USING THE TRANSFORMATIVE POTENTIAL OF FEMINIST RESEARCH TO EXPLORE THE LINKS BETWEEN SRHR AND GBV Synthesis Report
This Synthesis Report was authored collaboratively by Leva Rouhani and Kate Grantham (FemDev Consulting), Rukmini Panda (Oxfam India), and Megan Lowthers (Oxfam Canada). Suggestion citation: Rouhani, L., Grantham, K., Panda, R. and M. Lowthers. 2022. Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV. Oxfam Canada.
This work was carried out with the aid of a grant from the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada. The views expressed herein do not necessarily represent those of IDRC or its Board of Governors.
May 2022
For more information, questions, and concerns about this research project please contact: Oxfam Canada Megan Lowthers, PhD Women’s Rights Knowledge Specialist: megan.lowthers@oxfam.org
Oxfam India Varna Sri Raman Lead, Research and Knowledge Building: varna@oxfamindia.org
Oxfam Research Reports are written to share research results, to contribute to public debate and to invite feedback on development and humanitarian policy and practice. They do not necessarily reflect Oxfam policy positions. The views expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those of Oxfam.
Acknowledgements We wish to acknowledge the youth researchers in India who conducted this research with guidance from Oxfam India and implementing partners Astitwa Samajik Sansthan (Astitwa) and the National Alliance of Women Odisha Chapter (NAWO), funded by the International Development Research Centre and Global Affairs Canada. We also want to thank Claudia Mitchell and Katie MacEntee from the Participatory Cultures Lab at McGill University for their technical expertise and collaboration on this research project.
CONTENTS Figures vi Acronyms and Abbreviations vi
Executive Summary 1
Introduction
introduction 3 REPORT PURPOSE AND STRUCTURE 3
03
project overview 4 BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE 4 OBJECTIVES 5
research methodology 6 GUIDING PRINCIPLES 6 LOCATIONS 6 DATA COLLECTION METHODS 7 CHALLENGES AND LIMITATIONS 10
Research Methodology
FINDINGS 11 INDIVIDUAL 12 FAMILY 15 COMMUNITY/SOCIETY 16 INSTITUTIONAL/POLICY 18
06
The Transformative Potential of Feminist Research 21 conclusion 24 Findings
11
Individual
12
Family
15 Community/Society
18 16
Institutional/Policy
Figures FIGURE 1: MAP OF PROJECT LOCATIONS IN INDIA
7
FIGURE 2: SOCIO-ECOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
11
Acronyms and Abbreviations ASHA
Accredited Social Health Activist
ASTITWA
Astitwa Samajik Sansthan
AWC
Anganwadi Center
CEFM
Child and Early Forced Marriage
GBV
Gender-Based Violence
IDRC
International Development Research Centre
IPV
Intimate Partner Violence
LGBTQ
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, or Queer
NAWO
National Alliance of Women Odisha Chapter
PVM
Participatory Visual Methodology
SNDT
Social Norms Diagnostic Tool
SRHR
Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
VAWG
Violence Against Women and Girls
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The “Exploring the Transformative Power of Feminist Research to Address Knowledge Gaps in Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and Gender-Based Violence (GBV)” project was implemented in India from 2019-2022 by Oxfam Canada in partnership with McGill University, Oxfam India, and implementing partners Astitwa Samajik Sansthan (Astitwa) and the National Alliance of Women Odisha Chapter (NAWO). It aimed to understand the intersections between SRHR and GBV in two states – Odisha and Uttar Pradesh – while simultaneously testing the gender-transformative potential of the feminist research methodologies used in the project. In particular, the use of participatory visual methodologies (PVMs) of photovoice and cellphilm, and a social norms diagnostic tool (SNDT). This synthesis report shares findings from the project in terms of both new knowledge on the intersections between SRHR and GBV in India and how the feminist research methods used in the project promoted gendertransformative change. Findings are organized across four different levels: individual, family, community/ society, and institutional/policy. For each level in the report, visual data and quotes from the research are integrated to represent the youth researchers’ voices, experiences, and perspectives.
Individual The project found that individuals’ awareness, agency, and bodily autonomy were constrained due to local norms, attitudes, and beliefs regarding SRHR and GBV. Young women were made to feel ashamed about their bodies because of internalized beliefs that menstruation is ‘unclean’ and ‘impure’, and subjected to a range of restrictive norms so as not to contaminate others. Lack of access to sanitary napkins meant that young women had to plan and negotiate their use, sometimes missing out on school or leisure activities during menstruation. Young women were also unable to make choices about their lives more broadly, including those related to clothing, mobility, romantic partners, marriage, and contraception. Instead, these choices were governed by their families and communities, with severe consequences for those who misbehaved.
Family The project found that family relationships, beliefs, and interactions reinforced the link between SRHR and GBV. Obtaining consent for sexual intercourse was uncommon among married couples and a wife’s refusal to have sexual intercourse was often justified as grounds for IPV. Pre-marital sex was found to be unacceptable and abstinence was fervently enforced by parents, who were seen as responsible for preventing pre-marital sex. If an unmarried young woman was found to be pregnant, her family would be disgraced by the community and considered weak for their inability to control their child. Pregnancy resulting from pre-marital sex was also met with severe consequences for women and girls, including child and early forced marriage, violence, honour killing, or excommunication. Married women who were unable to have children, or who birthed daughters, were also subjected to ridicule and violence, and could be forced into having a sex-selective abortion.
2 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
Community/Society The research found that community and social norms around SRHR had some of the strongest roles in determining which forms of GBV were accepted and justified. The notion of ‘impurity’ dominated community beliefs and deeply affected the lives of young women, who were policed by community elders to ensure they were abiding by moral standards, while the same standards did not apply to young men. This policing was extended to young women’s choices about their bodies and appearance. Young women who chose to wear western clothing not approved by the community were considered to be promiscuous, and could be targeted for sexual violence. Married women were also constantly watched by elders and in-laws to ensure that they refrained from sex and any contact with men in their marital household. Homosexuality was not socially accepted, and those who identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer could be targeted for GBV.
Institutional/Policy The project found that different types of institutional and policy barriers restricted youths’ access to SRHR and GBV information and services. Information from healthcare service providers was limited mostly to maternal care for married women. The sexual and reproductive health needs of youth were not openly discussed, and information on sexually transmitted diseases was limited to information on HIV/AIDS made available only to men. Any sex education provided in schools was found to be insufficient and highly segregated by gender. Instead, youth learned about sex and sexual health mostly from the media or their friends. Access to contraceptives was mostly limited to married couples. It was extremely difficult for unmarried youth, particularly females, to access contraceptives and abortion because of social norms and biases against pre-marital sex. Barriers to abortion access were found to be further reinforced by the legal system. Ultimately, the findings from this project demonstrate the gender-transformative potential of feminist research methodologies and methods in terms of shifting harmful norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours related to SRHR and GBV. Not only did the process of conducting the PVMs and SNDT promote greater awareness and knowledge among the youth researchers regarding SRHR and GBV, it created a strong basis for them to engage in broader dialogue, awareness-raising, and advocacy with family and community members. Likewise, locally organized photovoice and cellphilms exhibitions, in particular, provided an opportunity to engage directly with government officials, civil society organizations, service providers, and community leaders, and to influence wider change on these issues.
INTRODUCTION 3
INTRODUCTION Report Purpose and Structure This synthesis report shares findings from the research project “Exploring the Transformative Power of Feminist Research to Address Knowledge Gaps in Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and Gender-Based Violence (GBV)”, which was implemented in India from 2019-2022 by Oxfam Canada in collaboration with Oxfam India, as well as implementing partners McGill University, Astitwa Samajik Sansthan (Astitwa), and the National Alliance of Women Odisha Chapter (NAWO). The project was funded by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), and was an off-shoot of Oxfam Canada’s Creating Spaces program, a five-year initiative (2016-2021) based in six countries (including India) that focused on ending violence against women and girls (VAWG), including child and early forced marriage (CEFM). The purpose of this report is to share the findings from the project and contribute to best practice in feminist research and programming to advance gender equality. It begins with an overview of the project, followed by a description of its feminist research methodology and approach. We then present the findings from the project in terms of both new knowledge on the intersections between SRHR and GBV in India, and how the feminist research methods used in the project promoted gender-transformative change. Findings are organized across four different levels: individual, family, community/society, and institutional/policy.
Photo: Oxfam India
4 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
PROJECT OVERVIEW Background and Rationale A growing body of evidence demonstrates that GBV and SRHR are closely interlinked and attempting to address one without the other will deny millions of individuals the right to full control over their bodies and lives.1 Each day, women, girls, and gender diverse people around the world are subjected to gender-based discrimination, marginalization, and violence, which limits the realization of their SRHR. Conversely, lack of access to SRHR can itself be a source of GBV. For example: • Survivors of rape or sexual assault may face additional violence or social consequences for speaking up against their attackers, including cases where women have been assaulted by law enforcement officials, forced to marry their attackers, or rejected by their families. • Healthcare providers may be legally required to report patients seeking services for GBV or SRHR to law enforcement in countries where homosexuality, sex work, or other forms of sexual activity are criminalized. • Frontline healthcare services for SRHR and GBV may be seen as controversial or optional; in particular, “women’s healthcare services” are frequently under-resourced. • Women may be required to have their husband’s, or, for young women, parent’s consent to receive essential SRHR information and services; in addition, women may face social isolation and/or violence if it is discovered by their community that they have accessed these services. • Healthcare services may be unavailable for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer (LGBTQ) individuals, and if they are available, these individuals may face discrimination and even violence from healthcare providers. • Girls may be removed from school and/or isolated from their families and communities when menstruating or pregnant. • Girls may be forced into early marriage to avoid family dishonour and shame, or to cope with economic hardship. Deeply-rooted patriarchal norms and structures prevent girls, in particular, from exercising voice, choice, and control over their own bodies and lives. In India, for example, social norms place high value on chastity, and perpetuate the belief that marriage and motherhood are the sole destiny for girls. CEFM is an accepted way of life, with one quarter of Indian women aged 20-24 married before the age of 18.2 As young brides, girls often lack confidence and negotiation skills, and are not given the choice to make decisions about sex and
1 ActionAid. (2017). Common cause, collaborative response: Violence against women and girls and sexual and reproductive health and rights. https://ghana.actionaid.org/sites/ghana/files/actionaid-familyplanning-report.pdf
PROJECT OVERVIEW 5
contraception. As such, rates of adolescent pregnancy are high in many parts of the country: nearly one in ten Indian women aged 20-24 has given birth before the age of 18.3 Once married, young women are also more prone to experience domestic violence because of entrenched attitudes and beliefs that women should submit to their husbands and in-laws in their marital home. Many young women do not know they have the right to live free from GBV and to control their own sexual and reproductive health. Despite growing global recognition that GBV and SRHR are interlinked, there remains a gap in understanding how these issues intersect in specific contexts, as well as how to bring about long-term change to harmful social norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours. To address this gap, Oxfam Canada, in partnership with Oxfam India, set out to explore the intersections between SRHR and GBV in India, looking specifically at the experiences of youth in two states: Odisha and Uttar Pradesh. As detailed in the next section, the project adopted a feminist research methodology, inviting local youth to participate as researchers, and to document their own perceptions, experiences, and learning using several participatory and qualitative methods. Through this approach, the project aimed not only to arrive at a deeper understanding of the interconnections between SRHR and GBV in India, and contribute to the literature on feminist methodology, but also to bring about tangible gender transformation in the norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours of the youth researchers and their communities through the process.
Objectives The overall aim of the research project was twofold: To better understand the intersections between the SRHR of male and female youth and increasing levels of GBV in Odisha and Uttar Pradesh; while simultaneously testing the gender-transformative potential of feminist research methodologies used in the research. The four key objectives of the project were as follows: • To understand the attitudes, beliefs, and practices of youth with regards to their SRHR and how it links to their understanding of GBV. • To identify and explore the barriers that prevent youth from understanding their rights and accessing SRHR services, and generating strategies to target the barriers for promoting SRHR and decreasing GBV. • To influence parents, community leaders, religious leaders, policymakers, educators, and service providers with the research findings and strengthen relationships between these key actors and the youth researchers. • To examine the transformative power of feminist research methodologies in a ‘learning-by-doing’ manner.
2 Bajracharya, A., Psaki, S.R., and M. Sadiq. (2019). Child marriage, adolescent pregnancy and school dropout in South Asia. https://www.unicef.org/rosa/media/3096/file/UNICEF_ROSA_Child_marriage_adolescent_pregnancy_3May2019.pdf 3 Ibid.
6 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY To explore the root causes of gender inequality, understand the complex sociocultural phenomena of GBV and SRHR, and take a gender-transformative approach to the research, a feminist research methodology was adopted by the project team. This included the use of several participatory and qualitative methods including cellphilm, photovoice, interviews, surveys, focus group discussions, community dialogues, participatory reflection workshops, and a social norms diagnostic tool. These methods, which are further outlined below, are feminist in nature because they focus on addressing issues of power throughout the research process, promoting gender-transformative change, and centering the participants (in this case, the local youth) as researchers and co-producers of knowledge. A total of 20 Indian youth (aged 17-25) were invited to participate as researchers in the project – 10 from both Odisha and Uttar Pradesh. These youth were selected from among the larger group of participants in the Creating Spaces program. In identifying them, the research team made an effort to take an intersectional approach, ensuring that different groups and identities were represented, including with respect to: sex, location (stage/village), age, religion, education level, and caste. All the youth involved in this project were students and unmarried.
Guiding Principles This research project was guided by Oxfam Canada’s Feminist Principles, which describe ways of working that prioritize power, participation, collaboration, contextualization, reflexivity, inclusivity, and responsiveness. Guided by these principles, the project team was committed to promoting youth leadership and ownership at each phase of the research process: from design, to data collection and analysis, to dissemination. The research methods and approach used were participatory, and sought to position the youth as co-producers of knowledge and “as partners in the definition of problems, the formulation of theories, and the application of solutions”.4 The project team also embed opportunities for the youth researchers to engage with parents, community leaders, religious leaders, policymakers, educators, and service providers throughout the project, as a means to raise awareness around the interlinkages between gender inequality, SRHR, and GBV, with the aim of promoting gender-transformative change. The ethos of the research was a ‘learning-by-doing’ approach that aimed to test the gender-transformative potential of feminist methodology. This involved training the youth researchers to use traditional qualitative methods such as in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, as well as more innovative and participatory methods such as photovoice, cellphilm, and a social norms diagnostic tool, to align with feminist principles around knowledge creation. By training the youth to implement these diverse methods, the project aimed to explore and document their perceptions and experiences of SRHR and GBV in their own lives and in the broader context of their community, as well as to contribute to tangible gender transformation on these issues.
4 Dutta, M.J. and I. Basnyat. (2008). Interrogating the radio communication project in Nepal: The participatory framing of colonization. In H.M. Zoller & M.J. Dutta (Eds.), Emerging perspectives in health communication: Meaning, culture, and power (pp. 247-265). New York: Routledge.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 7
Locations Odisha and Uttar Pradesh were chosen as the locations for this research project based on the results of a situational analysis that was conducted during the design phase of the Creating Spaces program. In each state, twenty villages (forty in total) were chosen for involvement in the research project, and six of those villages (three from each state) were selected for data collection activities. These villages were chosen through a consultative process with youth researchers based on which villages have shown previous leadership in taking action to further women’s rights, and which have a large presence of youth working on SRHR and GBV issues through the Creating Spaces program.
Figure 1: Map of Project Locations in India
UTTAR PRADESH
ODISHA
8 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
Data Collection Methods To explore the intersections between SRHR and GBV in these two states, the research project used a variety of participatory and qualitative methods involving innovative forms of data collection. These methods included: A literature review to explore evidence on the intersection between SRHR and GBV in Odisha and Uttar Pradesh, and to determine whether gender-transformative research had previously been carried out in these states. A survey with the 20 youth researchers to better understand their capacities for conducting research (i.e. data collection, analysis), and to capture their attitudes and perceptions around SRHR and GBV issues. A series of participatory reflection workshops bringing together the youth researchers and project implementing partners (Oxfam Canada, Oxfam India, Astitwa, NAWO, McGill University) to discuss the research process, approach, and findings. These reflection workshops were implemented at three key phases during the project cycle – at inception, at the midpoint, and at close – to set the direction for the project, to raise any challenges encountered in the research process and adapt as needed, to discuss and validate the research findings.
social norms diagnostic tool A social norms diagnostic tool (SNDT) designed by Oxfam Canada to map social norms and practices around gender equality, SRHR, and GBV. The SNDT process was a two-day participatory workshop involving the youth researchers, the Oxfam India project team, and local implementing partners. It used focus groups to introduce vignettes and prompt discussions, structured around six key topics: 1) introduction to social norms; 2) norms around gender roles, responsibilities, and decision-making; 3) norms around early marriage and pregnancy and their link to SRHR; 4) norms around intimate partner violence (IPV) and its link to SRHR; 5) norms around family planning; and, 6) strategies for change. Four SNDT workshops were organized for the project, two in each state. Below is one example of a vignette and the types of discussion prompts used during the SNDT workshop.
Sarita (14 years old) gets married to Mohit (20 years old). Immediately after getting married they begin to face pressure to have children. However, Sarita’s dream is to finish college and pursue a career. She feels that she doesn’t want to have children yet. She asks her best friend, Namita, what she can do. Namita shares that she heard that there are some couples who use contraception but she is not fully aware of how it works and where to go. Sarita thinks about it and is concerned about how her parents would react to it. Facilitate a discussion using the following questions as guidelines: a. Social norms surrounding procreation • I s it common for girls/young married women to want to wait before they have children? Is it considered appropriate? • W hat would people in the community expect Sarita to do in this situation? b. Access and availability to sexual and reproductive health information and services • Would most girls like Sarita have access to sexual and reproductive health information from friends/family and know where to go? • Where would most girls like Sarita get this information from? • W ould most girls like Sarita decide to see a health worker in this situation? • What kinds of services would be available to her?
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 9
Participatory visual methodologies (PVMs) to engage the youth researchers on social issues related to SRHR and GBV. Workshops were held to provide training on how to use different PVMs, and to explain their value for exploring social issues. For example: Photovoice: uses photography to capture, represent, and reflect on reality from your own perspective. Photographs can communicate significant people, events, attitudes, prompt discussion, raise awareness, and challenge social norms surrounding gender equality and women’s rights. Cellphilm: the act of taking a short video of yourself (typically between 1-3 minutes) with a cellphone, tablet, or other device. The goal of cellphilm is to share a message that represents your own way of looking at a particular issue in your everyday life. It can raise awareness, promote dialogue, be a form of activism, and allow you to reflect on your role in advancing gender equality and women’s rights.
These PVMs were used by the youth researchers to reflect on the interconnections between SRHR and GBV, using prompts to explore specific topics such as menstruation, consent in relationships, access to SRHR services, and homosexuality. Their photos and cellphilm videos were then edited and showcased to their communities during local exhibitions. At the exhibitions, the youth displayed their photos and cellphilms, interacted with attendees, and led a panel discussion about the SRHR and GBV issues they chose to depict. The exhibitions provided an unprecedented opportunity for the youth researchers to engage directly with government officials, civil society organizations, service providers, and community leaders, with the hope of increasing awareness and initiating change. Learn more about these exhibitions by watching the short film below, which was produced by a local video production agency in Odisha.
10 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
Focus group discussions with key stakeholders in each village including youth (13-19 years old, separated by gender), parents and family members (separated by gender), and service providers and community leaders (e.g. Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) workers, Anganwadi Center (AWC) workers, and caste/religious leaders). The purpose of these discussions was to validate and expand upon the youths’ perspectives on SRHR and GBV, as captured by the SNDT and PVMs. A total of 42 focus group discussions were conducted (21 in each state). Individual interviews with key stakeholders in each village to gain a more in-depth understanding of key themes around SRHR and GBV identified during the focus group discussions and the participatory reflection workshops. These key stakeholders included youth, parents, service providers, caste/religious leaders, teachers, ASHA workers, and AWC workers. A total of 66 individual interviews were conducted (33 from each state).
Challenges and Limitations One of the main challenges encountered during the project was the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. As a result of national lockdowns and social distancing measures, a large portion of the in-person data collection activities that were planned had to be suspended and/or adapted to ensure the safety of the researchers and participants. For example, some of the individual interviews were conducted remotely using the phone or internet, and the number of focus group participants was limited to comply with social distancing measures. A second challenge for the project was the difficulty of discussing issues related to SRHR and GBV, which are considered highly taboo in Indian society. Topics such as homosexuality, domestic violence, bodily autonomy, sexuality, and pleasure are rarely discussed, including among Indian youth. As such, engaging the youth researchers and their broader communities in open discussion about these issues was itself a challenge. Fortunately, the previous involvement of the youth researchers in the Creating Spaces program meant that they were more equipped to engage in these discussions with one another, and with members of their family and community.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 11
FINDINGS The project generated new findings about how SRHR and GBV are interlinked and how these issues are experienced by youth in Odisha and Uttar Pradesh. It also produced new knowledge about how feminist research methodology can be used to address these issues and promote gender-transformative change. The project findings, presented below, are organized across four different levels, in line with Oxfam Canada’s socio-ecological framework and Theory of Change for its Ending VAWG Programming (Figure 2). This framework considers the complex interplay between individual, family, community/society, and institutional/policy factors underlying VAWG.
Figure 2: Socio-Ecological Framework
INDIVIDUAL
FAMILY
COMMUNITY/ SOCIETY
INSTITUTIONAL POLICY
Organizing the findings within this framework is useful because it helps demonstrate the complex and multifaceted effects of interpersonal and environmental factors that determine local norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours related to SRHR and GBV, which this project targeted. It further helps to document the interactive and mutually-reinforcing nature of these factors across different levels. The overlapping rings in Figure 2 illustrate how factors at one level influence factors at another level. Ultimately, the feminist methodology and methods used in the project were found to be gender-transformative in terms of shifting local norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours related to SRHR and GBV across all four levels of the socio-ecological framework. Not only did the process of conducting the PVMs and SNDT promote greater self-awareness and consciousness raising among the youth researchers regarding SRHR and GBV, but the process of engaging with parents, community leaders, religious leaders, policymakers, educators, and
12 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
service providers (though photo exhibitions, community dialogues, etc.) created opportunities to influence wider change on these issues. At each level below, visual data (photovoices and cellphilms) and quotes from the research are integrated to represent the youth researchers’ voices, experiences, and perspectives, and to capture broader findings and changes in norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours related to SRHR and GBV stemming from the project.
Individual The project found that individuals’ awareness, agency, and bodily autonomy were often constrained due to local norms, attitudes, and beliefs regarding SRHR and GBV. Among the youth participating in the project, there were mixed levels of awareness about what constitutes GBV, about laws and services addressing GBV, and about their rights related to SRHR and GBV, including issues of consent, IPV, CEFM, contraception, and family planning. On the issue of consent, for example, there was limited awareness among male and female youth alike that a woman’s consent was necessary to engage in sexual activity with her partner or husband (more information on this is shared in the findings on ‘family’ below). Young women faced additional and unique constraints on their agency and bodily autonomy, especially regarding menstruation. They were made to feel ashamed about their bodies because of internalized beliefs that menstruation is ‘unclean’ and ‘impure’. During their periods, young women were routinely stigmatized and subjected to a range of restrictive norms so as not to contaminate others, especially men and boys. This included, for example, being confined in separate rooms of their household, restricted from touching male family members, prevented from cooking food, and barred from participating in religious practices and celebrations.
“
It is bad blood. We are told by mothers that we will defile others by touching them when we have periods. - Female youth, focus group discussion, Odisha
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 13
Some girls were further restricted from eating certain foods during menstruation, including meat, that were believed to result in a foul smell in their blood. In a social context where young women already face unequal access to nutritious food, such dietary restrictions make them even more prone to malnutrition and illness during menstruation. If young women were found to have broken any of these rules, they were reprimanded by their families, and in some cases, by their caste council or village leaders. The resulting physical and psychological trauma that they experienced was found to inhibit their agency in the long-term.
Cellphilm video created by youth researchers in Odisha. The research found that lack of access to sanitary napkins during menstruation meant that young women had to plan and negotiate their use (e.g. which days to use, how to procure, whether to use at home or for school), sometimes missing out on school or leisure activities as a result. Some used reusable cotton cloths in place of disposable sanitary napkins, but this could lead to infections or other sexual and reproductive health complications if the cloths were not washed and dried properly between uses.
14 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
“
Women used to use cotton cloths during their periods, very unhygienically. They would repeat using the same cloth for many months and although they would wash the cloths to reuse them, they would not dry them in the sun, but in secret corners where the sun’s rays do not reach. The reason is shame; we used to be ashamed to dry the period cloth in the normal drying spots fearing others, especially the men, would see them or will have to walk past under the ropes where these cloths are dried, which was considered disgraceful of any women to put men in that situation. Because of all these taboos, women would try to dry the period cloth in nooks and corners which are mostly shady and consequently the bacteria would not get killed. This caused several infections in the sexual and reproductive health of the women and lead to severe complications in some cases. - Female youth, focus group discussion, Uttar Pradesh
Young women’s agency and bodily autonomy was further restricted in that they were unable to make choices about their lives more broadly, including those related to their clothing, mobility, romantic partners, marriage, and contraception. Instead, these choices were governed by their families and communities, with severe consequences for those who misbehaved. For example, those who chose to wear western clothing against their family’s and community’s approval were considered promiscuous, and could be targeted for sexual violence (this is detailed further in the findings section on ‘community/society’ below). Young women also required the permission of their parents, and later their husbands, to access essential healthcare information and services, including contraception and abortion.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 15
Family The project found that family relationships, beliefs, and interactions reinforced the link between SRHR and GBV – specifically around issues of consent, IPV, and CEFM.5 Family relationships between husbands and wives, as well as parents and children, were influenced by deeply entrenched values and harmful beliefs towards women and girls, governed by religious, community, and social norms. Obtaining consent for sexual intercourse was uncommon among married couples due to gendered expectations and beliefs such as ‘men make decisions and women must obey’ and that ‘a woman should be sexually submissive to her husband’. Deeply-entrenched religious and social values in India hold that a wife is presumed to give perpetual consent to have sex with her husband after entering into marriage. As such, the research found that a wife’s refusal to have sexual intercourse was often justified as grounds for IPV.
“
If you are not able to give him pleasure, what else is your use? Weren’t you brought to this house for this primary purpose? - Female parent, focus group discussion, Uttar Pradesh
Religious messaging around women’s chastity prior to marriage further dictated the link between SRHR and GBV at the family level. The puritan mentality around pre-marital sex, rooted in harmful beliefs about women’s and girls’ morality, led to the justification of parents using GBV as a measure to control their children’s sexuality. Pre-marital sex was found to be unacceptable among the communities in this research, and abstinence was fervently enforced by parents. In fact, the research found that it was seen as being parents’ responsibility to prevent pre-marital sex. If an unmarried young woman was found to be pregnant, her family would be disgraced by the community, and considered weak for their inability to control their child. Pregnancy resulting from pre-marital sex was also met with severe consequences for women and girls, including CEFM, violence, honour killing, or excommunication. In other words, the expectation that the chastity of young women needs to be preserved until after marriage to protect the honour of the family perpetuates negative attitudes toward women’s sexuality and control over their bodies, and justifies targeted GBV such as CEFM.
5 Please note that for the purpose of this report OCA is using the term “family” to refer to a heterosexual couple and their children and extended family, because this was the only type of family unit that participated in the research.
16 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
Cellphilm video created by youth researchers in Odisha. As a result of these social and religious norms, and the control that families exercise over children’s sexuality, discussions around SRHR are uncommon and often taboo. These barriers prevent youth from understanding their rights and accessing sexual and reproductive health services.
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SRHR was not something that we used to discuss before. Sexuality used to be a taboo topic even though there have been a range of problems in our communities due to lack of awareness of SRHR and VAW [...] We talk to men about how men’s unwillingness to use condoms threaten the SRHR of women. We also talk about the importance of consent in sexual relationships, in the absence of which it is rape. These are big changes because initially most of us would be shy to talk about these things. - Male youth, focus group discussion, Odisha
Another key finding from the research was around childbearing and son preference. Once a couple was married, there was the pressure from family and the wider community to bear male children as soon as possible. In Uttar Pradesh, women who were unable to have children, or who failed to conceive sons, were subjected to ridicule and violence, especially at the hands of their families. During this research, stories were shared where women were thrown out of their homes so that their husbands could remarry in order to have sons. Likewise, if women were pregnant with a daughter (especially if it is the second child), husbands could demand an abortion in order to ensure their next child was a boy. Sex-selective abortion is itself a form of GBV.
Community/Society The research found that different types of community and social norms, beliefs, and attitudes around SRHR had some of the strongest roles in determining which forms of GBV were accepted and justified. Traditional notions of masculinity (e.g., men as providers or decision-makers) and femininity (e.g., women as obedient caretakers) were enforced by community and religious leaders to limit women’s control over their bodies and sexuality. In particular, the notion of ‘impurity’ dominated community beliefs and deeply affected the lives of young women, who were policed by community elders to ensure they were abiding by moral standards, while the same standards did not apply to young men.
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Girls are supervised in their use of cell phones. - Female youth, focus group discussion, Uttar Pradesh
Boys are like bees, they can go from one flower to another. - Female parent, focus group discussion, Odisha
This policing was extended to young women’s choices about their bodies and appearance. For example, young women who chose to wear western clothing not approved by the community were considered to be promiscuous, and could be targeted for sexual violence.
Policing around impurity was not limited to unmarried women; married women were also constantly watched by elders and in-laws to ensure that they refrained from sex and any contact with men in their marital household. Raised in a patriarchal culture where women are treated as subordinate to men, the research found that being labeled as ‘impure’ pushed young women into more marginalized identities that are deeply internalized by them. The constant community policing to adhere to strict social norms created such emotional stress for young women that a large proportion of female research participants reported feeling scared to discuss issues r elated to SRHR.
18 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
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During the initial days I used to feel weird when we were taught about sex and sexuality. I was feeling scared and embarrassed too. I was scared if they were teaching me bad things. My father also used to say that I should stop going if they are talking about weird things. But I had my curiosity and I told my father “let me go and clear the air, will you make me work in the field all my life?” So I kept coming, to address that fear. - Female youth, focus group discussion
Individuals who deviated from the traditional community notions of masculinity and femininity were harshly ostracized. Those who did not identify as cisgender or heterosexual could be subjected to physical violence by the community. Given the strong beliefs and attitudes towards traditional gender roles, homosexuality was not socially accepted in either Odisha or Uttar Pradesh. In fact, most participants in the research did not have much knowledge about same sex relationships nor did they understand concepts such as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or queer. Under these norms and conditions, coming out as a member of the LGBTQ community was rare, and those who did come out could be targets for GBV.
Institutional/Policy The project found that different types of institutional and policy barriers restricted youths’ access to SRHR and GBV information and services. The culture of silence around SRHR was perpetuated within the healthcare, education, and legal systems alike.
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SRHR information and services were largely unavailable because it is a forbidden and taboo topic, even among education and healthcare providers. SRHR information from healthcare service providers was limited mostly to maternal care for married women. The sexual and reproductive health needs of youth were not openly discussed, and information on sexually transmitted diseases was limited to information on HIV/AIDS made available only to men. Moreover, female doctors were rarely present in community health centers, which created a barrier for women and girls to access care because they were uncomfortable sharing their concerns with male doctors. Any sex education provided in schools was also found to be insufficient and highly segregated by gender. In most schools, female teachers and students covered the topic of menstruation while male teachers and students talked about puberty in a separate classroom. Few other subjects were ever covered, and youth were not educated about the sexual and reproductive health of the opposite sex. Instead, they learned about sex and sexual health mostly from the media or their friends.
Choice around family planning was highly restricted due to the institutional norms and policies of healthcare service providers. Access to contraceptives was mostly limited to married couples. It was extremely difficult for unmarried youth, particularly females, to access contraceptives because of social norms and biases against pre-marital sex. When they sought out contraception, healthcare providers were judgmental and questioned why they needed it, hinting at their promiscuity.
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“Why do you need it?” We would be asked [by healthcare service providers]. “Why do you need it out of wedlock?” - Female youth, focus group discussion, Odisha
20 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
Access to abortion was even more limited, especially for unmarried young women. Those who got pregnant outside of marriage were judged and stigmatized by healthcare providers, which created a real barrier to care. Many youth knew of girls who did not approach healthcare service providers for fear of judgement and instead acquired abortion information and services from informal and dubious sources, exposing them to additional health risks.
Barriers to abortion access were found to be further reinforced by the legal system. The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act (1971) requires young women under the age of 18 to obtain parental consent in order to access abortion services. Additionally, the Protection of Children Against Sexual Offences Act (2016) requires medical practitioners to file a police report before providing abortion services to young women under the age of 18. While these laws offer potential protection to victims of sexual violence, there is a complete disregard for the possibility of the sexual rights and autonomy of young women. These laws require that young women identify as victims in order to access abortion services, and for those who do not want their identity reported, some resort to more dangerous methods in order to terminate an unwanted pregnancy.
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THE TRANSFORMATIVE POTENTIAL OF FEMINIST RESEARCH The transformative potential of feminist research is evident from the changing knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours of the youth reseachers involved in the project, which have been shared throughout this report. Interviews with ten of the youth researchers about their experience in the project further revealed some remarkable transformations in their lives.6 Female youth described having greater awareness of their rights, as well as increased levels of agency and decision-making power. Male youth reported speaking more openly about issues related to women’s rights, gender equality, and SRHR, which they previously thought of as “women’s issues”.
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I came to know about SRHR for the first time in this project only. Before I did not know I have rights over my body and over my life… Now because I know that I have these rights, I can speak up. That’s how I resisted my marriage and argued on my behalf. Otherwise, in the past, I would hardly open my mouth. - Charulata, 18 years old
SRHR was not something that we used to discuss before. Sexuality used to be a taboo topic even though there have been a range of problems in our communities due to lack of awareness of SRHR and VAW. It is in this project that we started discussing these issues and learnt that women are denied their SRHR and how men also have a role to play in the same. Nowadays we can talk to girls about menstrual health and hygiene; we also tell them that we can provide them with sanitary napkins and there is no shame in talking about their periods and its related issues. We also go to visit pregnant women and talk to them about the services that they can avail from the frontline workers. We also talk to men about how men’s unwillingness to use condoms threaten SRHR of women. We also talk about the importance of consent in sexual relationship in the absence of which it is rape. These are big changes because initially most of use would be shy to talk about these things, especially in front of women. - Sumit, 22 years old
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The names of the youth researchers have been changed for anonymity.
22 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
Examples were also shared by both male and female youth on standing up for gender equality in their households, challenging the gendered socialization of younger family members, and intervening against CEFM in their families and communities.
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One day when my family members were telling my niece that cooking and such other things are the game for girls. I interrupted them and said there’s nothing like a women’s game or a men’s game. Don’t men cook in hotels? I told them that if the elders did not put such gender discriminatory ideas into the younger lots, nobody would have even know that there is a difference between boys and girls. They were still trying to justify the difference between boys and girls, but I explained properly, and they seem to understand.
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- Disha, 22 years old
Just a few months back, a little girl was going to be married off. I spoke about this to my mother, convinced her that this is a wrong thing to do and sought my mother’s support to go to my neighbours marriage to convince them to drop the wedding. My mother supported me and we both went together to speak to the family. I told the family about the various social and mental issues that will arise from getting the girl married off at such a young age; they were convinced and called off the wedding. - Sejal, 21 years old
The youth researchers also reported changes in family members’ attitudes and behaviours towards gender equality. For example, female youth shared that their families allowed them more freedom of mobility, and treated them with greater attention and respect than before the project.
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Before this project I was never allowed to go out alone. They would always ask me to not leave the house. Even if I had to go out unavoidably, my parents would send my brother with me or would accompany me themselves. No matter wherever I went, there would be someone from the family always accompanying me. I could not even go out shopping alone even if I wanted to. But now after joining this project, everything has changed. Now my parents allow me to go out alone. I can roam around, meet friends, visit the market and do many other things alone. In fact, I take my mother to places now. - Charulata,18 years old
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My parents now listen to me as much as they listen to my brothers, in fact, I think they listen to me more than them sometimes as I am mostly earning for the family and also taking care of the field. Also, because I have become more knowledgeable and confident, they tend to take me more seriously now. - Sanika, 21 years old
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A few of the youth shared interesting stories of how perceptions of community members evolved from a position of resistance to the project into a positive and supportive network for change.
Once when I was taking a session in my village, a man started yelling that I am teaching bad things to the girls and boys. He was so angry that the whole meeting dispersed. Later we had to follow up with him and explain the aims and objectives of the project and why it is important for all, including his teenage daughter. He later came to attend a few more sessions and understood what we were trying to do. From being an active resistant, today he has become my strongest supporter. He happily sends his daughter to the sessions and encourages me that I should always continue doing this good work.
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- Anjali, 19 years old
When I used to take my brother for the different activities while making photovoice and cellphilms, many friends used to mock him and me... They would say, “what are you doing holding those girls’ sanitary pads and clicking photos with them, have you also become a girl?”. But now, the same people who used to make fun of us have enrolled themselves in the project… This is a huge change. - Sanjana, 21 years old
These gender transformations are a direct result of the feminist methodology and methods used in the project. As detailed in the previous sections, the process of conducting the PVMs and SNDT promoted greater awareness and knowledge among the youth researchers regarding SRHR and GBV. It also created a strong basis for the youth to engage in broader dialogue, awareness-raising, and advocacy with family and community members. Likewise, the photovoice and cellphilms exhibitions, in particular, provided an opportunity to engage directly with government officials, civil society organizations, service providers, and community leaders, and to influence wider change on these issues.
24 Using the Transformative Potential of Feminist Research to Explore the Links Between SRHR and GBV —Synthesis Report
CONCLUSION The purpose of this report was to share findings from the research project and contribute to best practice in feminist research and programming to advance gender equality. In particular, we sought to share new knowledge generated on the intersections between SRHR and GBV in India, and how the feminist research methodology and methods used in the project promoted gender-transformative change. The project also helped to shed light on the types of programming and approaches that are needed to help transform harmful norms, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours around SRHR and GBV. It demonstrated the importance of embedding feminist principles such as flexibility, reflexivity, contextualization, and collaboration throughout all phases of the research process, as well as shifting power and ownership over research to participants. Most urgently for us, this research demonstrates the importance of integrating feminist research into development programming, not conducting programming on SRHR and GBV in silos, of working at all levels of society to address harmful social norms, and of understanding the role and power of youth to advance gender equality that is truly inclusive and takes an intersectional approach.