replete with interesting anecdotes. It also describes his love for literature and the influence of Bangla literature. Another highlight of the volume is a detailed look into how the man has managed to maintain the identity of his own without making compromises and bowing down to market diktats in spite of being in the business for more than four decades. A moving account of Gulzar, it serves his struggle as a poet and idealist in a world that is characterized more and more by cut-throat commercialism and profiteering. The other feature of the biography is its containing some rare photographs.

Mirza Ghalib: an Autobiographical Scenario, an unconventional biography, a creative and interesting biography based on the life of the greatest Urdu poet of the medieval India, is an outcome of Gulzar’s eleven years research on Ghalib. The volume is just reads like a film and is light for readers. Gulzar has portrayed Ghalib as a philosopher. Not based on the conventional format of a biography, the book is a glimpse into the life and poetry of Ghalib, a name synonymous with the realm of poetry. He has highlighted certain unique aspects ignored by other scholars, particularly, Ghalib’s love for his wife that he never remarried. Apart from Ghalib’s poetry, Gulzar has drawn from two volumes of letters that Ghalib wrote, which show the hidden aspects of his personality. Ghalib’s poetry is reflective of the turbulent themes of that era and is also a testimony of harmony, spiritual power, inner freedom and intellectual capacity.

Gulzar makes an effort to bring back to life one of the greatest poets to the 19th century. Mirza Ghlaib…, originally written as a screenplay for a series of Doordarshan, is later converted into a biography. The volume is essentially for the present generation to know and comprehend classics and poetry. Gulzar explains, “Eliot’s imagery of the landscape inspired me to introduce Mirza Asadullah Beg Khan or Mirza Ghalib’s persona within his surroundings of the lanes and by lanes of Ballimaran. It reflects the pathos of his life juxtaposed with a resonance of beauty, culture, passion, love and longing”. However, the book attracted considerable and highly laudatory critical attention.

A musical evening ‘Baat Pashmine Ki’ presented at The Music Academy, Chennai, passionately pieced together every facet of Gulzar’s work in 2007. Sachin Khedekar, Pournima, Manohar and Kishore Kadam, read excerpts from his poems and books and spoke about his films and songs. It is also an erudite pictorial attempt to capture the essence of Gulzar’s poetic persona. There was also a painter on the stage who transformed the beauty of words on the canvas.

Recipient of several awards and honours from home and abroad, including Sahitya Akademi Award and Padma Bhushan, Gulzar won the topmost National Film Awards and Filmfare Awards in various categories, alongwith the Lifetime Achievement Award of Filmfare in 2002. Association of Indians in America conferred Lifetime Achievement Award upon Gulzar at a function ‘Ek Shaam Gulzar Ka Naam’ (An evening in the name of Gulzar) in New York on 26 April 2004. Conferring the award, Amjad Ali Khan, comparing with legendary Urdu poet Ghalib, said, Gulzar is the present Ghalib. He won, very recently, the Oscar, at the 81st Academy Award in Hollywood on 22nd February for Best Original Song for ‘Jai Ho’ in the film ‘Slumdog Millionaire’ (2008).

From a garage hand to being considered one of the finest poets and artists of India, it has been a long journey for Gulzar indeed. During his long and celebrated career he has written scores of melodious songs, screenplays which were like a breath of fresh air in the antiquated film industry. His creative endeavour is still in its spring.

He remembers, “My fellow poets said-‘Gulzar’ seemed ‘Adhura’ (incomplete) without a ‘surname’. Now after all these years, it is complete, just Gulzar. Simplicity has

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been his signature style for decades now. Dressed in dignified, reserved and standoffish, gentle and lovable, spotless white kurta is his trademark. Extremely polite, are the qualities of Gulzar.

Dr. Ashok K. Choudhury is a critic and postdoctoral scholar with Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi.

Abolish astrology courses in the University CFI India demands abolition of Astrology and Geomancy courses in University CFI India called on the Vice Chancellor of Potti Sriramulu Telugu University at Hyderabad, India on 3 July 2009 and demanded that the courses taught to post graduate students in the university namely Astrology and Geomancy (Vaastu) should be abolished forthwith. Dr N. Innaiah, chairman of CFI India along with three other NGO organization representatives submitted a memorandum to the Vice Chancellor Prof Bhumanna Hanumandla asking for the removal of unscientific courses in the university.

CFI India earlier approached the High Court of Andhra Pradesh at Hyderabad and filed a writ petition for direction to the university against teaching unscientific courses like Astrology and Geomancy. The High Court bench admitted the writ petition and directed the Telugu University to establish an expert committee and examine if courses like Astrology and Geomancy (vaastu) are scientific or not. The university failed to answer the writ petition which amounts to its admit their failure to prove the scientific nature of Astrology and Geomancy. .

The same point was brought to the notice of the present Vice Chancellor Prof. Bhumanna. The vice chancellor has agreed to go into the matter and answer the petition.

Potti Sriramulu Telugu University commenced Astrology and Aeomancy courses and they are receiving University Grants Commission-funds for the same. CFI India and NGO organizations like Jana Vignana Vedika, Manava Vikasam, Satyanweshana Samithi, Rationalist association protested against such unscientific courses. Hitherto all the vice chancellors failed to rectify this defect and could not establish the scientific nature of these two subjetcs.

CFI India brought to the notice of the public and media regarding the $1million challenge of James Randi if the scientific evidence of Astrology was established.

Indian astrology has more unscientific things in its belief system like naming non existent planets like, Rahu and Ketu. They also fail to include the later discoveries like Neptune and Uranus in to their systems.

CFI India says that the constellations mentioned in Astrology are imaginary and the predictions based on that are nothing but concoctions. Gullible people believe in Astrology and lose money, time and get frustrated in the end.

N. Innaiah innaiahn@yahoo.com http://innaiahn.tripod.com (no www) A 60 Journalist colony, Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad 500033, India, phone: 91-40-23544067

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Book Review Section:

Dipavali Sen [Ms. Dipavali Sen has been a student of Delhi School of Economics and Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics (Pune). She has taught at Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, and various colleges of Delhi University. She is, at present, teaching at Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, Delhi University.

She is a prolific writer and has written creative pieces and articles for children as well as adults, both in English and Bengali. Dipavali@gmail.com]

A Need for Reassurance [BOOK: Annual Horoscope 2009; Bejan Daruwalla; 2009; Hind Pocket Books, Delhi paperback, un-illustrated; pp 672; price Rs 250.] the bestsellers this year, as in the past Onetwoofdecades!

Bejan Daruwalla’s horoscope books are indeed a familiar sight—displayed in Wheeler’s stalls on railway platforms as well as bookstores in airports and shopping malls.

They are of stupendous influence on people—in India and abroad. There is not too many of us who are above taking a peek into it—even if we do not (cannot) go to the extent of paying Rs 250 for it per annum. It is only human!

The gargantuan (672-page this year) Annual Horoscope is also sold in the form of cute pocket-size booklets, one for each sign of the Zodiac (pp 94, price Rs 50).

There are Hindi versions as well, which hit the stands as soon as the English books do.

The book begins by saying that with 2009; the Aquarian

Age is “switched on”. It is the sign of the C’s: Connection, Communication, Collectivity, Contacts, Creativity, Consciousness and Caring (pp 1-2).

It then takes up the twelve signs of the Zodiac, beginning with Aries, the 1st sign of the Zodiac.

Each sign is dealt with in four sections. For example, ‘Aries’ contains: (a)The Aries personality—characteristics “in a nutshell” and personal aspects. The Arien is Spontaneous, Enterprising, and Selfish and so on. (b)The Aries Annual forecast—with a “Monthly Round-up”. January—parents, in-laws, work; February –—contacts, socializing; March—expenses, may be losses. (c)The Aries Monthly forecast—with roughly a page devoted to each month. (d)The Aries Week-by-week forecast, with weeks divided according to the quarters of the moon. January 4—‘You will be on the ball right from the word “Go” this year ….”. January 11—“You face a fresh new challenge….” So it goes on.

After dealing with Pisces, the 12th and last sign of the Zodiac, the book provides a quick listing of “Important dates for 2009”. For each sign, certain starred (*) dates are provided.

E.g., for Aries: January 1-5*, 8-9, 12-13, and so on for all the months.

After this comes a miscellaneous section compiling Indian mantras and predictions made earlier about film-stars and business tycoons – predictions that have come uncannily true. There are insights on stars of the world of sports and athletics, and a lay-out of the palm of the world’s richest man, Warren Buffet.

After this assortment comes “tips” on how to plan one’s career in the light of the Zodiac.

The book ends with a summary of the last two months of the previous year, that is, 2008, for all the twelve signs.

This is the basic structure of the book, evolved over decades of successful marketing. Naturally, the assorted elements of the miscellaneous section vary from year to year.

Bejan Daruwalla (born in 1931 and Bombay-based) is indeed Asia’s most widely read astrology columnist. The Financial Times, London, October 9, 2007, put him as one of the four best known corporate astrologers of Asia,

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and the only Indian out of them.

He combines Eastern and Western Astrology, I-Ching, Tarot, Palmistry, and the study of Numbers and Colours.

And though a Parsee, he declares himself a staunch follower of the Hindu god Ganesha.

He had predicted the death of Sanjay Gandhi and the fall of Indira Gandhi. What is more, he had predicted Olympic gold in 2008.The book provides many instances of his proven successes in making predictions.

But is that possible?

Is astrology at all a body of knowledge? No, I shall not enter into that all. For, that is not what I feel is the reason for the amazing and enduring popularity of Bejan Daruwalla’s. In India, a census of astrologers would yield staggering figures. Right from learned professionals one has the man on the pavement chalking out horoscopes with a piece of chalk. Fees range from thousands to just a few coins. Then there are the amateurs or free-lancers. Everyone has some uncle or friend who is supposed to have an uncanny ability in this line. Why do we need to read Bejan Daruwalla’s Annual?

What are the distinctive features of Bejan Daruwalla’s writings?

He writes as though he is talking to you, in English that is wonderfully clever and crafted yet easy and everyday.

He was a Professor of English, after all.

He writes soothingly, and never scares or unnerves.

Even when there are material losses, he points out the

spiritual gains in having them. He reminds the reader that his predictions are there to help him. They should be used as guidelines rather than final words of doom.

“Even a bad day has something to teach, a point to make, a lesson for you to learn” (p 20).

He writes for all, but he writes especially for the corporate world. He is a corporate astrologer.

He is very ‘global’. He combines various methods of analysis—mixes Ganesha with I-Ching, Hebrew Kabala with Tarot. That spells marketing success.

Thus he taps the insecurity that is there in the corporate world, in the individuals who make up the body corporate of capitalism and imperialism.

Profits being by definition uncertain, profit-makers are the most insecure creatures—always on tenterhooks.

The entire system thereby is always teetering on the verge. It is boom or depression, upswing or downswing.

Capitalism is ‘crisis’-prone.

Its ‘highest stage’—Imperialism—is even more so.

Even if the word ‘Imperialism’ is replaced with the word ‘Globalization’, the insecurities remain, in the system as well as in the minds of the individuals who make up the system.

And so the capitalist needs Bejan Daruwalla on his table —almost like his diary of daily engagements and Board Meetings. Not so much for the predictions, but for his soothing and cheering voice.

In this era of Globalization, his need for Bejan Daruwalla is a psychological necessity.

Combating together the issues for common cause: Over 100 delegates of voluntary and non-voluntary organizations from all th over Gujarat congregated at Gujarat Vidyapeeth, Ahmedabad on 9 June under the Chairmanship of Dr. Sudershan Iyengar, for collective deliberations on “Journey from Democracy towards People’s Power”, organized under the aegis of Janpath, Peoples’ Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), All India Secular Forum (Mumbai), Peoples’ Movement of India (Delhi) and Forum for Protection of Salt Workers’ Rights. In this convention, Guest Speakers, Prof. Ram Puniyani, Prof. Ghanshyam Shah and Dr. Kumar Rajiv, stressed on the need of People’s Politics through public awareness in the backdrop of citizens’ struggle in the th context of formation of 15 Parliament where in the democracy, rulers (Power) thrive but the State of the people, i.e. citizen’s is eroded. In this convention, leading advocate Girishbhai Patel, Sarvodaya Leader Chunnibhai Vaidya, former M.P. Madhusudan Mistry, former M.L.A. Sunil Oza, Editor - Naya Marg Indukumar Jani, Digant Oza from All India Secular Forum-People’s Movement of India, Ilaben Pathak from AWAG, Harinesh Pandya from Janpath, Dr. Lensi Lobo, Dinesh Shukla, Ashwin Zinzuwadia, Kanti Shah and Ashwin Karia actively participated in the discussions. The following agenda emerged in the end as the concluding points: 1) NGOs shall encourage activities aimed at secularism and equal rights for the people. 2) NGOs should fight for the rights & privileges of locals subsisting on natural resources and carry out constructive works in those areas. 3) NGOs and other citizens’ organizations not subsisting on financial help from the Govt. engaged on different fronts on their own accord should strike together in the fight for their common cause. —Gautam Thaker, Secretary, PUCL (Gujarat) M.9825382556

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Humanist News Section: I

Third V.M. Tarkunde Memorial Lecture Organized at India International Centre, New Delhi.

Tarkunde Memorial Lecture, ThewhichthirdwasV.M.called ‘V.M. Tarkunde Birth Centenary Lecture’ was organized by Tarkunde Memorial Foundation at 6.30 p.m. on 12th July 2009 at India International Centre, New Delhi. Mr. Soli J. Sorabjee, former Attorney General of India and President of the Foundation presided over the function.

Dr. Kamal Hossain, a renowned jurist and former External Affairs Minister, the first one, of independent Bangla Desh in the Ministry of Shaikh Mujibur Rehman, delivered the lecture.

Mr. Soli J. Sorabjee recalled how during the Emergency regime of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, Tarkunde had founded the Citizens For Democracy for fighting the demon of dictatorship and how Tarkunde and he had appeared in various courts with writ petitions for securing the freedom of people like Mr. Kuldip Nayar, Mr. Bhim Sen Sachar and so many others who had been detained under the draconian provisions of the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA). Later, he became the first President of People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), which was founded by him along with Jayaprakash Narayan, with Krishan Kant as the first General Secretary, to continue the fight for the protection of civil liberties and human rights in the country. As a Radical Humanist he continued the crusade for democratic values and secularism and championed the cause of the poor and the marginalized sections of our society through out his life. He also edited the highly esteemed journal ‘The Radical Humanist’ for several years and through his writings and life continued to promote scientific temper, rational thinking and a humanist view of life.

Welcoming Dr. Kamal Hossain, Mr. Kuldip Nayar said that Dr. Hossain stood in Bangla Desh for the same values for which Tarkunde stood in India. He was very close to Shaikh Mujibur Rehman and was instrumental in giving Bangla Desh a secular, democratic Constitution, guaranteeing all the fundamental human

rights to its citizens, including all the economic, social and cultural rights as enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and also the Constitution of India. Even as an eminent and forceful lawyer, Dr. Hossain appeared before the Supreme Court of Bangla Desh to defend democratic values. So much so, that Dr. Hossain parted company with the Shaikh and silently went away to Oxford, when the latter tried to forge a single political party in the country, as he did not consider it conducive for democratic values.

Mr. Ashok H. Desai, Vice President of the Foundation, gave the concluding remarks and thanked Dr. Kamal Hossain and other guests, including present and former judges of the Supreme and High Court, lawyers, journalists, academics and Human Rights activists who had gathered in large numbers to attend the lecture and pay tributes to the memory of V.M. Tarkunde or ‘Bhau’, as he was popularly known.

On behalf of PUCL a packet containing PUCL literature, including ‘Selections from PUCL Bulletin’ and Compilation of ‘J.P. Memorial Lectures’ was presented to Dr. Kamal Hossain by Mahi Pal Singh, General Secretary, PUCL-Delhi.

Mahi Pal Singh, General Secretary, PUCL-Delhi.

II

What is the “Donate books, Receive books” initiative all-India campaign to “Donate books, AnReceive Books” has been started by Karmayog to enable any person from across the country to connect with and donate books to any public library, school, college, hospital, NGO, Trust, etc.

What are some of the objectives The campaign’s aims are: -Establishing permanent, local linkages between people and organisations so that they can ‘Donate Books, Receive Books’ at any time in the future also making people realise that there are many people and organisations who can use and need the books, magazines, CDs, etc. that are lying unused in our homes and offices, or which we regularly sell off as raddi /

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waste paper.

-Public libraries, reading rooms, old people’s homes, public hospitals...are some examples of places where magazines, light reading material, etc. is always needed.

-Children’s homes, orphanges, schools and colleges are always in need of books for their libraries.

-Ensuring that each book donated is read by at least one more person, if not many more, before it may end up as waste.

-Many NGOs have special requirements of books (e.g. for training purposes) which they find difficult to get while there may be people who have such books to donate.

How does the ‘Donate Books, Receive Books’ initiative work?

A web-section has been developed on Karmayog with a compilation of Collection Centres and those who need books, so that any person can periodically check and donate books to the organisations listed at the locations listed. See www.karmayog.org/donatebooks Please reply if you wish to donate books, act as a collection centre, or would like to receive books.

Thanks.

Vinay info@karmayog.org www.karmayog.org — spreading knowledge

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