Frames of Reference and Direct Manipulation Based Nagivation by Vision Included

Emergent places for urban groups without a place Representation, Explanation, Prescription

Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Technische Universiteit Delft, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus Prof. dr. ir. J.T. Fokkema voorzitter van het College voor Promoties, in het openbaar te verdedigen op maandag 24 januari 2005 om 13:00 uur door Sophia VYZOVITI Architect-Engineer, Aristotelean Universiteit Thessaloniki Master of Architecture, Berlage Institute Geboren te Thessaloniki, Griekenland.

Dit proefschrift is goedgekeurd door de promotoren: Prof. A. Tzonis Prof. Dr. L. Lefaivre

Samenstelling promotiecommissie: Rector Magnificus

voorzitter

Prof. A. Tzonis

Technische Universiteit Delft, promotor

Prof. Dr. L. Lefaivre

Universitat fur Angewandte Kunst, Vienna, Austria, promotor

Prof. Dr. W.L. Porter

Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, USA

Prof. Dr. D. Shefer

Technion Institute of Technology, Haifa, Israel

Prof. Dipl.Ing H.J. Rosemann

Technische Universiteit Delft

Prof. Dr. Hoang Ell Jeng

Tamkang University, Tamsui, Taiwan

ISBN 90-9019141-0

For my mother, Zoe

Abstract In the past few years we have been observing increasing appreciation of the presence of groups that have not been accounted for in the design of urban spaces, which we call ‘urban groups without a place’. The goal of the dissertation was to investigate: •

How urban groups, constituted on the basis of social and cultural characteristics that denote shared systems of norms, values, interests and behaviors, appropriate space spontaneously.

•

Ways of representing sequences of activities as they form networks manifest in the ‘bottom-up’ development of public space outside an institutionalized framework.

Based on the results of the above investigations, the study developed a design tool in the form of design guidelines that specify ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ contributing to social interaction in public space for ‘emergent groups’.

The research method drew from empirical observation techniques to identify data concerning the use of space. It is interdisciplinary in the sense that it draws knowledge from culture studies, urban sociology, geography, environmental psychology, architecture theory and design methodology. At the intersection of sociology with environmental design, the dissertation employs methodological tools pioneered by Herbert Gans and John Zeisel. Within architectural practice, the dissertation concentrates on the work of a generation of architects working with increased concern for the user, distinguished in the historic-critical taxonomy of Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre as ‘the populist movement in architecture’. In more recent writings, the relevance of user-needs is explored under the category of investigation ‘urban groups without a place’ between subculture studies and public space design.

The research employed two case studies. Focusing on the spontaneous appropriation of urban spaces with certain continuity in time, two emergent places are respectively studied in two ‘real-setting’ situations. The purpose of the first case study, on the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens’ is to provide the empirical data upon which a behavioral model is constructed. The second case study, the ‘number

one skate spot in Tilburg’, is used as a test case for the hypothesized model developed in the first case. The comparison of the two cases leads to a model of higher degree of generalization.

Departing from empirical observation and design methodology developed by TU Delft’s Design Knowledge Systems Research Center, the dissertation produced two kinds of models of emergent places: a behavioral, descriptive – explanatory model and a normative, prescriptive one. The models relate to two scales of the urban environment: the ‘urban regional’, pertaining to the selection of the location, and the ‘urban microlocational’, pertaining to the organization of activities within the site of the location. Besides systematic representation of the phenomenon, the intention in the descriptive explanatory model is to identify the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ contributing to the emergence of the specific social interaction spaces. The prescriptive model, which is constructed upon the basis of the descriptive one, comprises a set of design guidelines for the accommodation of ‘emergent urban groups’.

The pragmatic value of the research in urban design lies in enhancing the social quality of public space by understanding the presence of ever-emergent urban groups within the context of accelerated cultural change. The innovative character of the research, besides comprising a fresh gaze on the problematic of the user, is that it provides a tool for accommodating the environmental needs of yet-to-be specified spontaneous groups using urban space.

Keywords Emergent Urban Groups Emergent Urban Places Spatial Micro-locational Networks Necessary Conditions for Spatial Interaction Design Tool Development Design Methodology Urban Design

Acknowledgements First and foremost my supervisors Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre for their guidance and their persistence towards the best possible result, as well as the members of the examination committee Bill Porter, Daniel Shefer, Hoang Ell Jeng, and Jurgen Rosemann. Prof. Doorman for his seminars on models. State Scholarships Foundation Greece (IKY) for partly subsidizing the thesis. Prof. Thomas Maloutas for providing data concerning immigrants in Athens. Pnina Avidar course director of Tilburg Academy for Architecture and Urbanism (AAS) for entrusting me with the workshop on Brabant’s Conservatorium public grounds. The students: Leonie Slinger, Rudy Engels, Bastiaan de Graaf, Luc Ruwette, Roben van Vucht and especially Henri van Wijngaarden for enthousiastically engaging in field observations. Also Olga Vazquez –Ruano for collaborating on these teaching assignments. Benard de Bondrider for escorting me on the long skate spot field trip on July 2004. Athens Architects for office hospitality and technical support Billy Gianoutsou, Konstantinos Kyriazopoulos, and especially Alexios Dallas, for escorting me in my first expedition in immigrant territory on May 2002 and supporting my amateur anthropological stance to architecture. Visual Artists Demetrions Antonitsis and Thanasis Totsikas for lucidly describing downtown Athens in the beginning of the 1990’s. Thaddeus Muller and Bob Sommel for some literature suggestions. Senior fellows of DKS John Heintz and Karina Zarzar for advice. Colleagues Asaf Friedman for solidarity and particularly Jun Wu for Chinese wisdom and the ‘means – ends’ jingle ‘concentrate-graduate’. Janneke Arkesteijn for much more that secretarial support. Joost Berkhout for graphic design advice and the cover layout. Cath M. Cotton for editing the English text. Riepke Sierksma for Dutch translations. Last but not least Vorhan Uddin, Tony Bricks and Muhammad Aslan as well as Macs and Hans for true stories.

Contents 0. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………….1 0.1. 0.2. 0.3. 0.4. 0.5. 0.6. 0.7. 0.8.

Rethinking user needs in the framework of urban groups without a place…..2 Rethinking spatial structure in the framework of emergent places…..3 Towards establishing new urban design guidelines…..5 Developing the design tool for emergent places…..5 Modeling emergent places…..7 Combining knowledge from several fields.….8 The role of case studies…..9 Dissertation outline…..11

1. Case study 1: The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens………………………………………………………………………………………………………………13 1.1. Prelude…..13 1.2. Introduction to case study 1…..16 1.2.1. Case Study Method…..17 1.2.2. Defining the ‘field site’…..18 1.2.3. Criteria for Data Quality in Field Research…..19 1.2.4. Empirical Data Acquisition Method…..21 1.2.5. First Expedition in Immigrant Territory…..23 1.3. Case Study Presentation…..26 1.3.1. The Immigrants Place of getting together in Downtown Athens…..26 1.3.2. Brief chronicle history of the area of study…..41 1.3.3. Evolution of immigrant facilities…..44 1.4. Analysis of the Case: Questions that state the problem…..48 1.5. Conclusions of the Case: Adequacy criteria for modeling emergent places…..50

Tools for understanding emergent places for urban groups without a place: State of the Art………………………………………………………………………………………………………….53 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5.

Urban Groups without a Place: the definitive category of research…..54 ‘Urban groups without a place’ origins of the concept in urban sociology…..57 Community studies and the critique to mainstream urban planning…..61 The populist movement in architecture…..64 Environment-behavior studies; bridging the ‘user-needs gap’…..67 2.5.1. Some cases of User needs programming…..73 2.5.2. The quest for culture-supportive environments…..83 2.6. Contemporary Subcultures as expedient users…..88 2.6.1. Focus on Immigrants and Ethnic minorities…..92 2.6.2. Focus on Youth subcultures: gangs, clubbers and skateboarders…..95 2.7. Rethinking the function of urban space and its appropriation potential…..98 2.8. Contemporary responses to user needs in the design of public space…..101 2.9. Conclusion: the need for a model…..108

3. Methodology for constructing a model for emergent places……………………….109 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5.

Modeling emergent places and their ontology…..110 Types of models according to intentions of the model maker…..111 What is a good representation? …..113 ‘Morphology, Operation, Performance’ Framework…..114 Levels of representation…..115 3.5.1. ‘Naive’ description…..115 3.5.2. ‘Intelligent’ Description: Explanation…..116 3.6. Formalization of the explanation…..117 3.7. Necessary but not sufficient conditions…..118 3.8. From Description to Prescription…..119 3.9. Conclusion…..121

4. Development of the descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place based on case study 1……………………………………123 4.1. Intentions of the descriptive-explanatory model of the immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens…..124 4.2. Components of the model…..124 4.3. Summary of particular observations about the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens…..126 4.4. Development of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in Athens…..129 4.4.1. Performance…..129 4.4.1.1. Intermediary norms that contribute to immigrants’ sense of identity…..132 4.4.2. Operation…..134 4.4.2.1. Intra-Group interaction that contributes to immigrants’ sense of identity…..134 4.4.2.2. Activities supportive to intra-group interaction in the ‘immigrants place of getting together’…..136 4.4.2.2.1. Street Gatherings…..137 4.4.2.2.2. Flow…..138 4.4.2.2.3. Clustering of ethnic-subgroups…..138 4.4.2.2.4. Evocation of ambience of home country…..139 4.4.2.2.5. Facility establishment…..140 4.4.2.2.6. Accessibility…..141 4.4.2.2.6.1. Immigrants’ means of transportation…..141 4.4.2.2.6.2. Travel-time from immigrants’ home locations…..142 4.4.3. Morphology…..147 4.4.3.1. Conditions contributing to the accessibility of the urban location 151 4.4.3.1.1. Public transport entry and exit points to the location…..151 4.4.3.1.2. Topological properties of Omonoia in the metro network of Athens…..153 4.4.3.2. Conditions contributing to the establishment of immigrants’ facilities…..154 4.4.3.3. Identification of conditions contributing to the evocation of ambience of home country…..158 4.4.3.4. Identification of conditions contributing to contributing to the clustering of ethnic subgroups…..160

4.4.3.4.1. Bangladeshi subgraph (sG1) …..164 4.4.3.4.2. Chinese subgraph (sG2) …..164 4.4.3.4.3. Nigerian subgraph (sG3) …..165 4.4.3.4.4. Pakistani subgraph (sG4) …..165 4.4.3.5. Identification of conditions contributing to pedestrian flow…..166 4.4.3.6. Identification of conditions contributing to street gathering…..170 4.5. Structure of descriptive-explanatory model of the immigrants’ place of getting together in Athens…..180 4.6. Provisional descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place…..181

5. Case study 2: Testing the descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place on the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) ….……………………………………………………………………………………….183 5.1. Introduction to case study 2…..184 5.2. Application of the hypothesized descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places to the ‘number one skatespot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) …..187 5.3. Development of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’)…..188 5.3.1. Performance…..188 5.3.1.1. Constituents of Skateboarder identity…..189 5.3.2. Operation…..192 5.3.2.1. Intra-Group interaction that contributes to skateboarders sense of identity…..192 5.3.2.2. Activities supportive to intra-group interaction in the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) …..193 5.3.2.2.1. Activities associated with skate sessions…..194 5.3.2.2.1.1. Skate ‘runs’…..194 5.3.2.2.1.2. Watching and commenting on ‘runs’…..195 5.3.2.2.2. Clustering of skateboarder subgroups…..196 5.3.2.2.3. Presence of audience…..196 5.3.2.2.4. Accessibility…..197 5.3.2.2.4.1. Skateboarders available means of transport…..197 5.3.2.2.4.2. Skateboarders travel time from location of origin….198 5.3.3. Morphology…..201 5.3.3.1. Identification of conditions contributing to the accessibility of the urban location…..201 5.3.3.2. Identification of conditions contributing to the presence of audience…..204 5.3.3.3. Identification of conditions contributing to the clustering of skateboarder subgroups…..207 5.3.3.4. Identification of conditions contributing to watching and commenting on other skaters ‘runs’…..209 5.3.3.5. Identification of conditions contributing to skate runs (tricks) …..210 5.4. Formalization of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) …..215 5.5. Conclusion…..216

6. Towards a design tool for emergent places……………………………………………….217 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4.

Developing the design tool for emergent places…..218 From the descriptive to the prescriptive model…..219 Design guidelines as conditional statements…..220 Specific examples of design guidelines drawn from the two case studies…..224 6.4.1. Freestyle skateboarding potential…..224 6.4.2. Immigrants’ getting together potential…..228 6.5. Comparison of the two cases…..233 6.5.1. The ‘intersection model’…..233 6.5.1.1. Common Performance…..234 6.5.1.2. Common Operation…..234 6.5.1.3. Common Morphology…..236 6.5.2. The minimum ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places…..240 6.5.3. The ‘difference model’…..241 6.6. The ‘higher generality model’ of emergent places…..246

7. Conclusion and extension………………………………………………………………………………249 7.1. General attributes of emergent places…..250 7.2. Evaluation of the research process…..253 7.2.1. Accomplishment of expectations…..253 7.2.2. Significance and Uniqueness of the research…..254 7.2.3. Limitations of the research…..255 7.3. Applicability of the research in urban design…..256 7.4. Future research agenda…..257

8. Appendix………………………………………………………………………………………………………260 8.1. Interacting with the observed: Loosely structured interviews with immigrants and natives in downtown Athens…..261 8.2. Interacting with the observed: Loosely structured interviews with skateboarders in Tilburg…..277 8.3. A week in the life of the public grounds, observation with students of Tilburg Academy of Architecture and Urbanism, October 2003…..284 8.4. Skateboarding terminology…..286 8.5. Data of the comparative cases1: 8.5.1. Facility survey May-June 2004 8.5.2. Street-gathering survey 8-9 August 2004

9. References ………………………………………………………………………………………………….289 10. Samenvatting……………………………………………………………………………………………….298 11. About the author………………………………………………………………………………………….301

Section 8.5. Is a separate publication that includes the numerical data of the surveys.

0. Introduction

In the past few years we have been observing increasing appreciation of the presence of groups that have not been accounted for in the design of urban spaces — which we call ‘urban groups without a place’. These groups are not institutionally established, but constructed on the basis of social and cultural characteristics that denote shared systems of norms, values, interests and behaviours quite different from those universally acknowledged and share a distinct sense of identity1. Urban groups without a place spontaneously appropriate urban spaces with certain continuity in time, and embed them into their practices2 creating self-organized public spaces that we call here ‘emergent places’. Considering the ability of space to confirm cultural identity3, and particularly in the case of groups that are not institutionally established, we could state that emergent appropriated places are vital constituents of the identity of urban groups without a place.

In the fields of sociology and culture studies these groups have been termed as ‘subcultures’ (Gans 1962, Spergel 1966, Hall et al. 1976, Hebdidge 1979), or, in more recent writings, as ‘reflexive communities’ (Lash 1994). The term ‘urban groups without a place’ is coined in this thesis to illustrate these sociological concepts in the field of urban design, avoiding any negative connotations of the term ‘subculture’ and highlighting the issue of space. 2 De Certeau refers to the ‘practices of everyday life’ as ‘the systems of operational combination that also comprise a culture as modes of operation or schemata of action’ (De Certeau, 1984:xi). 3 The authors of the ‘Subultures Reader’ state that place is ‘a significant forum through which subcultural identity is evoked… which can be reclaimed, transformed or made over, often unconventionally and sometimes illicitly’ (Gelder and Thorton 1997: 315). According to Fischer a subculture affirms its identity and certifies as an institution by becoming territorial (Fischer 1976).

Emergent places reflect the constant surfacing of new urban subcultures, and can be valued within the context of contemporary accelerated cultural innovation as their existence contributes to social and cultural diversity, constantly adding to the conviviality of the city4. However, despite the increased appreciation of the phenomenon in the disciplines related to urbanism, the cultural particularities of urban groups remain unrecognised by public institutions5 and are not acknowledged in the design of contemporary public spaces. In their majority, contemporary public spaces are designed towards a ‘common good’ that reflects the ‘universal identity of all citizens’6. In this sense the problematic of ‘emergent places for urban groups without a place’ relates to multiculturalism and the politics of both difference and equal recognition7. The position taken here is for sustaining social and cultural diversity, acknowledging the cultural particularities of all citizens, and supporting the expression of cultural identity of non-institutionally established groups in urban space. And since so far in the field of urban design there is no rigorous design tool acknowledging and responding to the subcultural particularities of urban groups in the design of public spaces, the thesis argues the necessity of such a design tool and pursues its development.

0.1. Rethinking user needs in the framework of urban groups without a place In the standard current practice of urban design the users8 of urban open spaces are defined as ‘groups’ primarily on the basis of age, distinguished as: children, teenagers, adults, and the elderly. To this categorization we could add the definition of user groups according to their means of movement, distinguishing between pedestrians, mobility4

As Jane Jacobs has claimed, ‘City diversity itself permits and stimulates more diversity’ (Jacobs 1961). Charles Taylor in ‘Multiculturalism and the politics of recognition’ (Taylor et al.l 1992:5) points out that contemporary public institutions fail to recognize that members of one or another minority or underprivileged group have a cultural identity with a distinctive set of traditions and practices and a distinctive intellectual and aesthetic history’, simultaneously missing the ‘deep importance and value of the particular identity’. 6 Ibid. (Gutmann in Taylor et al.l 1992:6) 7 ‘Multiculturalism and the politics of recognition’ is a challenge that is ‘endemic to liberal democracies because they are committed in principle to equal representation of all’ (Gutmann in Taylor et al.l 1992:5). ‘Multiculturalists’ are concerned with ‘a new appreciation of diversity and the moral and legal standing of oppressed groups’ criticizing the ‘the poisoning of the achievements of one group, such as the white European American males, as the norm of fully developed humanity’. (Rockefeller in Taylor et al.l 1992:593). 8 Designers have two kinds of clients: clients who pay for what is built, and clients who use it .(Madge 1968 in Zeisel 1981). The terms ‘users’ refers to a designer’s ‘using’ clients. 5

impaired users, parents with prams, pedestrians with leashed dogs, hikers and joggers, cyclists, and roller skaters or skateboarders (Cooper Marcus et al. 1992:84-90). For all user groups six categories of needs should be satisfied in urban open space: comfort, relaxation, passive engagement, active engagement, discovery, and fun (Francis 2003:20). This standard urban design categorization of users and needs does not acknowledge any cultural or subcultural particularities of urban groups, and fails to recognize the importance of the expression of particular group identity. This thesis introduces ‘urban groups without a place’ as a new definitive category of users of urban open space which includes groups that are not institutionally established and which are unaccounted for in mainstream urban planning and design: socially excluded and marginal groups, urban subcultures and emergent urban groups. As they are not acknowledged in the design of urban spaces, urban groups without a place comprise a category of self-served users that ‘contest their own exclusion by appropriating specific places in the city’ (Beasley 2003:484). Hypothesizing a social and political context that consents to recognizing the needs of these unaccounted users in public space, designers would be required to have an insight into the particular needs of such groups. In this perspective the thesis rethinks the design of urban open spaces according to user needs within the framework of urban groups without a place, by reconsidering the quests of the ‘populist movement in architecture’ (Tzonis and Lefaivre 1975) such as ‘planning for people’ (Gans 1969), bridging ‘the user-needs gap’ (Zeisel 1975) and the search for ‘culture supportive environments’ (Rapoport 1980), and by once again challenging the notion of universal user needs.

0.2. Rethinking spatial structure in the framework of emergent places The distinction between place and space is fundamental in the thesis, as it investigates urban spaces as places that are embedded in the practices of urban groups without a place. While the spatial component of place —the parameter ‘location’ —is absolutely fundamental, place9 is multidimensional and includes aspects of both culture and identity.

‘A place is not just the where of something; it is location plus everything that occupies that location seen as an integrated meaningful phenomenon’. (Relph, 1976: 3). Place is understood as the ‘synthesis of natural and man- made objects, activities and functions and meanings given by intentions. Out of these components the identity of a particular place is molded, but they do not define this identity - it is a special quality of insideness and the experience of being inside that sets places apart in space.’ (Relph, 1976:141).

Emergent appropriated places accommodate activities that are structured according to the group’s subculture —the norms, values and beliefs that constitute a particular symbolic system10. In this sense the thesis considers the spatial components of emergent places as containing objects of group activity rather than as abstract geometric forms. Rethinking urban spaces as spaces that contain the activities of urban groups without a place the thesis investigates ways of representing sequences of activities in space as they form networks. Urban groups without a place spontaneously appropriate urban locations in order to accommodate their particular activities. While we would presuppose that these groups have no place to go, in fact they are selective, and appropriate those locations that best fit to their particular activities. Further, the groups creatively engage with the appropriated locations, assigning unconventional uses to urban spaces and objects, and, ‘practically’ re-designing them. In this sense spatial appropriation is considered here as the creative act of assigning new meaning to a location by usage11. Within the scientific scope of urban design the thesis investigates the intrinsic and contextual properties of urban locations that render them fit for appropriation by specific groups. The practices of urban groups without a place in spontaneously appropriated urban locations bring about an expanded notion of public space, adding to its definition to include, not only the primary network of streets, squares and parks, but any available urban space that can be spontaneously appropriated: semi-public interiors, ‘pilotis’ and ‘void decks’, accessible rooftops, empty plots, wastelands, interstitial spaces, ‘terrain vagues’, functional transit spaces, parking lots and so on. As a result of spatial appropriation emergent places manifest the ‘bottom-up’ development of public space outside an institutionalized framework of intervention. Learning from emergent places urban designers could appreciate the city as a self-organizing system that is dynamic, open and complex.

According to Bourdieu ‘Culture includes beliefs, traditions, values and language; it also mediates practices by connecting individuals and groups to institutionalized hierarchies. Whether in the form of dispositions, objects, systems or institutions, culture embodies power relations. Symbolic systems are “structuring structures”: as means of ordering and understanding the social world’. In this sense, different modes of knowledge, such as language, myth, art, religion and science, represent different ways of understanding the world. Bourdieu focuses on ‘understanding location and orientation of things and activities, examining objects and actions in the peasant’s house of Kabyle as part of a symbolic system’. (Bourdieu 1979:134). 11 Michel de Certeau exemplifies everyday practices in the ‘ways of operating’ of users or consumers that are commonly assumed to be passive and guided by established rules. Everyday practices comprise ‘an other production or making’ which can be defined ‘in the ways of using the products, whether commodities, news, or urban space, imposed by the dominant economic order’ (De Certeau, 1984:xv).

0.3. Towards establishing new urban design guidelines The thesis pursues the development of a design tool that acknowledges the needs of ‘urban groups without a place’ in the design of urban spaces. An adequate design tool should be able to identify the needs of urban groups without a place and to define the physical environmental requirements contributing towards the satisfaction of the needs identified. Further, the design tool should be able to communicate to the formal decision makers concerning the production of public space in the standard urban design practice: city authorities, institutions, project managers, developers, urban planners, architects and designers. In this perspective the goal of the thesis is: •

To provide an understanding of the phenomenon of emergent places of urban groups without a place and their essential social, behavioural and physical environmental characteristics.

•

To arrive, on the basis of the understanding of the phenomenon of emergent places, at a set of guidelines that direct the design of urban spaces acknowledging the needs of urban groups without a place.

In the next section we expand on the method the research employs towards the development of the design tool for emergent places and the establishment of new urban design guidelines.

0.4. Developing the design tool for emergent places The research anchors on empirical observation and investigates emergent places of urban groups without a place in real-setting situations through case studies. Based on empirical observation data, and by combining knowledge from several fields, a descriptive and explanatory model12 of each of the emergent places investigated is developed. The model

According to Marcial Echenique ‘the main intention of the descriptive model is the understanding of reality, usually in order to establish how a particular phenomenon comes about and to describe relationships between the relevant factors. In other words the main intention is explanatory’ (Echenique, 1968:169).

identifies, for each case, the spatial, behavioral and sociocultural components of the emergent place, and makes explicit the relations between the physical environmental conditions in the appropriated location, the activities of the group appropriating the location and the group’s specific system of norms, values and beliefs. By comparative analysis of two cases a higher generality model, which identifies the minimum necessary physical environmental conditions for the occurrence of emergent places, is developed. By introducing a normative component the higher generality descriptive and explanatory model of emergent places becomes prescriptive and constitutes the design tool for emergent places.

The design tool for emergent places is expected to achieve: •

An intelligent description of the phenomenon that makes explicit the relations between physical environmental conditions, group activity and group values.

•

A representation system for the phenomenon; formalization expressed in a set of rules.

•

A possibility to control the phenomenon by manipulating the necessary physical environmental conditions for the occurrence of emergent places.

The design tool is developed fully acknowledging that the physical environmental conditions contributing to the occurrence of emergent places for urban groups without a place are necessary, but not sufficient. In this sense the prescriptive strength of the design tool relies on the fact that the absence of the necessary physical environmental conditions can guarantee the non-occurrence of an emergent place in an urban location.

Diagram 0.1: Summary of tool-development method Normative Component ↓ Case 1 → Model → Case 2 → Revised Model → Design Tool ↑ Current theory

↓

New Knowledge

New Practice

0.5. Modeling emergent places As the investigation anchors on empirical observations the model of emergent places is first and foremost behavioral, and in this respect it has limited explanatory power.

Employing the conceptual framework of ‘Morphology - Operation - Performance’ (MOP), as developed by Alexander Tzonis (Tzonis et al. 1987), the model makes explicit the relations between the physical environmental conditions in the appropriated location, the activities of the group appropriating the location and the group’s specific system of norms, values and beliefs. Chains of inference between Morphology, Operation and Performance constitute the explanation in the descriptive model.

On the basis of the descriptive model, and considering the normative components of permission and prohibition, the prescriptive model is constructed. The development of design guidelines is consequent to the chain of inferences in the conceptual framework of the descriptive-explanatory model as designated (M→O→P).

Design guidelines are schematically expressed as a ‘rule based antecedent-consequent system’ (Winston 1992:129). The step from description to prescription occurs by forward and backward chaining of ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements.

The comparison of the descriptive models of the two cases identifies similarities and differences between them, leading to a higher generality model of emergent places. In the higher generality model of emergent places prescription concentrates on the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places, as defined by the common elements between the two cases.

While the higher generality model of emergent places is particularly useful in the case of emergent groups whose particular needs are not yet specified, group-specific ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ of emergent places retain a certain degree of validity for different locations.

0.6. Combining knowledge from several fields Research towards the development of the model of emergent places draws and combines knowledge from several fields including: •

Sociology, anthropology and culture studies

•

Ethnography

•

Geography

•

Environmental design

•

Architecture theory and design methodology

•

Artificial intelligence

Sociology, urban anthropology and culture studies provide, primarily through the concept of subcultures, insight into our understanding of how group identity is constituted and the role of space in this process. Further, the thesis employs ethnographic field research methods to gather empirical data upon which the model is constructed. The model of emergent places is constructed combining tools developed by geographers, architects and environment-behavior researchers. Graph theory contributes to the systematic representation of spatial information related to activity analysis. In particular, the research utilizes activity graphs to represent spatial micro-locational networks of ‘activity spaces’. The model relates to two scales of the urban environment: the urban- regional — pertaining to the selection of the location; and the micro-locational — pertaining to the organization of activities within the location. Architectural theory provides the conceptual framework for functional analysis employed in the model structure, distinguishing between Morphology - Operation – and Performance. Environmental design provides basic background to the scope and formulation of design guidelines for user needs. Artificial intelligence provides knowledge for the schematic formulation of design guidelines as a rule-based system of ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements.

0.7. The role of case studies The research employs two case studies. According to Ann Gray, case study research is employed in culture studies as a ‘bounded system’ (Gray 2003:68) expected to capture the complexity of an issue in a single instance. Here, focusing on the spontaneous appropriation of urban spaces with certain continuity in time, two emergent places are respectively studied in two ‘real-setting’ situations. The purpose of the first case study, on the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens’ is to provide the empirical data upon which a behavioral model is constructed. The second case study, the ‘number one skate spot in Tilburg’, is used as a test case for the hypothesized model developed in the first case. The comparison of the two cases leads to a model of higher degree of generalization.

The two places selected for the case studies, although being very different, manifest certain characteristics that classify them into the definitive generic category of research — ‘emergent places urban groups without a place’: •

Both places are successful places that have emerged during the past decade

•

Both places are appropriated urban spaces that were designed for, and also used by, other groups

•

Both groups in focus share a distinct sense of identity that falls out of the dominant order, and both can be considered as subcultures

•

Both groups have appropriated urban spaces that were not designed for their use, and in this respect are unaccounted user groups

The first case, ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ investigates the emergence of an informal community center in downtown Athens. Ethnic immigrants from the Balkans, Eastern Europe, the Indian subcontinent, the Middle and Far East and Africa have, over the past decade, gradually established, in Athens downtown, a place which they consider as their own territory; their place of identity where their stores and enterprises, civic associations and places of worship are concentrated. Appropriating the available spatial recourses of the generic urban fabric of Athens, immigrants gather with friends and fellow countrymen to communicate with home (via calling centers or money transfer agencies); to consume products from their homeland, and to speak their native language and exchange information about work, housing or residence permits that are essential to their survival.

The second case, based in the Netherlands, investigates the ‘number one freestyle skate spot in Tilburg’. The public grounds of the Brabant’s Conservatorium building, designed by renowned Dutch architect J. Coenen, have become, since the building’s completion in 1996, a regular place for local skateboarders to gather, hang out and perform tricks on the steps, platforms, ramps and arcades of the building’s entrance. This second case study is used as test case to evaluate the degree to which the proposed descriptive model of emergent places developed on the basis of case study 1 is capable of capturing the new situation of case study 2. With respect to the depth and duration of the case study research, we state that field research for each emergent place was of adequately long duration: •

The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ case study was investigated between May 2002 and August 2004

•

The ‘number one freestyle skate spot in Tilburg’ was investigated between October 2002 and October 2004

The databases of the most crucial empirical research findings for each case are included in the appendices.

Diagram 0.2: The role of case studies in the development of the higher generality model

Model of Case 1

Specific conditions Case 1

Model of Case 2

Common conditions

Specific conditions Case 2

0.8. Thesis Outline Chapter title

No. 0

Description Problem statement: Appreciation of spontaneous public space appropriations by unrecognized urban user groups. Lack of systematic representations and grounded design prescriptions. Necessity for a design tool.

Introduction

1 Field research Methodology. The first ‘naïve’ description of public space appropriations by un-recognized urban groups in real- life setting. Brief history of the phenomenon. Statement of essential questions confronting the phenomenon. Adequacy criteria for the model.

Case study 1: Immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens

2 Overview of current and historic approaches to ‘urban groups without a place’ in the interdisciplinary field of urban studies, architecture and environmental design.

Tools for understanding urban groups without a place: state of the art 3 Methodology for constructing a model for emergent places

Ontology of emergent places. On Representation. Conceptual framework ‘Morphology - Operation – Performance’ (MOP). From the descriptive to the prescriptive model. 4

Development of the descriptive model of emergent places of urban groups without a place based on case study 1

Development of behavioral model: descriptive-explanatory model on the basis of empirical observation data of case study 1. Analytical categories according to MOP conceptual framework. Identification of inferences; formulation of ‘provisional model of emergent places’ 5 Adequacy test of the descriptive model for emergent places of urban groups without a place developed on the basis of case study 1. Application of ‘provisional model’ on the second real-setting situation.

Case study 2: Testing the descriptive model of emergent places of urban groups without a place 6

Development of design tool as a prescriptive system grounded ion the descriptive-explanatory model. Design guidelines. Comparison of two cases. Model revision. Generalization: the necessary physical environmental conditions for emergent places of urban groups without a place.

Towards a design tool for emergent places

7 General model of emergent places. Evaluation of the process. Evaluation of research findings. Limitations of the research. Future research agenda.

Conclusion and extension

Appendix Bibliography

8 9

1. Case study 1: The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens 1.1. Prelude According to the press report (Hatzides and Kourtis 1999), between the 19th and the 21st of October 1999, Pantelis Kazakos, a 23-year-old security officer from Greece’s National Radio and Television Broadcasting Company, assaulted a total of nine — wounding seven, and killing two — foreigners in the streets of downtown Athens. Initially, on his first assault on the 19th October, he murdered the 22-year-old Kurdish immigrant, Hoshevi, and wounded Hoshevi’s companions, Sherif Handel and Ushef Rasoul.

The list of his victims of the night of the 21st - 22nd October included: Tommy Kofit from Ghana, aged 30, wounded Ebdi Dandon from Bangladesh, aged 28, wounded Abdul Tsimot from Nigeria, aged 43, wounded George Koudessiani from Georgia, aged 30, killed Ahmet Messar from Pakistan, aged 34, wounded Aldi Saab from Egypt, aged 30, wounded

After his arrest, the murderer confessed to the police and justified his deeds, claiming he was on ‘a mission’. To his 22-year-old accomplice he had confided: ‘I have the mission to clean the country of foreigners’. Paradoxically, before shooting at his victims he yelled, ‘I am a Christian Orthodox’. This extraordinary crime, a unique example of a racist spree, is now closed, with the murderer convicted to life imprisonment.

Illustration 1.1: The itinerary of racist spree (source newspaper TA NEA 24 October 1999)

This crime operated as a magnifying lens, however distorting, revealing the public acknowledgment of the presence of foreign immigrants in Athens. Despite the extreme pathology of the case, the crime reflected the considerable degree of the general public’s prejudices against foreign immigrants in Greece as inferior, dangerous and a source of deterioration to the national economy (Karydis 1996).

The murderer’s itinerary of assaults (Illustration 1.1) exposes his perception of that specific area of Athens as immigrants’ territory. Considering the fact that the assaults were incidental, and took place in the public spaces, we can presume that the murderer followed a random walk through ‘immigrant turf’ in pursuit of his victims. The fact verifies the significant presence of foreign immigrants in the public space of Athens downtown. The itinerary of the assaults displays the racist killer’s mental map of immigrant territory. This area of Athens downtown was perceived as the habitat of immigrants, and performed as a hunting ground.

Since the assaults were committed against a social group, rather than specific people, we could appreciate the forensic evidence as empirical data: •

The list of victims constituted a random sample of immigrant ethnic categories.

•

The itinerary of assaults indicated areas of concentration, a territory of ethnic immigrants in the public space of Athens downtown.

We could also generalize from the murderer’s method of victim identification: •

Ethnic immigrants have emerged, in the Athenians’ perception, as a distinct urban group.

•

Ethnic immigrants have emerged, in the Athenians’ perception, as having distinctive spatial allocation regarded as immigrant territory.

The interpretation of the crime, in the manner outlined above, provided a case for investigation that qualified as an exploratory case for studying the emergent places of urban groups without a place. After preliminary archival background research, and a report, at the time, entitled ‘Mental map of a racist serial killer’, I started, in May 2002, to systematically engage with research in the field, leading me to the development of this case study.

1.2. Introduction to case study 1 According to Ann Gray, case study research is employed in culture studies as a ‘bounded system’ (Gray 2003:68) expected to capture the complexity of an issue in a single instance. This chapter comprises the first case study investigating the phenomenon of emergent places of urban groups without a place.

The case study is expected to: •

Explore, in situ, an emergent place of an urban group without a place

•

Point out how and why an urban group without a place appropriates a specific urban location

•

Establish adequacy criteria for the development of the model of emergent urban places

The subject of the case study is the place where foreign immigrants in Athens get together and their activities. Foreign immigrants comprise a newcomer social group in Greece; their population has rapidly increased since the beginning of 1990s and today it is estimated at 1,000,0001 (Maloutas and Pantelidou 2002); a level that represents 10% of the country’s total population. The geographic origin, which reflects the immigrants’ ethnic diversity, includes the Balkans, Eastern Europe, the Indian Subcontinent, the Middle and Far East and Africa (Maloutas 2000). The spatial establishment of foreign immigrants in Athens has been self-organized, outside an institutionalized framework of intervention. Since 19982, their presence has manifest itself significantly within the market sector of the city’s downtown, where an informal immigrants’ community center has emerged, which we call here, ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’.

The estimated population besides legal applicants or holders of a residence permit, speculates the illegal immigrants in Athens today. The number of applicants for a residence permit in 1999 was 369.629. Attica, the region of Athens Metropolitan Complex hosts 44,3% of foreigners in Greece. 2 This date is estimated on the basis of interviews that verify the chronology of the establishments of stores and informal street gatherings in the area see also brief chronology.

1.2.1. Case study methodology The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ case study is primarily an exploratory, diagnostic study. The problem of emergent places is for the first time explored in one real-setting situation anticipating the identification of the essential characteristics of the phenomenon. There is no rigorous hypothesis at the beginning of this inquiry to be tested; rather, theoretical concepts will be formulated as a part of the investigation process, during the empirical data collection. This is an inductive, ‘ground-up’ approach to theory building. We can also use the term ‘grounded theory’, defined by Strauss and Corbin as ‘qualitative research method that uses a systematic set of procedures to develop an inductively derived theory about a phenomenon’ (Strauss & Corbin 1990:24).

The case of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ is also a descriptive study aiming to produce an adequate representation of one emergent place. The case study is situated, as the immigrants’ place of getting together is uniquely determined by its context, within the market sector of Athens downtown. The question of how and why an urban group without a place appropriates a specific location is addressed investigating the environmental conditions that have contributed to the development of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in this particular location.

In order to gather data concerning the use of space, the case study uses interdisciplinary field research techniques3. Essentially qualitative social research that requires direct

3 Lawrence Neuman, in his handbook for social research, summarizes the techniques of field research (Neuman 2003:369) as follows: ‘A field researcher today does the following: Observes ordinary events and everyday activities as they happen in natural settings, in addition to any unusual occurrences Becomes directly involved with the people being studied and personally experiences the process of daily social life in the field setting Acquires an insider’s point of view while maintaining the analytic perspective or distance of an outsider Uses a variety of techniques and social skills, in a flexible manner, as the situation demands Produces data in the form of extensive written notes, as well as diagrams, maps or pictures, to provide detailed descriptions Sees events holistically and individually in their social context Understands and develops empathy for members in a field setting and does not just record cold objective facts Notices both explicit (recognized, conscious, spoken) and tacit (less recognized, implicit, unspoken) aspects of culture Observes ongoing social processes without upsetting, disrupting or imposing an outside point if view Copes with high levels of personal stress, uncertainty, ethical dilemmas and ambiguity.’

involvement of the researcher in the field, field research is considered synonymous with ethnography or participant-observation (Neuman 2003:364). The case study is presented as a field report; a narrative that follows the unfolding of events as they were discovered, and that selectively focuses on specific details that are crucial to the understanding of the specific emergent place. The case study report aims to provide a ‘thick description’4 of the ethnic immigrants’ place of getting together in Athens. In conclusion, the methodological choice, for the investigation of the immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens, is an exploratory, descriptive and explanatory case study that is situated in a specific location and that employs field research methods for the gathering of data concerning the use of urban space. Within the overall study, this case contributes to the ‘ground-up’ building of a behavioral model of emergent places based on analytical induction.

1.2.2. Defining the field site Field researchers study people in a location or setting. The people studied in a field setting are called ‘members’. The ‘field site’ is the context in which events or activities occur — ‘a socially defined territory with shifting boundaries’ (Neumann 2003: 371).

The ‘field site’ includes all locations where a social group may interact, and can involve a number of distinct physical sites. It is comparable to the notion of a ‘natural laboratory’ — the premise of localized, microscopic ethnographic studies. As anthropologist Clifford Geertz has written ‘... the locus of study is not the object of study. Anthropologists don’t study villages (tribes, towns, neighborhoods …) they study in villages’ (Geertz 1973:22). In the current study, the ‘field site’ of immigrants’ social interaction spaces in Athens includes all locations where immigrants congregate and socialize. The case to investigate

4 ‘Ethnography is thick description’: Clifford Geertz has written and defined the characteristics of ethnographic description ‘... it is interpretive; what it is interpretive of is the flow of social discourse, and the interpreting involved consists of trying to rescue the ‘said’ of such discourse from its perishing occasions and fix it in perusable terms. The kula is gone or altered, but for better or for worse, The Argonauts of the Western Pacific remain. But there is, in addition, a fourth characteristic of such description, at least as I practice it: it is microscopic’ (Geertz 1973:20).

by field research is the appropriation of urban spaces and objects in order to accommodate immigrants’ social interaction. However, as the disciplinary origin of the study is architecture, the emphasis is placed on the specific urban context, both as a location and as a depository of spatial resources that contribute to the development of the immigrants’ place of getting together. It is generally acknowledged in qualitative social research that exploratory studies take advantage of serendipity; those unexpected or chance factors that have larger implications (Neuman 2003:30). According to John Zeisel (Zeisel 1981:73), ‘to locate a site to carry out field research, investigators look for situations, settings and events that reflect theoretically relevant questions and are on alert for research opportunities that occur suddenly’. In this case, the extraordinary racist crime committed against immigrants in the streets of Athens downtown, as described in the opening of this chapter, indicated the potential of the investigation setting.

A specific site for field research is selected on the basis of the richness of data, and/or the site’s unfamiliarity and suitability (Neumann 2003: 371). The immigrants’ place of getting together, identified as the specific area of study, is located in the market sector of Athens downtown. The particular site is outstanding, due to its density of congregating immigrants, as well as its plethora of immigrant facilities, and is, therefore, selected primarily on the basis of the richness of its data. Nevertheless, criteria of unfamiliarity and suitability are also satisfied in the site selection, since the researcher, while a stranger to the area, was capable of gaining access to the site and of performing regular observations.

1.2.3. Criteria for data quality in field research Reliability and validity in field research — that is qualitative social research — acquire a different meaning than in quantitative social research. As the situated case study of the immigrants’ place of getting together in Athens employs methods of field research, research quality will be evaluated within this perspective.

According to Laurence Neuman (Neumann 2003: 371), in qualitative social research ‘Reliability means dependability or consistency’ while ‘Validity means truthful’. To maintain reliability in terms of internal and external consistency, field researchers: •

Use a wide range of data sources including interviews, participation, photographs, documents etc, and employ multiple measurements

•

Maintain consistency in the way observations are made over time

•

Eliminate common forms of human deception

Typical obstacles to reliability include misinformation, evasion, lies and fronts. Neuman defines four types of validity test in field research5 ecological validity, natural history, member validation and competent insider information. Within this framework, the research quality of the investigation of the immigrants’ place of getting together is achieved by: •

Engaging in regular observations in the area between 2002 and 2004, sampling on an annual, weekly and diurnal basis

•

Making explicit the empirical observation method by constructing a database of empirical data, including the calendar of observations, maps of observation itineraries, street photography and interviews, as well as personal notes and items collected in the field

•

Using a variety of sources of data, complementing empirical observation with scientific and journalistic archival research

•

Cross-referencing multiple sources of evidence to allow insightful interpretation.

5 Neuman claims that qualitative researchers are more interested in authenticity — as ‘in giving a fair, honest and balanced account of social life from the viewpoint of someone who lives it everyday’ — than in the validity of the correlation between theoretical constructs and the data. A qualitative researcher’s empirical claims gain validity when they are supported by diverse data. Or, as Neumann would have it, ‘Validity grows as the researcher recognizes a dense connectivity in disparate details’ (Neumann 2003: 371). According to Neuman (Neumann 2003: 389): A field research project has ecological validity if the events observed by the researcher would occur without the researcher’s presence. A field research project is valid as natural history if it includes a detailed description of how it was conducted such that outsiders could evaluate research procedures. A field research project is member valid when members can recognize and understand the researcher’s description of their social world. A field research project should give sufficiently detailed information that an outsider could act as a member.

As the current investigation focuses on the use of space, the research does not engage in gathering in-depth subjective experiences, or life stories, of the immigrants; nor does it employ immigrants’ native languages. Consequently, the case study provides no competent insider information and thus has had no member validation to date. Natural history validity, however, is accomplished with a well-organized observation database, while ecological validity is established — as will be expanded in the next section — by ensuring that observations were as unobtrusive as possible.

1.2.4. Empirical data acquisition method My involvement as a researcher in the field has moderately ascended the access ladder6. During the preliminary observations, my role was that of a complete observer, disguised as a passer-by, or a tourist, with increased photographic interest in the site. In the later phase of the field research, I undertook the role of almost ‘participant researcher’ (Gans 1982),

conducting interviews, making photographic portraits and producing spatial maps,

but occasionally was perceived as an immigration police spy, a photographer or a journalist. To ensure research reliability, all observation documents were archived in a database, and a calendar of all visits to the area was kept.

In the preliminary phase of the field research, in the spring of 2002, direct observation was conducted by walking in the streets of the area, with the aim of attaining an overview of activities and locations, while remaining as unobtrusive as possible. Unfamiliarity with both field and members induced insecurity, such that in the exploratory itinerary, which was very fast and extensive, an Athens-based architect friend escorted me. The observation itineraries were initially spontaneous drifts, but as I grew aware of the crucial observation points in the area, they later concentrated around the area of ‘Plateia

6 ibid. Neuman 2001:373. ‘Entry and access within a field can be visualized as an access ladder. A researcher begins at the bottom rung where access is easy and where he or she is an outsider looking for public information. The next rung requires increased access. Once close on-site observation begins, he or she becomes a passive observer, not questioning what members say. With time in the field, the researcher observes specific activities that are potentially sensitive or seeks clarification of what she or he hears. Reaching this access rung is more difficult. Finally, the researcher may try to shape interaction so that it reveals specific information or highly sensitive material. This, the highest rung of the access ladder, is rarely attained and requires deep trust.’

Theatrouâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Theatre Square). All exploratory itineraries were later documented on a city map on the basis of the photographic documentation. Map 1.1: The itinerary of racist spree defines the case study field site.

Map 1.2: Observation itinerary of August 1st 2003

Street photography was my most valuable instrument of documentation throughout the course of the research. A digital camera was used for exhaustive spontaneous captures of activity in the streets of the area. The database of street photographs today includes 1425 items. I was constantly aware that most members did not feel comfortable with being photographed and either moved out of camera range or else protested. There was one incident, in August 2003, when I was assaulted by an African man for photographing him. This explains why preliminary street photography includes very few close-ups of people. During the course of the field research I developed techniques of unobtrusive street photography. My regular presence and interaction with some of the members resulted in my general acceptance as a researcher working in the area, and not as a journalist or a government employee. This allowed me to photograph systematically and with less haste.

In the later phase of research, during 2003 and 2004, I engaged in interaction with members, conducting interviews and, in the latest stage, small surveys. In some cases — of groceries and restaurants — I became a customer. During the interviews, I briefly explained my research such that interviewees would feel secure about the discussions. The interviews were unstructured and recorded as handwritten notes. Photographic portraits of the interviewees were taken when there were no objections. The interviews included a face sheet, which recorded data about the place and time of the interview, and the name, nationality, profession and year of immigration of the interviewee. The questions revolved around the purpose of their visit to the location and their standard activities in the area, their place of residence and work, what they did in their free time, their impressions — and particularly the feeling of safety in the area — and, occasionally, specific details about the place where they were interviewed. (Appendix 1: Interviews)

1.2.5. First expedition in immigrant territory My first exploration itinerary in immigrant territory — as defined by the Kazakos racist itinerary of assaults — was on Sunday 19th May 2002, an Athens-based architect friend of mine, escorted me. A.D. was aware of some immigrants’ hangouts, which he had encountered, as early as 1995, during searches for materials in small hardware stores of the Athens downtown market. My observation aim for this exploratory itinerary was to identify immigrants’ presence in public spaces and to register the locations of concentration.

We set off near the railway station and headed south, aiming to cross all urban districts traversed by the Kazakos itinerary of assaults. It was a very hot, sunny morning, and typically quiet for a Sunday; stores were closed, there was hardly any traffic, and few people were present in the streets. In the long and narrow park opposite the railway station, I spotted two African men in long shirt dresses seated on a bench in the shade of a tree; aware of my gaze they waved at me, smiling. Covered with Factor 30 sunblock, carrying water and wearing a hat and sunglasses, I felt like a participant in some peculiar

expedition; an urban safari set to observe foreign immigrants in their ‘natural’ urban habitat7. The location of the immigrants’ greatest concentration was already identified during this first exploratory itinerary. After crossing Piraeus Avenue, opposite the Kumunduru square, we entered the deserted Epicurus Street, where the only sign of activity was on the balconies of the Refuge and Asylum Seekers Home operated by Médecins Sans Frontières Greece. In the adjacent building, red lanterns were hanging by the sign of a closed Chinese import-export store. As we turned into the adjacent Sapphus Street, we were suddenly immersed in a crowd of men, who could be generally described, by appearance, as Indian. Within this crowd, there were distinct groups of men talking: standing on the narrow sidewalk, or between cars, or on porches; seated on steps of the entrances of buildings, or in front of an open shop with the blinds drawn half-way. Some men, in pairs, were strolling between the groups. There was a street vendor selling orange candy that some men were eating as they strolled along.

At the side of a parked minivan, an improvised shelving unit presented leaves and spices that a lot of the men were rolling into cones, filling with herbs and chewing. On the corner of Sapphus and Menandrou Street, the ‘Pak Hair-Cutting Salon’ attracted a small crowd of men. The barbershop displayed a poster with graphic illustrations of ‘Pak’ male haircuts.We received unwelcome looks, and my friend headed forward into Menandrou Street, which was similarly congested. We rushed through the swarm of Menandrou into the perpendicular Sophocles Street, to encounter what seemed to be the end of a street market.

Street vendors were hastily packing piles of merchandise on the sidewalks, while a police patrol car drove slowly through. The message from the patrol car’s loudspeakers can be best translated in English as ‘Pick it up right now’. At a pile of Chinese paper lantern packages, spread over the sidewalk, the vendor offered some to me for free. The packaging was damp and dirty, but the contents seemed intact, so I hastily thanked him and accepted the offering, before we continued up Sophocles Street.

safari • noun (pl. safaris) (especially in East Africa) an expedition to observe or hunt animals in their natural habitat.

The first street to the left was Geraniou Street, which, at the time, was filled with a crowd of African people. A group of both men and women were standing in the sidewalk arcade, in front of an open café and next to the entrance of a crowded corridor. Singing could be heard coming from inside. An African man, leaning on the arcade column, greeted me and invited me to join the Mass that was apparently in progress inside. Above his head, taped on the column, was a photocopied message announcing the operation of a salvation centre, every Sunday, on Geraniou Street. As my companion was eager to proceed, we walked out of Geraniou Street back into Piraeus Avenue, and continued towards Omonoia Square and on to the subway station and the end of our itinerary. Waiting for the metro, I opened the package of lanterns and unfolded one. It was pink, oval shaped; with a decoration of watercolor flowers and a smell of dampness.

My first impression of the immigrants’ place of getting together was that of a vivid, crowded area that strongly evoked the feeling of a different city. In the general stillness of the streets of Athens downtown on Sunday, this hub of activity was a striking contrast. The density of congregation, in combination with the ethnic constitution of the crowds, was remarkable, and it seemed that, with the exception of the police patrol, only foreigners were present in the area at that specific time. Decoration and signs attached to the typical Athens downtown buildings enhanced the ‘exotic’ atmosphere of specific streets that resembled an oriental market place. In observation itineraries that were conducted later, some other vital functions of this place were discovered.

1.3. Case study presentation 1.3.1. The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens In the western part of downtown Athens, and particularly in the streets including Menandrou and its crossing with Sophocles Street, Plateia Theatrou, Diplari, Sapphous, Korinis, and Geraniou, large concentrations of Asian and African men are regularly observed. These street gatherings are recurrent during the week, mostly on early evenings of the weekdays, and reach their peak on Sunday at midday. On Sundays, there is also a discreet presence of African women in the streets. Especially during the warm months of the year they gather in greater numbers to fill the street space with their presence.

Asian and African immigrants comprise 22.4% of the total immigrant population in Greece today. According to the Social and Financial Atlas of Greece (Maloutas 2000), the division of foreign immigrants according to origin is: 50% Albania, 10.5% Indian Peninsula, 8.1% former USSR, 6.8% Middle East, 5.2% Bulgaria, 4.8% Romania, 4.7% Poland, 3.4% Far East, and 1.7% Africa. However, the ethnic diversity of the Asian and African immigrants congregating in the area defined by this study as ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ includes many countries of origin: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Egypt, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Ghana, India, Iraq, Kurdistan, Lebanon, Nigeria, Pakistan, Sudan, Sri Lanka8.

The men assemble on the sidewalks and the arcades, and occasionally on the street thoroughfare. They position themselves by entrances, between parked vehicles or on street corners. Leaning on columns or walls, on street signs or rubbish dispensers; sitting on steps or window ledges, on parked motorbikes or the hood of a car, the men engage in conversation in small groups or pairs. Some stand alone at the edge of the sidewalk, or resting against walls, and watch over the activity around them. Others converse on their cell phones.

The countries of origin stated derive from interviews in the field. See Appendix 1. The account of all communities of ethnic immigrants in Greece is presented in Marvakis A. Parsanoglu D. Paulou M. 2001. Immigrants in Greece. (in Greek) Athens: Ellhnika Grammata

There is a constant strolling along the streets and stopping to greet acquaintances. Here and there, are provisional street food outlets: an improvised cantina for Arabic pita set in a sidewalk arcade; a casserole of biriani9 distributed in plastic plates placed on the porch of a closed store; or an open truck, full of watermelons or bananas. The men eat on the street; sometimes a group takes over the hood of a parked car and stand around it as if it were a table. Street merchandise appears on mats laid on the pavement, in the trunks of cars, or in the hands of men. There are open trucks selling fruit, Asian vegetables, live chickens or fresh fish. On the pavement, displays frequently appear; shoes, clothes, sunglasses and small electronics. Prepaid cards for overseas telephone calls are usually sold hand-to-hand. Illustration 1.2:Gathering in the crossing of Sophocles and Menandrou, evening July 2003

Framing the street action, there are numerous small stores and enterprises that provide products and services essential to the immigrants’ everyday life. Cheap clothes and shoes can be bought in Chinese import–export stores; exotic cooking materials, teas and pastries, in Asian groceries or mini-supermarkets. There are cheap electronic goods and

Biriani / birriaani / (also biriyani or biryani) • noun: an Indian dish made with highly seasoned rice and meat, fish, or vegetables. — ORIGIN Urdu, from Persian, ‘fried, grilled’.

mobile telephones in mini-malls or calling centres, where cheap overseas calling time is available. There are restaurants that serve ethnic food and also function as cafĂŠs and ethnic fast food bars. There are also money transfer agencies, travel agents, Asian hairdressers and audio-video clubs. There are Indian incense, jewelry and gift shops, as well as oriental garments and home decoration shops. These stores stay open for up to twelve hours every day, until late in the evening, and they have a very different routine from the standard commercial time schedule in the area. By and large, immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; stores are always open on Sunday. The men spend time inside the stores, or gather outside by their doorways. In general, open spaces outside the stores operate as an extension of the store interiors. Most of the men stand around the sidewalk by the store entrance. Conversations take place between people on the street and people on the doorsteps. Small groups of men are formed between those hanging around and the passers-by. Illustration 1.3: Gathering outside Money Transfer agency Menandrou, Sunday midday August 2003

According to my registration of January 2004 and of May 2004 (Table 4.5), Chinese importexport clothes and shoes shops constitute 25% of the immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; enterprises in the area. However, Chinese stores do follow the standard commerce routine in the area, they have a wider clientele and do not serve as immigrant hangouts. Of the remaining 75% of the

immigrants’ stores in the area, the five most frequent kinds are: Asian groceries or minisupermarkets, calling centers, audio-video clubs, restaurants and hairdressers.

There are fifteen Asian groceries, or mini-supermarkets, in operation in the area today. The Asian grocery sells mainly imported products necessary for Asian cuisine. In Asian Bazaar in Diplari Street (Appendix 1: interview 5), which can be used as a general example, products are imported from Bangladesh and Pakistan and include rice, pulses, frozen river fish, spices, tea and canned food. According to storekeeper Zainoul Abedin, Asian cuisine vegetables are grown today in fields in the Marathon agrarian area, North of Athens. The Asian grocery’s clientele is strictly immigrant — Bangladeshi, Indian, Pakistani, Sri Lankan — but never Greek. Some groceries sell take-away food like samosas10, or cans of tropical juice. In Mini-supermarket, Bangladesh Store in Korinis Street, newspapers that are posted from Bangladesh can be bought. Illustration 1.4: Mini-supermarket, Bangladesh Store, Sunday midday January 2003

A very particular product that one can find in some of the Bangladeshi groceries is the pan, which we could consider a kind of Indian chewing gum, made of a green leaf rolled

10 samosa • noun a triangular fried pastry containing spiced vegetables or meat. — ORIGIN Persian and Urdu

around a pinch of spices and tobacco. Men from the Indian peninsula habitually chew the pan, (Illustration 1.6) and spit out the remains onto the pavement, where red stains are left. Illustration 1.5:The pan, evening July 2003

There are twelve calling centers in operation in the area today. Calling centers are enterprises that provide cheap telephone and fax services to selected countries worldwide, by redistributing calling time purchased from a major telephone provider. In a typical calling center like Pak call center, together with the telephone services, prepaid calling cards, small electronic goods and accessories for mobile telephones are for sale. Calling centers are frequently combined with video clubs, like the ‘King Video Calling Center’, or with electronic goods, like the Voice Bangla-calling and shopping mall. Calling centers are necessary to the immigrants and, in many cases, the only way to communicate with their home country. For Zainoul Abedin, who has not met with his family in the last five years — the 600-euro airfare cost to Bangladesh being unaffordable for him — telephone calls are his only means of direct communication with his family.

Including those combined with calling centers, there are ten audio-video clubs that can be distinguished, in respect to their films and music, into either ‘Indian’ or ‘African’. The Indian audio-video club has an extensive collection of Indian films and music. Films fall into the genre of BOLLYWOOD; mostly social dramas, romance and adventures. The African video club, respectively, distributes African film and music. Apart from films made in Africa, a specific film genre in these clubs is the Blaxploitation movie; Hollywood violence and detective stories from the 70s with a strictly black cast. There are eight ethnic restaurants operating in these streets: three African restaurants, four Indian and one Kurdish. African restaurants are exclusive in their clientele to fellow country-people. The National is the largest, most prominent and most recent of the three African restaurants on Geraniou Street, functioning also as a Saturday night venue. The other two are smaller and less distinguishable from the rest of the street, with curtains or blinds drawn over the glazing. The restaurant at Geraniou 9 has been run by a Nigerian woman for the last five years, and only serves one main dish per day. I noticed that people were eating with their hands, using soft bread base to scoop the contents of their plates. In Menandrou Street there is the Pak Indian Restaurant, run by a Pakistani businessman, whose clientele is largely tourists and Athenians and whose prices are rather high. Recently, the Green Garden Indian, Bangladesh and Pakistan Foods Restaurant has opened in Geraniou Street in a recently renovated, early 20th Century house. In Diplari Street, the Indian Tasty, restaurant and snack bar serves mostly immigrants, but also delivers a take-away. The owner is a Bangladeshi who has been running the place for the last three years. On the sidewalk outside Indian Tasty, where white plastic tables and

chairs are placed on warm days, extensive murals cover the sidewalls. To the right side of the entrance as you walk in, a palette of brown colors depict a man helping an ox to push a carriage through a field. On the opposite side, turquoise, blue, red and yellow form a mosaic of an Indian princess in a palace. ‘Famous Indian foods’ covers the top of the restaurant’s glazing, between cardboard outlines of Indian arches. Illustration 1.6:The sidewalk of Indian Tasty restaurant and snack bar, Wednesday evening July 2002

As expressively decorated are the sidewalls and ceiling of the extended sidewalk outside the Sul-aymani Kurdish restaurant. A mural depictsing a young, beautiful woman as she carriesying an urn on her shoulders in a mountain village;, the mountain range peaks in the background. Green and pink neon lights frame the cornice of the large restaurant signs and the sidewalk ceiling; pot plants outline the white-paved sidewalk area in front of the restaurant paved in white tiles. According to Karuan, one of the restaurant owners, the ‘Sul-aymani’ moved to Sapphous street from another location one- and- a- half years ago, because this is a central location where manyand a lot of Kurdish fellowmen gather here. Finally, Paradise, in Aristophanes Street and Bengal Garden, in Corinis street, are cheap restaurants with exclusively Bangladeshi clientele. Especially Paradise, especially, is a well-known hangout of the Bangladeshi community, and a rather hostile place for Pakistanis.

There are five hairdressers in operation in these streets; one African and four Asian. A visit to the hairdresser is a frequent customary practice for Pakistani men. Ali, who came to Athens from Pakistan fourteen years ago and who speaks very good Greek, states: ‘I visit this area once a week, to go to the hairdresser on 6 Menandrou Street and have a kebab from Raja Jee’s Take-Away’. According to Pak Hair-Cutting barber there are six standard hairstyles fashionable between Pakistani people. The ‘pak’ haircut is short with the sides, or the back of the head, shaved. As a matter of observed fact, the men that assemble in Menandrou Street present a number of variations of this hairstyle. Illustration 1.7: The Pak Haircutting Saloon, Monday Midday, July 2003

All immigrants’ stores and small enterprises are immigrant-owned and managed. Besides commerce, these stores and small enterprises function as meeting places or hangouts for the immigrants. Small groups get together in the store interiors or by their entrances. Most of them are acquaintances of the storekeeper or of the keeper’s assistants. Sometimes they celebrate special occasions there. The stores also provide spaces for information exchange, their windows covered with announcements of public events, messages and posters in the immigrants’ native languages.

The strip of immigrant stores which are part of Diplareion Megaron at Menandrou street is one of the most popular spots for street gatherings. The one-meter wide sidewalk between storefronts and parked cars is never empty. The shops are always open on Sundays, although the blinds are half-drawn. In the summer months, crowds of South Asian men also occupy the other three sides of Diplareion building’s perimeter. The generous windowsills, the stairs in front of the institution entrances, and the porches of the storefronts provide surfaces for leaning or sitting on, or for standing against, to the groups that gather on the streets. Illustration 1.8: Street gathering along the perimeter of Diplareion, Saturday afternoon, August 2003

In the same streets, set in apartments, there are provisional places of worship for Muslim or Christian immigrants, together with immigrants’ civic associations that always operate on Sundays, as well as on some specific days of the week. Musa Ambu, priest and clothes factory employee, states that ‘there are five mosques operating in apartments in the area out of a total of twenty-three in the city of Athens’. The Christian Africans frequent the Christian Pentecostal Mission, the Redeemed Christian Church of God, the Apostolic Pentecostal Church and the Apostolic Church — Garden of Comfort-Agbala Itura, all located on Sophocles and Menadrou Street. However, some African immigrants follow

services in the local Christian Orthodox churches. Peter, a Nigerian street merchant in the area, baptized his daughter in his neighborhood church of Aghio Meletio. Illustration 1.9: The Apostolic Church — Garden of Comfort-, Sunday Midday, February 2003

Although there are a number of foreign immigrants’ civic associations — a complete account of which is included in the publication Immigrants in Greece (Marvakis A. Parsanoglu D. Paulou M. 2001) — only two have so far been registered to operate in the area. The Association of Bangladeshi Immigrants in Greece (ABIG) is located in this area, in Aeschylus Street. The association is housed in a very small space in the mezzanine of the lobby of an apartment building, and opens every Saturday and Sunday evening. Filothta, the Pan-Hellenic Federation for Supporting Muslims in Greece, is located in an apartment in 14 Geraniou Street, and includes a hostel providing temporary residential support to homeless Muslim immigrants.

When immigrants establish shops and enterprises, they make small alterations and improvements to the buildings they settle in. The result of this activity is a variety of visual signs rendering the streetscape of downtown Athens. New words are introduced in the textual assemblage of the streets of Athens by shop signs. The Nile, SHERE BANGLA, Mini-Supermarket for Indian, Bangladesh and Pakistan Foods, ‘Pak-Asia’ Calling Centre,

PRTHUMA, Asian Bazaarâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, Ya Tong import-export, Gin-Da epe, Prince Video and Laybery, Babul Hair-cutting, Diamond Calling and Lava Video Center, are samples of this foreign vocabulary. Bright colors appear in the grey-beige palette of the Athens streetscape: the red of the Chinese lanterns that hang, as a uniform recognition code, by every Chinese store in the vicinity; the turquoise blue, grass green, yellow, brown and bright pink that decorate the exterior walls of hairdressers and restaurants. It is noteworthy that in all the cases where a store is located near the end of a sidewalk arcade, the sidewall is covered with a bright color, or a mural, or a text in an ethic language. Posters in Arabic, Chinese, Indian, Punjabi, Urdu, Yoruba and English scripts appear on shop windows, walls and arcade columns, announcing community events, ceremonies, celebrations, invitations to manifestations and protests; advertising night-out venues, private items for sale and parties. Most frequently, posters appear near the entrances of stores and enterprises. Illustration 1.10: Entrance of Mohamed and Brothers shopping center Sunday Midday, January 2004

All around, Bollywood movie posters are displayed in the windows of audio-video clubs. Oriental patterns appear on the adorned surfaces. Arabic lanterns hang from the ceiling of the sidewalk arcades of Sophocles and Menandrou. Exotic food products appear on shop windows and street displays. Clothes and oriental textiles hang from the exterior wall surfaces of the Chinese clothes stores, or from the ceilings of sidewalk arcades.

The appropriation of the spatial envelopes of the immigrants’ stores and enterprises —by practical redesigns, small-scale alterations and decoration — expresses their cultural identity. The exhibition of cultural visual signs in the settings of the immigrants’ place of getting together fulfills a double function: it denotes their spatial establishment in the area, and adorns their surroundings with imagery that evokes their homelands. Illustration 1.11: The red car of 6 Menandrou street, Wednesday afternoon, July 2002

Within the realm of street space appropriation, in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’, vehicles perform a number of functions beyond a means of simply transporting people and goods to and from the location. Many immigrants own scooters, which, once parked on locations of assembly, function as seating for their owners and friends. Cars, trucks and minivans are also engaged. Cruising around, driving slowly, with ethnic music blasting out of the sound system, is a common practice among Asian and African men. The ‘open truck market’ is another one. Goods are often displayed on bonnets, or in open trunks of parked cars. Parked cars also serve as provisional urban furniture, or extensions of the shop interiors in front of which they are strategically parked. There is one specific red car that has been parked in front of the Asian grocer of 6 Menandrou Street since 2002. It appears in every photograph taken of the spot, as if it has never moved. This car functions as an extension of the Asian grocery. When the trunk opens, it becomes the

fresh vegetables display; the sides provide surfaces for men to lean on or over, and the bonnet provides seating for as many as can squeeze on. In general, most cars parked on the street around Diplareion Megaron are used as improvised furniture; men lean against, sit on, or stand around them, as if around a meeting table; they even, temporarily, leave their pocket contents on their hoods.

An example of a provisional square is the empty plot at the crossing of Sapphous and Korinis streets that has been asphalted and serves as a parking lot. This is a corner plot, circumscribed by the sidewalls of the adjacent buildings, and open on the two street sides. On the sidewall of the adjacent apartment wall the outline of the two pitched roofs of the warehouses that previously occupied the plot remain visible. It is a sunny spot; there are two trees and a small booth for the parking lot operator. During the times that the parking lot is little used — mostly Sunday midday and evenings — small groups of men stand between the cars. On one July evening, a group of Asian men squatted on the asphalt, occupying the empty parcel between two parked cars, and using their sides as backrests. On Sapphous street, opposite the parking lot, there is a garage where usually an ‘open truck market’ takes place.

Other street objects engaged in accommodating street gatherings include the car stoppers, traffic signs and rubbish dispensers. Car stoppers serve as seats. In the narrow sidewalks, discussion spaces are created between car stoppers and the windowsills, steps or porches. Men usually hold on to traffic signs when a group is gathered around them. Rarely, on the occasions of great congestion, men also lean against overflowing rubbish containers. As the specific streets and sidewalks were designed to contain vehicular and pedestrian flow, there is no urban furniture for seating. To accommodate the incidental discussion groups formed in the street gatherings, these people practically redesign the existing street objects by using them in inventive ways. This kind of appropriation is transitional and produces no physical structures or visual signs.

In this area that we call the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ the presence of African and Asian immigrants in the city of Athens is visible in the greatest concentration. This is where African and Asian people have established their public domain: their market, recreation, religion and information exchange spaces. There are a hundred immigrants’ stores, enterprises and associations in operation today. There are two hundred people gathering in the street space of Menandrou between its crossing with Sophocles and

Euripides street — a distance of 100 meters — at peak times. In these streets, they come to get together with friends and fellow countrymen, to communicate with, and consume products from, their homeland; to speak their native language, and to exchange information — about work, housing or residence permits — that is essential for their survival in the city of Athens.

This is where they assert their cultural identity, engaging in practices specific to their cultures; very different to those of the Athenians. The immigrants’ presence in the specific public spaces, their bodily postures, the way they occupy the street space and appropriate objects, displays comfort, relaxation and security. Here, Asian and African people recreate and socialize without feeling excluded, alien, dangerous or inferior; that is, without being confronted with discrimination. It is here that Asian and African immigrants can experience Athens as a place of belonging. We can define the specific streets of Athens downtown that include the stores and enterprises, the civic associations and places of worship; and where Asian and African immigrants congregate to exchange information, consume products and services from homeland, and engage in their cultural practices as the Asian and African immigrants’ place of getting together.

The place of getting together serves a vital function to Asian and African immigrant groups, as it constitutes their primary space of intra-community social interaction in the city of Athens; the space where they are able to assert cultural identity without confronting social discrimination. This place functions as the social and cultural center of this diaspora community, and denotes that Asian and African immigrants have established their presence in the city.

1.3.2. Brief chronicle history of the area of study The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ is situated on the west of the Athens Central Municipal Market, in one of the oldest neighborhoods of the city. The streets of Sophocles, Menandrou, Geraniou, Euripides, Diplari, as well as Theatre Square, are part of the ‘historic triangle’ — the first plan for an Athenian capital in modern Greece. Designed by Kleanthes and Schaubert in 1832, revised by von Klenze in 1834 and again by Hansen and Schaubert in 1836, the area was already built up by 1862, and the above-mentioned streets are present on the military map of C. von Strantz11, dating from that year. Aeschylus Street, where the ABIG civic association is located today, was part of the Ottoman settlement, evident in Coubault’s topographic map of 180012. As the city of Athens expanded outwards, the ‘historic triangle’ area provided geographic centrality to the Athens Metropolitan complex, comprising, together with the settlement around the Acropolis Hill, the Athens inner city.

Today this part of Athens downtown houses a part of the business, commerce and administration center. However, in respect to residential function, its social and financial value has steadily deteriorated between the 1970s and 1990s when the suburbs began to attract middle class residential preferences. The Athenian middle class abandoned their inner city apartments and moved to the northern or southern suburbs, seeking better surroundings and ample parking spaces. The deserted apartment blocks in the inner city have since accommodated the lowest income groups, to which foreign immigrants, in their majority, belong (Petronoti 2001:114).

Fifteen years ago, social deterioration in the area was mostly evident in the presence of subcultures of deviance and crime. Visual artist Dimitrios Antonitsis, (Appendix 1: interview 3) who has been living in the district, states that the predecessors of the immigrants’

facilities in this urban fabric were small-scale food enterprises and brothels. He describes the feel of the area as decadent, a gourmet’s paradise during the day and a dangerous place during the night. ‘The deca in the area was amazing. During the day the area was full of small shops of dairy products, cooking products from oregano to grouses. During

11 12

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the night there were aged prostitutes and nothing else. It was very dangerous to walk around in the area at night. The corner of Socrates and Sophocles streets used to be a transvestite cruising spot; a ‘piazza’ where you could pick up transsexuals of the crudest kind like bricklayers wearing wigs. Another gay piazza takes place now on the corner of Euripides and Socrates streets.’

The neighboring Omonoia square, at the beginning of the 1990s, was the major Albanian immigrant receptor in Greece. According to Psimenos (Psimenos 1995), Omonoia Square, and the neighboring area of Vathis Square, were the first and most important spaces to host the whole of the immigrant Albanian population, prior to their dispersion to Northern Greece and East Attica. The most suitable spaces for the newcomers Albanian immigrants, at the time, were the old, degraded hotels around the Omonoia that provided not only cheap lodging, but also building-sites and public spaces like the railway and metro station, parks and underpasses, where the immigrants slept in cardboard boxes. According to Abu Ali (Mavrakis et al.2001:335), a representative of the community of Kurdish political refugees, there were, at approximately the same time, 1000 Kurdish refugees from Iraq, living in cardboard boxes in Kumunduru Square. To the north and west of Plateia Theatrou, in the districts of Omonoia, Metaxourgeio and Vathis, there has been a continuous presence of foreign immigrants for the past fifteen years.

At the beginning of the 1990s, the variety of small-scale food businesses that had concentrated around the Central Municipal Market slowly died out. The emergence of the neighborhood supermarket, which provided a wide range of specialized food products that could previously only be bought in these stores, rendered them redundant. Consequently, an occupation void was created in the area’s spatial recourses for commerce, which accentuated the deterioration caused by residential desertedness. The area around Plateia Theatrou, at the beginning of the 1990s, had a poor social and financial status; it presented physical and environmental deterioration and a high degree of desertedness. This particular condition, however, offered the opportunity of spatial resources, financially accessible to immigrant business. Asian groceries, calling centers and hairdressers gradually took over the spaces where spices, rare poultry or dairy products had been traded. Provisional places of worship and immigrants’ civic associations settled in the abandoned apartments, mezzanines and basements.

A peculiar trace, revealing the history of small enterprise around the central market, is visible under the Asian grocery sign — the shop sign of a ‘spice warehouse’. Earlier, small enterprises around the central market included selling spices, special milk and meat products, and many housewives traveled regularly to such shops for their household provisions. Today such specialties are universally accessible, prepackaged, in neighborhood supermarkets. Today, Menandrou Street concentrates, along its entire length, many points of attraction for different ethnic groups. On its crossing with Agiou Kwnstantinou Street, at the back of the church of Saint Constantine, immigrants from Eastern Europe — mostly women — regularly concentrate on the sidewalk to exchange information about work. The perimeter fence of the church is full of handwritten notices and photocopied advertisements for employment offers. On the opposite side of Menandrou, a travel agent that specializes in Eastern Europe often delivers packages from home. For the last ten years, at 65 Athena Street , in the extended sidewalk in front of Hotel El Greco, an open market, with products that arrive by bus from Bulgaria, has been taking place once a week. Eastern European women have been assembling there to purchase food, underwear and cosmetics. The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ is located in an urban area where foreign immigrants of other ethnic origins have also established their presence in public space. From the governmental side there is no plan for urban renewal for the Plateia Theatrou area. However, the area to the south of Plateia Theatrou has undergone a self-regulated upgrade the in the past ten years, with the opening of a constellation of art galleries, restaurants and night clubs — especially in the region of the old Ottoman settlement that today is called ‘Psirri’. The injection of new urban uses — a part of which we can also consider the immigrants’ establishment — has reorganized the social and financial status of the area. Despite the absence of middle class residence in the area today, there is a concentration of diverse urban uses: offices, governmental administrative services, markets, small enterprises, hotels, cultural activities and recreation spaces, which attract different crowds of people during different times of the day. The diversity of urban uses, their concentration in space, and their complementarities in time, prevent the immigrants’ place of getting together from becoming an ethnic enclave. The dense street network and high building density aids, the coexistence of the immigrant stores, enterprises and associations with all the other urban uses. The location clearly displays a concentrated immigrant presence, but appears, nevertheless, as a multicultural area. In this context we should consider the African and Asian immigrants’ place of getting 43

together in downtown Athens as a transitional settlement that would be vulnerable to urban renewal or market-driven upgrade. As interviews with the store and enterprise owners reveal, commercial spaces have been rented to the immigrants with a high percentage of increase per year. One can speculate that in a number of years the commercial spaces in the area may no longer be financially accessible to immigrant businesses.

1.3.3. Evolution of immigrant facilities The establishment of immigrant facilities in the location over the past ten years has been both durable and ascending (Figure 1.1). During the period of field research — from May 2002 to August 2004 — I observed that immigrant facilities in the area of study increased with a rapid tempo. In May 2004 (Section 8.1.2) I conducted a facility survey, and registered the evolution of immigrant facilities in the location. The figure (Figure 1.1) displays the increase of immigrant facilities in the area of study over the past 20 years. Based upon the survey data and interviews with facility owners four thresholds in the evolution of immigrant facilities in the location can be defined: 1.

The first establishments prior to 1997:

The Ethiopian-Greeks established their Association in 1975.The first Pakistani commercial facility started in the area in 1989. Egyptians, and particularly Greek-Egyptians who have returned to Athens, established facilities in 1993. In 1994 the first Nigerian restaurant started in Geraniou Street 14, together with an electronics store on Geraniou 9. In 1997 there were, in total, 12 facilities in operation in the area. We observe (Map 1.3) that in this phase ethnic facilities are dispersed within the area of study, occupying distinct locations in different streets. 2.

The ‘general amnesty’ in 1998:

This legal act permitted the establishment of businesses by foreigners on the basis of a residence permit. The impact of this on the absolute number and rhythm of facility establishment was a positive increase. Since 1998 a total of 108 facilities have been established in the area of study. 3.

The arrival of Chinese enterprises in 2000:

The Chinese commercial facilities have the steepest establishment curve. Although they are comparative newcomers to the location, their business network expands with the fastest rate of all immigrants. We observe that in this phase areas of multiethnic concentration emerge. 4.

The year of final survey â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 2004:

The number of facilities has reached its peak. However, some facility owners have attained an enterprise license on the basis of their certificate of application for a residence permit (Appendix 1. interview 17), which renders the future of their enterprise uncertain. Figure 1.1. Increase in the establishment of immigrant facilities in the area of study according to facility survey May 2004 (section 8.1.2.)

160

140

120 Bangladeshi Chinese 100

Nigerians Pakistanis Egyptians

Kurdish Other foreigners Total

0 1975 1989 1990 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

In the next pages maps plotted over interval of two years between 1994 and 2004 maps (Map 1.3)

illustrate the spatial dynamics of the immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; facility establishment. We

observe the initial establishment of facilities of distinct ethnic groups developed in different streets of the location. However, over course of time, ethnicities become mixed as facilities are established with greater density in the major streets of the location while some others remain primarily mono-ethnic.

Map 1.3: The spatial dynamics of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ 1994: Nigerian, Egyptian, Bangladeshi, Pakistani

2000: Nigerian, Egyptian, Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Chinese

1996: Nigerian, Egyptian, Bangladeshi,

1998: Nigerian, Egyptian, Bangladeshi,

Pakistani

2002: Nigerian, Egyptian, Bangladeshi,

2004: Nigerian, Egyptian, Bangladeshi,

Pakistani, Chinese and other foreigners

1.4. Analysis of the case: Questions that state the problem The specific streets of Athens downtown that, since the middle of the 1990s, have housed the stores and enterprises, the civic associations and places of worship of local immigrants and allowed Asian and African immigrants to assemble in order to exchange information, consume products and services from ‘home’ and engage in their cultural practices, has been defined as the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. This case study analysis concentrates on the pronouncement of questions that state the problem of how and why foreign immigrants have established their place of getting together in the specific part of downtown Athens.

1. Place is an integrated phenomenon of location and occupancy. In their place of getting together in Athens downtown, immigrants occupy the location with a number of activities; commerce, consumption, settlement in available buildings, information exchange, religious ceremonies, street gatherings and so on. These activities are essential to the immigrants, and contribute to the expression of the group’s cultural identity. Further, my observations reveal that the immigrants manifest particular behaviors — manners of conducting these activities — in the specific place. Comfort and relaxation are evident in the bodily postures of men occupying the street space. Groups are gathered close to the entrances of stores and enterprises. The relevant question arising here investigates the way immigrants occupy, in terms of activity and behavior, the specific location of the place of getting together:

Which are the essential activities that immigrants engage in at this place? How do immigrants behave in their place of getting together?

2. There are properties of the location that influence its occupancy. In order to explain the appearance of the immigrants’ place of getting together in the specific part of town, we must examine the properties of the location that contribute to its occupancy.

Why did immigrants select this location to establish their place of getting together?

The brief chronicle history of the area of study has revealed that immigrants have seized opportunities for settlement in this area that came out of the demise of the small-scale food stores around the market and the subsequent occupation void. In that state of affairs the available area was accessible to immigrants. However, to a certain degree the area was also suitable for the establishment of this ‘place’ in the context of the immigrants’ own specific circumstances. ‘Suitable’ in this sense includes both that the location is fit for the immigrants’ purposes of occupation and that it is agreeable to them.

Which characteristics of this location render it accessible to immigrants? Which characteristics of this location render it suitable to immigrants?

Any location has a set of characteristics as a ‘situation’ (ie: in respect to other locations) and a set of unique attributes as a ‘site’. Geographer Lukermann has defined these characteristics13 respectively as ‘external’ and ‘internal’ characteristics of a location. In the case of the establishment of immigrants’ place of getting together both internal and external characteristics of the location influence its occupancy.

What are the external characteristics of the location as a situation that render it accessible and suitable to immigrants? What are the unique internal characteristics of the location that render it accessible and suitable to immigrants?

3. The internal characteristics of a location range in scale. We can consider the location of the immigrants’ place of getting together as one territory that comprises a number of streets and includes a variety of spaces and objects situated in these streets. The boundaries of this territory are not physically circumscribed but imagined. There are parts of the specific streets that remain empty during the peak times for street gathering. As I have previously described, over the last ten years the location has been claimed by the immigrants who have appropriated the available spatial resources in order to accommodate their essential social and cultural needs. The relevant questions arising here

13 Relph refers to the definition of ‘place’ by Luckermann (1964) who understands place as complex integrations of nature and culture that have developed and are developing in particular locations, and which are linked by flows of people and goods to other places’(Lukermann 1964:169-170 in Relph, 1976: 3).

investigate the spatial component of the place of getting together both as an imagined territory and as a depository of containers of activity.

Which parts of the location house the activities of immigrants?

How do immigrants perceive the boundaries of their territory?

How do immigrants use the spaces and objects in the location to accommodate their activities?

Why do they use specific spaces and objects in the location?

The questions that state the problem of the appearance and development of the immigrants place of getting together focus on the three fundamental characteristics of place; location, occupancy and time. The questions pronounced above mostly relate to ‘how’ and ‘why’. In the next section we develop criteria for what would constitute satisfactory answers to these questions.

1.5. Conclusions of the case study: Adequacy criteria for modeling emergent places The goal of this study, within the framework of applicability in design practice, is to generate adequate knowledge leading to the construction of design guidelines for the accommodation of urban groups without a place. Before prescribing for emergent places of urban groups without a place, it is necessary to systematically represent such places and explain the conditions that contribute to their existence. The systematic representation and explanation of these places constitutes a behavioral model. The model should be sensitive; able to grasp the essential characteristics of emergent places of urban groups without a place.

In the next phase of the study the first model will be developed upon the basis of the findings of the case study ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. In the previous section, Analysis of the case, the crucial questions necessary to investigate the appearance and development of this place in the urban context of Athens downtown are put forward. Here we outline the criteria that determine what will constitute satisfactory answers to these questions. These criteria can be considered as ‘adequacy criteria’ for the development of a behavioral model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens’ as one emergent place of an urban group without a place. The Adequacy criteria for a behavioral model of emergent places for urban groups without a place are: 1.

Given that urban groups without a place appropriate existing urban locations, the model should identify the conditions that render a location accessible and suitable to the specific group. The model should investigate the location, both as a situation in relation to other locations, and in terms of its unique internal characteristics addressing minimally three scales: territory, space and object.

Given that the location selected by the group accommodates essential activities of the specific group, the model should rigorously investigate the activity of the group in focus in the location. If a number of groups use the location, the model should define the group in focus and distinguish between different groups activities. The model should distinguish between those activities that occur only in a specific location and those that occur in various locations.

Given that emergent groups appropriate the location’s spatial recourses to accommodate their activities, the model should register all spaces and objects in the location that are used by the group. The model should correlate activity and location and therefore identify how spaces and objects are used by the group in focus. The model should identify what makes the spaces and objects used appropriate for the specific group activities.

Given that groups without a place appropriate locations transiently, the model should be dynamic and incorporate time as a variable. The model should identify both long-term and short-term changes. The model should identify the evolution of activity in the location. The model should identify the rhythms of all activities registered in the location.

This chapter has introduced us to emergent places with the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; place of getting togetherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. This first instance of emergent places was investigated in a real setting situation employing field research techniques. The preliminary empirical observations have been presented as a field report. The questions that the descriptive model intends to answer leading to the definition of the models adequacy criteria have been pronounced. In order to gain adequate knowledge for the construction of a model of emergent places of groups without a place, the next chapter investigates the state of the art to identify suitable tools for understanding the phenomenon of emergent places.

2. Tools for understanding emergent places for urban groups without a place State of the art

In the previous chapter the phenomenon of emergent places of urban groups without a place, has been illustrated with the case of the immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens. This chapter investigates the phenomenon as methodological, theoretical and to a degree ideological problem in the interdisciplinary field of urban studies and design. While limited research has been conducted in urban planning, and architectural and landscape design, ‘urban groups without a place’ have comprised a leading issue in the disciplines of urban sociology, human geography, social anthropology and culture studies throughout the course of this century. The problem of place, and particularly the relation between group and place, has been explored since the 1960s in the evolving scientific field of environment-behavior studies. Consequently the survey in the state of the art will be interdisciplinary, between the wide-ranging fields of urban studies and environmental design and will concentrate on the following: •

The evolution of the problematic of urban groups without a place in the discourse of urban studies

•

Precedent case studies that focus on urban groups without a place

•

Methodological responses to the problem of urban groups from the perspective of user needs and environmental design

The survey approaches these studies examining the following issues: •

The origins of the concept of ‘urban groups without a place’ in urban sociology

•

Community studies and the critique of mainstream urban planning

•

The ‘populist movement’ in architecture

•

Environment-behavior studies; bridging the ‘user-needs gap’

•

Some cases of user needs programming

•

The quest for culture-supportive environments

•

Contemporary subcultures as self-served users

•

Focus on immigrants and ethnic minorities

•

Focus on youth subcultures

•

Rethinking the function of urban space and its appropriation potential

•

Contemporary responses to user needs in the design of public space

Of course the literature, particularly in the field of urban studies, covers more issues concerned with politics and economics. However, this survey is not exhaustive in this respect, investigating, specifically, the interrelation between the ‘social’ and the ‘spatial’, focusing on the issue of space.

2.1. ‘Urban groups without a place’: the definitive category of research The literature survey begins with the definition of the category of investigation, ‘urban groups without a place’, in the interdisciplinary field between urban studies and environmental design. We focus upon four notions of the definitive category of research ‘urban groups without a place’: socially excluded groups, user groups unaccounted for in mainstream urban planning and design, subcultures and emergent groups.

In the perspective of contemporary urban studies ‘urban groups without a place’ can be defined as ‘socially excluded groups’; groups that are excluded from mainstream society, whether by virtue of poverty, ethnicity, addiction, or other social or economic factors (Kleniewski 2002:387).

Socially excluded groups, although they may share very little in common

besides marginalization and a high level of social stress (Kleniewski 2002:137), constitute a category on the basis of their position in the economic and social hierarchy, which includes immigrants, ethnic minorities, the chronically unemployed, disaffected youth, people with AIDS, the mentally ill or handicapped, religious sects, addicts, the sexually particular, single parents and the homeless. According to Nancy Kleniewski, although socially excluded groups are not a new phenomenon, their numbers today are growing as a result of ‘processes of economic restructuring, globalization, ideological shifts, the crisis of welfare systems and the

opening of new market economies that have created a particularly profound combination of pressures on urban life’ (White 1998: 305 quoted in Kleniewski 2002:137). Socially excluded groups are intentionally prohibited from, or confined to, a place; they have historically been associated with urban slums, squatter settlements or social housing projects.

In the extended field of the design of urban environments — which includes planning, architecture, landscape and urban design — the problem of ‘urban groups without a place’ attains a different notion of marginality, which can be best understood in the perspective of the ‘user-needs gap’. John Zeisel has identified the ‘user-needs gap’ upon the fact that the user clients have no choice and no control in the post-industrial process of the built environment’s mass production (Zeisel, 1975,1981). Herbert Gans has also articulated the distance between urban planners and the people as a problem of class culture, claiming that city planning, although implicitly, ‘had been concerned with planning for certain people: the planner himself and his professional peers, his political supporters and the upper middle class citizen in general, all of which shared his own upper middle class culture’ (Gans 1969:368). According to Gans, in order to plan for people we should consider how people want to live, by accepting that people are not all the same, acknowledging the different lifestyles, goals and problems of the different age groups, classes and subcultures (Gans 1969:375). In this frame the definitive category ‘urban groups without a place’ would include not only socially excluded groups, but also all social groups whose needs have not been accounted for in the design of urban environments. In the further development of the survey ‘planning for people’ and the ‘user-needs gap’ will be elaborated, identifying ideological stands that challenge functionalism in urban planning and architecture. User groups that have surfaced in the design discourses since the statement of the problem, whose needs have been particularly attended to, are: the elderly, children, adolescents at school, consumers and physically disabled people.

The third definition of ‘urban groups without a place’ is as subcultures and derives from culture studies. Subcultures constitute groups defined upon the basis of structural social characteristics such as: age, race, ethnicity, social class, specialized training or interests and particular types of behavior that share a system of belief, norms and values (Kuper 1996, Spergel 1966). The marginality of subcultures can be understood on the grounds of the hegemony of culture, and in this sense, deviation

from dominant cultural norms — a form of imaginary ‘resistance through situated rituals’ and specific style (Hall, 1976). A more recent concept that includes subcultures is that of ‘reflexive communities’ constituted by the habits, the practices, the particular tools and products and the shared meanings embodied through them, in the individual voluntary participants (Lash 1994).

Sarah Thorton claims that subculture values comprise ‘subcultural capital’,

‘an alternative hierarchy in which the axes of age, gender, sexuality and race are all employed to keep the determinations of class, income and occupation at bay’ (Thorton, 1997:208 in Gelder and Thorton 1997).

Subcultures have traditionally ‘carved out their

territories in the street, school or asylum’ (Gelder and Thorton 1997), but, more recently, are increasingly present in commercial spaces provided especially for them in football grounds, skateboard parks, gay bars, dance clubs or rock venues. Nevertheless, the acknowledgement of such groups in the design of urban spaces is very limited, manifesting only a few cases that are reviewed further in this survey. The fourth dimension of the category ‘urban groups without a place’ is that of emergent urban groups. In the context of intense and accelerated innovation in the contemporary urban culture, where numerous urban subcultures constantly surface, it must be stated that even if all existing urban groups are acknowledged and accounted for in the design of urban spaces, there will always be fresh ones emerging in the near future. Considering that the production of the built environment is slower than subcultural evolution, we can state that the problem of ‘urban groups without a place’ can never be adequately confronted. This assumption places the problem of designing for ‘urban groups without a place’ in the perspective of cultural forecasting, which will not be investigated in this chapter. In conclusion, the category of investigation, ‘urban groups without a place’, includes groups that have not been accounted for, or that are intentionally excluded, in the design of the urban spaces, either because they are identified with beliefs and practices that are prohibited, or because their system of beliefs, values and behavior deviates from the dominant cultural norms determining architectural programs. However, these groups are not displaced, but place-bound. As we examine further, they creatively engage with, and claim ‘place’ by appropriating urban spaces. In this perspective we can appreciate the definition of ‘emergent places’, for urban spaces are not planned and designed top-down, but surface from the ground up.

2.2. Urban groups without a place: origins of the concept in urban sociology The inquiry into urban groups constituted on the basis of structural social characteristics such as social class, race, ethnicity, profession, age and taste, which fall out of the dominant social and cultural order that determines the production of the built environment, and which we have defined as ‘urban groups without a place’, is intrinsic to urban studies. As Peter Hall claims ‘twentieth century urban planning came out of a complex emotional reaction — part pity, part terror, part loathing — of the late-Victorian middle class to their discovery of the urban underclass’ (Hall 1996:364).

Within a historic perspective that emphasizes social class as a generator of urban patterns we could recognize the working class of the 19th century — the urban underclass of the proletariat — as a prototypical urban group without a place; a group excluded from the built environment production cycle and confined to inhabit the urban slum, hidden away from the upper urban classes. Friedrich Engels, in his 1845 ‘The condition of the working class in England’, identifies this socio-spatial distinction in the industrial towns of England — London, Manchester, Birmingham and Leeds —introducing the concept of the urban slum in political economy: ‘Every great city has one or more slums, where the working class is crowded together. True poverty often dwells in hidden alleys close to the palaces of the rich; but in general a separate territory has been assigned to it, where, removed from the sight of the happier classes it may struggle along as it can’ (Engels 1845, 2004). 1

Systematic investigation into urban groups and their habitats in city neighborhoods first appears in the 1920s with the work of sociologists at the University of Chicago. Robert E. Park, one of the founders of the Chicago School of urban sociology, interested in the diversity of human behavior in the American city, introduced a research program for the investigation of the social structure of the city based on theory and tested by observation (Hall 1996:366).

A former newspaper reporter, Park believed that the social world had to be

investigated through direct observation, and so introduced the journalistic model of social research, guiding the research of the Chicago School on the ‘observation and investigation

2004 www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/condition-working-class

of human behavior in an urban environment’ to focus on many aspects of life normally hidden from view and to describe pockets of urban life, such as dance halls and ethnic ghettos (Kleniewski 2002:29, Neuman 2003:365, Thorton 1997:12). In ‘The city’, the classic 1925 collection of essays edited by Park, Burgees and McKenzie, we can register the first cases of marginal urban groups in focus: the Hobo, the Teenage gangster and the Black obeah practitioner. In ‘The mind of the hobo: reflections upon mentality and locomotion’, one of the case studies included in this publication, Robert Park portrays an urban character of increased individual mobility who has experienced the social generated by locomotion and who manifests a distinct mentality: wanderlust. Hobos were homeless, unmarried men who traveled the United States to seek part-time seasonal work; an urban group that can be defined as essentially placeless. In the same collection of essays, in ‘The growth of the city’, where Ernest Burgees presents the dynamic model for Metropolitan growth in concentric zones, the habitats of all marginal urban groups in Chicago are also mapped. Their concentration is in the ‘Zone in Transition’: the second concentric loop of the Metropolis and a residential area of low and unstable financial status invaded by business and light manufacturing industry.

‘In the zone of deterioration encircling the central business section are always to be found so called “slums” and “bad lands” with their submerged regions of poverty, degradation and disease, and their underworlds of crime and vice. Within a deteriorated area are rooming-house districts, the purgatory of “lost souls”. Nearby is the Latin Quarter where creative and rebellious spirits resort. The slums are also crowded to overflowing with immigrant colonies — the Ghetto, Little Sicily, Greek town, Chinatown — fascinatingly combining old world heritages with American life adaptations. Wedging out from there is the Black Belt with its free and disorderly life. The area of deterioration, while essentially one of decay, is also one of regeneration, as we witness the mission, the settlement, the artists’ colony, radical centers — all obsessed with the vision of a new and better world.’ (Burgess 1967:56)

Illustration 2.1: Chicago Urban Areas. Source: Park, Burgees and McKenzie 1925

The theoretical standpoint brought forward by the Chicago School, and evolved into a paradigm for urban sociology, was human ecology (Kleniewski 2002:29), the methodology for social research concentrating on the relationship between populations and the environments that they inhabit, in parallel to the biological science of ecology. Park’s ‘natural ecological units’ — or neighborhoods — that have later been formulated by human ecologists as ‘natural areas’ or ‘ecological niches’ were considered ‘coterminous with class, occupation, worldview and life experiences’ (Low 1999:2). Robert Park’s opening argument in his ‘City: suggestions for the investigation of human behavior’ is that the most elementary form of association in the city, the urban neighborhood — ‘a locality with sentiments, traditions and a history of it’s own’ whose permanency and intimacy tends to be destroyed under the stress of urbanization — is internally intensified in the case of immigrant groups facing segregation. This new and distinctive urban social organization is defined as a ‘moral region’: ‘the population tends to segregate itself not merely in accordance with its interests, but in accordance with its tastes and temperaments...Producing detached milieus in which vagrant and suppressed impulses,

passions and ideals emancipate themselves from the dominant moral order’ (Hall 1996:368 quoting Park et al 1925).

According to Nancy Kleniewski, ‘the paradigm of urban ecology informed the vast majority of urban studies that were undertaken between the 1920s and the 1960s’ (Kleniewski 2002:35).

In the perspective of human ecology, community ethnography has

concentrated on the study of a number of urban groups in their urban habitat, highlighting the relationship between specific groups and places. Kleniewski defines community ethnography as a branch of urban studies: ‘descriptive case studies of daily life in urban neighborhoods provided valuable insights into the subcultural norms and behaviors of poor and marginalized groups’ (Kleniewski 2002:34). A sample of marginal urban group case studies, conducted by sociologists affiliated with the Chicago School, that bring forward place as a constituent of group identity and that reveal urban spaces which, at the time, remained hidden from normal view includes: •

The ghetto by Louis Wirth in 1926

•

The taxi-dance hall by Paul Gressey in 1932

•

Street corner society by William Foot Whyte in 1943

•

Delinquent boys by Albert Cohen in 1955

•

Asylums by Erving Gofffman in 1961

•

The culture of a deviant group: the dance musicians by Howard Becker in 1963

In conclusion, it can be stated that research focusing on specific marginal urban groups and their habitats originates with case studies conducted by the Chicago School Urban Sociologists. The work of the school comprised a micro-sociology that set off to ‘map the social groups of the city in a way which includes their modes of conflict and control, network and segregation, vocation and lifestyle’ (Thorton 1997:12), and that generated a branch of urban studies that has been defined as community ethnography. The interrelation between group and location has been investigated in a human ecology perspective, focusing on the urban habitats — defined as natural areas or moral regions — of the specific groups or communities. Later, case studies have also highlighted the significance of specific urban places of lesser spatial expanse such as the street corner, the ‘free places’ in a mental asylum, or of semi-public interiors such as dance halls and jazz bars, with which groups creatively engage.

2.3. Community studies and the critique of mainstream urban planning During the 1960s Herbert Gans, educated both as sociologist and urban planner, produced two paradigmatic community studies in the sociological and anthropological tradition of participant observation that provided the foundations for his critique to the ‘orthodox urban planning’ of the time: ‘The urban villagers: group and class in the life of Italian Americans’ in 1962 and ‘The Levittowners: ways of life and politics in a new suburban community’ in 1967.

‘Urban villagers’ portrays an Italian community inhabiting a so-called urban slum in Boston’s West End, which was destroyed by urban renewal shortly after the end of the study in 1962. Gans, in an updated edition of the study from 1981, claims that ‘the book also sought to generalize beyond the community study on a variety of subjects: the nature of ethnicity, class and class culture in America; the differences between the working and lower classes; the relationships between class and ethnicity as well as race; what would be called anti-poverty planning and social policy; and the pros and cons of urban renewal.’ (Gans 1981:ix) In this study the term ‘urban village’ is introduced to disassociate the low rent neighborhoods of first- or second-settlement urban immigrants — areas where ‘typically Europeans and, more recently, Negro and Puerto Rican ones – try to adapt their nonurban institutions and cultures to the urban milieus’ and which are ‘often described in Ethnic terms: Little Italy, the Ghetto or Black Belt’ (Gans 1981:4) — from urban slums that are synonymous with anomie and social pathology. The term ‘urban village’ proved to be an influential concept in urban studies, and has been further used to ‘specify the unique position of rural or foreign immigrants as a local small-scale social system within an urban area’ and to describe ‘a place with fixed boundaries, speaking one mother tongue and holding the general set of customs…that produces an environment for rapid adjustment to city life and a convenient basis for administration’(Connel,1972 quoting Meier 1962).

‘The Levittowners’, set in Levittown, New Jersey, to where the author moved before its inauguration in 1958, explores the rise of a ‘new “social ethic”— most evident in, and

partly created by, the new suburbs’. The study focuses on three major and interrelated issues: ‘the origin of a new community, the quality of suburban life and the effect of suburbia on the behavior of its residents’ (Gans 1967:xviii). Gans took a critical standpoint on the impact of community, between the arguments of urban ecology: that local economy and geography determine human behavior and cultural sociology; that residential behavior is a reflection of regional and national social structures and questions the priorities of urban planning, towards physical or social planning. In his collection of essays, ‘People and Plans’, published in 1968, Gans articulates the critique to ‘physical determinism’ --that is the preoccupation of American city planning with the built environment while paying little attention in ‘people’s goals, effective means or the urgent problems of the city’. Gans believed that what affects people more than physical environment is the social and economic environment in which that physical environment is set. He claimed that only by working from a sociological perspective the planner can observe, understand and determine the problems that people are trying to solve. Gans submits the idea of ‘goal-oriented planning’, stating that ‘planners must begin with the goals of the community — and of its people — and then develop those programs which constitute the best means for achieving the community’s goals, taking care that the consequences of these programs do not result in undesirable behavioral or cost consequences’ (Gans 1968:53). A major point of Gans’ critique on physical city planning was on the ‘standards’ that determined the provision of health, education and recreation facilities that reflect the planner’s upper middle class culture rather than satisfying peoples’ needs, and that of all actors concerned, these standards mostly benefited, financially, the suppliers rather than the users or the community. He stated that ‘ironically, unless a facility becomes part of the social environment it will be used on the whole only by people excluded from that social environment, by marginal and socially isolated individuals’ (Gans 1969:372). In ‘Planning for people not buildings’ Gans, once again, claims that urban planning priorities should be reversed, and presents a new framework for a ‘client-oriented’ or ‘user-oriented’ approach that determines the goals of the people and that begins by asking people ‘how they live, what they want and what problems they have that need to be solved’ (Gans 1969:363,373,380).

Gans underlines population heterogeneity as the biggest difficulty in user-oriented planning, noting that ‘the planner has to decide how to allocate resources among competing groups, and for which people to plan’. In this perspective the utility of goal-oriented planning is that it provides a rational framework initiated by ‘determining and understanding the goals of all the groups in the community, to identify those shared by all and those intrinsic to the community as a whole’. However, it still relies upon the planner’s value judgment to decide on allocations that ‘will benefit as many groups as possible’ (Gans 1969: 380,381). In this perspective, Gans outlines the planner’s role not ‘as a reformer or as a professional, free to impose the values on the people for whom he plans’ but as an inventive agent able to ‘propose a variety of programs to solve problems and achieve peoples’ goals so that people have maximum choice’ (Gans 1969: 383).

Perhaps the most popular example of a severe and highly influential critique of ‘orthodox urban planning’ — and in particular of urban renewal at the time —comprises Jane Jacobs’ ‘Death and Life of Great American Cities’ which was first published in 1961. Jacobs argued against the erasure of traditional high-density inner-city neighborhoods by urban renewal, pointing out, on the basis of her observations, the advantages of ‘traditional urbanity’ over ‘modern city forms’ by its social qualities—vitality and safety.

For Jacobs the general characteristic of American high-density inner-city neighborhoods — such as Boston’s North End or New York’s Greenwich Village — that contributed to social quality was diversity. The conditions of city diversity were submitted in the book: ‘To generate exuberant diversity in a city’s streets and districts four conditions

are indispensable: The district, and indeed as many of its internal parts as possible, must serve more than one primary function; preferably more than two. These must ensure the presence of people who go outdoors on different schedules and are in place for different purposes, but who are able to use many facilities in common. Most blocks must be short; that is streets and opportunities to turn corners must be frequent. The district must mingle buildings that vary in age and condition, including a good proportion of old ones so that they vary in the economic yield they must produce. This mingling must be fairly close grained.

There must be a sufficiently dense concentration of people, for whatever purposes they may be there. This includes dense concentration in the case of people who are there because of residence.’ (Jacobs 1974:162)

Jane Jacobs was not particularly interested in the heterogeneity of urban groups. Her concern was with a new approach to urban studies and urban planning, characterized by a realistic, observational, (although not technical but common sense and self reflective), ‘bottom-up’ point of view.

Herbert Gans reviewed Jacobs’ book (Gans 1962 in Gans 1968:25-33), recognizing it as a ‘pathbreaking achievement’ while also being disappointed that the author also suffers from the planners’ ‘physical fallacy’ which ‘leads her to ignore the social, cultural, and economic factors that contribute to vitality or dullness’. In his critique, Gans pointed out that, in fact, some of her examples of diversity were ethnic neighborhoods which were ‘not diverse but quite homogeneous in population as well as building type’ and, further, that ‘the street life of these areas stems not so much from their physical character as from the working class culture of their inhabitants’ (Gans 1968:28). Further still, Gans claims that ‘orthodox city planning deserves considerable criticism for its anti-urban bias; for giving higher priority to buildings, plans and design concepts than to the needs of people, and for trying to transform ways of living before even examining how people want to live’ (Gans 1968:33).

2.4. The populist movement in architecture In their 1975 critical taxonomy ‘Development of the populist movement in architecture’, Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre distinguish a generation of architects that, during the 1960s and early 1970s, articulated a critique of the established paradigm of Modernist architecture, concentrating on the problematic of the needs of the user. According to Tzonis and Lefaivre, the major issue at stake within the movement was ‘the desirability of the architect’s role as an upholder of an apparently arbitrary set of norms on the manmade environment’ norms which were expressed in the Welfare State Policy and intended to ‘uplift the standard of health, education and general welfare related to architectural

matters where and when they were lacking’ according to ‘a common, identically calibrated, measure for all individuals in an ideally homogenous society’ and based on the concepts of ‘the humanly essential and universally necessary’. The ‘populist’ architect, should no longer represent a ‘class of professionals oppressing laymen’ with their ‘elitist’ prejudice against the taste and needs of the user, but should rather ‘create new models which represented individual differences, exposed subjective values and reflected the diversity of a truly democratic society’ (Tzonis and Lefaivre 1975:10-11).

Drawing from the essay, ‘Development of the populist movement in architecture’, the major architectural responses towards freedom and pluralism can be summarized as follows: •

A new paradigm for the architectural object as a visual and stylistic phenomenon that satisfies popular taste, best exemplified in the work of Venturi and Scott Brown on the commercial strip of Las Vegas

•

Proposals for an ‘open’ and ‘indeterminate’ architecture, exemplified, for the question of housing, in the work of Team Ten, and, for ‘double scale’ architecture as a design of minimum support structures within which the user has the freedom to create an order of his own (ie: to decide the proportions of his own living space and determine paths of general circulation), in the work of Habraken and SARR

•

A new paradigm for social housing that reflects the best fit and response to user needs, rather than the professionals imposed ‘new ways of life’ ideals; exemplified in the ‘slum’, as in the work of John Turner, in his study of the barriadas in Lima, Peru

•

The necessity for the engagement within the design process of an ‘applied sociologist’ collaborating with the architect as an arbitrator between designer and user, as developed by Zeisel and Brolin

•

The plea for pluralism in standards of utility and beauty in accordance with the needs and demands of all classes and subcultures, as stated, and elaborated in the previous section, by Herbert Gans

•

The birth of ‘advocacy planning’ requiring the architect to be an ‘advocate’ of the community where he works, responsible for expressing the users’ views and defending their freedom, for producing plans together with the community and for presenting those plans to the potential sponsors, entrepreneurs or government officials

In the ‘The city of sweat equity’, Peter Hall (Hall 1996:259) also draws attention to a number of projects by Christopher Alexander, developing the idea that ‘groups of people might change their own environment partly subsidized from above’. A more accurate account of the work of both Alexander and the Center for Environmental Structure at Berkeley, in the area of self-help projects and community participation, can be drawn from Grabow’s 1983 monograph on Alexander ‘The search for a new paradigm in architecture’ which includes the following projects: •

The ‘Oregon experiment’ in 1971; a masterplan for the Eugene Campus of the University of Oregon, produced on the basis of user participation by mixed designer-user teams, and adopting a language of patterns introduced by the members of the community as ‘explicitly stated observations and experiments’ while aiming at the establishment of an organic order and piecemeal growth rather than large development

•

‘Grassroots housing’ in 1973; a project promoting the idea of new legal entities engaged in housing production: a ‘cluster’ of families as a non-profit corporation; a sponsor and a ‘builder’; an entrepreneurial organization that combines the functions of architect, contractor and manager that assists the families to the design and construction of their homes during a period of time.

•

‘People rebuilding Berkeley’ in 1974; an attempt to develop a ‘self-sustaining’ and ‘self-governing’ neighbourhood in negotiation with the City Planning and Traffic Department

•

‘Mexicali’ in Mexico in 1976; a ‘self-build’ housing project where the inhabitants, together with the team of architects, were directly involved in the act of construction, resulting in a cluster of low-cost individual housing units — each one slightly different from the others — made of interlocking cement blocks produced on site and ultra light-weight concrete vaults built over lightweight woven wood baskets

All the above-mentioned community projects by Christopher Alexander, as well as ‘Pattern language’ are user-oriented, participatory and challenge the existing role of the architect. ‘Pattern language’ is presented as ‘an extremely practical language’ that ‘you can use to work with your neighbors, to improve your own neighborhood …to design a house for yourself with your family; or to work with other people to design an office or a

workshop or a public building like a school. And you can use it to guide you in the actual process of construction’ (Alexander 1977:x). The method used in developing this ‘practical theory’ was also participatory, based upon interpreting laypeople’s’ sketchy, rambling designs (Grabow 1983:95). ‘Pattern language’ was not only in itself a very influential publication — albeit mostly to the community of professional architects — but it also contributed to the generation of a branch of practical design handbooks that consisted mostly of design guidelines and which we examine more thoroughly later.

Peter Hall highlights the British responses to the issues raised by both the populists and Alexander with the work of Ralph Erskine in ‘Byker wall’ — a redevelopment project which was designed in continuous dialogue with local residents, as well as the ‘highly iconoclastic manifesto’ by Reyner Banham, Paul Barker, Cedric Price and Peter Hall the ‘Non-plan: an experiment in Freedom’ that proposed ‘a precise and carefully controlled experiment in non-planning…to seize a few appropriate zones of the country, which are subject to a characteristic range of pressures, and use them as launch pads for non-plan. At the least one would find out what people want; at the most one might discover the hidden style of mid-20th century in Britain’ (Hall 1996:260).

2.5. Environment-behavior studies: bridging the ‘userneeds gap’ By the mid 1970s an interdisciplinary field including anthropologists, sociologists, psychologists, architects, planners and other designers that investigate physical environment with ‘man’ in focus, had already become known as ‘Man-Environment Relations’ (MER) (Zeisel 1975:8). In this perspective ‘environment’ is defined (Lawton 1970 quoted by Rapoport 1976:17)

as an ecological system that includes five components:

•

The individual

•

The physical environment: geographical climatic and man-made features, the spaces and distances between ‘man’ and objects, and resources

•

The personal environment: including individual sources of behavioral control like family, friends, and authority figures

•

The supra-personal environment: the person’s modal characteristics in terms of age, race, subculture

•

The social environment: norms and institutions

John Zeisel (Zeisel 1975:8-13) introduces ‘environmental sociology’ as part of this interdisciplinary field aimed at developing a methodology that involves people who would be useful to the design of physical environments. According to him pioneering concepts in man-environment relations were:

1. ‘Proxemics’ by Edward Hall 1966; a typology of innate distances between people — intimate, personal, social and public — whose measures fundamentally differ between cultures (Zeisel 1975:8). For Hall ‘proxemics is the term coined for interrelated observations and theories of man’s use of space as a specialized elaboration of culture’ (Hall 1966,1990;1) and presented in a ‘cross-cultural context’ examining differences in the spatial behavior of Germans, English and French as well as in Japan and the Arab World.

2. ‘Personal space’ by Rodert Sommer 1969; ‘an area of invisible boundaries surrounding a person’s body into which intruders may not come…likened to a snail shell, a soap bubble, an aura and a breathing room applied in the examination of ‘man-environment systems’. (Zeisel 1975:9) Both investigations consider the ‘behavioral and perceptual implications of specific physical arrangements of objects’ (Zeisel 1975:9). However, Zeisel claims that the most influential concept to date was:

3. ‘Behavior settings’ by Roger Barker 1968; defined as behavioral–environmental entities which consisted of ‘standing patterns of behavior and milieu; behavior patterns attached to particular constellations of non-behavioral phenomena; man-made and natural features that comprise the milieu of a behavior setting’(Barker 1968:18-23). According to Zeisel, the concept of behavior setting as a ‘primary social-physical unit’ has a very similar meaning to the common word ‘place’ (Zeisel 1975:11). In anthropology there is a terminological distinction between ‘space’ and ‘place’; ‘space’ is considered to be ‘abstract; it is geometric’, in contrast to ‘place’, which is ‘relational, historical and concerned with identity’ (Auge 1995).

Relph presents a definition of the experience of place: ‘Experience of place can range in scale from part of a room to an entire continent, but at all scales places are whole entities, synthesis of natural and man made objects, activities and functions and meanings given by intentions. Out of these components the identity of a particular place is molded, but they do not define this identity- it is a special quality of insideness and the experience of being inside that sets places apart in space.’ (Relph, 1976:141) MER studies the reciprocity of effects between physical environment and people, focusing either on particular groups — categories of environmental users — as a ‘set of descriptors for comparing research projects and thus accumulating data in specific areas’(Zeisel 1975:12),

or on specific environmental settings. According to Zeisel MER studies of user

groups include: •

Lifestyle groups: people with shared characteristics of class, ethnicity, or cultural background

•

Age groups: teenagers, mothers with young children, or the elderly

•

Activity groups: office workers, medical patients or students

•

Disabled groups: people with physical or psychiatric disabilities

According to Zeisel MER studies of environmental settings include: 1.

Institutional settings: schools, offices, dormitories, prisons, hospitals

Residential settings: apartments, urban neighborhoods, new towns

Public spaces: street corners, playgrounds, parks

Semi-public places: restaurants, libraries or banks

Transportation networks: automobiles, subways, and airports

Complementary ‘environmental design’ developed as an inclusive response to ‘man’ being central in the study and design of physical environment, in contrast with traditional architecture and urban planning. According to Amos Rapoport (Rapoport, 1976:18-19 and 1980: 11-14)

the most important factors that are involved in

environmental design are: •

Organization of space: ranging from regions to furniture groupings, space appears as a fundamental property of the built environment; the organization of fixed feature elements

•

Organization of meaning: meaning is primarily expressed through the iconic aspects of the built environment — signs, materials, colors, peoples dress, hairstyles, and gestures

•

Organization of time: influence of behavior in time

•

Organization of communication: interaction, avoidance, dominance etc; is culturally variable and a derivative of organization of space, meaning and time. The nature, intensity, rate and direction of interaction vary as do the settings appropriate to it.

Rapoport (Rapoport 1980) claims that ‘in contemporary situations, where people generally do not directly shape the fixed elements of the environment as in traditional settings, semi-fixed feature elements play a major role in personalization and expressing individual and group identity, and may represent a separate non-coinciding symbolic system’.

As has been mentioned earlier in this chapter, in 1975 John Zeisel explained the contemporary architect’s failure in producing functional designs due to the distance between architects and user clients — accentuated in the post-industrial production of built environment by the mediation of paying clients — which he named the ‘user-needs gap’ (Zeisel 1975:16).

Illustration 2.2: The user needs gap. Source: Zeisel 1981

Zeisel claimed that ‘for the architect that wants to understand the complex needs of strangers for whom he builds, social research is bound to be an indispensable tool’ (Zeisel 1975:17),

identified the phases in the design and processes in construction where social

research can be most useful to architects, and introduced two methods in this direction: •

‘User programming studies’; determining the goals and constraints of a design in the perspective of the users

•

‘Diagnostic evaluation studies’; used after design is completed and users have settled in

‘User programming studies’ involve two parts: ‘user analysis’ — the analysis of the user group that would inhabit the eventual building or place; and ‘design guidelines’ — the formulation of design guidelines for the behavioral part of the design program (Zeisel 1975:17).

The first of these, the user analysis, proceeds in the following steps: 1.

Specification of design objective-setting and user group

Specification of surrogate populations-settings and users

Specification of the user’s needs and wants

The specification of ‘user’s needs and wants’, which is in fact the core of the problem, requires — according to Zeisel — a specific methodology that draws largely from anthropological and social research; this is in order to surpass the standard market definition of ‘user needs’ and discover what people actually want. In this perspective fieldwork is considered the ultimate method of gathering data by: •

Observing behavior

•

Observing physical traces and cues

•

Using non-verbal visual aids in interviewing

•

Interviewing and using questionnaires

The second part of user programming studies, the ‘design guidelines’, aims at ‘formulating a program based on the collected data’ and ‘raises the most important and difficult questions in architectural design’(Zeisel 1975:30). Zeisel proposes the following process for translating social issues into design responses: •

Set overall design and social objectives for the project

•

Identify and create images of salient social issues

•

Find specific behavioral indicators that describe the issues

•

Identify general design concepts which respond to social issues

•

Describe possible specific design responses which develop the design concept and accommodate the specific behavioral needs uncovered by the research

Zeisel’s second method, ‘diagnostic evaluation studies’ also includes two basic parts: analysis of the design and the designer’s intentions; and analysis of the design and use of the built facility. There is also a third optional part: the reformulation of design guidelines for similar projects or making specific recommendations for improvement.

The analysis of the design and the designer’s intentions includes: • Description of salient design decisions • Exposition of designer’s social rationale for each decision • Description of the realization of design And this process relies primarily on three methods: • Content analysis of design process documents • Personal interviews with actors in the design process • Site visits to the built project

The analysis of design and use of the built facility includes: • Formulating hypotheses about what to test • Carrying out analysis of the use of the building • Comparing design with use

John Zeisel submitted this methodology for user-needs research in architectural design, in order to help bridge the gap between the architect and the user client. His methodology is based upon the tradition of social concern among designers and the tradition of sociological theory and methods (Zeisel 1975:47). The perfection of John Zeisel’s methodology for environment-behavior research is presented in his ‘Inquiry by design: Tools for environment-behavior research’. Published in 1981, it comprises a comprehensive study of ways of incorporating social research within design, and mostly expands on techniques of empirical data acquisition. Both of Zeizel’s methods, first presented in 1975, have since evolved in the field of environmental psychology and design and are still practiced today as; ‘behavior-based architectural programming’ (Hershberger 2002)

and ‘post-occupancy evaluation’ (Bechtel and Churchman 2002). 72

2.5.1. Some cases of user-needs programming This section presents an overview of case studies that fall into the category of user-needs research and that study specific user groups in their environmental settings in order to develop design guidelines on the basis of empirical observation. First, we examine two cases where John Zeisel and his associates applied their theoretical framework for userneeds research in architectural design to studies of school property vandalism and housing for older people. Further we review a study of ‘play spaces’ by Robin Moore, William Whyte’s studies on public spaces and finally Paco Underhill’s study of retail environments.

‘Stopping school property damage: design and administrative guidelines to reduce school vandalism’ is the report of a research2 project executed by Zeisel and a group of associate researchers in 1976, on behalf of the American Association of School Administrators and Educational Facilities Laboratories in collaboration with the City of Boston Public Facilities Department. The problem of vandalism was redefined within the research by analyzing data on property damage, resulting in four distinctions within the term: •

Malicious vandalism

•

Misnamed vandalism

•

Non-malicious property damage

•

Hidden maintenance damage

• The research team discovered that, although statistically malicious vandalism comprised only 50% of the cases of school property damage (excluding theft of property), designers and architects had focused only on protecting schools against that kind. Accordingly team aimed at producing design responses that would confront the remaining categories — misnamed vandalism, non-malicious property damage and hidden maintenance damage — while directing administrative responses for the confrontation of malicious vandalism. The researchers’ approach to the problem is stated below:

The research method used in the study consisted of: Interviews with 200 students, teachers, custodians and school superintendents; Working sessions with architects designing schools for the city of Boston Site visits to schools in Boston, New York, Washington and smaller towns in Massachusetts Site visits and interviews with personnel involved in administrative programs Questionnaires sent to 286 Massachusetts school superintendents Bibliographical survey of available books and pamphlets on property damage and vandalism

‘..schools by their availability and familiarity to young people and by the facilities they provide attract and sometimes challenge young people. We feel that designers who want to limit property damage must take responsibility for design decisions which challenge young people to damage schools and which make schools easy and inviting targets. …School designers must plan for the informal social and activity needs of young people as well as for their formal educational requirements… …We are concentrating our efforts to find solutions which act as bridges to meet the needs of school users rather than challenging fences.’ (Zeisel1976:13)

The researchers concentrated on identifying and understanding the spatial parameters of the kind of activities that result in property damage as a result of poor provision of spatial facilitators for formal and informal usage of the school environment by the young. Social activities of the students that take place in the school setting outside the educational framework, such as spontaneous sports, hanging out or graffiti, were considered by the researchers as activities that should be planned together with the educational requirements. Adequate and intelligent provision of spatial facilitators for hangout niches, ‘watering holes’ and lavatories, self-expression and legitimate graffiti, informal rough play, or short cut paths would contribute significantly to the reduction of school property damage. The report from the study took the form of a handbook of guidelines for the prevention of school property vandalism addressing the design of interiors and exteriors of the school premises, as well as administrative responses. The design guidelines are presented in two-column tables, the ‘design issue’, where the activity and its spatial requirements are described, and the ‘design response’, where practical design suggestions for confronting each issue — by either toleration or abolition — are specified. The design issues mostly address the extra-curricular school environment activities resulting in, contributing to, or including vandalism that are specific to a given age group of students. The description of activities is derived from the observation facts. The design responses are concrete and practical suggestions for the allocation of spaces, building materials for wall surfaces, planting, fixtures and hardware, equipment, and maintenance of the school environment. The report proposes a set of design and administrative responses to the problem of school vandalism, as summarized in Table 2.1:

Table 2.1:List of Design and Administrative issues related to School Vandalism (Zeisel 1976)

Exterior design issues

Formal gathering places

Rooftops Ground to roof access

Auditorium

Roof to roof access

Cafeteria

Formal rough play places

Formal Rough areas

Formal rough play places

Gymnasium

Playground equipment

Shop areas

Informal rough play places

Graffiti

Pick up play

Surfaces Walls

Pick up play in parking lots

Glazing

Hangout areas

Ceilings

Watering holes

Floors

Niches Entry

Hardware Fixtures accessible to play

Clarity of ‘come in’ and ‘stay out’

Thermostats

statements

Door Closures and Doorknobs

School bus drop off

Alarms

Exterior door hardware

Entry

Joint community-school-use-entry

Panic hardware Surfaces Pathways

Administrative issues

Parking lot boundaries

Graffiti

Three types of programs

Planting

Behavior programs

Walls

Motivation programs

Expressive and decorative

Dialogue programs

Legitimate

Two goals for schools

Prime surfaces and locations

Behavior goals

Fixtures and hardware

Motivation goals

Windows

Specific programs School watchers

Interior design issues

24-hour custodian staff

Informal gathering places

Live-in custodian

Hangout areas

Mobile home sites in school property

Watering holes

Security officers

Lavatories

Restitution

Niches

Student vandalism account Pride and awareness program

‘Low rise housing for elderly people: Behavioral criteria for design’ is a monograph featuring the results of an architectural competition organized in 1975 by the Massachusetts Department of Community Affairs for the design of 100 housing units for older people on the basis of behavioral factors determining older persons needs. John Zeisel, at the time Director of the Architecture Research Office at Harvard Graduate School of Design, worked as behavioral research consultant to the participating deign teams and as an editor of the monograph.

The monograph aimed to encourage ‘new design responses to the housing needs of older people and at encouraging individual groups of decision-makers to accommodate social and psychological needs in ways appropriate to their own particular situation’ (Zeisel, Epp.1977:5),

and to add to the ‘growing empirical base on which a new more user-

responsive architecture can be established’ (Zeisel, Epp.1977:5). At the time, architectural design to meet social and psychological needs was considered as ‘a process based on empirical research which must be continually challenged, tested, updated and refined. Buildings themselves must be seen as hypotheses to be tested rather than solutions to be lived in’(Zeisel, Epp.1977:3). The monograph presents a range of design guidelines to meet the environmental needs of older people that consider: •

Design details necessary to meet older peoples’ needs to be specified primarily in a later stage of design

•

Basic design elements necessary to reduce physical and sensory barriers for older people with slight or severe disabilities.

•

Alternative residential settings for older persons

•

Items required by codes and regulations such as the Federal Minimum Property Standards

•

Tenets of good design not unique to environments for older people

Each category of design guideline is organized according to behavioral and spatial issues, presenting performance criteria that derive from the specific circumstances of older people — retirement, more leisure time, loss of agility and strength, reduced sensory capacities, chronic diseases, greater dependency on others, withdrawal and loneliness — in the scope of designing a home. For every performance criterion, possible design responses are verbally formulated; examples of design responses are presented with visual

and textual material which are, intentionally, jargon-free. The taxonomy of design guidelines included in the monograph is organized in the following categories: Table 2.2: List of design issues related to Low rise housing for older people (Zeisel et all 1977)

Inside the unit Furnishability Options for eating Control of backstage Storage and display Unit edge Entering Outdoor territory Window to the world Places for neighboring Indoor shared places Outdoor shared places Clustering Community activity spaces Community space location Indoor community spaces Outdoor community spaces On the site Pathways as activity areas Pathfinding Retreats Cars Links to the town Getting on and off the site Facilities for children Facilities for non-residents

Another example of empirical research in the perspective of environment-behavior studies and focusing on one environmental setting and one user group to produce design guidelines is Moore’s study of a children’s playground (Moore 1974 in Carter and Lee 1974) published as ‘Patterns of activity in time and space: The ecology of a neighborhood playground’. The report, which was sponsored by the Boston Redevelopment Agency, is

based on a playground study initiated in 1966 at the Lenox-Camden Estate in Lower Roxbury, Boston as an experiment in playground design. The study’s approach is ethological, based on the assumption that what children do in a choice-rich, non-coercive setting is important and natural to them and is directly tied to internal processes. The experiment’s method consisted of: 1.

Data-gathering by systematic observations of behavior spanning a seven month period

Deriving, from data, relationships between play activity and physical/temporal settings

Describing and codifying ‘Patterns of Activity in Time and Space’ (PATS)

Developing a list of implications for the design of more adequate play spaces for urban children

The study undertook a systematic evaluation of the facilitating qualities of the outdoor environment in the perspective of ‘Play place’, a term used in recognition that ‘play’ happens, or can be designed to happen, in many places other than institutionalized playgrounds (Moore 1974). The empirical question that the study set to encounter was the difference between the places that attract children and those that do not. The field setting selected — the Lenox–Camden playground — was considered ‘by virtue of its material diversity, inherently attractive’. Environmental analysis of the Lenox–Camden playground — to examine relationships between activity and settings — was organized around the following parameters: •

Location of playground with relation to residencies

•

Use-cycle in a spatial-temporal context

•

Physical environment as features, materials and climate

•

Inventory of activity; definition and grouping

•

Social actors identifying subcategories in user-group children

A codified description of the structure of behavior, covering different patterns of use within the space-time boundaries of the site, resulted in a matrix of patterns of activity in time and space, which were also represented in the form of behavior graphs (illustration 2.3).

Illustration 2.3: Patterns of Activity in Time and Space Source: Moore 1974

The study concludes with development of guidelines for a more adequate design for play places for urban children addressing issues of: • Location and spatial form • Diversity • Facilitation of social groups • Fixed resources • Loose resources • Combination of fixed and loose resources

• Role of adults Based almost exclusively on direct observation in New York City urban open spaces, the two books of William H Whyte ‘The Social life of small urban spaces’ (Whyte 1980) and ‘CityRediscovering the center’ (Whyte 1988) are now considered as classic studies of public space in the environment-behavior approach. Initiating the Street Life Project in 1970 William H Whyte and a team of observers set off to discover why some city spaces ‘work for people and some do not’ (Whyte 1980:10). The team’s investigation technique included primarily direct observation, sighting maps, photography, time-lapse filming and some interviews and resulted to accumulating a very large sample of observation findings. The results of the investigation were published in the two books mentioned above and contain a number

of factual statements, sometimes counter-intuitive, about how, why and by whom city spaces are used that architects customarily overlook. Elements of public spaces that are ‘attractive to people’ (Whyte 1980:67) include ‘the life of plazas’, ‘sitting space’, ‘sun, wind, trees and water’, ‘food’, ‘the street’, ‘the undesirables’, ‘effective capacity’ and ‘triangulation’. We select a sample of Whyte’s observation facts and design guidelines that we consider relevant to problem of emergent places of urban groups without a place: •

‘An elemental point about good urban spaces: supply creates demand’ (Whyte 1980:16)

•

‘A high proportion of people in groups is an index of selectivity.’ (Whyte 1980:17)

•

‘What attracts people most, it would appear, is other people.’ (Whyte 1980:19)

•

‘People tend to sit most where there are places to sit’ (Whyte 1980:28)

•

‘Even though benches and chairs can be added, the best course is to maximize the sittablity of inherent features.’ (Whyte 1980:28)

•

‘People will sit on places higher or lower (than around 43.2 cm) to be sure, but there are apt to be special conditions. Another dimension is more important (than sitting height): the human backside.’ (Whyte 1980:31)

•

‘All things being equal, you can calculate that were pedestrian flows bisect a sittable place, that is whre people will most likely sit.’ (Whyte 1980:33)

•

‘Fixed individual seats are not good. They are a design conceit.’ (Whyte 1980:35)

•

‘Where there is a choice between fixed seats and other kind of sitting, people will use the other kind’ (Whyte 1980:36)

•

‘If you want to seed a place with activity, put out food’ (Whyte 1980:50)

•

‘The relationship to the street is integral and its far and away the critical design factor. A good plaza starts at the street corner.’ (Whyte 1980:54)

•

‘Sightlines are important. If people do not see a place, thy will not use it.’ (Whyte 1980:58)

•

‘Unless there is a compelling reason an open space should not be sunk.’(Whyte

•

‘They (the ‘undesirables’) are not themselves much of a problem. It is the

1980:58)

measures to combat them that is the problem.’ (Whyte 1980:60) •

‘Who are the undesirables? For most businessmen, … the winos, derelicts who drink out of half-pint bottles in paper bags... For retailers ….there are the bag women, people who act strange in public, “hippies’, teenagers, older people, street musicians, vendors of all kinds.’ (Whyte 1980:60)

•

‘The best way to handle the problem of the undesirables is to make the place attractive to everyone else.’(Whyte 1980:62)

•

‘Design for a person who is going to sit a while. (15 minutes or more)’ (Whyte 1980:73)

•

‘Capacity, to recapitulate is self-levering…. Underuse, not over use is the problem.’ (Whyte 1980:73)

•

‘I call it triangulation. By this I mean the process by wich some external stimulus provides a linkage between people and prompts strangers to talk to each other as though they were not.’ (Whyte 1980:95)

Illustration 2.3: Cumulative recording of people gathering. Source: Whyte 1988

One of the latest branches of environment-behavior studies investigates retail environments, exemplifying consumers as a new category of user. Paco Underhill, in ‘Why we buy’ introduces an anthropology of the retail environment as the ‘science of shopping’; a hybrid discipline based on field research practiced as a form of ‘consumer advocacy’ for the creation of better shopping environments ‘that benefits the clients as well’ (Underhill 1999:33). Having studied urban geography and worked with William Whyte on the New York Project for Public Spaces, Underhill founded Envirosell, a consulting company that applies empirical observation of consumer behavior in order to improve the efficiency of shopping environments.

This empirical observation method relies on tracking consumers within retail environments such as stores, restaurants and banks, and meticulously noting behavior, as well as interpreting store camera recordings. Underhill argues for the financial necessity of such a discipline since, given the saturation of advertising by media proliferation and the erosion of the influence of brand names, the environment of the store is today crucial for merchandising. As Underhill put it: ‘the building has become a great big threedimensional advertising for itself’ (Underhill 1999:32). He also claims that in the contemporary retail environment ‘amenability and profitability are totally and inextricably linked’ (Underhill 1999:44) and lays out the principles for the design of shopping environments on the basis of empirical observation. The principles according to which a ‘better shopping environment’ is designed rely on: 1.

Certain universal physical and anatomical abilities, tendencies, limitations and needs common to all people that the retail environment should be tailored to

Behavioral differences with respect to gender, age, income and taste divisions

In this perspective the design of better shopping environments is based on mapping behavior, and incorporates studies of kinetics, sight lines, consumer subgroup behavior and specific needs in the design of entry zones, aisles, shelving and display layouts, product adjacency and sign positioning. The subgroups of consumers examined in ‘Why we buy’ are distinguished according to gender — women-men; and age — seniors and children. The specific behavior of each group, substantiated by observation findings, are interpreted in the context of current social and cultural change, and their needs are outlined and introduced as guidelines in the design of shopping environments, and as speculations for future changes. ‘Why we buy’ is a valuable handbook of practical suggestions for the design of retail environments. As a methodological standpoint, it underlines the necessity of empirical research in the environment-behavior perspective as a basis for design. As a strategy for design, it underlines the importance of small changes, since Underhill considers this process as ‘fine-tuning’ rather than ‘drastic overhaul’ where ‘minor alterations can bring major improvements’ (Underhill 1999:243). In the genealogy of man-environment relations ‘Why we buy’ displays the evolution of concept of the ‘user’ into the ‘customer’. Given the facts of commercialization of public space, and the ascending social importance of shopping, consumer environment research is the most contemporary response to user groups in focus in this state of the art.

2.5.2. The quest for culture-supportive environments This section concentrates on the work of Amos Rapoport, whose work we can consider as representative of one branch of environment-behavior studies that focuses on cultural factors of man-environment interrelations. Rapoport, architect and environmental designer, proclaimed the necessity of interdisciplinary research in the study of manenvironment relations, combining architecture with anthropology, ethnology, geography and archaeology. The quest for culture-supportive environments is, according to Rapoport, a crucial issue in environmental design as ‘culture is the central element that intimately links the shaping of the built environment with its effect on people through communication and code legibility’(Rapoport 1976:24). In ‘House form and culture’ (Rapoport 1969), Rapoport’s investigation of the forces that affect the form of many types of vernacular buildings and settlements — drawn from anthropological and cultural geographic material around the globe — emphasizes the influence of socio-cultural factors on house form beyond technological and climatic constraints. ‘Building a house is a cultural phenomenon; its form and organization are greatly influenced by the cultural milieu to which it belongs. Very early in recorded time the house became more than shelter for primitive man and almost from the beginning “function” was much more than a physical or utilitarian concept. ...If provision of a shelter is the passive function of the house, then its positive purpose is the creation of an environment best suited to the way of life of a people — in other words, a social unit of space’ (Rapoport 1969:46) and further ‘Houses and settlements are the physical expression of a genre de vie, and this constitutes their symbolic nature’ (Rapoport 1969:47). The most useful definition of socio-cultural forces in general terms is ‘genre de vie’, a term coined by anthropologist Max Sorre that can be translated in the very contemporary term ‘lifestyle’, and which, according to Rapoport, includes the sum of culture, ethos, worldview and national character as defined by Robert Redfield in 1953. To investigate how socio-cultural factors affect the form of dwellings and settlements, the concept of lifestyle is further broken down into: basic needs, family and position of women, privacy and social intercourse (Rapoport 1969:61).

In his later work, which clearly belongs in the domain of environment-behavior studies, Rapoport constructs a conceptual framework for the investigation of socio-cultural aspects

of man-environment interactions, and states the problem with three crucial questions (Rapoport 1980:7-12):

What are the characteristics of human beings as a species, individuals or members of social groups that affect the way in which built environments are shaped?

What are the effects of the built environment on human behavior, mood and well-being?

What are the mechanisms of mutual interaction that link people and environments?

The answer to the first question involves a consideration of constancy and variability. The characteristics of human beings as a species — considering their evolutionary background — provide a baseline for the ways in which environments can best respond to human needs. The issue of humans as individuals is concerned with peoples’ sensory capacities: the ways in which individuals explore, perceive and give meaning to the environment. Finally, the characteristics of people as members of social groups — such as families, institutions, subcultures and cultures — and those groups’ particular values, beliefs and ways of understanding the world, greatly affect the ways in which people use, understand, interpret and even perceive environments.

The answer to the second question is considered to be the major problem in research in cultural geography and environmental design. Rapoport (Rapoport 1980:26 and 1976:10) outlines the three contemporary theoretical positions on the effect of physical environment on people in: •

Environmental determinism: the view that physical environment determines human behavior. During the 1970s this was the traditional view of urban planners and designers, who believed that changes in the form of the built environment would lead to major changes in behavior, increase happiness, social interaction and so on.

•

Possibilism: the view that physical environment provides possibilities and constraints within which people make choices based mainly on social, cultural and economic criteria. As a reaction to determinism, some researchers — mainly geographers — put forward this position, emphasizing the importance of social, cultural and economic environment over the physical.

•

Probabilism: the view that physical environment does provide possibilities for choice and is not determining, but that some choices are more probable than others in a given physical setting.

Rapoport adopts a probabilistic position considering the built environment as a setting for human activity that, by constraining choices selectively, can be either inhibiting or facilitating. He also points out that ‘a particular setting may be facilitating to the extent of acting as a catalyst or releasing latent behavior, but cannot, however, determine or generate activities’ (Rapoport 1980:27). Rapoport claims that it is generally easier to block behavior than to generate it, but notes that if the designer works in the direction desired by people, a small change in built environment leads to a major effect. Working against desired behavior, in contrast, the introduction of major changes can have questionable effects. He also reports that, particularly in the cases of people or groups with reduced competence or environmental–cultural docility — such as the elderly, the ill, children, or groups undergoing social change whose culture is marginal or suffering environmental stress — inhibiting or negatively-determining environments have critical effects. Rapoport emphasizes the necessity for supportive-facilitating environments in these cases, clarifying that ‘environments become supportive by being culture-specific’ (Rapoport 1980:27).

The answer to the third question highlights mechanisms that link people with their environment, which include non-verbal communication, symbolic systems, cognition and perception. Rapoport focuses on the environment as a ‘form of non-verbal communication, that provides cues for behavior’ (Rapoport 1976:10). A model of the environment as a form of non-verbal communication is aided by a taxonomy of ‘environmental elements’ (Hall 1966, quoted by Rapoport 1976:10) that distinguishes between: •

Fixed elements (walls, doors etc)

•

Semi-fixed elements (furniture, furnishings)

•

Non-fixed elements (people and their dress, gestures, facial expression, proxemic relations, postures)

Consistent with this model, people act according to their reading of environmental cues, and environmental design is seen as a process of encoding information while use is respectively seen as decoding it. When there is no shared code between design and use, then the environment does not communicate.

The concept of culture can be applied to man-environment relations considering three complementary definitions: as a way of life typical of a group; as a system of meanings and cognitive schemata transmitted through a symbolic code; and as a set of adaptive strategies for survival related to ecology and resources (Rapoport 1980:9). Presented by a nested sequence of definitions (Rapoport 1976:25), the concept of culture with relevance to environmental design includes: Culture Subculture Values Lifestyle Activities

The most useful level of cultural analysis in environmental design is the analysis of activity. Activities in traditional planning and design are considered as basic needs. However, basic needs are culturally variable if we consider differences in cooking, eating, playing, drinking and shopping in respect to different lifestyles, values, images, worldviews, subcultures and cultures.

In this perspective Rapoport (Rapoport 1976:26) submits a schema for activity analysis. ‘Any activity can be analyzed in four components: 1. The activity proper 2. The specific way of doing it and where it is done 3. Additional, adjacent or associated activities which become part of the activity system 4. Symbolic aspects and the meaning of activity’

Rapoport considers the identification of the core and peripheral elements of a culture crucial for the design of culture-supportive environments. ‘When environments inhibit and make impossible the functioning of core elements, a groups’ cultural survival might be threatened’ (Rapoport 1980:29).

Core cultural elements, can be discovered only by analyzing the specifics of the culture and the related environments. Rapoport suggests a series of general principles to achieve congruence between lifestyle and environment in designing for culture-supporting environments:

The cultural core must be identified. The elements most important to the cultural system must receive most support and be helped to last longest, so that peripheral elements are removed first.

Those activities that have important latent and symbolic functions and are critical to the culture should be stressed and supported.

The spatial organization of settlements, neighborhoods and dwellings should be related to social organization and structure, space and time use, meanings and the organization and control of communication and interaction. Affective and perceived density should be related to traditions, as should various groupings of dwellings, movement patterns, forms of homogeneity and so on.

The cultural core defines a user group profile; a particular lifestyle and a set of important activities. According to Rapoport cultural core elements are more likely to be found in the following: 1.

Characteristics such as ethnicity, language and religion

Family kinship structures and child rearing practices.

Residence patterns, land divisions, landowning and tenure systems

Food habits

Ritual and symbolic systems

Ways of establishing and indicating status and symbolic identity

Manners and non-verbal communication

Cognitive schemata

Privacy, density and territoriality

10. Home range behavior and networks 11. Institutions of working, cooperating and trading

‘Supportive’ environments sustain cultural core elements by particular organizations of space, meaning, communication and time. In the case of ‘defensive structuring’ of groups under environmental stress --an adaptive strategy in given situations which partly depend on culture (Siegel 1970 in Rapoport 1980:35)-- a supportive environment is essential and can be sustained by concentration on a few key values which give social identity to the group and reinforce solidarity. A homogenous neighborhood is one type of a supportive setting: an area of people, homogenous along certain dimensions, who, through clustering, create a supportive environment. Perceived homogeneity is a subjective definition of homogeneity

by the people concerned. The supportive effects of perceived homogeneity in environment include: 1.

Increase of predictability, reduction of unpredictability and stress

‘A backstage region’ allowing people to relax

Reduction of perceived density of areas

Development of psychological and cultural defenses

Allows clearer and more effective non-verbal communication

Agreement about quality and reduction of conflict

Mutual support at times of stress and culture change

Increases choice and helps habitat selection

Coherent character in personalization

According to Rapoport a useful way to discover what is supportive is by analysis of existing settlements, dwellings and house settlement systems. As cultures always change, and as congruence with specific environmental quality variables is never perfectly achieved, the concluding remark is that open-endedness is important. However, open-endedness in the built environment is culture specific and needs to be discovered rather than assumed. In quest of culture-supportive design ‘we need to learn how to identify the cultural core and its components and what environmental elements are most supportive to that core’ (Rapoport 1980:41).

2.6. Current subcultures as expedient users Current urban anthropology manifests increased interest in urban groups without a place. In ‘Theorizing the city’ Setha Low presents an extensive overview of contemporary anthropological literature on the city claiming that ‘post-structural studies of race, class and gender in the urban context’ are one of the three current dominant research trends, the other two including ‘political and economic studies of transnational culture’ and ‘the symbolic and social production of urban space and planning’ (Low 1999:21). The interest in ‘urban groups without a place’ is evident in all categories of contemporary urban anthropological research focusing on social relational processes, which Low organizes in heuristic categories such as the ethnic city, the divided city, the gendered city and the contested city, as well as the fortress city (Low 1999:5). In this perspective

‘urban groups without a place’ are the marginal subjects of the city; ethnic groups, women, minorities, children and the poor, that are not considered as ‘full citizens in the sense that they have never been granted full and free access to the streets…and they have survived and flourished in the interstices of the city, negotiating the contradictions of the city in their own particular way’ (Wilson 1991:8 quoted in Low 1999:9). Within contemporary urban anthropology the social production of urban space as a relationship between built environment and group formation can be summarized in Fainstein’s statement: ‘Built environment forms contours which structure social relations, causing commonalities of gender, sexual orientation, race, ethnicity and class to assume spatial identity. Social groups, in turn, imprint themselves physically on the urban structure through the formation of communities, competition for territory and segregation — in other words through clustering, the erection of boundaries and establishing distance’ (Fainstein 1994:1 in Low 1999:18).

To expose the range of ‘urban groups without a place’ focused upon during the past 10 years in the interdisciplinary field of urban studies, this literature survey also reviews a selected number of case studies. The category of investigation incorporates the definitive divisions of ‘urban groups without a place’ that include not only socially excluded groups, but also subcultures and groups, previously unaccounted for in design discourses, that have recently emerged as targeted user groups.

Case studies on ‘urban groups without a place’ examined as ‘socially excluded groups’ include the homeless (Balmori and Morton 1993, Davis 1993), ‘office-less’ professionals that work on the street such as street vendors (Crawford 1995, Low 1999), homeless children living on the street (Beazley 2002), prostitutes (Crimson 1998), street gangs (Davis 1990 and Schneider 1999)

and ethnic minorities (Seufert 1997, Salazar 1998, Petronoti 2001, Whyte 2002, Dudrah 2002).

‘Urban groups without a place’ examined as ‘subcultures’ include homosexuals (Castells 1983 and Ponte 1974), (McKay 1998).

skateboarders (Borden 1999, 2001), clubbers (Thorton 1995) and squatters

‘Urban groups without a place’ in the perspective of previously unaccounted

needs, that have surfaced mostly in environmental psychology and design, are the physically disabled (Neary et all 1994) and consumers (Underhill 1999).

The definitive categories that organize ‘urban groups without a place’ in focus are not exclusive; they overlap in the field of investigation between urban studies and design.

Marginal groups create subcultures as solutions to problems of social and spatial exclusion, oppression and discrimination (Hebdidge 1979:81, Beasley 2003;477). Socially excluded groups and/or subcultures both comprise urban groups that are usually not accounted for in the design of urban spaces; some of these, like the homeless, the street vendors or skateboarders, have surfaced in the discourse of public space design as targeted users. However, the exclusion of such groups from a ‘user- friendly’ city is still the dominant practice of contemporary American urban development (Rutheiser 1999:328 in Low 1999). Most cases, methodologically, share the ethnographic tradition of field research. The role of place as a constituent of group identity is highlighted, and group-specific spatial appropriations are identified. While, as exemplified by Low, a plethora of urban anthropological research on the city examines social relational processes in urban context, this survey focuses on case studies that expand on the spatial component or adopt an urban-architectural approach. However, the potential link between public urban space design and field research is still rarely substantiated.

The homeless have been exemplified as a group intentionally excluded from public spaces, by policy, legislation and by design, as evidenced by the preponderance of urban furniture that prevents lying on (Davis 1993). However, some case studies have focused on the creativity of the group in assembling urban residual material in their improvised settlements; others on their appropriation of urban space as insurgent citizenship and a public expression of its contestation.

In ‘Transitory gardens, uprooted lives’, photographer Margaret Morton and landscape architect Diana Balmori (Balmori and Morton 1993) document the creativity of the homeless in the ephemeral garden construction in the streets, parks and vacant lots of New York during the early 1990s. The index of ‘transitory urban gardens’ includes community gardens, appropriated gardens, squatters’ gardens, gardens of homeless individuals and gardens of homeless communities. Situated in vacant lots illegally appropriated, transitory gardens are created and maintained by efforts of devoted individuals, since the people who work on the gardens are the garden owners. Transitory gardens are not necessarily productive, for growing food, nor necessarily green. Their common characteristics are: economy of space and water, illegal appropriation of land, their construction from recycled material and salvaged rubbish, their filling with artificial still life — plastic flowers, toys, teddy bears, dolls, flags, symbols of freedom and nationality. The inventory

of materials for homeless garden-making presented at the end of the book includes pallets, milk cartons and bread trays, shopping carts, carpet matting, furniture, toys, gadgets, and the extraction of water from fire hydrants.

Margaret Crawford (Crawford 1995) investigates the homeless and street vendors as a counter-public, participating in a form of insurgent citizenship contesting the public realm in the streets of Los Angeles. Comparing Habermas ’ ‘liberal model of bourgeois public sphere’ to the ancient Athenian ‘public space of democracy’, Crawford demonstrates that actually not all citizens have the right to inhabit the space where public discourse takes place. In the same way that Athenian women and slaves were denied citizenship, the modern ‘bourgeois public sphere’ excluded women and the working class. By incorporating ‘counter-publics’ such as women, immigrants and workers and their sociospatial practices an alternative arena for public space is revealed. In the quest for this alternative arena within design in ‘everyday urbanism’ (Crawford, Chase, Kaliski 1999) a series of designs for stands and capsules for homeless street vendors are presented.

Setha Low, in her comparative study of two public spaces in Jan Hose Costa Rica (Low 1999),

identifies within the regular groups of users of Parque Central and Plaza de la

Cultura, certain groups of office-less professionals that establish their work premises in these public spaces, and whose inventory can be considered typical: food, candy, flower, lottery ticket and newspaper vendors; shoeshine men; gamblers; sex workers; day laborers waiting for casual work in the morning; clowns; and street performers. Low observed that ‘all those working users of the park were territorial about their spaces and defended them from newcomer workers and casual passers-by’ (Low 1999:125).

The development of tekyan, the subculture of homeless children living and working in the streets of Yogyakarta, as Harriot Beasley demonstrates, is a response to social and spatial exclusion (Beasley 2000, 2003). Framing street children’s production of space as a ‘geography of resistance’ (Pile and Keith 1997 cited in Beasley 2003:473) Beasley explores how street children have developed a repertoire of survival strategies which include the appropriation of public spaces and which contribute to the development of a ‘cultural space’ (Clark et al 1976:45 cited in Beasley 2003:473).

This space — the tekyan subculture — proves that despite

their subordination, street children have ‘won’, ‘chiseled away’ or ‘carved out’ their space out of the spaces of control from the margins of power. Collecting the children’s mental maps Beasley identifies the places that are essential to their everyday survival and

describes them as ‘urban niches’ where they can earn money, obtain food, feel safe, and find enjoyment, despite the hostility of outside forces (Beasley 2003:484). Including a public toilet, the main tourist street, the prostitutes’ strip, and the train station, these public spaces — which children have appropriated in everyday survival, and upon which is anchored a collective identity in opposition to oppression — comprise pivotal points in the children’s mental maps of Yogyakarta.

In ‘Deviance: Field studies and self-disclosures’, a collection of essays edited by Jerry Jacobs (Jacobs 1974) on the topic of management of deviance, ethnographic studies of the subcultures of homosexuals, prostitutes and drug takers present the physical settings of ‘deviant’ practices, highlighting behavioral observations on the management of deviance in public places. Merendith Ponte’s text ‘Life in a parking lot: An ethnography of a homosexual drive-in’ is a precise mapping of variations in the temporal appropriation of the parking by specific subgroups of homosexuals. Coded as ‘parkers’, ‘society’, ‘beachwatch’ and ‘hustlers’, these subgroups articulate the communicative signification of zones within the lot for particular activities such as pick up, stay in car contacts, and use of public toilet or adjacent beach.

2.6.1. Focus on immigrants and ethnic minorities Urban sociologists and human geographers argue that, in the case of ethnic minorities, localism — the strong attachment of a group to a specific place — arises from discrimination by the majority, together with well-founded fears of racist attacks (Watt 1988:699, White 2002:259). The

concept of the ethnic enclave as an economically,

linguistically and socially self-contained neighborhood is widely applied in the study of ethnic communities in contemporary urban studies, continuing the anthropological tradition of community studies (Low 1999:6 and Kleinevsky 2002). Elisa Joy White, who has investigated the places of African diaspora in Dublin, claims that discrimination, in all social arenas, provides the catalyst for both intra-diaspora social interaction, and the development of immigrant-owned and managed locations that facilitate social interaction without the threat of racist confrontation (White 2002: 259). White draws from Laguerre’s analysis of ‘minoritized space’ which ‘presents itself as an

enclave that reproduces the culture of difference vis-à-vis the mainstream space’ and is transitional — ‘it is created for the purpose of the carrying out a specific action’ and ‘its spatial location is selected with no regard for transforming it into a permanent structure’(Laguerre 1999:101,111 quoted by White 2002: 258,263). According to White the African diaspora places in Dublin, are ‘minoritised’ spaces, transitional establishments in the less beneficial parts of the city. The two most visible African diaspora enclaves that White identifies are two streets located in a dilapidated working class area of Dublin that have become available due to the exodus of local business upon eminent urban renewal.

Settlement and establishment of an ethnic community in a specific urban location enhances the feeling of safety and belonging to a cityscape. Rajinder Kumar Dudrah, who studied the ‘black’ public sphere of Birmingham UK (Dudrah 2002:339), claims that there is a visible notion of ‘safety in numbers’ in public spaces with a high presence of ethnic people.

Anthropological diaspora studies attest that displaced communities like refugees or immigrants always bare an emotional link with the place of origination. As Ann Gray states, ‘Diasporas always leave a trail of collective memory about another place and time and create new maps of desire and attachment’ (Gray 2003:187). Displaced communities recreate, in the place of arrival, a space that nostalgically evokes the place of origin. Diana Salazar, in her study of a refugee neighborhood in Kavala, Northern Greece, investigates the expression of cultural identity in alterations made in the houses and open spaces. She claims that ‘The refuges needed to re-create the old home in a myriad of ways through their neighborhood space and life, their domestic architecture, music, dance, shadow theater, literature, their social and religious rituals. This re-creation served as a bridge to restore a severed way of life, providing the vehicle to establish a sense of community amidst the chaos of resettlement.’ (Salazar 1998:317) The establishment of cultural institutions is essential to group cultural consciousness. Gunter Seufert (Seufert 1997) discusses tribalism in the context of globalization, and demonstrates, in his study of a Kurdish–Alevi tribe in Istanbul, the process of the group’s settlement in a new urban environment in three phases: arrival, establishment and assimilation. In the phase of arrival the group’s cultural qualities are disguised; group identity is constructed from the outside in, by being a newcomer and a stranger. In the phase of establishment, which occurs with management of elementary quotidian

necessities, community bonding organizes the group’s identity. In this phase cultural institutions are established; in the case of this tribe, wedding palaces and the ‘cem’-house — the space for religious ceremonies — that ‘provide the necessary conditions for a vibrant Alevi culture in the big city’ (Seufert 1997:165). The spatial allocation of the immigrant group’s settlement follows the three phases with a distinct pattern: the first immigrants occupy dilapidated housing in the center of the city; next, ascending on the social ladder, they move to the squatter settlements, managed by the urban clan in terms of land ownership and shelter provision and operate financially in a clan-regulated professional network; and finally dispersal to different urban areas according to professional associations; a step which occurs in the second generation of immigrants, consequent with professional achievement independent from the clan.

Margulis (Margulis 1992), in ‘Asian villages: Downtown sanctuaries, immigrant Asian reception areas and festival market places’, investigates traditional urban villages that have served as reception areas for generations of immigrants. Field research is conducted, in 15 cities in the USA and Canada, into the rejuvenation of city East Asian villages by local development corporations. These villages function as centers of ethnic, civic and religious organization, areas of ethnic assimilation, and festival market places. All nodal urban villages have specialized shopping areas that offer traditional foods and services, like restaurants, to local residents. Ethnic, family, district, tongue, profession and business associations, as well as ethnic churches and clubs, are found in them. In terms of zoning they are considered areas of special identity. They are oriented towards pedestrians who enhance the area with liveliness and kinetic atmosphere, and they incorporate new festival functions, such as open-air malls and theme structures.

Serrini, in ‘Chinatown?’ (Serrini 1996), describes the life of the Chinese community in the textile industry city of Prato in Tuscany. He recalls a Chinese workshop, which he often passed during his work there, that always appeared closed but from which voices and sounds could be heard though visual contact was impossible. As the small community evolved the workshop’s door was more often open, allowing passers-by to look in, and them, also, look out. Principles for the design of a multiracial city are laid out in Serrini’s essay. He draws attention to the fact the Chinatowns and Little Italies, when they functioned as reception areas, were treated with distrust and marginalization. Confronting the concept of the city within the city, Serrini proposes openness and diffusion in a different value system for the design of urban spaces that would consider, for example,

the East Asian notion of nature and garden, including a Chinese garden, a stream or a hill in the design of a system of parks. He also proposes the demarcation of specific urban spaces where people can intervene with their own ideas to form a mosaic where different ethnic groups can express their different cultural values, suggesting that these spaces can operate as test beds for the empowerment of ethnic minorities.

Hangouts serve a vital function to the immigrants’ community, since they constitute, together with places of worship, the primary spaces that immigrants socialize. Anthropologist Marina Petronoti (Petronoti 2001), who investigated the community of Eritrean immigrants in Athens, mentions that in the hang-outs, Eritrean people learn about new arrivals, exchange news from home, information about work, houses, laws and interviews in embassies, which they eagerly await to emigrate to yet another country. It is to these hangouts that the newcomers come, in order to enter the immigrant community social network and to ask help from senior members (Petronoti, 2001:133).

2.6.2. Focus on youth subcultures: street gangs, clubbers and skateboarders Sociologists and criminologists have investigated street gangs in the perspective of social pathology. The first sustained attempt to develop a theory of gang subcultures is in Albert Cohen’s book ‘Delinquent boys’, which focuses on deviant youth and, further, produces a general theory of subcultures (Cohen 1955 in Gelder and Thorton 1997). In contemporary urban studies city youth gangs are part of the new ‘social imaginaries’ of the ‘fortress city’; new social subjects that compete for limited urban spaces, as institutional and private forces increasingly constrain and structure their lives within the public arena (Low 1999:19).

Schneider (Schneider 1999) interprets the subculture of teenage gangs as a path to manhood. Analyzing the structure of post-war gang culture in the streets of New York, he emphasizes the function of urban space for group territoriality, expressed by defending turf with fighting, partying, graffiti or incidental killings. Gangs claimed specific streets, street corners, parks, playgrounds, schoolyards or recreation centers, stores, abandoned buildings, clubhouses and rooftops. While contesting the territorial control of public facilities like a local swimming baths, controlling their illicit nocturnal use, it was in

private that gangs exercised their rituals. The candy store, with its hiding place for guns in a symbiotic relationship with the owner; the cellar club, where boppers could dance with their debs; and the rooftop, where they could exercise or drink or concentrate after a fight. Street gangs were organized on ethnic basis; the turf defense responded to immigrant neighborhoods: Afro-Americans occupied Harlem, Italian Americans and Puerto Ricans the East, and the Irish Washington Heights, while the Bronx and, partly, Brooklyn were overspill black.

Mike Davis (Davis 1990) also focuses on Los Angeles street gangs: the ‘Crips’ and the ‘Bloods’ and their involvement with racial riots and struggle. The names of the gangs as read as ‘urban crosswords’ on walls of abandoned buildings and subway underpass graffiti. Davis presents field maps of gang territories and turf marking by graffiti. Both studies highlight the importance of graffiti ‘the living newspaper of the street’. Graffiti served three functions for gangs: it defined turf, it provided the opportunity to issue a challenge or a warning and it reported the neighborhood news. Neutral spaces, such as a subway stop or schoolyard, were most appropriate for news writing and staking claims.

Sarah Thornton, in ‘Club cultures: Music, media and subcultural capital’, acknowledges environment as a crucial factor for the definition of a new cultural institution. She illustrates her statement tracing the evolution of the dance club interiors from the live band dance halls of the 1950s to rave parties of the 1990s. According to Thornton, the spaces of 1960s’ discotheques defined themselves against the architecture of the dance halls, or ballrooms, whose interiors stayed the same for years, and whose models of elegance were either royal or relics of 19th-century bids of respectability. Discotheques were emphatically different and consciously unconventional. They were places to be in; lounges, rooms or simply spots. The construction of a cohesive atmosphere in the discotheque interiors was programmatic rather than decorative. First, it substituted the live band performance spectacle. Second, constant rejuvenation of dance club interiors affirmed their existence as young urbane dancing establishments. Subcultural identity in the discotheques of the late 1960s is expressed in the incorporation of hippy psychedelic and strobe lighting, slide projectors and hanging beads. Disco interiors in the 1970s were made of futuristic shiny surfaces, mirrors and glitterballs, while in 1980s’ clubs, darkness was created by black or gray painting of surrounding walls. Late 1980s’ raves rejected the concept of the dance club altogether, and organized dance events in industrial district

warehouses or in the open air in remote rural areas. This shift of spatial allocation of the dance event added a ritualistic element of pilgrimage in the quest for the location.

During the past decade, Iain Borden, architect, academic and former skateboarder, has presented numerous essays on the practice of skateboarding as an emergent urban phenomenon and a ‘performative practice’ that constantly challenges the function of urban space by ‘adopting and exploiting a given physical terrain in order to present skaters with new and distinctive uses other than the original function of that terrain’ (Borden 2001:29).

His book ‘Skateboarding, space and the city: Architecture and the body’,

is a comprehensive study which he considers the first ‘theorized history of skateboarding’ as a case towards the construct of a ‘materialist history of the experience of architecture’; an architectural history that does not focus on ‘things, effects, production, authorship or exchange but upon process, possibilities, reproduction, performance and use’ (Borden 2001:265,256). Borden traces the origination of skateboarding in the surfer’s subculture as a practice that originally evoked the act of surfing, emulating movement along the surface of a wave. School banks, empty swimming pools at Los Angeles villas, and abandoned concrete drainage pipes at Palos Verdes and the Arizona desert were the ‘found spaces’ that skateboarders initially appropriated. The architecture of these ‘found spaces’, and particularly the pool and the pipe, determined the architecture of skatepark elements which, since the mid-1970s, have developed into a common feature of public space design. It is interesting to emphasize that, especially in the case of early skate parks, ‘developers had never even seen skateboarders in action and simply fabricated whatever was in their own minds’ (Borden 2001:60), and that, later, skateboarders themselves coordinated the design and construction of the best examples of the kind. Borden examines skateboarding as an oppositional subculture with its own worldview, language, dress code and music; thus a distinct group identity and way of life whose practice ‘implicitly yet continuously critiques contemporary cities’ (Borden 2001:173). Drawing almost exclusively from the writings of Henri Lefebvre’s , Borden exemplifies the practice of skateboarding as a form of experience of architecture which results in the production of a body space which ‘is produced dialectically — both outward from the body and in relation to skateboard and skateboard terrain, each of the last two being erased during the process’(Borden 2001:108). The effect of body space on architectural

object follows the evolution of the practice from the ‘found space’ of the swimming pools and drainage pipes, to the ‘constructed space’ of skateparks — combi-pools, half-pipes and ramps — to the ‘urban compositions’ of street style skating. Focusing on the new street style, Borden interprets skateboarding as an editing of urban space which decomposes urban space to appropriated elements — ledges, steps, railings etc ‘rethinking architecture as a set of discrete features and elements and recomposing it through new speeds, spaces and times during their run through the city’ (Borden 2001:263). Finally, Borden’s study of skateboarding aims at a methodology which, by combining phenomenological and social concerns, becomes ‘a theory and history of appropriation’, asking ‘what it means to adopt, take over, colonize, emulate, repeat, work within, work against, reimagine, retemporalize, reject, edit and recompose the space of the city and its architecture?’ (Borden 2001:267). This concluding question is considered the foundation for ‘a materialist history of the experience of architecture’.

In conclusion, we can state that, according to the recent literature on contemporary subcultures, ‘urban groups without a place’ appear as expedient, ‘self-served’ users of urban space. Unaccounted for, marginalized or excluded, urban groups without a place claim urban space by appropriation and self-organize their specific public domains. This act of appropriation sometimes affects mainstream architectural production, contributing to the development of new architectural types, as we have seen in the case of skateparks or community gardens. The potential of urban open space for appropriation, the degree to which it is available for spontaneous usage by a variety of urban groups, is considered, in the next section, as a performance criterion.

2.7. Rethinking the function of urban space and its appropriation potential What most prominently comes forward in the case studies included in this survey is a realm for the redefinition of public space in the city, beyond the traditional notions of the urban piazza and the currently most discussed notions of the shopping mall and the theme park. In this perspective urban space can be understood as ‘specific territories, which can

be mapped out according to specific activities carried out by specific groups’ (White 1996:142 cited in Beasley 2003:481).

As a conceptual guideline, we can use the term ‘public

domain’ when defined as ‘those places where an exchange between different social groups is possible and also actually occurs’ (Hajer and Reindorp 2001:11). The case of urban groups without a place supports the investigation in the contemporary ‘public domain’ by identifying informal collective spaces temporarily established throughout the city.

This overview has provided evidence of the multitude of group-specific activities that ‘urban open space’ can host, respectively rendering its function as a temporary ‘home’ or ‘office’,’ hunting ground’ or ‘battlefield’, ‘sport field’, ‘playground’, ‘theatre’ or ‘cultural institution’. In the perspective of ‘hang-outs’ the value of the street, the square and the sidewalk are revamped. Interstitial urban spaces, empty plots, wastelands, parks or parking lots provide ground for temporary establishment of group activity. The inventory of places that constitute a public domain also includes facilities housed in semipublic or public interiors, such as stores, clubs, public toilets or football fields.

The investigation of ‘urban groups without a place’ focuses on the function of urban space in group interaction. According to sociologist Robert Merton, synonyms of ‘function’ include: ‘use, utility, purpose, motive, intention, aim and consequences’ (Merton 1968:77), while the ‘connotation which is central to functional analysis as this has been practiced in sociology and social anthropology…is more often explicitly adopted from the biological sciences, where the term “function” is understood to refer to the “vital or organic processes considered in respects in which they contribute to the maintenance of the organism” (Merton 1968:77). Merton distinguishes between ‘manifest’ and ‘latent’ functions, ‘the first referring to those objective consequences for a specified unit (person, subgroup, social or cultural system) which contribute to its adjustment or adaptation and were so intended; the second referring to unintended or unrecognized consequence of the same order’ (Merton 1968:117). In the discipline of architecture function is defined as ‘a characteristic behavior of a building due to the building’s particular (1) intrinsic; morphological or content and (2) extrinsic; contextual characteristics which are represented by a set of performance variables (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987:50). John Zeisel highlights the distinction between manifest and latent functions of architectural objects in the case of vandalism of school environments:

‘steps in front of a school built primarily to let large numbers of children into a building usually can not withstand the unplanned uses local teenagers often make of them; throwing balls against the wall, hanging out or roughhousing’(Zeisel 1975:17). In the perspective of urban groups without a place the investigation into the function of urban space would include analysis of its performance, by examining its physical organization in relation to all activities --manifest and latent-- that occur in it.

Evidently, in this overview, a characteristic spatial behavior of urban groups without a place, which can be considered as a common denominator in all cases, is the appropriation of space. As stated earlier, space ‘takes on the ability to confirm identity’ (Low 1999:19),

and place is ‘a significant forum trough which subcultural identity is

evoked… can be reclaimed or transformed or made over, often unconventionally and sometimes illicitly’ (Gelder and Thorton 1997: 315). Urban groups without a place ‘contest their own exclusion by appropriating specific places in the city’ (Beasley 2003:484). Drawing from the examples here of cases of urban groups without a place, we can identify two properties of spatial appropriation: that it is tactical and that it is stylistic. In this framework two theoretical presuppositions are considered: tactics and style. De Certau distinguishes between ‘strategy’ and ‘tactics’ as two distinct types of operation: a strong and a weak one; one that seeks to produce, tabulate and impose, in contrast to one that seeks to use, manipulate and divert. Strategy is related to the establishment of a place while tactics are related to the utilization of time (De Certeau 1984:).

In the majority of the cases of urban groups without a place spatial appropriation is

tactical; it relies on the temporary, however regular, occupation and usage of spatial resources or available urban spaces.

John Clarke defines the activity of stylization as ‘the active organization of objects with activities and outlooks, which produce an organized group identity in the form and shape of a coherent and distinctive way of being in the world’ (Clarke 1976). Dick Hebdidge (Hebdidge 1979) emphasizes the creativity of youth subcultures — teds, mods, punks and rastas — in the generation of authentic style, and examines style as intentional communication signifying practice; as homology between lifestyle and values; and as an act of bricolage. The subcultural bricoleur appropriates a ‘range of commodities by placing them in a symbolic ensemble, which serves to erase or subvert their original straight meanings’ (Hebdidge 1979 in Gelder and Thorton 1997:136).

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Borrowing from Levi –Strauss, Hebdidge defines Bricolage as ‘the science of the concrete’ as opposed to ‘civilized’ or ‘abstract science’ which ‘far from lacking logic, in fact carefully and precisely orders, classifies and arranges into structures the minutiae of the physical world in all their profusion by means of a logic which is not our own. The structures, improvised or made up as ad hoc responses to an environment, then serve to establish homologies and analogies between the ordering of nature and that of society, and so satisfactorily explain the world and make it able to be lived in’ (Hebdidge 1979 in Gelder and Thorton 1997:135).

Urban groups without a place practically redesign urban space as they appropriate it, by modification, disfiguration or bricolage; re-combining its morphological properties into new meaningful constructs. The product of stylistic appropriation in terms of physical objects may be small; signs, like graffiti or small, improvised constructions. We can consider, as the spatial product of appropriation, inventive, spontaneous or ad hoc usage that confers new meaning to existing spatial envelopes. In both cases spatial appropriation confirms, in the tradition of the work of Henri Lefebvre, that ‘space is part of a dialectical process between itself and human agency; rather than an a priori entity, space is produced by and productive of social being’ (Borden 2001:11). In the perspective of urban groups without a place the function of urban space is reconsidered as potential for appropriation; a conceptual guideline for urban analysis and design that is pursued throughout the development of this dissertation.

2.8. Contemporary responses to user needs in the design of public space The final part of this state of the art, we investigate responses to the problem of urban groups without a place in public space designs during the 1990s. As we have concluded in previous parts of the survey, public space is considered the domain where the problem of urban groups without a place manifests with greatest clarity. We can detect five approaches that outline the contemporary discourse on public space: •

Design discourses: emphasis on the aesthetic, erasure of untidiness

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•

Defensible urban space: emphasis on control and exclusion of pathological groups

•

Non-places: emphasis on functional transit spaces

•

Theme parks: commoditization and ‘museuazation’ of public space

•

Insurgent citizenship: reclaiming urban space

•

Place-making approach: designing for user needs

According to Haier and Reijndorp the first three approaches encompass the most characteristic tendencies in urban planning today, converging ‘in an apparent consensus about the importance of public space as a space for encounters, as well as with respect to its arrangement and management under the motto “beautiful, wholesome and safe”.’ (Haier and Reijndorp 2001:10) .

Contemporary proliferation of urban lifestyles gradually infiltrates the composition of public space designs programs. There is a tendency to return to the functional aspects of public space design, beyond beautification and mostly evident in the interest in the new user groups such as skateboarders and roller-skaters. Harm Tillman’s article ‘Ignoring cosmetics — City squares for a heterogeneous society’ (Tilman 1999)

is a substantial survey of the contemporary urban space design strategies

exemplified in new European urban squares. As a counterpoint to cosmetics — the

‘practice of city beautification’ — Tillman opposes the search for a ‘space geared to use’ — that is to say public space designs where there is a direct relationship between spatial organization and urban use, as well as an interest in the effect of materials and constructions. West 8’s Theater Square in Rotterdam and MVRDV’s Sports Square in Barcelona are two characteristic cases in the ‘space geared to use’ approach where public space is deliberately designed as non-homogeneous, accommodating a broad range of transitional elements. Tillman’s article also addresses the problem of subcultures in the design of public space as an issue on the rise — as integrated in ‘The city on the street’ (De stad op straat) (Van der Wouden 1999) the report published by the Dutch Social and Cultural Planning Bureau, and acknowledged as ‘urban areas geared to specific target groups or subcultures’. Surprisingly, the emphasis on the design of public spaces for specific user groups is presented, in the report, as a potential danger, occurring at the expense of public space as an environment accessible to all. The report recommends the ‘institutional anchorage’ of urban space and the design of squares as parts of specific urban contexts.

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Landscape and urban design firm West 8 is a practice that has contributed to the redefinition of public space design in the perspective of a programmatic approach. The Theatre Square (Schowburg Plein) in Rotterdam is an exemplary project in this respect. The 12,500m2 surface of the square comprises a podium that is elevated 35cm above the street level and constitutes the roof of the underground parking garage. The square maintains a 24-hour civic character as a result of its proximity to the theatre and cinemas, and seasonally accommodates temporary city events. Except from the 70-meter long city bench and the four 35-meter high hydraulic light masts, the square maintains an empty surface, a generative void, offering a non-defined urban space. Differentiation occurs by surface material: the square floor comprises a mosaic of different textures — wood, perforated steel plates, granite, epoxy and rubber — that were presumed to elicit a variety of activities. Different groups were intended to appropriate areas defined by different floor materials; roller skaters, children, football players and musicians. The participation of the public is invited by the possibility of operating the position of the hydraulic spotlights with the insertion of a coin. Designer Adrian Geuze claims that the lack of non-defined urban space is a negative aspect of mass culture. ‘To accommodate mass culture the contemporary city is organized into a one-dimensional space and experience… The organized world of commerce, with its functionality and efficiency, finds its inevitable counterpart in specific spaces that appear to doubt, mortality, desire and perversity. Contemporary urban planning should create non-identifiable objects, secret gardens and voids’ (Geuze in Molinari 2000). I understand the plea for non-defined urban space as both a strategy which is inclusive to weak social groups, and as an instigator for appropriation and random usage. Geuze’s speculations for the use of the square by the particular groups proved very different in practice, especially after the prohibition of rollerblading and skateboarding on the premises. However, the civic life of the square is vivid and many other groups have respectively appropriated it: the homeless who find warmth by the entrances of the underground parking; groups of black youth who gather along the north side of the podium where a ‘cruising lane’ has developed; teenagers who hang out on the long bench, occasionally playing with the hydraulic lamps. These observations, which are only briefly presented here, underline the point that if a design aims for potential appropriation, even if it fails, in practice, to include particular groups, it may accommodate others and, therefore, still sustain diversity in public space.

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A landmark anthology on non-formal American urban design approaches is ‘Urban Revisions: Current projects for the public realm’ a publication3 that accompanied the homonymous exhibition at the Los Angeles Museum of Contemporary Art (MOCA) organized by Elizabeth A.T. Smith in 1994. Three urban projects are noteworthy in their objective if generating community spaces that address ethnic subcultures not as marginal groups but as specific urban actors: •

Uhuru Garden project in Watts, Los Angeles

•

Bathgate Avenue Community Park in South Bronx, New York

•

Two Los Angeles Community-Based projects

Necessary additions to this non-exhaustive survey are works we can consider representative of the ‘place-making’ approach that put forward the design of urban open spaces according to user needs: the Project for Public Spaces, ‘People Places’ (Cooper Marcus et all 1992)

and ‘Urban open space- Designing for user needs’ (Francis 2003).

Urban Design and research firm Project for Public Spaces (PPS), consolidates the principles of the ‘place-making’ approach in the design of public spaces in their publication ‘How to turn a place around’ (PPS 2000). We selectively present here the ‘eleven principles for transforming public spaces into great community places: 1.

The community is the expert

Create a place, not a design

Look for Partners

You can see a lot by just observing

Have a vision

Start with petunias: experiment…experiment..experiment

Triangulate

They always say it can’t be done

The catalogue is an anthology of contemporary urban studies and design proposals that de-emphasize formal approaches in urban design, seeking the redefinition of architecture as a field of larger social, cultural, economic, demographic, technological and ecological concerns. Summarizing Director R. Koshalek’s preface, the exhibits comprise a spectrum of projects that challenge and rethink accepted strategies of urban form-giving that are concerned with: The desire for a sustainable future and alternatives to the automobile Substituting sweeping master plans with mechanisms that underscore existing contexts and histories through minimal interventions Revisiting the now conventional ‘mixed use’ reaction to functionalist urban zoning with an urbanism predicated upon a socially expansive definition of heterogeneity — demographic, economic, temporal and physical Recognizing the merits of grassroots design and planning efforts as vitalizing and empowering civic forces, particularly in underserved civic areas

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Form supports function

10. Money is not the issue 11. You are never finished’

Based on long term research that dates since 1975, and drawing from a large body of empirical studies, the book ‘People Places’ comprises an atlas of urban open spaces illustrated with particular examples and providing guidelines. Urban Open Spaces are classified under urban plazas, neighborhood parks, mini-parks and vest pocket parks, as well outdoor spaces for university campus, elderly housing, daycare centers and hospitals. The authors’ position on design is ‘not a strict deterministic viewpoint’ but however believing that ‘certain environmental arrangements encourage certain activities, other environments discourage certain activities and still others are seemingly neutral’ (Cooper Marcus et all 1992:x)

In the chapter of neighbourhood parks we find reference to activities of

groups that fall into the definite category of research ‘urban groups without a place’. It is noteworthy to mention the distinct categories of ‘typical activities’ assigned to urban groups without a place are either ‘unconventional activities’ including the activity of cycling, skateboarding, roller skating and walking the dog, or 'antisocial activities’ including the vagrancy, drug taking, gambling and vandalism. The authors present guidelines for the accommodation of ‘unconventional activities’ mostly by the provision of special and separate spaces. ‘Antisocial activities’ are presented as a problem that can be solved primarily by social planning and the provision of fences. (Cooper Marcus et all 1992:8490)

Mark Francis in ‘Urban Open Space-Designing for User Needs’ (Francis 2003) presents an overview of case studies and designs of urban spaces that are ‘well used by people’ and offers a typology of contemporary Urban open Spaces as well as ‘five major categories of needs that should be considered in the design and management of public space’ which include comfort, relaxation, passive engagement, active engagement, discovery and fun (Francis 2003:20-26).

Francis claims that while user needs may differ by age, sex and cultural

differences this set of needs may be considered as ‘common to most people’s enjoyment of open space’ (Francis 2003:20). It is worth mentioning that skateboarders, mountain bikers, dog owners the homeless as well as Hispanic and African Americans in Los Angeles are mentioned as user groups involved in conflicts in open space (Francis 2003:28).

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We can conclude that in the standard current urban design practice the users of urban open spaces are defined as groups primarily on the basis of age, distinguished in children, teenagers, adults and the elderly. To this categorization we could add the definition of user groups according to their means of movement distinguishing between pedestrians, mobility impaired users, parents with stretchers, pedestrians with leashed dogs, hikers and joggers, cyclists, roller skaters or skateboarders. Further categorization of users focuses on particular activities and distinguishes between conventional, unconventional and anti-social activities (Cooper Marcus et all 1992). This current urban design categorization of users and user needs does not address the cultural or subcultural particularities of urban groups and fails to recognize the importance of the expression of particular group identity.

2.9. Conclusion: the need for a model This literature survey on ‘urban groups without a place’ has outlined the evolution of the issue as a methodological, theoretical, and, to a degree, ideological problem in the interdisciplinary discourse of urbanism. The review of state-of-the-art studies, in terms of understanding emergent places for urban groups without a place, has yielded: •

The origins of the concept of urban groups without a place in urban sociology

•

Community studies and the critique of mainstream urban planning

•

The ‘populist movement’ in architecture

•

Environment-behavior studies; bridging the ‘user-needs gap’

•

Some cases of user needs programming

•

The quest for culture-supportive environments

•

Contemporary subcultures as expedient users

•

Focus on immigrants and ethnic minorities

•

Focus on youth subcultures

•

Rethinking the function of urban space and its appropriation potential

•

Contemporary responses to user needs in the design of public space

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In conclusion we summarize the findings of the review of state-of-the-art studies that we consider as most relevant to the understanding of the phenomenon and the development of the design tool of emergent places for urban groups without a place: •

The problem of urban groups without a place presents a long history in urban studies, originating from the work of sociologists of the Chicago School, and evolving to community ethnography, and current urban anthropology and subculture studies. While the early studies adopted the perspective of urban ecology, considering neighbourhoods (or ‘natural urban areas’) to correspond with social, economic and cultural characteristics (Park, Burgees and McKenzie 1925), the current position which lies in the perspective of political economy (Kleniewski 2002),

is that ‘urban groups without a place’ imprint themselves physically on the

urban structure through the formation of communities, competition for territory, and segregation (Fainstein 1994). In recent ‘post-structural studies of race, class and gender in the urban context’ (Low 1999:21) we observe that ‘urban groups without a place’ have evolved into a dominant research issue. •

Precedent studies, of urban groups without a place, that follow the social anthropological tradition provide insight into the specific social and economic circumstances, values and belief systems of the groups under study, identify their particular activities and chart out the urban locations that the particular groups inhabit, frequent or claim. We observe that most studies share the position that ‘urban groups without a place’ confront their own exclusion by becoming territorial and by appropriating specific urban spaces

(Beasley 2003,

Borden 2001, Davis 1990, Dudrah 2002, Gelder and Thorton 1997, Low 1999, Schneider 1999).

•

The problem of urban groups without a place in the design disciplines — architecture, landscape, urban and environmental design — is framed within the problematic of the user, the central issue in the ‘populist movement’ in architecture (Tzonis and Lefaivre 1975). Design methods of the populist architects that we consider most relevant to the thesis are ‘goal-oriented planning’ (Gans 1968) and particularly ‘user programming’ (Zeisel 1975), which includes ‘user analysis’ by empirical observation and the formulation of ‘design guidelines’ based on the collected data (Zeisel 1975). From this period we consider as relevant the concept of ‘manifest and latent functions’ (Merton 1968) and the concept of ‘cultural core’(Rapoport 1980).

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•

Today designing according to user needs is a particular approach to public space design, and most recently ‘place making’ (PPS 2000) and designing urban spaces ‘geared to use’ (Tilman 1999) are especially appreciated. However, current studies of urban groups without a place that use ethnographic methods to arrive at design responses are scarce. Further on design guidelines for urban open spaces are set to fulfil universal user needs (Francis 2003), and do not address subcultural particularities of urban groups. Considering the dominant position of ‘urban groups without a place’ as a research issue in urban studies we can ground more solidly the necessity to adequately address the issue in the field of urban design. In this perspective the thesis adds to the current state of the art, by developing a model of emergent places of urban groups without a place, which can provide both an adequate explanation of the phenomenon and the foundation for a design tool. With this aim, we investigate, in the next chapter, the methodology for constructing a model of emergent places.

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3. Methodology for constructing a model for emergent places

This chapter presents the methodology for constructing a model of emergent places. The model of emergent places intends to provide an intelligent description of the phenomenon that makes explicit relations between the essential parameters contributing to its occurrence. In this respect the model of emergent places is primarily a descriptiveexplanatory model. The ‘Morphology, Operation, Performance’ framework developed by A.Tzonis is introduced as the conceptual structure for the representation of the essential characteristics of emergent places. The explanatory component of the descriptive model comprises of chains of inferences identifying constraints between Morphology, Operation and Performance schematically formalized ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements. The truth function of the conditional statements is established by the concept of necessary but not sufficient conditions. Finally the mechanism leading from the descriptive to the prescriptive model is explained. The chapter concludes with the conceptual structure of the model of emergent places that will be employed further.

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3.1. Modeling emergent places and their ontology The model intends to provide an understanding of the urban phenomenon of emergent places; locations spontaneously appropriated by urban groups without a place in order to fulfill essential social, cultural or economic needs that have not been accounted for in spatial terms. The aim of the model is to make explicit interrelations between the state of the appropriated location (spatial envelope) and the human activity it accommodates (content) and identify the environmental conditions that contribute to the occurrence of the phenomenon in the particular location.

The intention is to provide a fundamentally sufficient answer to each of the following chain of questions: •

Why does an urban group without a place appropriate an urban place?

•

What social and cultural needs does the specific group fulfill in this place?

•

What kinds of interactions within the group that fulfill the specific needs happen in this place?

•

What are the environmental conditions that constrain the specific interactions?

•

Which are the minimum necessary environmental conditions for the emergence of the place?

We investigate physical environment as a state that constrains human behavior, and which can be facilitating or inhibiting — rather than a determining cause. The term ‘constraint’ denotes here the limits, either physical or conceptual, within which the spontaneous appropriation of an urban location by a particular group takes place. Physical constraints refer to the resources available for a project and are represented by resource variables (Tzonis 1987:52).

We consider the emergence of urban subcultures and their spontaneous

appropriation of the available spatial resources as a chaotic phenomenon that cannot be deterministically forecasted. In this sense we investigate the physical environmental conditions contributing to the occurrence of emergent places, with the intention to construct a model of necessary conditions.

Finally, we emphasize the necessity of a model of emergent places of urban groups without a place as a system of representation that enables us to move beyond particular instances and achieve generalization. As Winston states: ‘In general, a representation is a

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set of conventions about how to describe a class of things. A description makes use of the conventions of a representation to describe some particular thing’ (Winston 1992:16). The development of a model with a high degree of generalization intends to prove that emergent places are not privileged instances or exceptional cases, but are a contemporary urban phenomenon that has a distinct structure comprising of a set of social, behavioural and environmental characteristics.

Diagram 3.1: Framework for the representation of an emergent place Social attributes

Emergent place

Behavioral attributes

Environmental attributes

3.2. Types of models according to the intentions of the model maker Discussing models, Marcial Echenique submits a general definition of a model as ‘a representation of a reality, in which the representation is made by the expression of certain relevant characteristics of the observed reality and where reality consists of objects or systems that exist, have existed or may exist’ (Echenique,1968:164). Assuming that reality ‘may be known by a process of observation and abstraction’, and that the model maker selects the relevant characteristics of reality to be represented Echenique states that models constitute a ‘plurality of partial and extrinsic realities which depend on each observer and its intentions’ (Echenique,1968:165). With respect to what the model is made for — considering the intentions of the model maker and the questions the model is intended to answer — Echenique distinguishes four types of models: descriptive, predictive explorative and planning. The essential model that precedes and supports the construction of all the others is the descriptive model. ‘The main intention of the descriptive model is the understanding of reality, usually in

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order to establish how a particular phenomenon comes about and to describe relationships between the relevant factors. In other words the main intention is explanatory. This type of model is logically essential to any other type, because it is not possible to predict, explore or plan without a previous description of the reality under study.’ (Echenique,1968:169)

While the descriptive model (which is factual) aims at an understanding of reality (how things are), the prescriptive model (which is deontic) aims at the formulation of normative statements (how things ‘ought to’ be). ‘The normative analysis is concerned with the nature of rationality and the logic of decision-making. The descriptive analysis is concerned with peoples’ benefits and preferences as they are, not as they should be. The tension between descriptive and normative considerations characterizes much of the study of judgment and choice’. (Kahneman and Trevsky 1986 in Bay 2001:120) The distinction between normative and descriptive analysis is essential in the development of a model of emergent places of urban groups without a place. The normative consideration in this case is the acknowledgement of urban groups without a place in the design of urban spaces. However as designers have not sufficient understanding of the needs of urban groups without a place, descriptive analysis is essential. Finally we refer to the notion of a ‘deep model’ — a conceptual system which, in contrast with ‘shallow expert systems’, is capable of embodying normative reasoning. According to Bench–Capon ‘shallow systems are usually characterized as those which are based on heuristic rules representing expertise elicited from an expert in the domain, whereas deep knowledge systems have an underlying model that reflects the structure of the domain’ (Bench- Capon 1989). We can submit that the model of emergent places, in contrast with state-of-the-art prescriptive systems in urban design that use primarily heuristic rules, will be a deep model that ‘contains causal chains which underlie the empirical associations’(Bench- Capon 1989).

In conclusion, we can state that in the case of emergent places of urban groups without a place the descriptive model is an essential foundation to the creation of the design tool, as we need to understand the nature of the phenomenon, and identify relations between the relevant factors, before we consider intervention.

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3.3. What is a good representation? ‘The representation principle: Once a problem is described using an appropriate representation then the problem is almost solved.’ (Winston 1992:18)

How to evaluate a representation (Winston 1992:18): •

Good representations make the important objects and relations explicit: You can see what is going on at a glance

•

They expose natural constraints: You can express the way one object or relation influences another

•

They bring objects and relations together: You can see all you need to see at one time, as if through a straw

•

They suppress irrelevant detail: You can keep rarely used details out of sight, but still get to them when necessary

•

They are transparent: You can understand what is being said

•

The are complete: You can say all that needs to be said

•

They are concise: You can say what you need to say explicitly

•

They are fast: You can store and retrieve information rapidly

•

They are computable: You can create them with an existing problem

Winston submits four fundamental parts of a representation (Winston 1992:19): •

A lexical part that determines which symbols are allowed in the representation vocabulary

•

A structural part that describes the constraints on how symbols can be arranged

•

A procedural part that specifies access procedures that enable you to create descriptions, to modify them, and to answer questions using them

•

A semantic part that establishes a way of associating meaning with the descriptions

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3.4. ‘Morphology, Operation, Performance’ framework ‘Morphology, Operation, Performance’ ( MOP) within a given ‘context’ is a framework for representing architectural knowledge developed by Alexander Tzonis (Tzonis et all 1987) and applied by numerous researchers (Fang 1993, Jeng 1995, Bay 2001, Zarzar 2002), to structure design thinking and develop design tools. We use MOP for organizing and interpreting the data obtained by the case studies. In this section we discuss the basic concepts of MOP as identified in this research in the perspective of the problem of emergent places of urban groups without a place. •

‘Morphology’ is the physical configuration of an artifact. In the case of emergent places it refers to the physical characteristics of the urban location, spaces and objects that the group appropriates.

•

‘Operation’ is the events that occur within the artifact. This includes activity of people as well as physical phenomena. In the case of emergent places it refers to informal interaction within the group that occurs in appropriated spaces and objects as well as to the system of activities occurring in the appropriated spaces and objects that are associated with and supporting interaction within the group.

•

‘Performance’ is how the events occurring in the artifact affect people. In the case of emergent places it refers to social quality, considered as the impact of the interaction occurring in the appropriated location to the satisfaction of group’s needs, goals, and objectives that we call ‘norms’.

•

‘Context’ is the environment of the artifact. In the case of emergent places it refers to economic, social, microclimatic and legal conditions associated with the appropriated location.

It is noteworthy to state that in the case of emergent places of urban groups without a place, the artifact is defined as an entity in terms of criteria that are chosen as relevant to its appropriation. We investigate the urban location appropriated by the group with respect to its internal physical characteristics —its intrinsic morphology, as well the relationship with other locations —its external connectivity. Although we do acknowledge the impact of economic, social, and legal contextual parameters we consider them as

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relevant but exogenous to the system under development. We do not expand on the matter. Diagram 3.2: The MOP framework employed for the representation of an emergent place

Social attributes: Performance

Emergent place

Behavioral attributes: Operation

Environmental attributes: Morphology

3.5. Levels of representation In this section we investigate different levels of representation of the phenomenon of emergent places utilizing the conceptual framework of ‘Morphology, Operation, Performance’. Having defined the structure of the representation system we explore ways of making explicit the relations between the relevant characteristics of the phenomenon. In all cases the representation of the phenomenon of emergent places is constructed on the basis of empirical observation data.

3.5.1. ‘Naive’ description: These are the components of the system. We observe ‘Operation’ and ‘Morphology’ and ‘Project Performance’. There is Morphology. There is Operation. There is Performance.

At the level of a naïve description of the phenomenon of emergent places we can construct a descriptive taxonomy of the observed facts —we can describe spaces, objects, activities and people and group them into super-ordinate and subordinate classes.

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Diagram 3.3: ‘Naïve’ description of the phenomenon Phenomenon Morphology Observed Data

Operation

Performance

3.5.2. ‘Intelligent’ description: Explanation We make relationships between components of the system explicit. We draw inferences between ‘Morphology’, ‘Operation’ and ‘Performance’. If Morphology then Operation therefore Performance

At the level of an intelligent description of the phenomenon of emergent places we demonstrate relations between the relevant factors as constraints rather than causal relations. We interpret the phenomenon by combining existing knowledge. We construct the intelligent description (explanation) by the use of: •

Logical inference

•

Literature sources

•

Empirical evidence (observations, interviews)

As Tzonis states ‘on a higher epistemological level we assume that this knowledge is the result of scientific inference, it is based on empirical evidence and rational argumentation’ (Tzonis 1987).

Diagram 3.3: Intelligent description of the phenomenon Phenomenon

Observed Data

Morphology ↓ Operation ↓ Performance

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3.6. Formalization of the explanation At the level of the intelligent description of the phenomenon of emergent places –that is the intention of the descriptive-explanatory model- we structure interrelations between Morphology, Operation and Performance- in terms of conditional statements. For example: If Morphology then Operation therefore Performance

In a conditional sentence ‘If p then q’, p is the antecedent and p the consequent. In common sense terms ‘if’ stands for ‘on condition that; provided that; supposing that’. In the domain of artificial intelligence if-then statements comprise patterns upon which ‘rule-based problem solving systems’ (Winston 1992:129) are built. ‘Rule-based problem solving systems are built using rules that contain several if patterns and one or more then patterns.’ (Winston 1992:119)

This is a typical formalization of ‘antecedent-consequent rules’ (Winston 1992:120): Rn If

then

if1 if2 . . then1 then2 .

However as the dissertation does not go in depth into the domain of Artificial Intelligence and the methodology of rule-based systems, the formalization of the explanation of the phenomenon of emergent places will be schematically expressed by antecedent – consequent rules. Further, relations between Morphology, Operation and Performance of an emergent place are not deterministic but refer to constraints. As it is essential for the model to formulate a chain of inferences between Morphology, Operation and Performance and, given the above-mentioned limitations, we employ ‘if’‘then’ patterns as conditional statements. Therefore the schematic formalization of the explanation of the phenomenon of emergent places has as follows: Rn ‘if’

Morphology1 Morphology 2 . . ‘then’ Operation1 Operation2

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3.7. Necessary but not sufficient conditions Having achieved a schematic formulation of inferences between Morphology, Operation and Performance of emergent places by conditional statements, in this section we address the ‘truth-function’ of these statements.

According to Brennan (Brennan 2003), ‘The standard theory claims that when the conditional "if p, q" is true, the truth of the consequent, "q", is necessary for the truth of the antecedent, "p", and the truth of the antecedent is in turn sufficient for the truth of the consequent. This relation between necessary and sufficient conditions matches the the formal equivalence between a conditional formula and its contrapositive ("if ~q, ~p" is the contrapositive of "if p, q").’

We consider the definition of the concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions in logic quoting Norman Swartz (Swartz 1997). •

‘A condition A is said to be necessary for a condition B, if (and only if) the falsity (/nonexistence /non-occurrence) [as the case may be] of A guarantees (or brings about) the falsity (/nonexistence /non-occurrence) of B.’ (Swartz 1997)

•

‘A condition A is said to be sufficient for a condition B, if (and only if) the truth (/existence /occurrence) [as the case may be] of A guarantees (or brings about) the truth (/existence /occurrence) of B.’ (Swartz 1997)

Physical environment is not a sufficient condition for social interaction. In the case of emergent places, we may identify particular morphological properties of an urban location that contribute to its appropriation by a particular group and the occurrence of social interaction within this group. However the existence of the particular morphological properties cannot guarantee the appropriation of the urban location by the group or the occurrence of intra-group interaction. On the other hand the absence of the particular morphological properties in the location may inhibit the appropriation of the urban location by the group and the occurrence of intra-group interaction. In this sense physical environment is a necessary condition for social interaction.

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In this respect interrelations between Morphology and Operation would be more consistently structured in the following conditional statement: If not Morphology then not Operation.

In conclusion we can state that: If the absence of a place excludes the occurrence of an event then this place is a necessary environmental condition for the event to occur.

3.8. From description to prescription In this section we refer to artificial intelligence methodology in order to establish the mechanism leading from the descriptive to the prescriptive model. We have accepted on certain conditions the schematic formalization of the descriptive-explanatory model as a ‘rule-based system’ of ‘if-then’ patterns. Rule-based systems work as follows: ‘In both deduction and reaction systems, forward chaining is the process of moving from the if patterns to the then patterns, using the if patterns to identify appropriate situations for the deduction of a new assertion of the performance of an action’ (Winston 1992:120)

‘During forward chaining, whenever an if pattern is observed to match an

assertion, the antecedent is satisfied. Whenever all the if patterns of a rule are satisfied, the rule is triggered. Whenever a triggered rule established a new assertion or performs an action, it is fired’ (Winston 1992:121). According to Winston a ‘deduction-oriented antecedent-consequent system’ –that is a system of consequent – antecedent rules whose then patterns specify assertions (truth statements)-- may run either forward or backward. ‘Backward chaining’ is also possible. ‘A rule-based system can form a hypothesis and use the antecedent–consequent rules to work backward toward hypothesis-supporting assertions’ (Winston 1992:127).

In the descriptive-explanatory model, inferences between Morphology, Operation and Performance are schematically formalized by ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements. On the basis that inferences refer to necessary but not sufficient conditions we can accept the following formulation: If Morphology then Operation therefore Performance

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Considering this descriptive conditional statement as a ‘forward chaining antecedentconsequent system’, we could argue that ‘backward chaining’ of this antecedentconsequent system would lead to a prescriptive conditional statement. In this case the formulation of the prescriptive conditional statement would be: If Performance then Operation therefore Morphology

Diagram 3.4: Chaining of inferences in the descriptive and the prescriptive model Descriptive ‘if’-‘then’ Forward chain

Prescriptive ‘if’-‘then’ Backward chain

Morphology ↓ Operation ↓ Performance

Morphology ↑ Operation ↑ Performance

However given the establishment of this mechanism, it must be stated that the essential assumption in the step from the descriptive-explanatory to the prescriptive model, is the introduction of a normative component, a higher standing prescription for the acknowledgement of urban groups without a place and the acceptance of the particular group norms. In the prescriptive model ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements chaining between Performance, Operation and Morphology can be considered as design guidelines. Such a formulation equips design guidelines with an explanatory component, which we believe, increases their reliability.

Diagram 3.5: Prescription for the phenomenon of emergent places Normative component: Accept group norms

→

Future Phenomenon

←

Design Guidelines

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←

Prescription ↓ Performance ↓ Operation ↓ Morphology

3.9. Conclusion This chapter presented the methodology for building the model of emergent places leading to the design tool. In conclusion we will submit the conceptual framework of the model that will be employed further in the selected cases of emergent places:

Diagram 3.6: Conceptual framework of the model of emergent places:

Performance Satisfaction of Group Norms ▲ constrains ▼ Operation Interaction within the group and associated supporting activities ▲ constrains ▼ Morphology Intrinsic physical configuration and relative properties of the appropriated location

121

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4. Development of the descriptiveexplanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place based on case study 1 This chapter develops a descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places as a first hypothesis, drawn from empirical observation data of case study 1 the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens. After clearly sating the intentions of the model, the conceptual structure developed in the chapter 3 is applied and further developed. We investigate and identify constraints between the Performance, Operation and Morphology of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens. The development of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ accomplishes the first step in the identification of the necessary but not sufficient physical environmental conditions for the occurrence of emergent places.

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4.1. Intentions of the descriptive-explanatory model of the immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens The descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens intends to provide an intelligent description of the phenomenon that makes explicit its essential characteristics and their interrelations. We address the following questions, eventually leading to an understanding of the specific emergent appropriated place: •

Why do the immigrants gather in this location?

•

What social, cultural or economic needs do they fulfil here?

•

What kinds of interaction between immigrants happen here?

•

What are the physical environmental conditions that contribute to the occurrence of immigrants’ interaction?

The ultimate intention of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’, is the identification of the necessary physical environmental conditions that contribute to its existence.

4.2. Components of the model With respect to what the model is ‘made of’—that is according to Echenique (Echenique 1968:172),

the means of representation of the characteristics of reality, the descriptive-

explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ is conceptual and physical.

As it employs the ‘Morphology-Operation- Performance’ framework to represent the essential environmental, behavioral and social characteristics of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ the descriptive-explanatory model is verbal-conceptual.

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Diagram 4.1: Conceptual framework of the descriptive-explanatory model Immigrants’ place of getting together ▲ Performance: satisfaction of immigrants’ norms ▲ constrains Operation: Immigrants’ interaction and associated supporting activities ▲ constrains Morphology: Intrinsic physical configuration and relative properties of location

As environmental characteristics of the phenomenon are represented by means of maps and graphs1 the model is a physical analogue (Churchman, Ackoff and Arnoff 1957 in Echenique 1968).

The Morphology of the urban location is represented by survey maps, axial maps2,

and figure–ground plans, as well as by location graphs3. Activity sequences occurring in the location are represented by directed graphs4. The system of immigrants’ activities in the location is represented by a labeled graph5, whose nodes include only the locations where immigrant activity has been observed. We construct both a topographic network of the immigrants’ activity locations and a compact Graph. Due to the use of photographic data, the descriptive-explanatory model is also partly iconic (Ackoff, Gupta and Minas 1962 in Echenique 1968).

With respect to the treatment of time the model is static — as it focuses

on single temporal situations (Echenique 1968). However as the model represents sequences

1 A graph G consists of a finite nonempty set v=V(G) of p nodes together with a set E of q unordered pairs of distinct nodes of V. The pair e={u,v}, of nodes E is called an edge of G, and e is said to join u and v. (Buckley and Harary 1990:2) 2 The axial map, is defined by Hillier as ‘the map of an urban grid that consists of the longest and fewest straight lines that can be drawn through the spaces of the grid so that all rings of circulation are completed and all convex elements passed through’ (Hiller et all 1993: 34) According to Krafta of all representations of urban morphology the axial map that reduces the complexity of a public space grid in its linear dimensions is the most suitable because of ‘its capacity to retain essential quality of public space, connectivity’ (Krafta 1996: 44) 3 The location graph (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987:96) or permeability map (Hillier 1984:149) is a topological representation of a building as a graph, comprising of nodes and edges. Nodes represent locations, while edges represent circulation access between locations. Location graphs do not convey information of geometric characteristics of forms but only topological properties such as proximity, contiguity, succession closure and continuity. Locations vary in scale, since a location can be ‘a doorway or a few feet of empty space between two locations, it may be also an enormous hall or a labyrinth. … A location may be only a point where an option is exercised to take a route between alternative ones’ (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987: 101). 4 A directed graph, or digraph D consists of a finite nonempty set V of nodes together with a collection A of ordered pairs of distinct nodes in V.The elements of A are called arcs or directed edges. (Buckley and Harary 1990:5)Directed graphs have been applied in activity analysis by Parkes and Wallis who consider ‘certain concepts of graph theory such as adjacency and connectedness useful in the solution of some aspects of activity structure, for instance sequence.’ (Parkes and Wallis 1978:78). 5 Labeled graphs assign activity to nodes ‘giving the node meaning besides its intrinsic topological relationships with other nodes’. (Tzonis et all 1987:172)

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of activities on space it is partly dynamic. With respect to its nature, the model is analytic and qualitative; it uses numbers to arrive at qualitative conclusions. As it is based upon empirical observation, the model is behavioral.

4.3. Summary of particular observations about the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens Before proceeding with the development of the descriptive-explanatory model, we revisit the ‘thick description’ of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens, summarising particular observations related to the questions that the model confronts. Summarizing the findings of empirical observation elaborated in Chapter 1, we can state that, as an urban phenomenon, the immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens presents some highly observable properties: •

Multi-ethnic immigrant territory

•

Clustering of immigrants social-cultural and economic activity

•

Dynamic growth

•

Occupancy and stylistic appropriation of the streetscape

The designated area of study that we call ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens comprises an ‘urban cluster’, different ethnic groups of immigrants having aggregated their commercial, social and cultural facilities in this location. Besides the evident geographic proximity in the concentration of facilities, if we consider M. E. Porter’s thesis6 on the affect of clusters on competition, we can, accordingly, define as an ‘immigrant cluster’ the geographically proximate concentration in downtown Athens of immigrant groups of different ethnic origins who are linked by commonalities of 6 The definition of competitive ‘clusters of innovation’ is attributed to the work of economist Michael E Porter, who defines a cluster of innovation as ‘a geographically proximate group of interconnected companies and associated institutions in a particular field, linked by commonalities and complementarities’. (Porter ME 1998:199). ‘The strength of a cluster can be attributed to multiple cross-firm linkages and synergies between the participants…Clusters, then, constitute an important multi-organizational form, a central influence on competition, and a prominent characteristic of market economies.’ (Porter ME 1998:208) According to Porter clusters affect competition by: Increasing productivity of constituent firms or industries; increasing their capacity for innovation and thus productivity growth; and stimulating new business formation that supports innovation and expands the cluster. Each of the three broad influences of clusters on competition depends, to some extent, on personal relationships, face-to-face communication, and interaction among networks and institutions (Porter ME 1998:214).

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discrimination and socio-cultural marginalization that competes for social, cultural and economic space in the host city of Athens. The immigrant cluster of Athens is multi-ethnic. The five major ethnic groups present in our area of study7 are the Bangladesh, the Chinese, the Pakistan the Nigerian and the Kurdish. Immigrant activity appears to aggregate according to common ethnic origin. Commercial, social and cultural facilities established by people of the same ethnic group concentrate in distinct locations within the urban subsystem of the immigrants cluster. We will refer to these concentrations as ethnic sub-clusters. The immigrant cluster in Athens has drastically grown during the past decade, fulfilling essential social-cultural and economic8 needs of the Athens immigrants. The immigrant cluster in Athens is a highly dynamic urban phenomenon having grown during the past decade, and particularly since 1998 with a spectacular rhythm (Section 1.3.4). The growth of the cluster manifests primarily increase in the density of facilities rather than spatial expansion. Original distinct ethnic sub-clusters have evolved into locations of multiethnic concentration.

Within the location of the cluster immigrants appropriate all available urban spaces to produce an imaginary territory where they can project cultural identity without fear of discrimination. We have observed two kinds of appropriation in the particular case: one that consists purely of occupation and manifests primarily with street gatherings and one that produces semi-fixed spatial elements that we call ‘stylistic appropriation’. Stylistic appropriation enhances the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ with ‘exotic atmosphere’. Occupancy of the streetscape is dynamic and manifests peaks and lows of activity during the weekly and daily cycle.

Observation has indicated ‘places of getting together’ of Eastern European immigrants in proximity with but outside the designated area of study. (Section 1.3.4).In this respect the term ‘immigrant cluster’ refers to both a larger area and a larger number of ethnic groups. 8 In urban studies an immigrant economic agglomeration is defined as an economic enclave or ethnic enclave. ‘In some cities immigrant settlements have become so large and dense that immigrants have established numerous businesses in which they employ other members of their ethnic group. These ethnic enclaves can provide economic opportunities that may not be available to immigrants in the wider community.’ (Kleniewski 2001:184) It is noteworthy to ad the distinction between the notions enclave and ghetto: ‘true enclaves have a specialized ethnic economy made up exclusively of ethnic workers in a few industries. Only a few immigrant groups have such enclave economies, and almost no African-American neighborhoods have them. In addition the difference between an enclave and a ghetto is also partly the difference between voluntary and involuntary clustering. To the extent that a group sticks together for mutual aid and to participate in familiar institutions, their community can be thought as an enclave. To the extent that they stay together because they are not welcome anywhere else, their clustering becomes involuntary and their community resembles a ghetto.’ (Kleniewski 2001:201)

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G ER A

N IO U

Map 4.1: Immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; facilities and street-gatherings in the area of study May 2004

ANAXA

MENA NDRO U

GORAS

SOPHO

CLES

SAPHO

PLA THEATEIA TROU

DIPLA

I OR

EURIP

AESCHYLUS

ARI

STO

PHA

NES

IDES

Nigerian facilites Pakistani facilites Bangladeshi facilites Chinese facilites Egyptian facilites

Kurdish facilites

Street gatherings

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4.4. Development of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in Athens This chapter further proceeds with the development of the descriptive-explanatory model. Each question pronounced in the opening section is answered here primarily on the basis of empiric observations. We employ the ‘Morphology-Operation- Performance’ conceptual framework to the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. We move from the analysis of the social-cultural functions of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ to the identification of the physical environmental conditions that contribute to these socialcultural functions.

4.4.1. Performance ‘Performance’ in the case of emergent places refers to the impact of the interaction within the group occurring in the appropriated location to the group’s needs, goals, and objectives that we call norms. In this section, combining evidence from empirical data and literature sources, we will identify immigrants’ intermediary norms that constitute their particular identity and which are satisfied in the ‘immigrants place of getting together’. The question ‘Why do the immigrants gather in this location?’ has been investigated in a survey distinguishing between two groups within the population of immigrants: facility owners and people that gather on the street. Facility owners were asked to state the reasons for establishing their business in this location. People that gather on the street were asked to state why they came to this location on that day. The most characteristic answers highlight the social and economic dimensions of the immigrant cluster:

The facility owners: ‘Menandrou is the center for immigrants to gather and meet friends, find work and make appointments’

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‘Geraniou is the black center of Athens’ ‘This is the foreigners’ market’ ‘Bangladeshi people live here, this is the street they know, outside the store they make appointments’ ‘This is the hot place’ ‘We moved here from another location because many Kurdish come here’

The people on the street: ‘Everybody comes here, there is no other place we can go’ ‘This is our place, no Greeks come here’ ‘To meet friends and spend time when I am not working’ ‘We all live in different parts of Athens, so we come here to meet’

It is noteworthy that in the case of facility owners (Table 4.1), in addition to the economic incentives consequent to the concentration of the immigrants who comprise their clientele, some properties of the urban location, such as centrality and accessibility, determined their decision for setting up their business. The answers provided by the people that gather on the street (Table 4.2) expose their intentions to gather in the location. In both cases the establishment of an immigrants territory in the location is evident. Table 4.1: Reasons for immigrants starting a business in the location Facility owners Why did you decide to start your business here? 44

Total number of answers

Many foreigners gather here

This is the center of Athens

This is the black center of Athens

Available space

Many Bangladeshi live here

Cheap rent

Good access

Kurdish center

Cheap rent/black center-self help

Long story

Available space/Bangladeshi live here

This is the heart of Greece

Because I want to stay in the country

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Table 4.2: Reasons for immigrants to visit the location People on the street Why did you come here today? 35

Total number of answers

To meet friends

To spend time when not working

To go to church

This is the foreigners’ place

To work selling on the street

To use the facilities

To find work

To go to mosque

To work in my shop

We live here

We can conclude that the empirical data provide evidence of the social-cultural and economic functions of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. Although in the perspective of the dissertation we will not expand upon the economic benefits — as we focus exclusively upon social-cultural functions of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’— we can outline the major economic benefits of the immigrant cluster: •

Development of immigrant enclave economy: We have registered the establishment of immigrant-owned stores and enterprises serving mostly immigrant clientele as well as some Greeks. Complementary we have observed immigrant employees working in immigrant owned businesses as well as a number of self-employed immigrant street merchants.

•

Employment within the area: We have registered immigrants finding work in the location as employees in Greek businesses, usually spontaneously recruited on the street.

•

Global trade network: As immigrant stores and enterprises maintain commercial links with the country of origin, the immigrant cluster in Athens becomes a node in a global trade network.

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4.4.1.1. Intermediary norms that contribute to immigrants’ sense of identity We will further expand on the social-cultural functions of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. The prime social-cultural benefit for immigrants is the confirmation of identity and enhancement of their sense of community. The elaboration of particular intermediary norms will help us understand the constituents of immigrants’ identity. The immigrants’ intermediary norms are:

Safety in numbers Settlement and establishment of an ethnic community in a specific urban location enhances the feeling of safety and belonging to a cityscape. The fact is confirmed in the study of the ‘black’ public sphere of Birmingham UK (Dudrah 2002:339), where the author claims that there is a visible notion of ‘safety in numbers’ in public spaces with a high presence of ethnic people.

Freedom of expression The expression of cultural identity without fear of discrimination is essential to immigrants and ethnic minorities. Elisa Joy White, who has investigated the places of African Diaspora in Dublin, claims that discrimination, in all social arenas, provides the catalyst for both intra-Diaspora social interaction, and the development of immigrantowned and managed locations that facilitate social interaction without the threat of racist confrontation (White 2002: 259).

Belonging The establishment of cultural institutions is essential to a group’s cultural consciousness. The ‘immigrants place of getting together’ is the locations where immigrants’ places of worship and civic associations are established. Gunter Seufert (Seufert 1997) demonstrates, in his study of a Kurdish–Alevi tribe in Istanbul, the process of the group’s settlement in a new urban environment in three phases: arrival, establishment and assimilation. We can infer that immigrants in Athens are now in the process of establishment.

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Relations with the home country Anthropological Diaspora studies attest that displaced communities like refugees or immigrants always bare an emotional link with the place of origination. As Ann Gray states, ‘Diasporas always leave a trail of collective memory about another place and time and create new maps of desire and attachment’ (Gray 2003:187).

Help with everyday problems Anthropologist Marina Petronoti (Petronoti 2001), who investigated the community of Eritrea immigrants in Athens, mentions that in the hangouts, Eritrea people learn about new arrivals, exchange news from home, information about work, houses, laws and interviews in embassies, which they eagerly await to emigrate to yet another country. It is to these hangouts that the newcomers come, in order to enter the immigrant community social network and to ask help from senior members (Petronoti, 2001:133).

We can conclude that there are two aspects of the performance of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in downtown Athens which we can consider as essential benefits of the immigrant cluster: •

Social-cultural benefits, the confirmation of immigrants’ identity and enhancement of their sense of community by satisfaction of needs for safety, freedom of expression of cultural identity, belonging, relationships with home country and help for everyday survival that we have identified as intermediary immigrants’ norms.

•

Economic benefits, the immigrants’ emergent enclave economy being part of a global trade network and the possibilities to find employment within the area.

Diagram 4.2: Intermediary norms that contribute to immigrants’ sense of identity: Immigrants’ sense of identity

Safety

Belonging

Freedom of expression

Relations with home country

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Help with everyday problems

4.4.2. Operation ‘Operation’, in the case of emergent places, refers to informal interaction within the group as well as the system of activities associated with and supporting interaction occurring in the appropriated location. Informal interaction within the group contributes to the satisfaction of the immigrants’ needs, goals, and objectives that we call norms and which we have identified in the previous section.

In this section will answer the question ‘What kinds of interaction between immigrants happen here?’ primarily on the basis of empiric observation. We will also identify the system of immigrant activities associated with it and supporting interaction between immigrants.

4.4.2.1. Intra-Group interaction that contributes to immigrants’ sense of identity The social-cultural needs, goals, and objectives that we have identified in the previous section as immigrants’ ‘intermediary norms’ and which impact upon the immigrants’ sense of identity are fulfilled in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ by the occurrence of informal interaction between immigrants. Some kinds of informal interaction support the ‘cultural core’9(Rapoport 1980:30) of the distinct identity of each ethnic group as well the identity of immigrants in Athens as one group. In this respect immigrant interaction that satisfies immigrants’ intermediary norms is considered as the essential Operation in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’.

We distinguish intra-group interaction —interaction within the group— from intergroup interaction —interaction between groups. In this case we shall focus upon intra-group 9

Amos Rapoport considers the identification of the cultural core, which defines a user group profile; a particular lifestyle and a set of important activities, and the peripheral elements of a culture, to be crucial for the design of culturesupportive environments. He states that ‘When environments inhibit and make impossible the functioning of core elements, a groups’ cultural survival might be threatened’ (Rapoport 1980:29) Rapoport suggests that the cultural core can be identified by environmental analysis (see Section 2.5.2.).

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interaction, and indicate how this satisfies the specific social and cultural needs of the immigrants.

We have identified by empirical observation and logical inference the following interaction among immigrants that we consider as the essential Operation in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’: •

Use mother tongue

•

Hang out with people of own ethnic group

•

Meet friends

•

Exchange information

•

Celebrate

•

Worship

We will further demonstrate by diagram the inferred interrelations between immigrants’ intra-group interaction and their particular social and cultural needs that we have exemplified in the previous section as ‘intermediary immigrant norms’.

Diagram 4.3: Social-cultural function of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’

Operation

Performance

Immigrants’ sense of identity

Immigrants’ norms

Interaction among immigrants

Safety

Use mother tongue

Belonging

Hang out with people of own group

Freedom of expression

Meet friends

Relations with home country

Exchange information

Help with everyday problems

Celebrate

Worship

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4.4.2.2. Activities supportive to intra-group interaction in the ‘immigrants place of getting together’ In this section we will focus upon the activities associated with and that support intragroup interaction in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. We consider these activities as ‘intermediary contributing conditions’ to immigrants’ interaction and call them ‘intermediary operations’. According to Chapin ‘activity is a classificatory term for a variety of acts grouped together under a more generic category… Furthermore activity has a number of properties. It has duration, a position in time, usually designated by the start time, a place in a sequence of events, and a fixed location or a path in space.’(Chapin 1974: 3-7). We will classify the set of activities constraining essential intragroup interaction in individual and collective activities. We observe that some groups of individual activities comprise parts of collective activities and present these associated individual and collective activities in groups. Before embarking in the enumeration of the particular intermediary Operations of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ we will refer to one example of activity that constrains social interaction. Tzonis argues that ‘flow’, the circulation of people in a building, ‘creates opportunities for encounters between individuals beyond their formal, institutional interactions’ (Tzonis et al. 1987:132). He claims that circulation spaces of a building can provide or inhibit opportunities for social interaction and makes explicit constraints between building morphology, circulation, social interaction, and social quality. Flow, which is constrained by circulation space morphology, constrains social interaction, and in this sense can be considered as ‘intermediary contributing condition’ for social interaction. Diagram 4.5: Social interaction opportunities of a building (Tzonis et all1987:132):

Morphological characteristics

➠

potential

Social

Interaction

Flow Constrains

Constrains ➠

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potential

Impact ➠

quality

We will further expand on the intermediary Operations in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ identifying groups of collective and individual activity contributing to immigrants’ interaction.

4.4.2.2.1. Street Gatherings The most observable collective activity in the area of study is street gatherings, small crowds of men spontaneously assembling in any available open space along the system of paths. Street gatherings impact upon essential intra-group interaction such as the hanging out with people of the same ethnic group, the use of mother tongue, and the exchange of information. Street gatherings comprise spontaneous appropriations of the streetscape and are constrained by pedestrian flow between transport entry points and the locations of established facilities. Street gatherings present short-term fluctuation and the manifest peaks in size and density during weekends and evenings of weekdays (Table 4.3). Table 4.3: Fluctuations of street gatherings observed during 6 site visits in August 2003. Location

Wednesday 19:30

Thursday 12:55

Saturday 19:30

Saturday 23:20

Sunday 13:00

Monday 11:30

Geraniou

Sophocles - Menandrou

Menandrou - Sapfous

120

Theatre Square

Diplari

Total amount of people gathering

199

133

218

265

159

The individual activities that have been observed to comprise part of street gatherings: •

Standing

•

Waiting

•

Leaning

•

Sitting

•

Holding on to objects

•

Hugging

•

Placing food and drink

•

Watching

•

Talking on cell-phone

•

Trading calling cards

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4.4.2.2.2. Flow We do consider ‘flow’ both vehicular and pedestrian circulation in the system of streets of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ as major intermediary Operation contributing to immigrants’ social interaction. The two kinds of flow have been observed to reciprocally increase and decrease during the course of the day and week. Pedestrian circulation of immigrants manifests peaks mostly in the evenings of weekdays and weekends, when vehicular traffic is in recess. Primarily pedestrian flow contributes to street gatherings and incidental meetings and constrains ‘exchange of information’. The individual activities that have been observed to be associated with ‘Flow’ include: •

Stroll

•

Walk

•

Cruise

•

Pass through

4.4.2.2.3. Clustering of ethnic-subgroups One of the major observations about the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ was the presence of ‘ethnic sub-clusters’ within a multiethnic territory, as distinct ethnic groups have appropriated specific locations within the network of streets. This is primarily evident in the establishment of facilities but has also been observed in the occurrence of street gatherings. The diversity of ethnic origin of facility owners includes 11 countries but manifests four major ethnic concentrations. (Table 4.4.) Immigrant facilities tend to concentrate as facility owners seek proximity with fellow country people. We have observed (Map 1.3) the origination of the ‘immigrant cluster’ from distinct ethnic subclusters that expanded during the course of the decade. The clustering of ethnic subgroups constrains both intra-group and inter-group interaction, as well as to a certain degree the establishment of facilities and the occurrence of street gatherings. Individual activities we consider associated with the clustering of ethnic groups include gestures, postures, facial expressions and proxemic relations (Hall 1966) particular to the group. Although we will not expand on this issue we have specifically observed that Bangladesh people: • • •

Chew the pan Hug Hold hands

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Table 4.4: Ethnic origin of facility owners in the ‘immigrants place of getting together’ (Section 8.5) Absolute number

Ethnic origin of facility owners

Group label

137 42

Bangladesh

China

Nigeria

Pakistan

Egypt

Syria

Greek Muslims

Iraq-Kurdish

Soudan

Lebanon

G10

Afganistan

G11

4.4.2.2.4. Evocation of ambience of home country In the area of study we have observed the ‘stylistic appropriation’ of spatial envelopes by the placement of signs, messages, decorations by patterns, figures and colour or the display of mechanise that enhance the area with an ‘exotic atmosphere’. Non-fixed elements --people’s clothes, gestures, facial expressions, proxemic relations and postures also add to the evocation of ambience. We consider this activity, as an essential collective activity that contributes directly to the immigrants’ norms of ‘belonging’ and ‘freedom of expression’. Activities associated with the evocation of ambience include: •

The Display of messages, signs and merchandise

•

The Decoration by Color, figures or patterns

Individual activities we consider associated with the evocation of ambience of home country include self fashioning --clothes, hairstyles, perfumes and so on-- and gestures, postures, facial expressions and proxemic relations particular to each group (Hall 1966).

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Table 4.5: Types of immigrant facilities established in the area of study (Section 8.5) Number Type of facility 26

Clothes

Grocer

Calling Center

Restaurant

Hairdresser

Video Club-Music Center

Gift shop

Calling Center-Video Club

Church

Club House

Import-Export

Fast Food

Association

Shoes

Electronics

Cell Phone service

Electronics-Money Transfer

Calling Center-Video Club-Music Center

Mosque

Sunglasses

Handbags

Underwear

Electronics-Money Transfer

Hostel

Money Transfer

Clothes-Electronics

Hardware store

Butcher

Photo Studio

Grocer-Butcher

Gift shop-Electronics

Travel Agent

Travel Agent-Money transfer

Calling Cards outlet

Calling Center-Electronics

Textiles

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4.4.2.2.5. Facility establishment The establishment of a large variety of immigrant facilities (Table 4.5), —stores and enterprises, civic associations and places of worship— contributes to the occurrence of all kinds of informal intra-group interaction in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ enabling immigrants to ‘celebrate’, ‘worship’, ‘exchange of information’, ‘hang out with people of own group’ ‘meet friends’ and ‘speak mother tongue’. It also impacts directly upon social-cultural and financial immigrants’ norms and in this respect should be considered as an essential condition contributing to the existence of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. As we are primarily interested in spontaneously appropriated places without institutionalised facility we will not thoroughly expand on the economic or legislation parameters influencing immigrant facility establishment. Nevertheless we acknowledge the impact of facility establishment upon immigrants’ informal intra-group interaction and incorporate it in the model.

4.4.2.2.6. Accessibility We consider the easy access of the immigrants to the ‘place of getting together’ as a major contributing condition to the place’s success that particularly aids the occurrence of essential intra-group interaction. The ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ is a highly accessible urban location. Easy access provides opportunities for frequent visits, facilitates worship and celebration and increases possibilities for ‘getting together’ We will expand upon the accessibility of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ on the basis of empiric data gathered in the area of study. We investigated the accessibility of the urban location of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in the Athens Metropolitan Complex in separate surveys distinguishing between two groups: •

Facility owners (Section 8.5.1)

•

Visitors to the location (Section 8.5.2)

We investigated location accessibility with respect to two criteria: •

Immigrants’ means of transportation

•

Travel-time from immigrants’ home locations

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4.4.2.2.6.1. Immigrants’ means of transportation According to our survey data of May 2004 both facility owners and visitors to the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ access the location primarily by public transport: metro, bus and trolley. The urban location presents high accessibility by public transport, given its situation at the centre of Athens and, particularly, its adjacency to ‘Omonoia’ — one of the city’s public transport hubs. While access by walking manifests a high percentage, private transport still manifests a significant amount. It is noteworthy that, given the circumstances of Athens transport networks and the relatively cheap (for European standards) taxi fares, there is no use of taxis by immigrants. We can consider social reasons, such as discrimination from taxi drivers and the immigrants’ desire for anonymity, for the lack of taxi usage by immigrants. Although private transport — ‘own car’ or ‘own motorbike’ — manifests low percentages (of 18.6% among facility owners and of 10.9% among visitors), the proportion is nevertheless significant. We can also consider the location’s accessibility by private transport as sufficient, largely due to the availability of free parking spaces along the streets and minimum-cost parking in garages and in some empty plots. The network of one-way traffic streets, which are adjacent to the major traffic arteries of Peiraus and Athinas Avenues, aids accessibility by both car and motorbike.

Table 4.6: Immigrants’ means of transport to the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ Means of transport

Total

Facility owners

Visitors

Walking

Metro

Bus

Own car

Trolley

Own motorbike

Public transport

112

Private transport

Walking

142

4.4.2.2.6.2. Travel-time from immigrants’ home locations The temporal distance—travel time-- between the cluster and the location of residence — is a condition constrained by immigrants’ time budgets. Given their means of transportation, immigrants’ temporal distance from work and residence act as major constrictions that define the available time for ‘high-level participation choice activities’ (Parkes and Wallis 1978:75). According

to the visitors’ statements (Table 4.2) the ‘immigrants’

place of getting together’ is the major attractor location for them to spend their free time in Athens. Most gather there on their days off work, passing the whole day or the evening in the location. They also arrange ‘meetings with friends’ in the location because it is convenient to get to form where they live. We assume that travel time from home locations to the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ is within the visitors’ available free time-budgets.

According to the ‘Social and financial atlas of Greece’ (Maloutas 2000:51) most locations of immigrants’ residence are situated in urban districts in the center of the Athens metropolitan complex, belonging to the municipality of Athens. According to our survey data immigrant residences are situated: •

In streets within the area of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ (Menandrou, Korinis, Geraniou)

•

In districts that lie within 15 minutes walking distance from the location of ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ (Omonoia, Metaxourgeio, Plateia Vathis, Plateia Koumoundourou, Agios Konstantinos)

•

In districts of the municipality of Athens that lie within a maximum of 15 minutes public transport travel time from the adjacent hub of Omonoia (Aharnon, Kipseli, Patisia, Railway station area, Plateia Attikis, Victoria, Neos Kosmos, Pagrati, Kukaki)

•

In districts of the municipality of Athens that lie within a maximum of 30 minutes public transport travel time from the adjacent hub of Omonoia (Egaleo, Kalithea, Vironas, Petralona, Petroupoli, Peristeri, Tauros )

•

In districts outside the municipality of Athens but part of the metropolitan complex that lie within a maximum 60 minutes public transport travel time from the adjacent hub of Omonoia . (Ano liosia, Faliro, Illioupoli, Kifisia, Koridalos, Megara, Nikaia)

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Considering temporal distance from the immigrants’ places of residence by the given means of transportation, the urban location of the immigrant cluster is highly accessible. The majority of the cases fall into the category of a maximum of 30 minutes travel time by public transport (Table 4.7).

Table 4.7: Immigrants’ travel time from home to location Travel time from home to location

Total (97)

Facility owners (61)

Visitors (36)

Max 15 min walking

Max 15 min travel

Max 30 min travel

Max 1 hour travel

The contributing environmental conditions of the‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ with respect to location accessibility are: •

Multiple means of public transport — the primary means of transportation for the immigrants’ group — adjacent to and within the location

•

Travel time from home locations to the location of maximum 30 minutes.

We consider the accessibility of the urban location as an environmental condition that positively contributes to social interaction. The accessibility of the location on urbanregional scale also contributes positively to the establishment of immigrant facilities and to pedestrian and vehicular flow in the location. Street gathering is indirectly affected.

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Diagram 4.4: Immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; travel time from home locations

Kifisia Ano Liosia

Petroupolh

Ano Patisia Kato Patisia

Psyhiko Aharnon Kypseli Plateia Koliatsou Attiki Railway Station MarnisVictoria Egaleo Agios Konstantinos 15' Omonia 30' Geraniou Menandrou Plateia Koumoundourou Psyrri Korydalos Keramikou Pagrati Zografou Petralona Tauros Syggrou - Fix Nikaia Peiraius Avenue Kalithea Neos Cosmos Vironas Peristeri

60'

Faliro

145

Ilioupoli

In conclusion we present by diagram (Diagram 4.5) the particular system of interrelated activities identified by field research that constitute the ‘Operation’ in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’.

Diagram 4.5: ‘Operation’ in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’

Operation Associated activities

Constrain

Street gatherings

Intra-group interaction Use mother tongue

Standing Waiting Leaning Sitting Holding on to objects Hugging Placing food and drink Watching Talking on cell-phone Trading calling cards

Flow

Hang out with people of own group

Stroll Walk Cruise Pass through Exchange information Clustering of ethnic-subgroups Distinct locations of ethnic concentration Bangladeshi: Chew the pan Hug Hold hands

Meet friends

Celebrate Evoke ambience of home country Display Messages Signs Mechanise Decorate by Color Patterns

Worship

Establish facility Products from home country Services to home country

Easy access [Max 30 min] travel-time by [Metro] [Bus] [Trolley] [Walking]

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4.4.3. Morphology ‘Morphology’, in the case of emergent places refers to the intrinsic physical configuration as well as the relative properties of the location appropriated by the group. In the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ we investigate the Morphology of the appropriated spaces and objects in the location as a condition that constrains Operation and therefore impacts upon Performance. In this sense we seek to identify the necessary physical environmental conditions contributing to the occurrence of activities associated with and supporting informal interaction between immigrants.

We consider the Morphology of the appropriated location as a physical environmental constraint of human behavior rather than a determining cause. We are particularly interested in the ‘appropriation potential’10 of the location –that is the degree to which morphological characteristics of the location permit the accommodation of group activity in terms of informal interaction.

Morphological analysis of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in Athens addresses three scales of investigation: •

Urban-regional analysis at the level of the Athens metropolitan complex

•

Urban subsystem analysis at the level of street patterns

•

Micro-location analysis at the level of spaces and objects

Morphological analysis of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in Athens addresses two layers of spatial characteristics: •

Metric11: the shapes and dimensions of the appropriated spaces and objects

•

Topological12: properties of ordering and betweenness the appropriated spaces and objects as locations partaking in a network of activity

We construct the definition of ‘appropriation potential’ of an urban location by analogy to the ‘Social amenity potential’ of a building defined by Tzonis as ‘the degree to which morphological characteristics of the building permit encountering between users and control the generation of informal groups and associations’ (Tzonis et all 1987:132). 11 Tzonis (Tzonis et all 1987:93) defines ‘metric design attributes’ as ‘The way locations occupy Euclidean, that is three dimensional space, the size and shape of locations’. 12 Tzonis (Tzonis et all 1987:93) defines ‘topological design attributes’ as ‘The way locations have access to each other’ and further refers to ‘topology’ as ‘the study of the various properties of geometric forms that remain invariant under certain transformations such as bending and stretching. Topological properties are based on proximity(contiguity), succession, closure (inside-outside) and continuity’. (Tzonis et all 1987:95)

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We analyze metric properties of the appropriated locations introducing the term ‘streetscape’13 as the general category of urban open spaces and objects included in the urban subsystem of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. We identify four categories of urban space that constitute the particular streetscape and that present ‘appropriation potential’: •

The ‘pattern of paths’ which is specific to the fabric of downtown Athens and includes, in addition to streets and sidewalks, sidewalk arcades adjacent to the sidewalks of apartment buildings, and gallery passages through urban blocks

•

The larger ‘open surfaces’, in this case Theatre Square, and the empty plot at the crossing of Korinis and Sapphous streets

•

The ‘intervening spaces’ (between facilities and sidewalk) which, as we have elaborated in the previous paragraph, include entrances, lobbies, corridors, stairs and elevators

•

The ‘urban objects’ — primarily parked vehicles, which align the street thoroughfare, together with devices that prevent cars from parking on the sidewalk. We consider in the category of urban objects the ‘urban poche’14 of the particular streetscape, including walls, columns, doorsteps, ledges, windowsills and steps

13 The term ‘streetscape’ can be considered as an enrichment of the term ‘urban void’ the best representation of which comprises Gianbattista Nolli’s map of Rome by (Nolli 1745). According to Trancik (Trancik 1986), a contemporary classification includes five types of urban space: The entry space that establishes the important transition of passage from personal domain to common territory and includes foyer, forecourt, mews, niche, lobby, or front yard The block void; the enclosed hole in the donut, best examples of which are courtyards and cloister gardens The primary network of streets and squares Public parks and gardens Linear open space systems commonly related to features such as rivers, waterfronts and wetland zones 14 ‘Urban poche’ is defined as ‘the spatial field of solids, articulating the configuration of exterior voids’. ‘Poche’ is technically defined as ‘the walls, columns and other solids of buildings, indicated in black in architectural plans’ (Trancik 1986). In order to ‘achieve form on the exterior, the perimeter of spaces and blocks must be well articulated to establish outdoor rooms containing corners, niches, pockets and corridors’ (Trancik 1986).

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We analyze topological properties of the appropriated locations in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in all three scales of investigation stated above. We use labeled location graphs that indicate — as nodes — the locations of immigrant activity, and — as edges — the access between these locations. We use two kinds of location graph: •

a topographic network that maintains geometric information

•

a network graph that contains only topological information

We employ certain concepts of graph theory15 in order to recognize topological properties of the locations of immigrants’ intra-group interaction and associated supportive activities that contribute to their occurrence.

‘Graph theory’ is a branch of combinatorial topology considered as ‘a powerful versatile language which allows us to disentangle the basic structure of transportation networks’ (Lowe and Moryadas, 1978:79). Most applications of graph theory within architecture concern floor plan analysis and facility allocation problems (Buckley and Harary 1990:5,31). In the course of this section we use the following graph theory concepts: Adjacency-Degree In a graph G the pair of nodes e={u,v} which joins u and v is called an edge of G. We write e=u,v and say that u and v are adjacent nodes. Adjacent nodes are said to be neighbours. Nodes that are not adjacent are called independent. The degree of a node v (deg. v) is the number of edges incident with it. (Buckley and Harary 1990:2). Connectedness A graph is connected if there is a path joining each pair of nodes. Informally, a graph is connected if it’s all in one piece. Connectivity of a graph is defined as the number n such that deletion of n vertices will leave the graph connected but deletion of n+1 vertices will lead to a disconnected graph (Parkes and Wallis 1978:80). There are three fundamental classes of connected graphs: paths, trees and cycles (Buckley and Harary 1990:9,10). Tree graph A graph that contains no cycles such as a row, or a star, is called a tree graph (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987:103). Trees are the most important type of graph; they are connected acyclic graphs (Buckley and Harary 1990:13).

Branch A branch at a node v of a tree T is a maximal subtree containing v as an endnode. Thus the number of branches at v is (deg.v.) (Buckley and Harary 1990:34). A branch is any connected subset of points (nodes) that can be completely severed from the rest of the graph by removing one line (edge). The weight of branch will be defined as the number of points (nodes) in the subset (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987:109). Walk, length and path A walk in a path is an alternating sequence of nodes and edges v,e1,v1,e2,v2,e3…vn-1,en,vn such that every ei=vi-1vi is an edge of G, 1<I<n. A walk that connects v0 and vn has a length n, the number of occurrences of edges in it. A walk is a path if all of its nodes (and thus necessarily its edges) are distinct. The walk is closed if v0=vn and is called a cycle providing its nodes are distinct and n≥3 (Buckley and Harary 1990:10). Distance The distance d(u,v) between two nodes u and v in G is the minimum length of a path (if any) joining them; otherwise d(u,v)=∞ A shortest u-v path is called a u-v geodesic (Buckley and Harary 1990:10). Average distance In a location graph the average distance between pairs of locations (a)

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We further proceed with the analysis of Morphology as a constraint of Operation identifying for every group of supportive activities to immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; informal interaction intrinsic and relative morphological properties of the spatial envelopes of these activities as conditions contributing to their occurrence.

a=ÎŁd(ui,uj)/np where d(ui,uj) is the distance between locations for each discrete pair (ui,uj)=uj,ui and np the total count of such paths (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987: 101). Accessibility th Accessibility of a node i to the j place is the distance between nodes i and j (Low and Moryadas 1978:84).Thus we can correlate the definition of accessibility with that of average distance. Depth-Penetration The depth of a graph is a measure of the topological distance of a location to an entry. Penetration is the depth of a location relative to the nearest deeper end location (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987:110). Centrality Centrality is a structural attribute of nodes in a graph defined as a minimum value of eccentricity. Eccentricity e(v) of a node v in a connected graph G is the distance to a node furthest from v. E(v)=max{d(u,v):uG} The radius r(G) is the minimum eccentricity of the nodes, whereas diameter d(G) is the maximum eccentricity. Now v is a central node if e(v)=r(G) and the center C(G) is the set of all central nodes (Buckley and Harary 1990:31). A path P is a path center of G if P has minimum eccentricity and minimum length among such paths (Buckley and Harary 1990:47). Balance The balance of a location in a graph is the distance of this location from the center of gravity of graph (Tzonis and Oorschot 1987: 112). Betweenness Betweenness complements the concept of intervening locations. It is an enumeration of all the pairs of locations that are connected by a path passing through a specified point (Tzonis and Oorschot 1987: 110). Bundles Bundles of locations are nodes that contain nested a complex of interlinked locations. Graphs that contain bundles of locations are called compact graphs (Tzonis, Oorschot 1987: 101,106).

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4.4.3.1. Identification of conditions contributing to the accessibility of the urban location In this section we focus on the external connectivity of the urban location of ‘the immigrants’ place of getting together’ in urban-regional scale as a condition contributing to its accessibility in the Athens Metropolitan complex and specifically: •

The presence of public transport entry and exit points in the location.

•

Topological properties of Omonoia in the metro network of Athens.

4.4.3.1.1. Public transport entry and exit points to the location As an urban location the ‘the immigrants’ place of getting together’ presents high accessibility by public transport, given its situation at the centre of Athens and, particularly, its adjacency to ‘Omonoia’ — the city’s central public transport hub. There are multiple public transport entry points (Diagram 4.6) for all local available public transport means: bus, metro and trolley. In addition, public bus routes transverse Menandrou, Sophocles, Euripides and Korinis streets, rendering them highly accessible16 from different parts of the municipality of Athens and its suburbs. Specifically, the location: •

Lies within 10 minutes walking distance between three metro stations of Omonoia and Monastiraki — the central hubs in the subway network of the Athens metropolitan complex and Thiseion.

•

Lies within 10 minutes walking distance from Omonoia trolley and bus stops

•

Lies within 10 minutes walking distance from Academia trolley and bus stops

•

Lies within 5 minutes walking distance from Piraeus Avenue bus stops

•

Lies within 5 minutes walking distance from Athinas Avenue bus stops

•

Includes bus stops in Sophocles and Menandrou streets

We consider the presence of multiple public transport entry and exit points as a condition that facilitates immigrants’ access to the location, as public transport is the number one means of transport for immigrants in Athens (Table 4.5). 16

http://www.oasa.gr/uk/transport/i_xartes.asp 151

As we will also investigate later the presence of multiple public transport entry and exit points to the location influences the clustering of ethnic subgroups, flow, and street gathering in the urban subsystem of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ Diagram 4.6: Public transport entry and exit points in the ‘the immigrants’ place of getting together’

M1 Omonia

B4Peiraus Avenue T1Peiraus Avenue B1Menandrou B3Socrates B2Sophoclees

B5Kumunduru

M3 Thysseio n

M2 Monastiraki

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4.4.3.1.2. Topological properties of Omonoia in the metro network of Athens As we observe on Map 4.2, the metro station of Omonoia is situated within 10 minutes walking from the ‘the immigrants’ place of getting together’ and therefore can be considered as the major entry and exit point to the location by metro. The topological properties of Omonoia in the metro network of Athens are: Eccentricity, (e Omonoia) 16 Degree, (deg Omonoia) 4 Betweenness (b Omonoia) 3: Bracketing pairs: {Metaxourgeio-Panepistimio}, {Victoria-Monastiraki}, {Metaxourgeio- Monastiraki} We observe that Omonoia presents high ‘centrality’, although it is not the center of the network, high ‘degree’ and high ‘between ness’. We consider these topological properties of the location in the metro network of Athens as contributing conditions to its accessibility. Map 4.3: Topographic network of Athens metro

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4.4.3.2. Identification of conditions contributing to the establishment of immigrants’ facilities We observe, within the location, a variety of interiors that would not qualify as commercial or religious spaces for indigenous (Greek) groups, but that are available to accommodate a range of immigrant facilities: stores, enterprises, civic associations and places of worship. These spaces present ‘establishment potential’, since they are financially accessible to immigrant businessmen, as well as to civic and religious associations. In this section we identify two properties that contribute to the ‘establishment potential’ of available interiors: •

Diversity in economic yield with respect to size and type of interior

•

Accessibility from sidewalk

We explain diversity in economic yield of available interior spaces in accordance with diversity of interior type and size. Diversity in type and size of interiors is the result of the wide range of building types present in the area, inherited historically as a result of the building code and economic conditions. It can be organized into four basic categories: •

Apartment blocks which have minimum of three floors and constitute the majority of the buildings constructed after the 1960s

•

Houses that that have no more than two floors and are remains of the period prior to the 1960s

•

Stores of one floor that concentrate around the central municipal market

•

Public buildings — the best example of which comprises Diplareion Megaron, which encompasses an entire building block

Table 4.8: Types of buildings where immigrant facilities have been established (Section 8.5) Number

Type of building

Apartment block

House

Store

Public building

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Immigrant facilities established in interiors of the four building types range between standard shops and non-standard commercial spaces: residual spaces within apartment blocks, basements, mezzanine or storages, apartments or offices. It is noteworthy that immigrant stores and enterprises occupy a significant amount of non-standard commercial spaces and particularly basements. Places of worship and civic associations have been established in apartments or office spaces within apartment blocks. Table 4.9: Types of interiors where immigrant facilities have been established (Section 8.5) Number

Type of interiors of established facilities

Standard Shop

Basement

Apartment

Office

Storage

Ground floor of house

Mezzanine

Total non-standard commercial spaces

The size of the available interior spaces presents a wide range with respect to surface size. According to our sample the majority of interiors that house immigrant facilities are less than 40 m2, and thus relatively small.

Table 4.10: Surface of interiors where immigrant facilities have been established (Section 8.5) Number

Size of interior

S: Between 10-20 m

L: More than 40m

M: Between 20-40 m

XS: Less than 10m

z75

Total smaller than 40m

Given the fact that a significant amount of facilities are established in non-standard commercial interiors, accessibility of interior to the sidewalk is one criterion that contributes to establishment potential that we may consider as a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;necessary conditionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Diversity of interior types results in both diversity of types of access and diversity in distance between facility interior and sidewalk. We observe diversity of types of intervening spaces between facility interiors and the sidewalk (Table 4.11 and Diagram 4.7) as combinations of elementary building circulation spaces (such as lobbies, corridors and

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stairwells) with the network of public spaces (such as the sidewalk, sidewalk arcade or gallery). We can measure the topological distance of the facility interior to the sidewalk as ‘depth’. The majority of facility interiors present shallow depth from the sidewalk (Table 4.11),

which we can consider as an advantage of facilities established in basements that

counterbalances the lack of shop windows. However, there are also a substantial number of facilities settled in interiors, which present deep depth from the sidewalk (Table 4.11).

Table 4.11: Topological distance of interiors of immigrant facilities from sidewalk (Section 8.5) Number

Intervening space between interior and sidewalk

Depth

Entrance

Gallery

Entrance-steps

Sidewalk arcade

Lobby-entrance

Lobby-entrance-sidewalk arcade

Entrance-corridor-stairwell-lobby

Steps-entrance-sidewalk arcade

Corridor-stairwell-elevator-lobby

Corridor-stairwell-elevator-lobby-doorstep-sidewalk arcade

Corridor-stairwell-lobby-sidewalk arcade

Total shallow depth

1-2

Total deep depth

3-5

In conclusion, we can state that diversity of building types — and consequently of interior types and sizes — contributes to the presence of available interiors with diverse economic yield financially accessible to immigrants. Typological diversity results in a significant number of interiors that are non-standard commercial spaces and an abundance of interiors smaller than 40 m2, of low financial value. In this respect, one condition that contributes to the establishment of immigrants’ facilities is the presence of available interiors that are of small size, and that are non-standard commercial spaces, yet which maintain short topological distance (shallow depth) from the sidewalk. The intervening spaces between facility interior and sidewalk, have been observed to accommodate social interaction. We will discuss the ‘appropriation potential’ of the intervening spaces, between located facilities and the sidewalk, further in the section of street gatherings.

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Diagram 4.7: Types and â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;depthâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of interiors of immigrant facilities

doorstep

doorstep-steps

gallery

lobby-dorstep-steps

doorstep-sidewalk arcade

lobby-doorstep-sidewalk arcade

corridor-stairwell-lobby-steps

steps-doorstep-sidewalk arcade

stairwell-lobby-sidewalk arcade

corridor-stairwell-lobby-doorstep-sidewalk arcade

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4.4.3.3. Identification of conditions contributing to the evocation of ambience of home country Activities associated with the evocation of ambience of immigrants’ home country to which morphological properties of the spatial envelopes contribute fall into the category of ‘stylistic appropriation’ and include: •

The Display of messages, signs, logos and merchandise

•

The Decoration by Color, figures or patterns

We will reconsider topological and metric properties of the spatial envelopes of immigrant facilities as contributing conditions to above-mentioned activities.

We have observed that immigrants’ stylistically appropriate the available surfaces by the entry of the facility interior as well as surfaces in the intervening spaces between facility interior and sidewalk (Diagram 4.7). In topological terms these spaces constitute ‘intervening locations’ between entry points and target locations. In this respect we can consider topological ‘betweenness’ as a property of the available surfaces that contributes to their ‘stylistic appropriation’.

The most striking example of stylistic appropriation of elements of the ‘streetscape’ is the case of sidewalk arcades. (Illustration 4.1) In many cases street markets take place in the sidewalk arcades, using the floor or the enclosing walls to display merchandise. In the cases of restaurants, hairdressers or civic associations the blank walls enclosing the length of the arcade are painted with bright colours or murals. Sidewalk arcades are shaped as large ‘urban niches’ aligned with columns on the side of the street ad defined by the facade containing entrances to facility interiors and the blank walls of the adjacent buildings. These blank walls manifest a minimum width of 3 meters and a maximum height of 7meters and provide adequate surface for immigrants ‘self expressive graffiti’ (Zeisel 1976).

Further the typical sidewalk arcade columns are rectangular and consist of four

sides of minimum 30 centimetres width. Their presence provides extra surfaces for immigrants to place signs and posters. In this respect the presence of rectangular columns of minimum 30 centimetres and of blank circumscribing walls in sidewalk arcades, contribute to the evocation of ambience of immigrants home country.

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Illustration 4.1: Stylistic appropriation of walls circumscribing sidewalk arcades

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4.4.3.4. Identification of conditions contributing to contributing to the clustering of ethnic subgroups In this section we investigate the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ as urban subsystem and engage exclusively in topological analysis at level of street patterns. We intend to identify topological properties of the network of immigrants activity locations that contribute to the presence of ‘ethnic sub-clusters’ within the multiethnic territory of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’.

On the basis of the registration of immigrants’ facilities and street gatherings (Diagram 4.9) we produce a topographic network N(L1,…L37) (Diagram 4.10) and a compact graph G (L1,…L37) (Diagram 4.12) representing locations of concentration of immigrants’ activity as nodes. These nodes are labeled, distinguishing between the major ethnic groups established in the location (Table 4.4) and comprise bundle locations (Table 4.12). Their ‘degree’ of branching indicates the amount of facilities and street gatherings that have been observed in the particular micro-location. For example, the location of 9 Geraniou Street, where 19 facilities have been established primarily by Nigerians(13) and Sudanese(3) but also by Bangladeshi(1) and Pakistani(1) and where street-gatherings are repeatedly observed is represented as node L4 and labelled: L4 {G3, G9, G1, G4 / 19f, sg}

Diagram 4.8: Bundle location L4

L4 {G3,G9,G1,G4/ 19f, sg}

We also indicate locations of entry to the urban subsystem (Lin) at the points of public transport (Diagram 4.6).

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Diagram 4.9: Identification of immigrant activity bundle locations

L27 L2 L3 L26 L4 L25

L23

L5 L24

L31

L6 L22 L21

L32

L8 L20 L10

L28 L33 L37 L19

L29 L30

L11

L18

L12 L13

L31

L16 L17

L34

L14

L15

161

L35

Table 4.12: Labels of bundle locations of the immigrant activity network Location

Ethnic Groups

Facilities

Street gatherings

L12

L13

L29

L15

L16

G1, G2

L33

G1, G2

L14

G1, G2

L30

G1, G2

L11

G1, G4

L17

G1,G2

L28

G1,G2,G6

L25

G1,G2,G8

sg sg

5f sg

G1,G3

L32

G1,G4

L23

G1,G4, G9

L19

L31

L10

L35

G3,G9, G1, G4

19f

L34

L26

L27

sf sg

L19

G4, G2,G1

L20

G4,G1, G2

L20

G4,G1,G2

L21

G4,G3,G8,G1,G2

L22

G4,G5,G6,G8

L24

G5, G4

L37

sg 1f

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Diagram 4.10: Topographic network of immigrant activity locations N (L1,â&#x20AC;Ś37)

Li1 {metro, bus, trolley}

L27 L2 L3 L26 L4 L25 L31

L23

L5 L24 L6

Li 5 L22 L21

L32 L9

L20

L28

L7 L8 Li6

L10

L33 L37

L19 L11

L29 L30

L18

L31

L16 L34

L17

L14

Li4 {bus}

L15

Li3 {metro, bus}

Li2 {metro}

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Diagram 4.11: Major ethnic subgraphs of N(L1,â&#x20AC;Ś37)

SG1: Bangladeshi

SG2: Chinese

Li1 {metro, bus, trolley}

L4 L25

L25

L23 Li 5{bus} L32

L23

Li 5{bus} L31

L21 L21

Li6 {bus}

L20

L28

Li6 {bus}

L20

L28 L19

L33

L29

L33

L11

L19

L29

L18

L30

L12

L18

L30

L13

L16

L16 L31

L17 L14 Li4 {bus}

L14 Li4 {bus}

L15 Li3 {metro, bus}

Li2 {metro}

SG3: Nigerian

SG4: Pakistani

Li1 {metro, bus, trolley}

L27 L2 L3 L26

L4 L23 Li 5{bus}

Li 5{bus} L32

L22

L7 L35 L21 L10

L24 L32 L9

L21

Li6 {bus}

L20 L19 L11 L18

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Any graph can be further analyzed in subgraphs. A subgraph of G is a graph having all of its nodes and edges in G (Buckley and Harary 1990:9). We explore subgraphs (Diagram 4.11) of each of the four major ethnic groups in the immigrant cluster and examine for each case: 1.

Rows in ethnic subgraphs

Central locations or path centers for each ethnic subgraph

Alternative paths for each subgraph

Locations of high betweenness in each subgraph

4.4.3.4.1. Bangladeshi subgraph (sG1) The facilities of the Bangladeshi group (G1) are dispersed along every street in this urban subsystem. The Bangladeshi Subgraph sG1 includes three distinct rows, which are L19, L33, L28, L29, L30 and L11, L12, L13, L15 and L23, L21, L20, L19, L18, L17 as well as the cycle L11, L18, L19, L20. Therefore there are 4 alternative paths in the Bangladeshi subgraph sG1. It is noteworthy that row L11, L12, L13, L15 is exclusively Bangladeshi. Locations L29, L33, L12 and L15 are the oldest Bangladeshi facility locations (Map 1.3). In this respect we could argue that all facility locations between L29 and L15 along the two alternative paths L29, L30, L31, L17, L16, L15 and L29, L28, L33, L19, L20, L11, L12, L13 have emerged as intervening opportunities. The center of subgraph sG1 is L19 (eL19=4). Location L19 presents very high concentration of street gatherings. L11 (Theatre Square) despite the absence of any immigrant facilities presents high concentration of street gatherings. We can explain the fact by the locationsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; high betweenness in the Bangladeshi subgraph bL11=3 as it is an intervening location between bracketing pairs of {L12-L20}, {L12-L18}, {L12-L32}. Further L11 presents shallow depth of from the center of sG1, as well as from Bangladeshi concentration location L12, dL18=L19=2 and L12=1.

4.4.3.4.2. Chinese subgraph (sG2) The facilities of the Chinese group (G2) are distributed mainly along three streets. The Chinese sub graph (sG2) contains three major rows L23, L21, L20, L19, L18 and L30, L29, L28, L33, L19 and L31, L16, L14. Therefore we identify 3 alternative paths in sG2. Location L19 is the center of the Chinese subgraph with eL19=4. The locations that present highest betweenness in sG2 are L19 bL19=3 and bL21=3.

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4.4.3.4.3. Nigerian subgraph (sG3) The facilities and street gatherings, of the Nigerian group (G3) concentrate in their majority along Geraniou Street. The Nigerian sub graph of (sG3) includes two distinct rows L1, L2, L3, L4, L5, L6, L7, L10 and L35, L32, L21. Therefore there are 2 alternative paths in sG3. Location L4 is the central node of this subgraph as it has minimum eccentricity value eL4=3. L4 presents equal topological distance from entry locations Li1, Li6, Li5 that is depth (L4-Li1)=3 as well as the highest degree of branching (Diagram 4.2). Historically L4 is the oldest Nigerian facility in the area (Map 1.3) Considering Li1 (Omonoia) as the major entry point to sG1 we can explain the emergence of street gathering and facilities locations L2, L3 and L1 as intervening locations between Li1 and L4. The growth(Map 1.3) of the Nigerian subgraph occurs with minimum distance from L4, by producing subsequent bracketing pairs (L3,L6) and (L1,L7) confirming the high potential of intervening locations, between L4 and Li1. We can observe that the peripheral property of L4 in graph G as well as the existence of alternative paths between Li1 and Pha ( L22,..L19) contributes to the privacy of the Nigerian group.

4.4.3.4.4. Pakistani subgraph (sG4) The facilities of the Pakistani group (G4) are concentrated in their majority along Menandrou and Sophocles streets. The Pakistani subgraph (sG4) includes two major rows L26, L23, L22, L21, L20, L18, and L22, L32, L9. We can also register two cycles, a closed walk between L11, L18, L19, L20 and L22, L23, L24, L32. Therefore sG4 has 4 alternative paths. Location L22 comprises the center of sG4 with eL22=4. Location L22 responds to the street crossing of Menandrou and Sophocles streets. Further Location L22 presents high betweenness in sG4 that is bL22=2 Table 4.14: Topological properties of subgraphs of G Ethnic Subgraphs of G

Rows

Center

Alternative paths

High betweenness

sG1: Bangladeshi

L19

L19:3, L11:4

sG2: Chinese

L19

L19:3, L21:3

sG3: Nigerian

L7:3

sG4: Pakistani

L22

L22:2, L9:2, L19:3

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In conclusion we can state that the following topological properties of the network of immigrant activity locations contribute to the clustering of ethnic subgroups: Rows Concentrations of activities of each ethnic groups form ‘rows’. Considering the evolution of the immigrant subclusters (Map 1.3) we can state that these ‘rows’ of facilities are formed maintaining minimum distance from the oldest activity locations.

Alternative paths Subgraphs of ethnic sub-clusters present 2 or more alternative ‘paths’. Alternative ‘paths’ contribute to the privacy of ethnic groups. Alternative paths also multiply the possibilities for facility establishment contributing to subcluster intensification.

Central and Peripheral locations ‘Central paths’ and ‘central locations’ have high community value in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ a whole; they are locations of multi-ethnic concentration. ‘Peripheral locations’ contribute to the privacy of the ethnic groups.

4.4.3.5. Identification of conditions contributing to pedestrian flow In this section we continue with the investigation of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ as urban subsystem engaging exclusively in topological analysis at the level of street patterns in order to identify conditions contributing to pedestrian flow. As immigrants access the location primarily by public transport we can state a priori that pedestrian flow in the urban subsystem is constrained by the locations of public transport entry points. We intend to demonstrate that there are specific locations of immigrant activity concentration that appear to ‘attract’ pedestrian flow. We investigate the topological properties of these locations within the network of immigrant activity locations and identify the presence of alternative paths leading to these locations. In this perspective we investigate the structural properties of the G (L1,…L37).

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Rows-Paths The path of the highest activity concentration of graph G is Pha (L22, L21, L20, L19, L18), as it includes facilities of all ethnic groups and the largest street gathering locations L22 and L19. The path lies at the intersection of all paths of ethnic subgroups. We can consider locations L21, L20 as intervening locations in the bracketing pair [L22, L19]. Cycles There are three closed walks in the immigrant cluster graph G. Ca(L22, L32, L9, L10, L11, L20, L21, L22) Cb(L20, L11, L18, L19, L20) Cc(L11, L12, L13, L34, L16, L18, L11) Path Pha belongs to cycle Cab (L22, L32, L9, L10, L11, L18, L19, L20, L21, L22) Central nodes Cluster graph G has diameter d(G)16 and radius r(G)9. The center of cluster graph G is L10, with eccentricity eL10=9. However, L10 is not a point of very high â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;immigrant activity concentrationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. The locations with highest immigrant activity concentration are L22, L19, and L4, which, as we have analyzed above, comprise the centers of the ethnic subgraphs of Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese and Nigerian. If we speculate flow along paths of ethnic subgroups, we can demonstrate that three locations are attractors and therefore constrain pedestrian flow. We identify the presence of alternative paths to these locations. L22 (crossing of Sophocles and Menandrou streets) is a central node of graph G with eccentricity eL22=10. The depth of L22 from the cluster entry points are dL22Li1=4, dL22Li5=1, dL22li6=5, dL22Li2=8 and dL22Li4=DL22Li3=4. L22 best accessibility from Li5, Li1, and Li5.There are two alternative paths between entry locations Li1 and L22, P(Li1, L22)a:Li1, L1, L2, L3, L4, L5, L6, L7, L8, L9, L32, L22 and P(Li1, L22)b:Li1, L26, L23, L22. The existence of alternative paths bifurcates flow from Li1 to L22, the center of Pakistani subgraph. Location L22 manifests primarily high amount of street gatherings and some facilities; its degree of branching is 8. L19 (crossing of Sapphous and Menandrou streets) is a central node of graph G with eccentricity eL19=11 and is the center of Chinese and Bangladeshi subgraphs. The depth of L19 from public transport entry points are dL19Li1=7, dL19Li5=4, dL19li6=7, dL22Li2=5 and dL22Li4=3, dL22Li3=3. L19 has best accessibility from Li3, Li3, and Li5.There are two alternative paths between entry locations Li4 and L19 P(Li4,L19)a:Li4, L30, L29, L28, L33, L36 and P(Li4,L19)b: Li4, L31, L18, L19. The existence of alternative

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paths bifurcates flow from Li4 to L19. Location L19 manifests even amount of street gatherings and facilities; its degree of branching is 8. L4 is the center of the Nigerian subgraph. However, in graph G, L4 is a peripheral node as eL4=13. The depth of L4 from public transport entry points are dL4Li1=4, dL4Li5=6, dL4li6=5, dL4Li2=12, dL4Li4=13, dL4Li3=10. Location L4 has best accessibility from Li1. There is only one path between Li1 and L4, a fact that contributes to concentrated flow through the location. Location L4 manifests the highest amount of facilities in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’; its degree of branching is 20. We have identified three major constraints of pedestrian flow in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. These are locations manifest high concentration of immigrant activity – that is facilities and street gatherings-with a minimum degree of branching of 8. Two of them manifest high betweenness and high centrality. Due to the presence of many public transport entry points in the urban subsystem all locations manifest shallow depth. Diagram 4.12: Compact graph of immigrant activity locations G (L1,…37) Li1 {metro, bus, trolley}

L27

L2 L3

L26

L25

L5 L6

L23 L31Li 5{bus} L24 L22 L32 L9 L21

L33

L37

L7 L35 L8

L20

L10

Li6 {bus}

L19 L11

L28 L18

L12

L29 L31

L13

L30

L16

L34

L17

L14

Li4 {bus}

L15

Li3 {metro, bus} Li2 {metro}

Table 4.15: Topological properties of attractors of flow in G (L1,…L37). Constraints of flow in G

Centrality

Depth

Degree of branching

Bracketing pairs

L22: Menandrou and Sophocles

eL22=10

Shallow

8 (4f, 4sg)

L19: Menandrou and Sapphous

eL19=11

Shallow

8 (5f, 3sg)

L4: 9 Geraniou Street

eL4=13

Shallow

20 (19f, 1sg)

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4.4.3.6. Identification of conditions contributing to street gathering In this section we investigate conditions contributing to the occurrence of street gatherings in the location of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. We engage in micro-locational analysis at the level of urban spaces and objects as well analysis of the urban subsystem at the level of street patterns with the intention to identify topological and metric properties of street gathering locations that contribute to their spontaneous appropriation. We initiate with a micro-locational example and identify topological properties that provide opportunities for street gatherings. On the basis of our empirical observation we reconstruct sequential events related to the use of an immigrant facility: the calling centre — a case typical in the area of study. We represent this sequence of activities by a directed graph, which consists of nodes (that are activity locations) and edges (that are transitions from one activity location to another indicating direction). We overlay the directed graph on the plan of the spaces where the sequence of activities occurs and acquire a labeled location graph that includes information about the kind of activities occurring in the particular micro-locations. Diagram 4.13: Activity graph and labelled location graph of the use of calling center. F

B E D

C G

L1 {A}

Li {A}

{B} {C}

L2 {B,C}

{G}

{D} {E} {F}

L3 {G}

L6 L7

L4 {D,E,F}

Lj {D,E,F}

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Nodes A,B,C,D,E,F,G indicate locations where the following formal and informal activities associated with the calling centre take place: A: arrive at calling centre location B: park motorcycle C: greet fellow country people hanging around the store D: enter and exit calling centre E: interact with cashier of calling centre F: make long distance call G: discuss with a friend who is also coming to use the calling centre

The concepts of ‘adjacency’ and ‘connectedness’ can aid the understanding of the formation of activity sequences in space. In the case of the calling centre the graph of sequential activities is ‘connected’ and includes the following sets of adjacent activities: {A,B}, {B,C}, {C,D}, {D,E}, {E,F}, {F,E}, {E,D}, {D,G}, {G,B}

We construct a location graph of the spaces accommodating the sequence of activities, by projecting the specific activity locations in space and formulating a path. Locations are labeled to reflect information about activity that occurs there that corresponds to the registered activity sequence. The spaces where the activities occur are: L1: street L2, L3: sidewalk arcade L4: lobby L5: doorstep L6: cashier L7: cabin

We can also represent this sequence as a compact graph, where L2 and L4 contain a nested sub graph of locations. Finally, we represent the activity sequence as ‘flow’, determining departure Li and arrival Lj locations. In this case Li: street and Lj: calling centre. Location L2 and L3 are intervening locations on the path between Li and Lj. We observe that informal interaction occurs in these intervening locations. In this case the sidewalk arcade and the lobby, which are the intervening locations between the street and the facility interior, are ‘conductive to informal interaction’(Tzonis et all 1987) on account of their topological properties.

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As we have elaborated earlier (Section 4.4.3.2) there is great amount and variety of ‘intervening locations’ locations between facility interiors and the sidewalk. In this respect we can argue that the presence of ‘intervening locations’ between facility interiors and the sidewalk are contributing conditions to street gathering and informal interaction in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’.

We expand on the topological notion of intervening locations and the complementing concept of betweenness addressing the scale of the urban sub-system. Theatre Square is represented (Diagram 4.12) in the graph of immigrant activity locations G (L1,…37) by the node L11. Despite the absence of immigrant facilities L11 frequently accommodates street gatherings because of its high betweenness and proximity to locations of highest activity concentration. L11 belongs to cycle Cab and manifests betweenness bL11=4 of bracketing pairs {L12,L10}, {L12,L19}, {L20,L10}, {L20,L19}. L11 presents shallow depth d(L11,L19)=2 from L19 which is a major attractor of flow in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’. Location L2 which contains no immigrant facilities bL2=3 yet regularly accommodates street gatherings presents betweenness of bracketing pairs {L1,L27}, {L1,L3}, {L3,L27} and shallow depth d(L2,L4)=2 from location L4 which is a location of high activity concentration. In this respect we could add high ‘betweenness’ and shallow ‘depth’ of a location to the morphological properties contributing to the occurrence of street gatherings in the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’.

Further on in this section we examine the shapes and sizes of the available ‘open spaces’ and ‘urban objects’ that populate the particular ‘streetscape’ of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ intending to identify their metric properties that contribute to the occurrence of street gatherings.

The most prominent property of this streetscape is its morphological diversity, which results from the chronologically stratified aggregation of building types in the area. Open spaces are associated with particular building types; sidewalk arcades are standard elements of apartment blocks; and doorsteps are common in old houses and shops. We observe a ‘polymorph’ urban void that constantly changes its profile along its linear dimensions(Diagram 4.14).

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Diagram 4.14: Immigrant Activity locations (L1,..37) on urban void plan

L27 L2 L3 L26 L25 L31

L22 L32 L21

L35 L8

L20

L28

L5 L6

L23 L24

L10

L33 L37 L19 L11

L29 L30

L18

L12 L13 L16

L31 L17

L34

L14

L15

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•

Sidewalk arcades occur incidentally, leading to circumscribed spaces open only onto the street, large urban niches that contain entrances to facility interiors. In most cases these spaces are spontaneously appropriated by street gatherings group gatherings (L18, L4, L21, L5, L15, L11, l13, L17). The space provided by sidewalk arcades allows parking motorbikes that, when parked, provide sitting surfaces, operating as ad hoc mobile street furniture. In many cases street markets take place in the sidewalk arcades, using the floor or the enclosing walls to display merchandise. The variety of ‘urban niches’ resulting from circumscribed sidewalk arcades is a prominent characteristic of the particular streetscape(Diagram 4.14).

•

Gallery passages add to the diversity of open space types. Being linear spaces that provide alternative paths, they are mostly occupied by street gatherings at their entrances (L9, L32) (Diagram 4.14).

•

Elongated lobbies in apartment blocks resemble gallery passages (L4) (Diagram 4.14).

We analyze the shapes of streets in three standard shapes: street segments, crossings and T-junctions. Street segments are open on two sides, allowing circulation between; crossings are open on four sides; and segments on three. While appropriation of street segments relies on proximity to facilities, street crossings and junctions are usually appropriated on account of their increased visibility (L2, L22, L19) (Diagram 4.14).

‘Polymorphy’ of the streetscape is evident at the micro-scale (Illustration 4.3), and contributes to street gatherings by accommodating individual activities associated with them, providing surfaces for standing, sitting and leaning, all of which can be spontaneously appropriated. Particularly: •

The older buildings that present a highly appropriable ‘urban poche’ with steps, ledges, windowsills and doorsteps providing surfaces for sitting. Two cases of public buildings (L11 and L18) facilitate spontaneous appropriation due to their manifold poche. Most vertical surfaces — walls and columns — are covered with posters aiding information exchange.

•

Parked cars that line the street thoroughfare. Although cars are non-fixed urban objects, their constant presence renders them a permanent element of the street profile, providing surfaces for sitting, leaning, putting things on, or displaying and

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storing products. In this respect we can acknowledge the parked vehicles us multifunctional public space elements (L19, L11). •

The space between parked cars and the exterior walls of buildings — especially in the case of narrow sidewalks — is another type of circumscribed open space that accommodates small group gatherings. Such space is open at two sides, allowing flow through, and closed on the other two, providing surfaces for leaning or sitting (L29).

•

Traffic barriers are also objects that accommodate sitting or leaning on. We observe two standard shapes according to their age: the oldest are tubular frames with a horizontal edge, while the newest are reversed cones or cylinders with a flat circular top (L2, L19). While there is a distinct absence of urban furniture, traffic signs and rubbish dispensers are common.

•

Rubbish dispensers are large, man-size and are sometimes used for leaning against.

•

Traffic signs are also man-size and are sometimes used as center points of small gatherings, people holding onto the tubular base while standing around.

The dimensions of the elements of the streetscape are relatively small(Table 4.13). Streets are mostly narrow or of medium width and always aligned with parked cars on at least one side. Blocks are short; street crossings and junctions are frequent. Streets of medium and narrow width allow contact with opposite sidewalks. In most cases crowds and group gatherings move between both sides of the street. In the narrowest of streets the visual field spans the facility interior and the edge of the opposite sidewalk. Street gatherings occur between the interior, the doorstep of the facility, the adjacent sidewalk and the opposite side of the street. Wide streets separate appropriation spaces for each sidewalk. Although visual contact is made across wide streets, distance and traffic — since wider streets have more lanes — prevent cross-street interactions. The length of the street does not seem to inhibit appropriation spaces. We can hypothesize that the longer the street, the more opportunities for appropriation locations. Table 4.16: Dimensions of pedestrian paths Pedestrian paths Street Sidewalk Sidewalk arcade Gallery passage

Height 5 5

Width (m) approx Narrow Medium 3-4 4-6 0.6-1 1-1.5 2 3 2 3

Wide 6-9 1.5-3 4 5

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Length (m) approx Maximum Minimum 210 43 210 22 85 10 27 10

Diagram 4.15: Minimum dimensions of available surfaces for street gatherings

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Reduced width of sidewalk does not discourage street gatherings (Diagram 4.15). Even in the narrowest sidewalks, especially when they are adjacent to facilities, gatherings take place. The narrowest sidewalk of 0.6 meters performs, when it includes car obstacles, as a seat, allowing the adjacent wall to operate as a backrest. Very high concentration of people has been observed in the cases of very narrow sidewalks. Particularly in the case of the sidewalk in Menandrou 6 (L19) the density of street gatherings has been observed to reach 6 people per square meter allowing an available floor area of 0.16m2 per person.

Illustration 4.2: Minimum available floor area for a street gathering

The width of the sidewalk arcade aids the accommodation of group gatherings. However, increased length affects the property of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;urban nicheâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; negatively. In the longest arcades we observe linear sequences of street markets and few small group gatherings. The width of gallery passage provides possibilities for incidental group gatherings at the entrances. The widest passage allows group gatherings on opposite sides of the arcade.

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Illustration 4.3: Visual essay displaying contribution of streetscape objects to street gatherings window sill

ledge

permanently parked car

cars in Theatre square

doorstep

steps

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bollard

bollards and older traffic barriers

electricity box

sidewalk arcade column

combination of wall, very narrow sidewalk and traffic barriers

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4.5. Structure of descriptive-explanatory model of the immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; place of getting together in Athens

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4.6. Provisional descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place We can come to some provisional conclusions concerning the descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place, which we will subsequently put to test:

The model considers as Overriding Performance of an emergent place its ability

to confirm the particular groupsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; identity. 2.

The model identifies as intermediary Performance of an emergent place the

satisfaction of group norms: goals, values and beliefs that constitute the particular group identity. 3.

The model identifies the essential Operation, intra-group interaction that

satisfies intermediary group norms. 4.

The model identifies the intermediary Operation; the system of associated

activities, individual and collective, constraining intra-group interaction. 3.

The model identifies and represents the spatial envelopes of the system of

associated activities constraining group interaction. Sequences of activities are represented by directed activity graphs and superimposed on plans, lead to activity location graphs or topographic networks. 5.

The model identifies Morphological, that is topological and metric properties of

the spatial envelopes that contribute to the system of activities associated with intragroup interaction by analysis of activity location graphs and topographic networks. 5.

The model addresses three scales of investigation; the urban-regional, the scale of the urban and the micro-locational scale.

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5. Case study 2: Testing the descriptive - explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place on the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’)

In the previous chapter we developed the first generation of provisional conclusions about the descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place upon the basis of empirical findings of case study 1. In this chapter we test the provisional model, investigating a second emergent place in a real-setting situation. The ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’, is a place that has emerged during the past decade as local skateboarders appropriated the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium in Tilburg. This second case study intends to demonstrate that the hypothesized descriptiveexplanatory model is fundamentally competent to capture another instant of the phenomenon of emergent places.

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5.1. Introduction to case study 2 Tilburg is an industrial city located in the south of The Netherlands, in the province of Brabant, with a population of 198,797. Among the 44,141 15- to 29-year olds (22% of the population), skateboarding is rather popular (Tilburg Gemeente 2004). The municipality has provided two official skateparks, the Tilburg Bowls, comprising ‘3 cement bowls (1 deep and 2 shallow) with steel coping and some streetish obstacles around them’, located in Reeshofpark, and the Tilburg Spoorlaan, which includes ‘quarter pipe, pyramid, big hip, 1

flat grindbar, spine jumpramp, long low ledge’ , located in the city center at the corner of Spoorlaan and Gasthuisring. Nevertheless, Tilburg’s skateboarders skate in numerous other places in the city that are known, between local skaters, as ‘freestyle’ spots. Tilburg’s freestyle skate spots are architectural objects: parts of buildings or monuments on which skaters perform tricks and which, accordingly, bear pet names in local skaters’ parole. According to people who work at the skateshop, Curbs (Section 8.2. Interview 1), popular freestyle skate spots in Tilburg include: 1.

The public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium aka ‘the clust’

The fountain in front of Tilburg City Hall aka ‘fountain gap’

The stairs in Queen’s Square (Konningplein)

The stairs at the home for the elderly in Noordhoekring aka ‘opa stairs’

The entrance of CZ company headquarters aka ‘the ledge’

6. The entrance of Tilburg Katholic University aka ‘wheelie platform’ Of all the freestyle skate spots in Tilburg, the most popular is the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium, pet-named, in skaters’ parole, as ‘the clust’, and which has been a successful skate spot ever since the completion of the building’s construction.

http://www.skateboarding.nu/skateparks/thenetherlands_south.html"Tilburg skateparks."

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The building complex of Tilburg’s Arts cluster (Kunstcluster in Dutch) was designed by well renowned Dutch architect Jo Coenen and was completed in 1996. The building complex includes Brabant’s Conservatorium, a conservatory and dance academy, as well as academies for art and architecture (Coenen 1996). The arts cluster is located on the street where Tilburg’s major civic buildings are concentrated: the town hall, church, theatre and opera. The public grounds of the arts cluster comprise an elevated podium and courtyard that link this street with the remains of the garden of a medieval monastery. This public space, which is officially considered as a city square (Zwisenplein), contains the entrances to the Brabant’s Conservatorium and the City Concert Hall as well as the academy canteen and library. Illustration 5.1: Plan of the Brabant’s Conservatorium in Tilburg (source Coenen 1996)

The public grounds host a diversity of user groups: users that are institutionally linked with the building — such as teachers and students, visitors to the canteen and the library or the audience of the concert hall — and users that fall into the definitive category of research — the ‘urban groups without a place’: skateboarders, bmx cyclists, roller skaters and teenagers hanging out. Each user group has been observed to occupy distinct parts of the public grounds. During the observation workshop with students of Tilburg Academy for Architecture and Urbanism we mapped the distinct locations that all user groups occupy in the Brabant’s Conservatorium public grounds. Skateboarders were observed to occupy the front and the side of the podium. As I later discovered this was the part of the building where skateboarding was not prohibited. All user groups frequent the public grounds on various daily and weekly cycles that sometimes coincide. Skateboarders were mostly present in the weekend. However in weekdays skateboarders arrived in their afternoon break from school.

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Illustration 5.2: Cumulative recording of the users of Brabant’s Conservatorium public grounds during the course of one week (Source: students of Tilburg Academy for Architecture and Urbanism)

Although their presence is not constant, and follows weekly cycles constrained by their social and age characteristics, skateboarders repeatedly gather and practice at ‘the clust’, which has acquired a reputation as the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’. For Tilburg skateboarders ‘the clust’ is a successful place that has endured through time and has taken on the ability to confirm the group’s particular identity. Further this ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ comprises a self-organized public space that has emerged by spontaneous appropriation within the open spaces of a building complex building designed for a different purpose. In this respect the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ aka ‘the clust’ fits the definitive category of research ‘emergent places for urban groups without a place’ and constitutes a sufficient test cases for the hypothesized model.

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5.2. Application of the hypothesized descriptiveexplanatory model of emergent places to the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) We intend to investigate this second case study according to the basic structure of the hypothesized descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places of urban groups without a place. In this perspective the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) will:

Consider as essential Performance of the ‘number one skatespot of Tilburg’ its

ability to confirm the skateboarder identity. 2.

Identify as intermediary Performance of the ‘number one skatespot of Tilburg’

the satisfaction of skateboarder norms: goals, values and beliefs that constitute skateboarder identity. 3.

Identify the essential Operation, skateboarders’ interaction that satisfies

intermediary norms. 4.

Identify the intermediary Operation; the system of associated activities,

individual and collective, supporting skateboarders’ interaction. 3.

Identify and represent the spatial envelopes of the system of associated activities

supporting skateboarders’ interaction. Sequences of activities will be represented by directed activity graphs and superimposed on plans, lead to activity location graphs or topographic networks. 5.

Identify Morphological -- that is topological and metric properties-- of the spatial

envelopes that contribute to the system of activities associated with skateboarder interaction by analysis of activity location graphs and topographic networks. 6.

Address three scales of investigation; the urban-regional, the scale of the urban

and the micro-locational scale.

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5.3. Development of the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’)

5.3.1. Performance As a ‘freestyle’ skate spot ‘the clust’ has endured for the past 8 years. During the course of this time it has taken on the ability to confirm Tilburg skateboarders’ identity. The successful performance of this emergent place is evident in the way Tilburg skateboarders talk about it.

We selectively refer to some of Tilburg skateboarders’ statements about ‘the clust’: ‘The clust is the number one skate spot in Tilburg’ ‘Its fun to skate in the clust’ ‘The clust has several challenges’ ‘The clust is smooth, and the smoother the better’ ‘It’s a good show off place’ ‘Everybody knows, everybody goes’

The ability of ‘the clust’ to confirm Tilburg skateboarders’ identity relies on the fact that the events that occur in this place satisfy skateboarders norms. In the next section we investigate the constituents of skateboarder identity, and identify skateboarders’ norms.

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5.3.1.1. Constituents of Skateboarder identity Skateboarders comprise a subculture, a ‘social world in which self-identifying values and appearances confront conventional codes of behavior’ (Hebdidge 1979 in Borden 2003: 137), which is predominantly male, crosses boundaries of social class and ethnicity, and is evident worldwide. The age group it covers ranges from children and teenagers to young adults. Skateboarding exhibits distinct style in music, graphics, magazines, websites, videos and clothes, as well as its own language (the skaters parole). However, the ‘cultural core’ of the subculture is the act of skateboarding (sk8); that ‘body-centric and multi-sensory performative activity’ (Borden 2003:229) of the body in motion which comprises a global body language of skate moves and which, particularly in the case of streetstyle skaters, is promoted as an act of ‘non-conformity’ (Borden 2003:244).

The skateboarders’ belief system revolves around play (fun), risk (challenge), togetherness, spontaneous aggression, experimentation, intense body experience, and the rejection of conformism. Skateboarding is not a sport determined by rules, but one that is improvisational and situational; a ‘creative, adaptive and relaxed play’ (Borden 2003:134). Skateboarding combines play with risk and intense body experience: the performance of spectacular tricks, the pumping of adrenaline and the sustaining of minor injuries are integral to it.

‘The skateboarders’ self-identity is predominantly based on the number and difficulty of the moves she or he performs’ (Borden 2003:121). However, the nature of skateboarding as a practice is collective, not only because individual skaters share a palette of achievable moves, but also because skaters enjoy to skate together in ‘sessions’ — a kind of informal competition among individuals that sometimes takes place under socially aggressive circumstances (Borden 2003:123). Finally, skateboarding stands for a non-conformist way of life, skateboarders rejecting social norms, such as the family, professional accomplishment and consumerism. Indeed, the freestyle street skating that took over from skateparks in the 1980s was promoted as an act of ‘urban guerilla’ (Borden 2003:177), comprising of spontaneous aggression manifest through marking, scratching, grinding and leaving traces of board paint on urban surfaces and objects (Borden 2003:208).

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A selection of quotes from various skateboarding magazines2 gives insight to skate subculture norms:

‘Just owning a skateboard doesn’t qualify one as a skater’

‘Making your board an extension of your body is control of your soul’

‘Life’s not a job, it’s an adventure’

‘In skating, nothing is defined, everything can be new. There are no laws’

‘Every time I get on the board, I’m trying to figure out something new’

‘The opposite of skateboarding is golf’

‘Thrashing is part of a lifestyle, a fast-paced feeling to fit this modern world. Thrashing is finding something and taking it to the ultimate limit — not dwelling on it, but using it to its fullest and moving on. Skateboarding has not yet reached its maximum potential, who can say what the limits are? To find out — Grab that board!…Remember, there are tons of asphalt and concrete being poured everyday, so — Grab that board!’

‘All that gravity sucks you down to the cement and makes you *** slam, it brings your aggression out…Blood. Getting hurt. Guys need to do that. Is a way of getting together to get agro with your friends.’

‘We are all like brothers. We fight like brothers, party like brothers, skate like brothers. We have a good time’

‘Skateboarding has survived on minimal intellect for years. Yeah!’

‘I attempt to make everything skateable — walls, curbs, ramps, whatever’

2 We owe the selection of quotes from skateboarder magazines such as “Trans World Skateboarding”, “Thrasher” etc. to Ian Borden (Borden 2003)

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‘Skaters can exist on the essentials of what is out their. Any terrain. For urban skaters the city is the hardware of their trip’

‘Benches, banks and smooth pavements are what skaters really like. Citizens use some of these elements everyday, almost to the point of excess, but still have no appreciation for the structure itself’

‘ Most people think handrails are for those with mobility problems. Christian Hosoi says they’re for ollie nose grinds’

‘A curb is an obstacle until you grind across it. A wall is but ledge until you drop off it. A cement bank is a useless slab of concrete until you shred it’

‘Each notch is evidence of endurance and determination, a message to those who would try and deter us. Each scuff is a marking of territory as surely as dogs piss on a fire hydrant’

‘Find it, grind it, leave it behind’

‘Skate and destroy’

Diagram 5.1: Intermediary norms that contribute to skateboarders’ sense of identity:

Skateboarders’ sense of identity

Fun

Experimentation

Challenge

Intense body experience

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Togetherness Non-conformism

5.3.2. Operation Interaction among skateboarders contributes to the satisfaction of norms that we have identified in the previous section. In this section we intend to identify interaction among skateboarders as well as the system of associated collective and individual activities supporting intra-group interaction, which occur in ‘the clust’.

5.3.2.1. Intra-Group interaction that contributes to skateboarders sense of identity The essential interaction among skateboarders that takes place in ‘the clust’ takes the form of ‘skate sessions’, meetings that combine individual practice, showing off tricks and informal competition between fellow skaters. We can understand the nature of skateboard sessions considering Ian Borden’s description: ‘The session format involves a group of skaters standing at the pool entrance or half-pipe platform, waiting for their ‘run’. As an informal queuing system (skaters do not stand in line), there is a rough understanding that each skater gets one run in turn; jumping this sequence is sometimes referred to as ‘snaking’… A skater exiting from a run then forms part of the audience for the next skater and so on.’ (Borden 2003:124) Skate sessions comprise the essential interaction among skateboarders as they satisfy all intermediary skateboarders norms; fun, experimentation, challenge, intense body experience, freedom of expression and togetherness.

We have observed that skate sessions in ‘the clust’ have a duration of 3-4hours, and may engage up to 10 skateboarders. During skate sessions, while waiting their ‘run’ and watching others practice, skateboarders socialize and exchange information. Information exchange between skateboarders includes learning new skate tricks and discussing about new skate spots. In addition to skate sessions, in the premises of ‘the clust’, skaters meet with their friends, ‘hang out’ with people of their own age group; and get to know other skaters. Thus, more than a skating terrain, ‘the clust’ also serves as a meeting point for

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Tilburg skateboarders as ‘everyone knows people are going to be there, so we all go there’ (Section 8.2. Interview 2).

Diagram 5.2: Social-cultural functions of ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) Performance

Operation Skateboarders’ norms

Interaction among skateboarders

Play

Skate sessions

(Fun) Hanging out Experimentation Meeting friends

Skateboarders’ sense of identity

Challenge (Risk) Exchange information Intense body experience

Togetherness

Non-conformism (Freedom of expression)

5.3.2.2. Activities supportive to intra-group interaction in the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’) In this section we will focus upon the activities that are associated with and support skateboarders intra- group interaction in ‘the clust’. We consider these activities as ‘intermediary contributing conditions’ to interaction among skateboarders and call them ‘intermediary operations’.

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5.3.2.2.1. Activities associated with skate sessions On the basis of empirical observations we have verified that a skate session comprises a system of associated activities that include: •

The ‘run’ — the accomplishment of a sequence of skate moves along a trajectory, and which can succeed or fail

•

Watching and commenting on other skaters ‘runs’

5.3.2.2.1.1. Skate ‘runs’ We have defined the ‘run’ as the accomplishment of a sequence of skate moves along a trajectory, which skaters call ‘tricks’. Every participant in a skate session accomplishes the same trick. Skate tricks consist of combinations of moves performed in a disciplined sequence that an outsider may naively describe as jumping, accelerating, breaking or simply skating, but which are, however, particularly meaningful to skaters as a body language that also becomes explicit in skaters’ parole. The inventory of skate tricks includes ‘airs’, ‘carves’, ‘grinds’, ‘manuals’, ‘ollies’, ‘flips’ and so on3. We have observed and gathered from interviews with skateboarders that the most popular tricks performed at ‘the clust’, are ‘ollies’ and ‘grinds’. The ‘Ollie’ is ‘a jump performed by tapping the tail of the board on the ground; the basis of most skating tricks’ (ww.exploratorium.edu 2003). It is the basic trick that every skater learns first. According to the interviews even absolute beginners ‘ollie’ the stairs in ‘the clust’ (Section 8.2. Interview 3). The ‘Grind’ comprises of ‘scraping one or both axles on a curb, railing, or other surface’(www.boardpass.com 2004). According to our interviews skaters state that ‘the clust’ has ‘very good grinds’ (Section 8.2. Interview 6). —referring to the edges of the steps and ledges on which they perform this trick. However as we have already mentioned ‘The clust has several challenges’ and enables skaters to perform a variety of tricks and combinations (Table 5.1). As one of the more experienced teenage skaters states: ‘The first thing you do on ‘the clust’ is to grind the steps. We can do every trick, now we combine. We grind, we ollie, do flips. We do nose grinds, 50-50 grinds, 5-0 grinds. We ollie and kickflip down the stairs. We ollie and grind the handrail. We do a manual down the ramp. We ollie, manual and drop off the ledge.’ (Section 8.2. Interview 5)

3 Skateboarding terminology is presented in Section 8.2.3.

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Table 5.1: Skate tricks performed at ‘the clust’ Gender Age Tricks Girl

14 ollie

Boy

13 new tricks

Boy

15 grinds ollies on stairs flips on stairs flat flips manuals combinations

Boy

13 grinds few flips ollies

Boy

14 kickflip backtail

Boy

13 ollie grind front step

5.3.2.2.1.2. Watching and commenting on ‘runs’ For skateboarders watching and commenting on other skateboarders’ performance while waiting to do a run, is as important as performing their own tick. These collective activities contribute to interaction among skaters besides the skate sessions, to the exchange of information. While waiting and watching, skaters find an opportunity to rest and refresh. Individual activities associated with watching and commenting are: •

Resting

•

Refreshing

•

Standing

•

Sitting

•

Leaning

•

Placing drinks

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5.3.2.2.2. Clustering of skateboarder subgroups The group of skateboarders frequenting ‘the clust’ comprises, is itself, a cluster; ‘a composition of actors that are accessible to each other’ (Tzonis 2004). Considering the definition of ‘clusters of innovation’ (Porter 1998) we could define as a ‘skate cluster’ the geographically proximate concentration of different groups of skateboarders that compete for social and physical space in the city of Tilburg. The ‘skate cluster’ of Tilburg includes skaters of different ages, experience, gender as well as social and cultural background. The public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium enable all these different groups of Tilburg skateboarders to interact. It has been observed that other youth subcultures occupy other parts of the public grounds where skateboarding in not allowed —bmx cyclists, roller skaters and teenagers hanging out. This clustering of subgroups contributes to skateboarders’ intra- and intergroup interaction. We have observed that skateboarders’ subgroup divisions manifest in ‘the clust’ by distinct territories of skate sessions. Skaters’ subgroups are territorial, claiming their own skate terrain, a fact confirmed by literature (Borden 2003:129). Younger and less experienced skaters usually practice earlier during the day and retreat as older and more experienced skaters arrive, then either moving to another skate spot within or outside ‘the clust’ or staying to watch others learning tricks. This way they are able ‘to motivate each other in skateboarding, as when you are on your own it is no fun’. (Section 8.2. Interview 2)

We have also observed skate sessions of two or three different groups of skateboarders

to concurrently occur in ‘the clust’ (Diagram 5.5). We consider the presence of distinct concurrent skate sessions as an indicator of the clustering of skaters’ subgroups.

5.3.2.2.3. Presence of audience Besides the participating skaters, the audience of skate sessions in ‘the clust’ has been observed to include less experienced skaters who may perform different tricks in different trajectories, the standard users of the Brabant’s Conservatorium, other teenager groups hangng out in the premises as well as passers-by. As one of the skateboarders has stated ‘the clust’ ‘…is a good ‘show-off’ place’. (Section 8.2. Interview 2) The presence of an audience enhances skate sessions contributing to skateboarders’ freedom of expression. This is echoed also in the literature of skateboarding, that it is a ‘performative practice’. (Borden 2001:29)

Individual activities of the audience of skate sessions include:

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•

Standing

•

Passing-through

5.3.2.2.4. Accessibility As in the case of the ‘immigrants to the ‘place of getting together’ we consider easy access to the urban location of ‘the clust’ as a major contributing condition to the place’s success that particularly aids the occurrence of essential intra-group interaction. Not only does it support the occurrence of skate sessions but also enables possibilities for meeting with friends, hanging out with people of own group and the exchange of information. As skateboarders state ‘‘Everybody knows, everybody goes’ (Section 8.2. Interview 2) We investigated the physical accessibility of the urban location of ‘the clust’ with respect to: •

skateboarders’ available means of transport

•

skateboarders’ travel-time form the location of origin

5.3.2.2.4.1. Skateboarders available means of transport According to our sample skaters come to ‘the clust’ primarily by their own means of transport. Given the context of The Netherlands, and the specifics of the group (mostly teenagers), the standard means of transport to the location is the private bicycle. Most skateboarders in ‘the clust’ access the location by bicycle. However, the skateboard itself also serves as a means of transport. Skateboarders arriving from Tilburg’s city centre use their skateboards to access the location. Visitors from other cities arrive by train and move, within Tilburg, by skateboard. Proximity of the location to Tilburg’s Central (railway) Station, less than 10 minutes walking distance, is significant for visitors from other cities. Table 5.2: Skateboarders available means of transport Means of transport

(23)

Own bike

Skateboard

Train

Own motorbike

Father’s car

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5.3.2.2.4.2. Skateboarders travel time from location of origin According to our sample, skaters come to ‘the clust’ from a variety of locations within the city of Tilburg, as well as from neighboring cities. As interviews were conducted on a Saturday, skaters did not have to attend school, and came to ‘the clust’ from a variety of other skate-related locations — including: a competition organized by the skate shop, Curbs; the Tilburg Bowls at Reeshof; and ‘the ledge’ at CZ offices. Most groups come to ‘the clust’ for a 3- to 4-hour skate session. After skating, the majority return to their homes, with the exception, in this case, of one group of visitors from the neighboring city of Den Bosch who were to visit another skate spot in Tilburg. Table 5.3: Skateboarders locations before and after their visit to ‘the clust’ Came from Home Tilburg Bowls CZ – ‘the ledge’ Skate competition

19 4 6 4 5

Will go to Home City center ‘opa stairs’

19 14 1 4

The travel time to the urban location depends on the departure location and the available means of transport. According to a skater who lives in the city, a 15-minute bicycle ride is equivalent to 35 or 45 minutes of skateboarding. Consequently, skateboards are used as transport means only for short distances. For skaters departing from Tilburg’s city center, inner city and central districts, travel time to ‘the clust’ is a maximum 15 minutes biking. For skaters departing from other Tilburg districts, such as Reeshof, Zorgvliet, De Black and Ringbaan West, travel time to ‘the clust’ is between 15 and 30 minutes biking, as a consequence of the small size of the city. For skaters departing from Den Bosch, travel time to ‘the clust’ includes 20 minutes by train and 10 minutes by skateboard from Tiberg’s Central Station. Table 5.4: skateboarders’ travel time from home to location Departure Location Inner city Central districts Zorgvliet De Blaak Reeshof Ringbaan West Other suburb Den Bosch

Travel time ≤5 10 10 15 30 15 20 30

nu/19 3 3 1 1 5 1 1 4

The urban location of ‘the clust’ is accessible to groups of skaters departing from a variety of locations. Skateboarders that frequent ‘the clust’ can be distinguished in those

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living in the municipality of Tilburg and visitors from the neighboring cities and peripheral districts of Tilburg. Given the Dutch context and the specifics of the group, train and bicycle are the skateboarders’ major means of transport to the location. For residents of Tilburg’s peripheral districts (such as Reeshof) or neighboring cites (such as Den Bosch), ‘the clust’ is not a standard skate spot. Rather, given its reputation as the best skating spot in Tilburg, a visit to the location is considered the event of the day. Visiting skaters travel to ‘the clust’ in groups. For skaters from neighboring cities to Tilburg the visit to ‘the clust’ is one among several skate spots. Table 5.5: Skateboarders’ travel time and available means of transport Visitors from Further Tilburg districts Central Tilburg districts Neighboring cities Tilburg’s inner city

Nu/19 7 5 4 3

Travel time ≤30min ≤15min ≥30min ≤5min

Means of transport Bicycle or motorbike Bicycle Train and skateboard Skateboard

Diagram 5.1: Skateboarders’ travel time from home to locations (by bicycle)

Reeshof

'wheelie platform' skate park

Ringbaan West 'the ledge' 30'

15'

Central Station

'opa stairs' 'curbs' 'fountain gap' 1' the 'clust' Zorgvliet Queens square 10'

De Blaak

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Duration of stay 3-4 hrs 3-4 hrs 8 hours 2 hours

In conclusion we present by diagram (Diagram 5.2) the particular system of interrelated activities identified by field research that constitute the ‘Operation’ in ‘the clust’. Diagram 5.2: Operation in the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’)

Operation Associated activities

Constrain

Intra-group interaction

Runs ‘grinds’ ‘ollies’ other tricks combinations of tricks

Skate sessions

Watching and commenting

Getting together With own group

Standing Sitting Leaning Placing drinks

Presence of audience Standing Passing-through

Exchange information

Meet friends

Clustering of subgroups Distinct Concurrent runs

Easy access [Max.30 min] travel time by [Bicycle] [Train] [Skateboard]

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5.3.3. Morphology

In this section we investigate the Morphology of the appropriated location as a condition that constrains Operation and therefore may have an impact upon Performance. We engage in analysis of topological (intrinsic and relational) and metric properties of the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium intending to identify the necessary physical environmental conditions contributing to the occurrence of activities associated with and supporting interaction among skateboarders.

Morphological analysis of the ‘the clust’ addresses three scales of investigation: •

Urban-regional analysis at the level of the Municipality of Tilburg

•

Urban subsystem analysis at the level of the network of skatespots

•

Micro-location analysis at the level of the spaces and objects

5.3.3. 1. Identification of conditions contributing to the accessibility of the urban location

As we have elaborated in the previous section the urban location of ‘the clust’ is accessible to groups of skaters departing from a variety of locations. Skateboarders that frequent ‘the clust’ can be distinguished in those living in the municipality of Tilburg and visitors from the neighboring cities and peripheral districts of Tilburg. Given the Dutch context and the specifics of the group, train and bicycle are the skateboarders’ major means of transport to the location. For skaters who live in the center or the peripheral districts of Tilburg geographic centrality of the urban location of ‘the clust’ render it highly accessible by bicycle. For visiting skaters from neighboring cities the proximity of ‘the clust’ to the Central station, it lies within 10 minutes walking distance, renders it highly accessible.

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Therefore we consider two properties of the urban location of ‘the clust’ in the municipality of Tilburg as conditions contributing to its accessibility: •

10 minutes walking to the Central station of Tilburg

•

geographic centrality in the Municipality of Tilburg

Addressing the scale of the urban subsystem we can identify certain topological properties of the urban location of ‘the clust’ within the network of Tilburg skate spots that contribute to its accessibility. We construct a Topographic Network (Diagram 5.2) and a Network Graph (Diagram 5.3) of the urban subsystem of Tilburg skate spots.

The topographic network of Tilburg skate spots(Diagram 5.2) maintains geographic information and is capable of demonstrating spatial-temporal constraints developed in the previous section. We observe that all skate spots are located within maximum 10 minutes bicycle travel–time from the location of ‘the clust’. Further we observe that 3 other skate spots are located within 5 minutes walking and skating distance from the location of ‘the clust’. We can argue that temporal proximity to other skate spots within a maximum 5 minutes skating and 10 minutes biking renders the location of ‘the clust’ highly accessible to skateboarders. Network Graph (Diagram 5.3) of Tilburg skate spots presents diameter 4 and radius 2. We observe that as a node in the Network Graph (Diagram 5.3) of Tilburg skate spots ‘the clust’ manifests the following topological properties: It is central, as Eccentricity: e(clust)=2 It is highly connected, as degree, deg(clust)=6 It presents high betweenness, b(clust)=3 in bracketing pairs {Queens square, Opa stairs}, { Queens square, The ledge} and {Queens square, curbs}

In this respect we can argue that centrality, high degree and high betweenness of the location of ‘the clust’ in the network of Tilburg skate spots are conditions that contribute to its accessibility.

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Diagram 5.2: Topographic network of Tilburg skate spots

'wheelie platform' skate park

Central Station

'the ledge' 'opa stairs'curbs 'fountain gap' 'the clust'

Queens square

5' walk 5' skateboard

10' walk 5' bicycle 15' skateboard

10' bicycle 30' skateboard

Diagram 5.3: Network Graph of Tilburg skate spots 'wheelie platform' skate park

Central Station

'the ledge' 'opa stairs'curbs 'fountain gap' 'the clust'

Queens square

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5.3.3.2. Identification of conditions contributing to the presence of audience Investigating the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium Diagram 5.4 as a micro-location, we can observe that the area where skateboarding takes place is an intervening location between the sidewalk and the standard facilities (Concert hall, Conservatorium). Further it manifests high between–ness of b(G)=6 with bracketing pairs {entry from parking , entry to conservatorium}, {entry from inner-city, entry to conservatorium}, {entry from side street, entry to conservatorium},{entry from parking, entry to Concert hall}, {entry from inner-city, entry to Concert hall }, {entry from side street, entry to Concert hall }. We consider the high between–ness of the skateboarding area in the network of access to the facilities as a topological property that contributes to the presence of an audience outside the group of skateboarders consisting of standard users of the Concert Hall and the Conservatorium. Further the location’s adjacency to the sidewalk contributes to the presence of audience from passers by Illustration 5.3. The shape of the building also positively contributes to this effect as the elevated set of platforms adjacent to the sidewalk provides high visibility.

Diagram 5.4: Brabant’s Conservatorium location graph

Entry to Conservatorium

Entry to Concert hall

Entry from Parking

skateboarding area boundle location G (1,..37)

Entry from sidestreet

Entry from innercity

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Diagram 5.5:Trajectories of concurrent skate sessions on Saturday, September 18 2004

Illustration 5.3: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Grind the railâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; session on Saturday, September 18 2004

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Illustration 5.4: concurrent sessions on Saturday, September 18 2004

Illustration 5.6: sessions on the Friday, October 17 2003

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5.3.3.3. Identification of conditions contributing to the clustering of skateboarder subgroups As we have already discussed distinct trajectories of concurrent skate sessions indicate the clustering of skaters’ subgroups within ‘the clust’. We consider the floor area of the available surface for skateboarding as a metric property of the building that contributes to the clustering of skateboarders’ subgroups. Skaters of different ages and experience perform different tricks, following different trajectories in the available public grounds. Skate sessions take place in the available open spaces at the front of the building. The platforms, the podium, and the arcade are ‘available’, since skateboarding there is not prohibited. Skateboarding is, however, prohibited at the back of the public grounds, in the courtyard where the entry to the Conservatorium is located. A movable fence outlines the spaces available for skateboarding.

The available area for skateboarding has a floor surface of 827 square meters. On Saturday, September 18 2004 we observed three distinct skate sessions simultaneously occurring within this available area (Diagram 5.5). In total there were 13 skaters, distributed in three groups partaking in three distinct skate sessions. Two of the three skate sessions comprised of difficult tricks and engaged experienced skateboarders and one beginners. With the given density we can estimate an available area of 63 square meters per skateboarder. Although this empiric evidence is indicative since we have not exhaustively investigated density in skate sessions we consider the available floor area of 63 square meters per skateboarder as a contributing condition to the occurrence of concurrent skate sessions of different skaters subgroups.

Further we demonstrate that there are certain topological properties of the network of micro locations that constitute the trajectories of skate runs (Diagram 5.7) that contribute to the occurrence of concurrent distinct skate sessions accommodating the clustering of different groups of skateboarders. In this perspective we construct a compact graph G (L1,..L28) comprising of nodes representing locations where distinct moves of tricks occur and edges representing access between this locations (Diagram 5.7). This compact graph is constructed upon the basis of the cumulative registration-by digraphs- of all observed skate runs (Diagram 5.6) in ‘the clust’.

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Diagram 5.6: Accumulation of digraphs of observed skate sessions

Oh1

Og4 Og3

Oh2 Oh3

Og2

Gd1

Of1

Ob1

Oe1

Of3 Of2 Of4

Ge1

Oa1

Oh4 Og1 Ga4 Ga5

Ge2 Gd2Gd3Oa2 Od2 Ob2 Gc6 Gd4 Gd5 Od3 Oa6 Gc1 Gc2 Gc3 Oa5 Ob3 Ge5 Oe2 Oa4 Gc4 Ge3 Gc5 Ge4 Oa3 Ob4 Oc1 Oc2 Od1 Od4 Oc3 Gb4 Gf4 Ga3 Gb3 Oc4 Gd6 Ga2 Gb2 Ob5 Gf3 Oe3 Oc5 Gf2 Od5 Gb5 Oc6 Gd7 Ga1 Ob6 Gb1

Oe4 Gf5 Gf1

Od6

Diagram 5.7: Compact graph of observed skate sessions G (L1,..L28)

L3 L5

L26 L27

L25

L24 L8

L23 L28

L19

L18

L22 L17

L16

L14

L15

L21

L20

L9 L12

L11

L13

L10

We observe that compact graph G (L1,..L28) includes a variety of paths, rows and cycles of ‘trick’ locations. For example: Trick Rows in G (L1,..L28) L3, L19, L11 L23, L19, L18, L17, L16, L15 L23, L19, L18, L22, L27, L14 L1, L25, L17, L21, L12

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Alternative ‘trick’ paths G (L1,..L28) Beginners: ‘Ollie’ the ledge: L23, L19, L18, L22, L27 ‘Ollie’ down the stairs: L1, L4, L7 ‘Ollie’ the platform: L5, L7, L9 ‘Grind’ the steps: L12, L20, L11 and L11, L28, L9 Experienced: ‘Ollie’ up the ledge: L12, L21, L17, L22, L1, L25 ‘Grind’ the rail: L3, L19, L20, L11 ‘Grind’ the ledge: L1, L25, L22, L27 ‘Manual’ the ramp: L25, L27, L14

The presence of alternative paths in G (L1,..L28), providing a variety of ‘trick’ trajectories can be considered as a contributing condition to the occurrence of distinct concurrent skate sessions accommodating the clustering of skateboarders’ subgroups in ‘the clust’.

5.3.3.4. Identification of conditions contributing to watching and commenting on other skaters ‘runs’ The activities associated with skate sessions —watching and commenting on other skaters performing tricks, resting and refreshing while waiting for own run —have been observed to occur at a number of locations, represented in the compact graph of observed skate sessions G (L1,..L28). The locations where these activities have been most frequently observed to occur include the exterior wall of the canteen adjacent to the ramp (L26), the front twin columns (L23 and L18), the fence separating the Conservatorium back courtyard (L3) and the exterior wall of the canteen adjacent to it (L2) as well as external part of the ledge adjacent to the ramp. With respect to their topological properties all these locations are either adjacent to of present shallow depth from locations of high trick potential (see next section). Further certain metric properties of these objects contribute to the accommodation of these activities.

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The exterior wall of the canteen (L26), in particular, provides maximum visibility of most possible trajectories — as well as surfaces for leaning against — while its ledge serves as a deposit for skaters’ bags. Diagram 5.8: Compact graph of observed skate sessions G (L1,..L28) over the plan

L3 L5

L26 L27

L25

L24 L8

L23 L28

L19

L18 L20

L22 L17

L16

L14

L15

L21

L9 L11

L12 L13

L10

5.3.3.5. Identification of conditions contributing to skate runs (tricks) Skate trajectories acquire their intrinsic form as ‘body spaces’ (Borden 2003) by the coordination of skateboarder, board and terrain. The skater combines available surfaces and objects of a building in order to perform a skate trick. Skaters in general evaluate physical objects in the city as potential tricks and on this basis select their freestyle skate spots: ‘If there exists an object you want to do a trick on: blocks, curbs, distance in heights, good transitions, things you can slide on, curb-to-curb gaps, other gaps...’ (Section 8.2. Interview 2)

In the case of the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium, skaters selectively use parts of the open spaces that are available for skateboarding and inscribe skate tricks trajectories. We have already referred to the topological properties of the network of objects that accommodate a variety of trick trajectories in ‘the clust’ and highlighted the importance of rows and alternative paths. In microscopic scale adjacency is very

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important. We have observed that the micro-locations with high ‘trick’ potential in the compact graph of observed skate sessions G (L1,..L28) present the highest degree, such as L25 deg(L25)=6, L27 deg(L27)=6, L1 deg(L1)=5, L20 deg(L20)=4, L17 deg(L17)=4, L7 deg(L17)=6. In this respect we can argue that the high degree of a node, is a topological property contributing to a micro-location’s skate trick potential. However the trick potential of an object is highly influenced by its metric properties. We will further expand on shapes and dimensions of objects as conditions constraining their trick potential focusing on two examples of the most common skate tricks in ‘the clust’that is ‘ollies’ and ‘grinds’. We have observed that ‘ollies’ are performed on the stairs, and ledges and platforms of the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium. Since the ollie trick is essentially ‘a jump performed by tapping the tail of the board on the ground’ we can consider as a necessary condition to the performance of the ‘ollie’ the presence of gaps between objects. We observe that that in the range of ‘ollie’ trajectories that we have registered (Diagram 5.8) to be performed in ‘the clust’ two kinds of gaps are evident:

•

Vertical gaps formed between platforms and ledges

•

Oblique gaps formed between platforms and stairs

Diagram 5.8: Digraphs of ‘ollie’ trajectories

Oh1

Oh2 Oh3

Og4 Og3 Og2 Of1 Of3 Of2

Oe1

Ob1

Of4 Oa1

Oh4 Ob2

Og1

Oe2 Oc1

Oe3

Oa2

Od2 Od3

Ob3 Oc2 Ob4

Oa6

Oa5

Oa4 Oa3 Od4 Oc3 Ob5

Od1 Oc4 Oc5

Od5 Oc6

Ob6

Oe4

Od6

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In order to provide a challenging gap distance between adjacent objects needs to manifest a significant distance - vertical or oblique. However in order to be achievable this oblique or vertical dimension should not exceed certain limits. In the case of ‘the clust’ the easiest ‘ollie up’ is that between the ramp and the front ledge (Ob2-Ob3) that is a vertical distance 5cm and the easiest ‘ollie down’ is (Oc4-Oc5) that is a drop of 45cm and stairs down (Of2-Of3) a drop of 35cm. The beginner skateboarder girls were practicing exactly these tricks. Oblique gaps are more difficult and thus practiced by more experienced skateboarders, the stairs (Oe2-Oe3) a drop of 52,5 cm and the ramp (Oa2Oa3) being the most challenging ones. The most challenging vertical gap is (Oh3-Oh3) presents a drop of 57cm. In the case of the ledges adjacent to the ramp, ollies are combined with ‘drops’ and ‘manuals’. The ollie down up the stairs is considered very and a trick for professionals. Reversing the order in the pair (Oe2-Oe3) in (Oe3-Oe2) the oblique gap comprising of 52,5cm vertical distance and 100cm horizontal distance leading to an oblique gap of 113cm becomes very difficult to ollie. Skateboarders state that ‘If you are really good you can ollie up the stairs, or even harder, the white block at the back. We can ollie the ledge up, the distance to bridge is smaller’. (Section 8.2.Interview 5) In conclusion we could state that adjacency of horizontal and vertical surfaces forming vertical gaps of maximum 57cm and oblique gaps of maximum 113cm are morphological properties contributing the occurrence of ‘ollies’ in the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium.

According to our interviews skaters state that ‘the clust’ has ‘very good grinds’ (Section 8.2. Interview 5).

We have observed that ‘grinds’ are performed on the front steps and ledges of

the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium. The skate trick ‘grind’ essentially comprises of ‘scraping one or both axles on a curb, railing, or other surface’. By visiting a skateboarding website (www.boardpass.com 2004) one can discover ample variations of grinds, for example the ‘50-50’, the ‘nose grind’, the ‘5-0 grind’. Understanding the basic skate moves comprising the ‘grind’ we can state that the presence of hard and straight edges is a necessary shape for the performance of a ‘grind’ on an object. In order for a straight hard edge of an object to provide a challenging grind, it should have adequate length and it should be located at a reachable height from the floor level. In order to reach the edges of ledges, curbs or railings skateboarders perform ‘ollies’ in combination with ‘grinds’.

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On the basis of the registration (Diagram 5.9) of observed grinds that are performed in ‘the clust’ we will further elaborate on the metric properties of the components of Brabant’s Conservatorium public grounds that contribute to their performance. Diagram 5.9: Digraphs of ‘grind’ trajectories

Gg1

Gd1

Ge1 Ge2 Gd2Gd3 Gg2

Gc1

Gd4

Gc6

Gd5

Gc2

Gc3 Gc4

Ga4

Ga3

Ga2

Gb4 Gg3

Gb3

Gb2

Gg4

Ge3

Ge5 Gc5 Ge4

Gd6 Gf3 Gf2

Ga5 Gb5

Gf4

Ga1 Gg5

Gb1

Gd7

Gf5 Gf1

The particular dimensions that constitute the edges of ‘the clust’ both challenging and achievable for the occurrence of ‘grinds’ are the lengths of the edges of the steps and ledges as well as their vertical distance from the floor level. As we can observe, ‘grinds’ on the front steps comprise of moves along the edges and between the front columns (Ga3-Ga4, Gb3-Gb4). The length of the front steps between the columns is 5 meters. The level of the edges of the front steps is 17,5 centimeters. We also observe that in order to achieve grinds on the front steps skateboarders accelerate along the platform. The ‘grinds’ on the front ledges occur on the exterior edges (Gf3-Gf4) as well as the interior ones (Gd4-Gd5, Gc4-Gc5, Ge3-Ge4). In this case ‘grinds’ are combined with ‘ollies’ (Gd2-Gd3, Ge2-Ge3, Gf2-Gf3), as these edges are located at a level of maximum 45 centimeters from the floor. The trajectory across the steps is a grind on a short handrail, (Gg3-Gg4) which was observed on the session of September 18 2004. This movable handrail was placed in the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium by the skate shop, Curbs, to enhance the possibilities for tricks. The handrail was adjusted to various heights and was later relocated adjacent to the ledges, resulting in different combinations of tricks. In conclusion we could state that the presence of straight edges of 5 meters length located at a level of 17,5 and 45 centimeters from the adjacent floor are metric

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properties of the steps and ledges of the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium contributing to the occurrence of ‘grinds’.

Finally we have identified certain morphological conditions that constrain the execution of skate tricks in ‘the clust’ that relate to the texture of the paving. Skaters state that one of the advantages of ‘the clust’ is that it ‘is smooth, and the smoother the better’ (Section 8.2. Interview 2)

and that one of the advantages of ‘the clust’ is that ‘everything is made of

marble’ (Section 8.2. Interview 4). Apparently for skateboarders rough blocks are ‘annoying when you finish a trick’ (Section 8.2. Interview 5). In this respect we could state that the smooth marble surfaces of the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium are conditions contributing to the execution of skate tricks.

Illustration 5.4: Textures of paving of the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium

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5.4. Structuring the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (aka ‘the clust’)

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5.5. Conclusion By combining environmental analysis, empirical evidence and literature sources, we have demonstrated, using logical inference, that the provisional descriptive-explanatory model of emergent places that was developed in the case of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in Athens — and tested in the case of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ — is fundamentally competent to capture the environmental characteristics of emergent places. In the next chapter we proceed with the development of the design tool for emergent places on the basis of the descriptive-explanatory models of two cases.

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6. Towards a design tool for emergent places In the previous chapter we applied the provisional model and demonstrated that it has enough descriptive and explanatory power to capture the phenomenon of ‘emergent places’. In this chapter we develop a hypothesis for a design tool for emergent places. Utilizing the explanatory structure of the descriptive model of emergent places we formulate elementary design guidelines as a system of ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements that identify the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ contributing to the occurrence of emergent places. Drawing from our two case studies we present examples of specific design guidelines. Addressing the prospect of a higher generality model of emergent places we compare the two case models and examine their similarities and differences. The similarities between the two case models lead to a model of higher generality and the pronouncement of the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places. The differences between the two case models lead to the revision of the analytical framework of the hypothesized model structure.

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6.1. Developing the design tool for emergent places Fundamental assumption in transforming a behavioral — descriptive and explanatory — model into a normative–prescriptive one is the acceptance of the higher standing norm that the state of affairs the behavioral model describes ought to (or may) come about. In other words, that the state of affairs the behavioral model describes is obligatory or permitted. As we have witnessed in our two case studies, the model of ‘emergent places’ derives from behavioral observation. It is therefore first and foremost a descriptive– explanatory model. In this chapter we pursue the development of a ‘design tool’ for emergent places, a prescriptive model that is built upon the basis of the descriptive models of the two cases, and which achieves higher generality than these. The design tool for emergent places comprises a set of guidelines that specify the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ that contribute to their occurrence. We employ two mechanisms for the development of the design tool for emergent places: 1. ‘Forward–Backward’ chaining between Morphology, Operation and Performance leading from description to prescription: The development of design guidelines is consequent to the chain of inferences in the conceptual framework of the descriptive model (M→O→P). Design guidelines are schematically expressed as a deduction system of ‘consequent-antecedent rules’. The step from description to prescription occurs by forward and backward chaining of ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements. 2.‘In-between-ing’ the case models, leading from the specific to the general: The comparison of the descriptive models of the two cases identifies similarities and differences between them, leading to a higher generality model of emergent places. In the higher generality model prescription concentrates on the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places as defined by the common elements between the two cases. While the higher generality model is particularly useful in the case of emergent groups whose particular needs are not yet specified, group-specific ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ for emergent places retain validity to a certain degree.

We illustrate the development of the design tool for emergent places using the ‘model tables’ included in the end of this chapter (Tables 6.1-6.6).

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6.2. From the descriptive to the prescriptive model While the descriptive model aims at an understanding of reality — of ‘how things are’ — the prescriptive model aims at the formulation of normative statements — ‘how things ought to be’. Fundamental point of departure of the populist designers and the bottom-up planners was, and still is, that the status quo of how people dwell, as described by behavioral models, ought to be preserved and supported through the built environment. The assumption adopted in the thesis is that sociocultural diversity in urban space ought to be preserved, and in order to achieve this, we need to identify and support the conditions of its preservation. Operating in the field of urban design we focus on the necessary physical environmental conditions that constrain sociocultural diversity in urban space.

In the case of emergent places the normative component of the prescriptive model is concerned with the establishment of control over a location’s appropriation potential — that is, the degree to which the physical environmental attributes of the location permit the accommodation of group activity in terms of informal interaction, and particularly interaction among the group that fulfils the specific group’s norms. Normative statements define obligations, permissions and prohibitions. Given the assumption adopted in the thesis, the prescriptive model for emergent places adopts, as a higher standing norm, the permission of the appropriation of an urban location by an urban group without a place.

The descriptive model provides an explanation of the phenomenon of emergent places by making explicit the constraints between the physical environmental conditions in a location, the events that occur in the location, and the way these events satisfy particular group needs represented in the ‘MOP conceptual framework’ through the analytical categories of Morphology, Operation and Performance. In this way the descriptive model identifies the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ that contribute to the existence of a particular emergent place. The prescriptive model, on the other hand, utilizes the explanatory structure of the descriptive model to provide guidelines for achieving the desired Morphology, Operation and Performance of a location with respect to its ‘appropriation potential’. The prescriptive model accomplishes control over a location’s ‘appropriation potential’ by controlling the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’.

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6.3. Design guidelines as conditional statements The design tool for emergent places is concerned with the provision of design guidelines, in other words directives, for manipulating the appropriation potential of an urban location. To control the appropriation potential of an urban location we manipulate the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ — the morphological characteristics of a location that, by constraining activities associated with the essential intra-group interaction, contribute to the place’s capacity to confirm group identity and enhance the group’s sense of community. An explanatory structure used in support of design guidelines increases their reliability. Here we formulate the design guidelines for emergent places by utilizing the chains of inferences between Morphology, Operation and Performance of the descriptive model. Design guidelines are schematically expressed as a ‘rule-based problem solving system’ (Winston 1992:129) made

of ‘consequent-antecedent rules’ (Winston 1992:120). However, the

logical formalization of these ‘consequent–antecedent rules’ is not rigorous to the degree that it can be computerized. The rules are employed as schematizations to make the point, and provide only the foundation of a computerized model. From now on we refer to these rules as ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements. Conditional statements make explicit the chains of inference between Morphology, Operation and Performance of an emergent place (Tables 6.1, 6.2). Backward and forward chaining of ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements from description to prescription provides the mechanism for the generation of design guidelines. We present schematically ‘Forward– Backward’ chaining between Morphology, Operation and Performance leading from description to prescription as follows: Descriptive model – forward chaining: ‘if’ Morphology ‘then’ Operation ‘therefore’ Performance

Prescriptive model – backward chaining: ‘if’ Performance ‘then’ Operation ‘therefore’ Morphology Within the domain of current urban design practice design guidelines are quite common. In particular, urban designers concerned with the ‘place making’ approach to the design

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of public spaces, the work of several of whom we have reviewed in Chapter 2 (Section 2.3.1), have ‘translated user needs into guidelines for urban open spaces’ (Francis 2003). Most cases of guidelines for user needs today work with heuristic rules that prescribe for particular morphological requirements (Cooper Marcus et al. 1992). We consider the distinction between Operation and Performance as crucial for the definition of user needs, given that Performance may bear diverse values according to the particular norms of each group involved in a location. The descriptive model of emergent places enables ‘functional analysis’ of public space that distinguishes between the various systems of activities that take place in the location (ie: Operation), thus identifying the essential interaction that satisfies specific group norms (ie: Performance). In order to expose this distinction we produce guidelines that speculate on two normative components of the prescriptive model — permission and prohibition — and, accordingly, define the desired Performance, Operation and Morphology.

The chain of inferences in the prescriptive model that relates to the permission of the group to appropriate the location is, therefore, as follows:

Desired Performance: Satisfy group norms ↓ Desired Operation: Facilitate essential intra-group interaction ↓ Desired Morphology: Provide necessary physical environmental conditions

And, consequently, the chain of inferences in the prescriptive model that relates to the prohibition of the group to appropriate the location is as follows:

Desired Performance: Dissatisfy group norms ↓ Desired Operation: Impede essential intra-group interaction ↓ Desired Morphology: Withhold necessary physical environmental conditions

In the following section we refer to our two case studies to demonstrate how design guidelines are generated on the basis of the descriptive-explanatory model of each case and formalized as a chain of conditional ‘if’-‘then’ statements between Morphology, Operation and Performance.

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Table 6.1: Descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’

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Table 6.2: Descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’

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6.4. Specific examples of design guidelines drawn from the two case studies In this section we present examples of design guidelines formulated as ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements between Morphology, Operation and Performance, drawing from our specific case studies — the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’ in Athens and ‘the number one skate spot of Tilburg’. We refer to each of the two descriptive-explanatory case models, aiming to expose the ‘Forward–Backward’ chaining of constraints between Morphology, Operation and Performance that leads from description to prescription. We turn descriptive–explanatory statements about immigrants and skateboarders into prescriptive ones by addressing two normative components1 of the prescriptive model: permission and prohibition. In the state of permission we consider that the expression of immigrants’ and skateboarders’ identity in urban space ought to be enabled. In the state of prohibition we consider that the expression of immigrants’ and skateboarders’ identity in urban space ought to be disabled. Focusing on examples that range in scale between macro- (urban-regional) and micro-locational we highlight the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ once again acknowledging that ‘if’ the absence of a place excludes the occurrence of an event ‘then’ this place is a necessary environmental condition for the event to occur.

6.4.1. Freestyle2 Skateboarding potential We define, as freestyle skateboarding potential of an urban location (presupposing that it is not a skatepark), the degree to which morphological attributes of the location permit the accommodation of skate sessions, meeting friends, exchanging information and getting together with other skateboarders. Drawing from the case model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ we can arrive at a set of potentially ‘necessary physical 1

While the presupposition taken in the thesis is sustaining sociocultural diversity by enhancing the appropriation

potential in urban space in these examples, in order to highlight the truth function of necessary conditions, we will consider both normative components of the prescriptive model — permission and prohibition. 2

The term ‘freestyle skateboarding’ should be considered as synonymous to street skating.

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environmental conditions’ that regulate the ‘freestyle skateboarding potential’ of an urban location. These, however, must be subjected to further testing in order to ground, more solidly, the claim that they are necessary.

Design guidelines for ‘freestyle skateboarding potential’ presented as ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements highlight constraints between the Morphology of the micro-location — that is the shapes and dimensions of objects and the topological relations between objects — as well as properties of the urban location, Operations in the location and the Performance of the place. We elaborate on these types of Operation which contribute to the successful Performance of a location as a freestyle skate spot, and manipulate the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ that constrain them. As we observe in the descriptive model of the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ (Table 6.2), the satisfaction of the skateboarders’ norm ‘fun’ is a consequence of the occurrence of essential skateboarder interaction. Analytical category, ‘Operation’, includes a system of associated activities, both individual and collective, which are interrelated and support interaction among skateboarders’ (Table 6.2). These supportive activities are constrained by morphological — metric, topological and ambient — properties of objects existing in the location. In this case the system of conditional statements is chaining forward from Morphology to Operation to Performance. The ‘rules’3 are ‘chained’ in the following order: R1→R2→R3→R4. R1

‘if’

‘then’ R2

‘if’

‘then’ R3

‘if’

‘then’ 3

Morphology (ambient properties) Morphology (ambient properties) Morphology (metric properties) Morphology (metric properties) Morphology (topological properties) Operation (supportive activity)

Smooth surfaces Straight edges Maximum level of edges 45 cm Length of edges 5 meters Surfaces adjacent to edges ‘Grind’

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

‘Grind’ ‘Flip’ ‘Ollie’ ‘Manual’ Combinations of tricks Runs

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (interaction)

Runs Watching and commenting Presence of audience Clustering of skate groups Skate sessions

For reasons of simplification the cluster of if patterns does not include and/or relations between antecedents.

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‘if’

‘then’

Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Performance

Skate sessions Get together with other skaters Meeting friends Fun

Concluding from the above chain of ‘production rules’ we can state that the necessary physical environmental condition for ‘freestyle’ skate sessions in a location that include the execution of the skate trick ‘grind’ is the presence of straight edges that are a minimum 5 meters length, located at maximum level of 45 centimeters and that are adjacent to smooth surfaces.

If the higher standing norm is the permission of skateboarding in the location, then the pronouncement of guidelines for the design of the location should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R4→R3→R2→ R1 — in order to facilitate the Operations that contribute to the satisfaction of skateboarders’ norm ‘fun’. If the higher standing norm is the prohibition of skating in the location, then the pronouncement guidelines for the design of the location should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R4→R3→R2→ R1 — to impede Operations that contribute to the to the satisfaction of skateboarders’ norm ‘fun’. In this case prescriptions against skateboarding entail prohibitions of the ‘then’ states in the ‘if’‘then’ conditional statement. In order to inhibit the Operation ‘grind’ the physical necessary conditions (R1) have to be withheld. R4

‘if’ ‘then’

Performance Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction)

‘No’4 Fun ‘No’ Getting together with other skaters ‘No’ Meeting friends ‘No’ Skate sessions

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (interaction) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

‘No’ Skate sessions ‘No’ Runs ‘No’ Watching and commenting ‘No’ Presence of audience ‘No’ Clustering of skate groups

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

‘No’ Runs ‘No’ ‘Flip’ ‘No’ ‘Ollie’ ‘No’ ‘Manual’ ‘No’ Combinations of tricks ‘No’ ‘Grind’

‘No’ stands for not permitted, prohibited.

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‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (ambient properties) Morphology (ambient properties) Morphology (metric properties) Morphology (metric properties)

‘No’ ‘Grind’ Surfaces not adjacent to edges Rough surfaces No Straight edges Level of edges more than 45 cm Length Edges less than 5 meters

We can further present guidelines for the ‘freestyle skateboarding potential’ of an urban location, addressing the urban-regional scale. Here, we elaborate on the Performance assertion ‘togetherness’ and formulate the relevant ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements according to the descriptive model. The ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ in this case relate to the physical accessibility of the urban location.

‘if’

‘then’ R6

‘if’

‘then’

Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Operation (supportive activity)

Central point in skate spots network High degree in skate spots network High betweenness in skate spots network Maximum 30 minutes travel by skateboard

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

Maximum 30 minutes travel by skateboard Maximum 30 minutes travel by train Maximum 30 minutes travel by bicycle Maximum 10 minutes walking Easy access

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction)

Easy access Meeting friends Getting together with other skaters Skate sessions

‘if’

Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Performance

Meeting friends Getting together with other skaters Skate sessions Togetherness

‘then’

Concluding from the above chain of ‘production rules’ we can state that the necessary physical environmental conditions for skateboarders’ easy access to the location (allowing a maximum of 30 minutes travel by skateboard) are the location’s ‘centrality’ high ‘degree’ and high ‘betweenness’ in the network of skate spots.

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If the higher standing norm is the prohibition of skating in the location the pronouncement of guidelines for its design should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R8→R7→R6→ R5 — to impede Operations that contribute to the satisfaction of the skateboarders’ norm ‘togetherness’. In this case prescriptions against skateboarding entail prohibitions of the ‘then’ states in the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statement. In order to inhibit the Operation ‘Maximum 30 minutes travel by skateboard’ the physical necessary conditions (R5) have to be withheld.

‘if’ ‘then’

Performance Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction)

‘No’ Togetherness ‘No’ Getting together with other skaters ‘No’ Meeting friends ‘No’ Skate sessions

‘if’

Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (supportive activity)

‘No’ getting together with other skaters ‘No’ meeting friends ‘No’ skate sessions ‘No’ easy access

‘then’ R6

‘if’

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

‘No’ easy access Minimum 30 minutes travel by skateboard Minimum 30 minutes travel by train Minimum 30 minutes travel by bicycle Minimum 10 minutes walking

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties)

Minimum 30 minutes travel by skateboard No betweenness in skate spots network Low degree in skate spots network Peripheral point in skate spots network

6.4.2. Immigrants’ ‘getting together’ potential We define as immigrants’ getting together potential of an urban location the degree to which the morphological attributes of the location permit the accommodation of immigrants, getting together with other people of their own ethnic group, using their mother tongue, meeting friends, exchanging information, celebrating and worshiping. Drawing from the case model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens’ we can arrive at a set of potentially ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ that regulate the immigrants’ getting together potential of an urban location. These, however, must be subjected to further testing in order to ground more solidly the claim that they are necessary.

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Design guidelines can be presented as ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements utilizing the descriptive model’s chains of inference between Performance, Operation and Morphology. We elaborate on these types of Operation which contribute to the successful Performance of a location as a place for immigrants getting together and manipulate the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ that constrain them.

As we observed in the descriptive-explanatory model of the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens’, the satisfaction of immigrants’ norm ‘help for everyday survival’

(Diagram 4.3),

which contributes to the success of the place, is a consequence of

the occurrence of essential immigrant interaction. The analytical category, ‘Operation’, includes a system of associated activities, which support the immigrants’ interaction (Diagram 4.5). These supportive activities are constrained by morphological — metric and

topological —properties of spaces and objects existing in the location. In this case the system of conditional statements is chaining forward from Morphology to Operation to Performance. The ‘rules’ are ‘chained’ in the following order: R9→R10→R11→R12.

‘if’

‘then’ R10

‘if’

‘then’ R11

‘if’

‘then’ R12

‘if’

‘then’

Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (metric properties) Operation (supportive activity)

Rows of immigrant facilities Alternative paths between facility locations Sidewalk of minimum width 60 cm Stroll

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

Hold on Stand Sit Lean Place food and drink Watch Pass through Stroll Gather in the street

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (interaction)

Incidental meetings Gather in the street Clustering of ethnic subgroups Place signs or messages Easy access Exchange information

Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Performance

Speak mother tongue Get together with own ethnic group Exchange information Help for everyday survival

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Concluding from the above chain of ‘production rules’ we can state that the necessary physical environmental conditions for immigrants to gather in the streets of an urban location that allows strolling are the presence of rows of immigrant facilities, as well as the presence of alternative paths in the network of paths connecting immigrant facilities.

If the higher standing norm is the permission of ‘immigrants getting together’ in the location, then the pronouncement of guidelines for the design of the location should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R12→ R11→ R10 → R9 — to facilitate Operations that contribute to the satisfaction of the immigrants’ norm ‘help for everyday survival’.

If the higher standing norm is the prohibition of ‘immigrants getting together’ in the location, then the pronouncement of guidelines for the design of the location should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R12→ R11→ R10 → R9 — to impede Operations that contribute to the satisfaction of the immigrants’ norm ‘help for everyday survival’. In this case prescriptions against ‘immigrants getting together’ contain negations of the assertions in the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements. In order to inhibit the Operation ‘stroll’ the physical necessary conditions (R9) have to be withheld. R12

‘if’ ‘then’

Performance Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction) Operation (interaction)

‘No’ Help for everyday survival ‘No’ Speaking of mother tongue ‘No’ Getting together with own ethnic group ‘No’ Exchange of information

R11

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (interaction) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

‘No’ Exchange of information ‘No’ Incidental meetings ‘No’ Gathering in the street ‘No’ Clustering of ethnic subgroups ‘No’ Placement of signs or messages Difficult access

R10

‘if’ ‘then’

‘No’ Gathering in the street ‘No’ Standing ‘No’ Sitting ‘No’ Leaning ‘No’ Placing of food and drink ‘No’ Watching ‘No’ Passing through ‘No’ Strolling

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‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (metric properties)

‘No’ Strolling ‘No’ Rows of immigrant facilities ‘No’ alternative paths between facility locations Sidewalk of maximum width 60 cm

We can further present guidelines for ‘immigrants’ getting together potential’ of an urban location addressing the urban-regional scale. We now elaborate on the Operation (supportive activity) assertion ‘easy access’ and formulate the relevant ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements according to the descriptive model. The ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ in this case relate to the physical accessibility of the urban location. R13

‘if’

Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Operation (supportive activity)

Transport entry-exit points to location Shallow ‘depth’ from transport points Maximum 10 minutes walking

‘then’

Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Operation (supportive activity)

High betweenness in transport network Central location in transport network High degree in transport network Maximum 30 minutes travel by public transport

‘if’

Operation (supportive activity)

‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

Maximum 30 minutes travel by public transport Maximum 10 minutes walking Easy access

‘then’ R14

R15

‘if’

Concluding from the above chain of ‘production rules’ we can state that the necessary physical environmental conditions for easy access by public transport allowing a maximum 30 minutes travel are ‘centrality’ and ‘high degree’ of the location in the transport network. The necessary physical environmental condition allowing easy access to the location by a maximum of 10 minutes walking is the shallow ‘depth’ of the location from public transport entry-exit points, assuming the presence of public transport entry-exit points to the location.

If the higher standing norm is the permission of ‘immigrants getting together’ in the location, then the pronouncement of guidelines for the design of the location should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R14→R15→R13— to facilitate ‘easy access’ to the location.

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If the higher standing norm is the prohibition of ‘immigrants getting together’ in the location, then the pronouncement of guidelines for the design of the location should follow the backward chain of the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements — that is R14→R15→R13 — to impede ‘easy access’ to the location. In this case prescriptions against ‘immigrants getting together’ contain negations of the assertions in the ‘if’-‘then’ conditional statements. In order to inhibit the Operation ‘easy access’ the physical necessary conditions (R10) have to be withheld. R15

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Operation (supportive activity)

‘No’ easy access Minimum 30 minutes travel by public transport Minimum 10 minutes walking

Operation (supportive activity) R14

R13

‘if’

Operation (supportive activity)

‘then’

Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties)

‘if’ ‘then’

Operation (supportive activity) Morphology (topological properties) Morphology (topological properties)

Minimum 30 minutes travel by public transport Low degree location in transport network No betweenness in transport network Peripheral location in transport network Minimum 10 minutes walking Deep ‘depth’ from transport entry-exit points No entry-exit point to location

By means of examples drawn from the case studies, we have demonstrated how ‘ForwardBackward’ chaining of inferences between Morphology, Operation and Performance of the descriptive model lead to the generation of design guidelines. The validity of design guidelines drawn from specific cases is, however, limited, and should be subjected to further testing in order to establish higher degree of generalization.

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6.5. Comparison of the two cases In this section we compare the two case models — the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens’ and the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ — to examine their similarities and differences according to the ‘Morphology – Operation – Performance’ framework. The aim of the comparison is to demonstrate that, despite being very different with respect to the particularities of location and context (Athens versus Tilburg), as well as in terms of the social-cultural characteristics of the particular groups (immigrants versus skateboarders), both cases share certain features that we consider further as general characteristics of emergent places. The ‘intersection’5 of the descriptive models of the two cases includes their common elements and highlights similarities between the two cases. Out of this ‘intersection model’ (Table 6.3) we identify the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places. The ‘difference’ between the descriptive models of the two cases (Table 6.4 and Table 6.5) includes the elements that are not shared and highlights the group-specific characteristics of emergent places. Out of the ‘intersection model’ we can generalize and abstract the ‘general characteristics of emergent places’ and develop a meta-category of a higher level, the ‘higher generality model’ of emergent places (Table 6.6). Group-specific characteristics of emergent places are excluded from the higher generality model.

6.5.1. The ‘intersection model’ Similarities between the two cases leading to a higher generality model The similarities between the two cases — the ‘immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens’ and the ‘number one skate spot of Tilburg’ — that are indicated in our ‘intersection model’ outline the general and essential social, behavioral and

Terms ‘intersection’ and ‘difference’ are used by analogy to algebra.

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environmental characteristics of emergent places, respectively represented by the analytical categories of Performance, Operation and Morphology. The ‘intersection model’ has a higher degree of generalization than the case models and leads to the definition of the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of an emergent place in an urban location.

6.5.1.1. Common Performance In both of our case studies, the places that have been claimed by the groups provide the setting for the expression and assertion of the particular group identity. Immigrants claim the location as ‘the foreigners’ place’ or ‘the black center of Athens’ (Section 4.4.1). Skateboarders state that ‘the clust is the number one skate spot in Tilburg’ (Section 5.3.1). We consider the assertion of group identity as the ultimate sociocultural benefit, to the degree that all intermediary group norms are satisfied. The successful Performance of an emergent place lies, therefore, in its ability to confirm group identity and to sustain a given group’s sense of community.

While intermediary norms differ widely between our two groups, ‘freedom of expression’ is common to both immigrants and skateboarders, and we can therefore consider it as an essential group norm satisfied in emergent places.

6.5.1.2. Common Operation There are three types of ‘intra-group interaction’ common to both immigrants and skateboarders: ‘exchange of information’, ‘meeting friends’ and ‘getting together with people of the same group’. We can therefore state that the ‘generic intra-group interaction’ of emergent places is constituted by these three elements.

However, we also observe that the collective activities supporting the three kinds of ‘generic intra-group interaction’ are specific to each group. While immigrants gather in

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the street to exchange information and get together with people of own group, skateboarders do the same while resting and refreshing between skate runs during skate sessions. On the other hand, as we elaborate below, we have identified two common collective supporting activities: ‘clustering of subgroups’ and ‘easy access’.

Clustering of subgroups: The presence, within the location, of a variety of subgroups that are defined according to the structural social characteristics of the group in focus is evident in both cases. In the case of the immigrants’ place of getting together, we register the presence of a variety of ethnic subgroups in the location that we have previously defined as ‘a cluster of immigrant groups of different ethnic origins, linked by commonalities of sociocultural marginalization that compete for social, cultural and economic space in the host city of Athens’ (Section 4.3). These different ethnic groups tend to concentrate in distinct ethnic territories, which we have called ethnic subclusters (Section 4.4.2.2.3).

In the case of the number one freestyle skate spot in Tilburg we register

the presence of distinct skateboarder subgroups of different age, social class, gender and level of experience, which we have defined as ‘skate-clusters’ (Section 5.3.2.3). Thus, since it contributes to exchange of information, the observed ‘clustering of subgroups’ can be regarded as a collective activity that is supportive to group interaction. This is further considered to be an essential social-behavioral characteristic of emergent places.

Easy access: In both case studies easy access to the location is a consequence of a maximum travel time to the location of 30 minutes and a walking distance from the public transport entry-exit points of 10 minutes. Accessibility is therefore considered to be an essential behavioral characteristic of emergent places.

Individual activities associated with group interaction that are common to both case studies include sitting, leaning, placing food and drinks, and watching. However, in each case these individual activities are related to different supporting collective activities as indicated in the comparative model. We observe that the generic individual activity supporting intra-group interaction in emergent places appears similar to the activity profile outlined by William Whyte in his ‘Social life of small urban places’ (Whyte 1981). In this respect we can state that the general individual behavioral characteristics of emergent places are typical to any public space.

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6.5.1.3. Common Morphology While the Athens downtown streetscape is very different from the public grounds of Brabant’s Conservatorium in Tilburg, we observe some commonalities in the physical resources appropriated in these different locations. Physical resources present in both cases include objects that fall into the category of urban poche (Trancik 1986): steps, windowsills, and columns and walls enclosing open spaces or arcades. In both cases too, the city center is the urban location of the emergent appropriated place. Meanwhile, according to our categories of morphological analysis, we further highlight the common morphological properties of the appropriated physical resources — the metric properties (shapes and sizes of the appropriated spaces and objects) and the topological properties (patterns, node properties and network structure) of the network of appropriated locations.

In both cases the shapes and dimensions of the appropriated objects manifest increased diversity. The ‘intersection’ model indicates the presence of horizontal surfaces with a variety of dimensions concerning width and level, which enable sitting, leaning or placing food and drink, as well as vertical surfaces to be used for leaning against or standing by. As it is difficult to generalize on the minimum dimensions of surfaces (and perhaps this is one of the limitations of the descriptive model) we can state that the presence of horizontal and vertical surfaces of a diversity of dimensions comprises a necessary physical environmental condition for emergent places.

We observe that, despite the presence of available open floor being common in both cases, we cannot determine a common minimum available floor area, as both the density of individuals and the size of the appropriated open surface differ between the two groups. While immigrants congregate compactly, assuming physical contact at a minimum observed available floor area of 0.16m2 per immigrant (Section 4.4.3.6.), skateboarders spread and occupy a total floor area of 827m2 with a minimum observed available floor area of 63 square meters per skateboarder (Section 5.3.3.3.). Further, the availability of the open floor area with respect to legal accessibility is noteworthy. While in the case of immigrants there were no prohibitions against the occupation of sidewalks and arcades, in the case of skateboarders there was a clear demarcation of the area of the Tilburg Conservatorium’s public grounds where skateboarding was permitted. Hence we can state that the presence

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of available open floor area is a necessary physical environmental condition for emergent places.

In the intersection model we observe that certain common topological properties of the appropriated locations prevail at both the micro- and macro- scales of investigation. We identify commonalities in the network of appropriated locations with respect to: patterns ‘rows’, individual properties of nodes ‘betweenness’, ‘centrality’ and ‘depth’, as well as in the structural properties of the network ‘alternative paths’. We consider these topological properties of the appropriated locations to be necessary physical environmental conditions for emergent places.

In both cases too, we observe rows of adjacent available spaces, surfaces or objects, which accommodate activities associated with, and supportive of, group interaction. We have encountered ‘rows’ as standard types of tree graphs, in this case representing the network of activity locations. In the case of the immigrant cluster we witness rows of appropriated open and interior spaces between facilities and street that accommodate street gatherings. Further on, at the scale of the urban subsystem — the network of streets and pedestrian paths — we observe rows of street gatherings, as well as rows of facilities established by owners of common ethnic background. In the case of the number one skate spot in Tilburg we register rows of objects — steps, platforms and ledges — that provide the surfaces, edges and gaps that are incorporated in specific skate tricks and their combinations.

In both cases the appropriated locations present centrality in a particular network of activity. In the case of immigrants we observe that locations of highest activity concentration present centrality, although they are not centers, in the network of immigrant activities. In the case of skateboarders the location of ‘the clust’ is the center of the Tilburg skate spots network. In addition, we observe that both locations are situated in the city center. However, what is, perhaps, more interesting in both cases is that temporary distances according to the available means of transport define the city center.

The appropriated locations both present high ‘betweenness’ of two or more bracketing pairs. In the case of the immigrants’ place of getting together, appropriated locations with highest concentration of activity present high betweenness. This is evident both at

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the scale of the network of paths and at the scale of elements of the streetscape. We observe, specifically, that the open spaces — the sidewalk arcades, lobbies or segments of the sidewalk — that attract the largest street gatherings are ‘intervening locations’ occurring between facilities and transport entry-exit points. Further, at urban-regional scale we observe that the major transport entry-exit point — the Omonoia metro station — presents ‘betweenness’ of 3 bracketing pairs in the subway network.

In the case of the number one skate spot in Tilburg we observe that the section of the public grounds that is available to skateboarders is an intervening location between the sidewalk and the entrances to the facility interiors, presenting topological betweenness of 6 bracketing pairs, thus enhancing the potential presence of an ‘audience’ for skateboarders performing tricks. Further on, at the scale of the urban subsystem of Tilburg skate spots, the location of ‘the clust’ presents ‘betweenness’ of 3 bracketing pairs.

In both cases the appropriated locations present shallow depth from transport entry-exit points. ‘Depth’ is defined as the topological distance of a location from the nearest entry. In the case of the immigrants’ place of getting together in downtown Athens, there exists a plethora of public and private transport entry-exit points to the location, which consequently leads to shallow depth for all locations of high immigrant activity concentration. In the case of the number one skate spot in Tilburg, the public grounds of the Brabant’s Conservatorium are located within short topological and temporal distance from the central railway station, and therefore present shallow depth.

Alternative paths in the graph representing the network of appropriated locations are also common to both cases. In the case of the immigrants’ place of getting together we observe the presence of alternative pedestrian paths between locations where immigrant facilities and street gatherings are concentrated. Further, we observe alternative paths in the ethnic subgraphs that contribute to the privacy of ethnic subclusters and create opportunities for new facility and street gatherings (Table 4.12).

In the case of the number one skate spot in Tilburg, we observe alternative paths in the network of adjacent surfaces, edges and gaps that are incorporated in a variety of skate ‘runs’, and that contribute to the possibility of concurrent skate sessions and the simultaneity of experienced and beginner skaters (Diagram 5.7).

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Table 6.3: The ‘intersection model’

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6.5.2. The minimum ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places The intersection model has outlined the common morphological properties of the two emergent places under investigation. Allowing generalization and abstraction from the common element between the two cases included in the intersection model we submit a set of ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ that contribute to the occurrence of an emergent place in an urban location. While the ‘difference’ of the case models indicates the extra number of necessary physical environmental conditions for the particular and distinguishing activities of each group, the conditions included in the intersection model are called the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ for the occurrence of emergent places, and are considered to be of higher generality. 1.

The presence of horizontal and vertical surfaces with a diversity of dimensions of which some should have minimum width of 30 cm and be located at maximum level of 120 cm in order to serve as provisional seating and resting.

The presence of open floor area available for occupation allowing a minimum area of 0.16m2 per person.

Arrangement of the available spaces, surfaces and objects, such that rows of accessible micro-locations are produced.

High ‘betweenness’ of the available spaces, surfaces and objects, connecting two or more pairs of activity locations.

Shallow ‘depth’ of the location from transport points, ensuring accessibility by walking in no more than 10 minutes and by transport in no more than 30 minutes.

Centrality of the location within the network of activity, specific to the group. The center of the network is defined by temporal distance according to the group’s available means of transport.

Arrangement of spaces, surfaces and objects, such that several ‘alternative paths’ exist in the network of micro-locations available for appropriation.

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6.5.3. The ‘difference model’ Differences of the two cases leading to model revision The ‘differences’ between the two descriptive models of the two case studies are rejected from the general model of emergent places. However, as we have demonstrated in the examples of design guidelines, they exhibit a certain degree of prescriptive validity in their specificity, and highlight the distinct social, behavioral and environmental characteristics of each place (Tables 6.4, 6.5).

The differences between the two cases help us to identify some inconsistencies in the model structure, which can lead to suggestions for its modification. In this section we focus on some of the differences between the descriptive models of the two case studies leading to the revision of analytical framework in the hypothesized model structure.

While in the case of skateboarders the descriptive model makes explicit constraints between the dimensions of the objects used and the skate tricks that occur on them, in the case of the immigrants’ analysis it is not exhaustive to identify the minimum dimensions. Consequently, the ‘intersection model’ excludes the dimension of length of horizontal surfaces, which is a necessary condition for the occurrence of certain skate tricks constraining the core interaction of skateboarders.

In the case of skateboarders the descriptive model acknowledges the important role of ambient morphological properties in the location, such as the texture of surfaces and lighting. These parameters do not exist in the ontology of the model for the immigrants, although the model acknowledges the ‘evocation of ambience’, registering the immigrants’ decorating, and placing signs and messages on, vertical surfaces. Consequently, the intersection model excludes physical environmental conditions relating to textures of surfaces and lighting.

Due to the spatial expanse of the two places, the resolution of the two models differs in scales of investigation. While the model for skateboarders has a finer grain of microlocation analysis at the level of the building and objects, the model for immigrants has a

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finer grain in the topological analysis of the urban subsystem, at the level of the pattern of pedestrian paths.

While in the case of skateboarders the descriptive model acknowledges the presence of other groups in the location — the concert hall audience, conservatorium students and passers-by — as a contributing condition to the skateboarders’ ‘freedom of expression’ (a feature that increases the performance of ‘the clust’ as a ‘good show-off place’), in the case of immigrants the model does not examine the effect of the presence of native facility owners and customers.

In conclusion, we can state that model revision should undertake the following modifications: •

Exhaustive analysis of dimensions of the appropriated spaces and objects to the minimum limits, including length, width, height and level.

•

Morphological analysis of ambient properties of spatial envelopes — texture of surfaces and lighting — in the appropriated location.

•

Equal resolution of analysis on three levels of investigation: urban-regional analysis, urban subsystem analysis and micro-locational analysis.

•

Analysis of the effect of the presence of different groups upon the activities of the group in focus.

The suggestions for model revision lead to revision of the analytical categories of the conceptual framework Morphology – Operation - Performance. A suggestion for the modification of the analytical framework of the model of emergent places is schematically presented (Table 6.7).

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Table 6.7: Revised analytical framework for the model

Morphology

Metric properties

Operation

Topological properties

Ambient properties

Location network patterns

Texture

Supportive activities

Performance

Intragroup interaction

Rows Loops Trees Dimensions

Group in focus Width

Individual

Length Height

Collective

Level Node properties

Light Betweenness Depth Centrality Degree

Shape

Other groups

Surfaces

Vertical Horizontal Oblique

Edges

Straight

Gaps

Vertical Horizontal Oblique

Network structure Alternative paths Connectivity

Spaces

Open Circumscribed

Intervening locations

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Intergroup interaction

Intermediary norms

Higher Standing Norm

Table 6.4: Difference of ‘immigrants’ place of getting together’

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Table 6.5: Difference of ‘the number one skate spot of Tilburg’

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6.6. The ‘higher generality model’ of emergent places In this concluding section we present the ‘higher generality model’; that is the model of emergent places which results from the generalization of the intersection of the models of cases one and two developed above (Table 6.6) and which we can consider as the design tool for emergent places.

The ‘higher generality model of emergent places’, which is both descriptive and prescriptive, does indeed ‘compromise its accuracy by its generality’ (Bunge 1966 in Echenique 1968:170). In this respect the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental

conditions’ should be complemented by the ‘group-specific necessary physical environmental conditions’ defined for each specific place and group. On the other hand, the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’ comprise an adequate set of guidelines for the design of urban spaces with potential for accommodating ‘emergent urban groups’ whose needs are not yet specified.

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Table 6.6: The â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;higher generality modelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; of emergent places

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7. Conclusion and extension

Within the framework of ‘emergent places for urban groups without a place’ the thesis has considered urban spaces as containing objects of activity rather than as abstract geometric forms, and has challenged the universality of the notion of ‘user needs’ in the perspective of sustaining cultural diversity in urban space.

Sustaining cultural diversity in urban space requires supporting the expression of identity of ‘urban groups without a place’ — socially excluded groups, urban subcultures and emergent urban groups — which are not institutionally established and remain, as yet, unaccounted for in the design of urban spaces. Supporting the expression of identity of urban groups without a place entails acknowledging their essential need to spontaneously appropriate urban spaces with certain continuity in time and providing spatial resources that have the potential to become ‘emergent (appropriated) places’.

Grounded in empirical observation and systematic representation — description and explanation — of the phenomenon of emergent places, the thesis has constructed a tool for the acknowledgement of ‘urban groups without a place’ in the design of urban open spaces. This design tool comprises a set of guidelines for the physical environmental conditions that are necessary though not sufficient for the occurrence of emergent places. Prescribing for the design of urban spaces that bear the potential to accommodate everemergent urban groups whose specific needs are not yet specified, the thesis contributes to the sustainable development of culturally diverse public spaces.

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7.1. General attributes of emergent places The development of a higher generality model of emergent places has demonstrated that emergent places are a contemporary urban phenomenon, each such place possessing distinct social, behavioural and physical environmental characteristics which are respectively made explicit by the analytical categories of Performance, Operation and Morphology. Generality has been achieved by comparison of the two cases of emergent places that the thesis has investigated. In this section we summarize the general attributes of emergent places: ‘freedom of expression’ Emergent places have the ability to confirm the identity of the groups that have claimed them by appropriation. Despite norms particular to each group, ‘freedom of expression’ of a given group’s particular norms, values and behavior is their essential characteristic. ‘intra-group interaction potential’ Emergent places have the potential to facilitate intra-group interaction. The general ‘intra-group interaction’ of emergent places consists of ‘exchange of information’, ‘meeting friends’ and ‘getting together with people of the same group’. These are complemented by specific interaction essential to the particular belief system, values and behavior of the particular group. ‘cluster potential’ On the condition that geographical proximity renders a ‘composition of actors’1 accessible to each other, emergent places can be understood as clusters; spatial arrangements that provide the opportunity for groups of people formed around specific interests to interact with each other. These clusters are diverse in ‘social micro-scale’, including a variety of subgroups within the overall group in focus.

‘accessibility’ Emergent places are urban locations that are physically accessible by a plethora of transport means available to each group. They lie within a maximum 30 minutes travel from the locations of departure of the groups appropriating them. 1

Alexander Tzonis, in our discussions on the notion, has frequently stated that ‘clustering’ essentially refers to ‘a composition of actors that are accessible to each other’ while ‘clusterability’ is ‘the potential of an arrangement to allow certain numbers of institutions interact’.

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‘availability’ Emergent places comprise of urban spaces that are available for appropriation with certain continuity in time. Availability of emergent places can be physical (adequate floor area) but also legal (lack of prohibitive legislation). ‘diversity’ Emergent places comprise of urban spaces that are morphologically diverse. These spaces fit in the category of urban voids and present a multitude of shapes and dimensions. Their spatial arrangement is such that they include various rows of accessible micro-locations. ‘between-ness’ Emergent places are urban locations that present considerable between-ness in urban spatial networks. They are situated between two or more pairs of activity locations. ‘connectivity’ Emergent places as networks of activity micro-locations are highly connected. Alternative paths linking various micro-locations are present. ‘centrality’ Emergent places are central locations, the center being defined by multidimensional distances of time, cost and culture.

The higher generality model of emergent places has led to the development of the design tool for emergent places which prescribes the minimum ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ for their occurrence. These necessary conditions constrain the appropriation potential of an urban location, and can be considered as properties of emergence within a spatial structure. Necessary physical environmental conditions for emergent places of urban groups without a place are distinguished between generic and group-specific. While the generic ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ of emergent places are particularly useful in the case of future emergent groups whose particular needs are not yet specified, group-specific ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ of emergent places, which we have identified in the two cases investigated in the thesis, retain a certain degree of validity for different locations.

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Diagram 7.1: Structure of design tool for emergent places Sociocultural diversity

Performance Confirm group identity

Freedom of expression

Specific intermediary group norms

Operation Exchange information

Easy access

Walk <10 minutes

Meet friends

Get together

Clustering of subgroups

Travel <30 minutes

Specific intra-group interaction

Specific supportive collective activity

Stand-sit-lean-wait-place provisions

Specific supportive individual activity

Morphology Specific ambient properties

Specific dimensions and shapes

Diversity of dimensions of horizontal and vertical surfaces Available floor area of minimum 0.16m2 per person Centrality of available locations

Rows of available locations

Between-ness of available locations

Alternative paths in the network of available locations

Low penetration from transport points

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7.2. Evaluation of the research process The evaluation of the research process addresses three issues: •

The accomplishments of the research in relation to expectations as stated in the introduction

•

The significance and uniqueness of the research

•

The limitations of the research

7.2.1. Accomplishment of expectations The thesis has been successful in fulfilling the following expectations as stated in the introduction: •

To provide an understanding of the phenomenon of emergent places and their essential social, behavioural and physical environmental characteristics.

•

To arrive at a set of guidelines for the design of urban spaces acknowledging urban groups without a place on the basis of the understanding of the phenomenon of emergent places.

The thesis has developed a descriptive-explanatory model of the phenomenon of emergent places, providing an adequate answer to the essential questions of how and why a specific group appropriates a particular location, by distinguishing relations between group values, group activities and the spatial envelopes where these activities occur.

The thesis has also succeeded in producing of a tool for the acknowledgement of urban groups without a place in urban design, by identifying the necessary, though not sufficient, physical environmental conditions for the occurrence of emergent places.

A model of emergent places that led to the design tool was constructed on the basis of behavioral observations in two real-setting situations. The value of the specific case findings should be considered independently, as well as serving as a means to develop a model of higher degree of generalization.

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Therefore the model of emergent places: •

Is robust

•

Has explanatory power

•

Has prescriptive power

7.2.2. Significance and uniqueness of the research In contrast to theoretical urban studies, the literature in the domain of urban design has not, up to now, covered the issue of non-institutionally established urban groups constructed on the basis of social and cultural characteristics that denote shared systems of norms, values, interests and behaviours and that usually escape the dominant order. In this respect the significance and uniqueness of our research lies in its focus upon unaccounted user groups that we have defined as ‘urban groups without a place’.

The innovative value of the research in the field of urban design, and specifically the design of public spaces, is that, besides comprising a fresh gaze on the problematic of the user, it provides a design tool for the accommodation of environmental needs of yet-to-be specified user groups, by manipulating ‘properties of emergence’ of an urban location. Maintaining properties of emergence in urban space contributes to the sustainability of social diversity in urban space, by anticipating the presence of ever-emergent urban groups in the context of accelerated cultural change.

In addition, the research is significant in succeeding to analyze a not yet well-understood urban space — the space of urban groups without a place —by employing the conceptual framework ‘Morphology - Operation - Performance’ developed by Alexander Tzonis et al. 1987).

(Tzonis

The distinction between Operation and Performance, and the identification of

intermediate states in the two analytical categories (Operation as a system of interrelated activities and Performance as a hierarchy of group values), contributes to further understanding the function of public space as a socially diverse field of activity.

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While the conclusions of the study may be seen limited from the point of view of generality, as we will mention later, the validity of this study is enhanced as a result of the choice of the two cases compared, being of extreme variance. Very different from each other, one is a marginal socio-economic group of male adults, the other a youth subculture.

Finally, the research presents significant results with respect to the formulation of design guidelines. Most cases of guidelines on addressing user needs today work with heuristic rules that prescribe particular morphological requirements (Cooper Marcus et al. 1992). Here, we formulate design guidelines as a system of conditional ‘if’-‘then’ statements ‘ifthen’ that make explicit chains of inference between physical environmental conditions, intra-group interaction and group values. We consider such a formulation of design guidelines as an intelligent system that captures the complexity of the phenomenon, can easily be tested against other situations, and can be applied within professional practice.

7.2.3. Limitations of the research We present the limitations of the research in the following four points:

The logical formalization of ‘consequent-antecedent’ rules in the design tool is not rigorous. The conditional statements ‘if’-‘then’ used in Chapter 6 are schematizations to make the point, and are by no means ready to be computerized. Nevertheless, we consider this schematic system of rules as a sketch of relations that is good enough to capture the phenomenon. However, in the prospect of developing a computing tool the formalization would have to be perfected.

The empirical data, gathered by field research, are indicative and cannot be considered as a statistically valid sample. However, given the duration of the case studies, observations are sufficient for the validity of the conclusions.

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Anthropological input is necessary: in both cases the techniques of observation and interpretation were mostly based on existing literature. Given the opportunity of an unprecedented case study, collaboration with an expert in ethnography would be necessary.

The validity of the generalization is limited, as the higher generality model of emergent places is based only on two cases.

7.4. Applicability of the research in urban design The thesis has developed a design tool that addresses the needs of ‘urban groups without a place’ in the design of urban spaces. Considering the applicability of this tool in the field of urban design we can state that the target group of the design tool is primarily composed of the formal decision makers in the production of public space: city authorities, institutions, project managers, developers, urban planners, architects, designers and, perhaps, participants of interest groups of users. The goal of the research is, therefore, the development of a design tool that provides a set of guidelines which aid the acknowledgement of urban groups without a place within standard urban design practice. There are two major possible applications for this design tool: urban design practice and, particularly, the design of public spaces and social–cultural programming.

In the field of urban design the design tool could be applied in order to: •

Evaluate properties of emergence in a given urban location according to the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’

•

Create future urban spaces that bear properties of emergence according to the ‘minimum necessary physical environmental conditions’

•

Reflect critically on existing practices and methods applied in architecture and urban design practice

In the field of social and cultural programming the design tool can be utilized to: •

Evaluate the performance of urban space with respect to the accommodation of interaction that satisfies norms of ‘urban groups without a place’

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•

Facilitate the accommodation of interaction that satisfies norms of ‘urban groups without a place’

•

Reflect critically on existing practices and methods of sociocultural programming applied in urban planning

According to the distinctions introduced by the ‘Morphology – Operation - Performance’ framework the group of users of the design tool includes the range of decision makers in all levels of urban design and social and cultural programming. The design tool can integrate decision makers responsible for each state.

Diagram 7.2. Applicability of the design tool of emergent places Performance

←

↓ Operation

Mayor, user group

←

Police, social scientist, user group

←

Engineer, user group

Design tool ←

↓ Morphology

←

of Emergent places

←

However, the moral and policy implications of the design tool should also be acknowledged, given that potential conflict between different stakeholders has not been considered in the model. In this respect the design tool has limited prescriptive power.

7.5. Future research agenda The future research agenda includes possible extensions of the research accomplished here, including a universal study of emergent places, an extensive study of freestyle skateboarding locations, an extensive study of immigrants’ ‘places of getting together’, and the development of a computerized design tool for emergent places.

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The extension of the research towards a universal study of emergent groups would require the application of the Morphology – Operation – Performance conceptual framework of the model of emergent places to a larger sample of empirical data, and to more social groups that fit the definitive category of research ‘urban groups without a place’.

The study of a larger number of cases would result, on the one hand, in an Atlas of Emergent Places and, on the other, in the refinement of the design tool for emergent places. The mechanisms for further development of the design tool for emergent places (ie: ‘Backward-Forward’ chaining between description and prescription, and ‘in-betweening’ the cases) are also applicable to the universal study of emergent places.

Diagram 7.3: Research extension structure Observation

M↔O↔P

Necessary Conditions

C1 C2 C3 Cn Intersection

Generic

Difference

Specific

The extension of the research to extensive studies of ‘freestyle skateboarding’ locations and/or immigrants’ ‘places of getting together’ would require a larger number of case studies of such places investigated in a variety of contexts. As the literature survey has exposed, both kinds of emergent place can be encountered today in most European cities. In such cases, the application of the Morphology – Operation – Performance conceptual framework for the model of emergent places could thus lead to the further testing of the ‘necessary physical environmental conditions’ identified in our two descriptive models, and to ground more solidly the claim that they are necessary.

The extension of the research to develop a computerized design tool for emergent places can proceed on the basis of the existing model structure. The model of emergent places in its current state provides the foundation for a computerized tool, but so far lacks rigorous, logical formalizations. The development of the computerized design tool for emergent places would require additional expertise from the domain of computer science.

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The development of a computing model would facilitate the systematic testing of larger numbers of cases, providing a larger sample of qualitative descriptions.

However, one has to question here whether research extension to a larger sample would lead to a quantitative model. The position taken here is that, despite the plethora of empirical data, the universal computing model of emergent places would necessarily remain a qualitative model, since it would always intend to identify the necessary, though not sufficient, physical environmental conditions for emergent places.

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8. Appendix 8.1. Interacting with the observed: Loosely structured interviews with immigrants and natives in downtown Athens 1. Date: 31-07-03, 13:00 Place: sidewalk arcade 17 Menandrou Street Name: Mahmut Profession: street merchant Nationality: Iraq Migration to Athens: 1999

Mahmout left Baghdad 4 to 5 years ago and came to Athens. He claims there are approximately 1500 Iraqis in Athens.Their hangout is café Ahmet. Mahmout comes to this area to seek work; selling mobile phones, bananas or other ‘street things’ as he calls them. He has no passport or residence permit. I remembered also taking a photo of him in September.

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2. Date: 31-07-03, 13:00 Place: arcade 17 Menandrou str. Name: Saki Profession: street merchant Nationality: Pakistan Migration to Athens: -

Saki makes and sells sandwiches on the sidewalk arcade of Menandrou Street. The sandwiches contain liver and lettuce and are wrapped in Arabic pita bread. He sells on the street without a license everyday between 12:00 and 20:00 hrs. As mobile canteen he uses a self-made device comprising of a supermarket trolley covered with plywood. The material is carried in the supermarket trolley, while the plywood offers the cutting and wrapping surface.

3. Date: 09-08-03 Place: 3 Diplari str. Name: Nizam Udin Profession: Indian Tasty Restaurant owner Nationality: Bangladesh Migration to Athens: 1999

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Nizam Udin is Bangladeshi and started the Indian Tasty Restaurant in 2000. At the moment his ‘chef has left him to work in Volos, therefore there are only a limited number of dishes to eat’. At the time we spoke he was having coffee with one of his provisional cooks on the steps across the street for the restaurant.

4. Date: 09-08-03, 18:00hrs Place: Asian Bazaar, Diplari Street Name: Zainoul Profession: Employee at Asian Bazaar food store Nationality: Bangladesh Migration to Athens: 1998

Zainoul works in this shop that belongs a friend of his. The shop opened in 1996, it was the first Asian Food store that opened in the area. ‘Business is not going on so good now, because there are plenty of Asian food stores that have recently opened in the area’. The rent is 600euro per month now and increases 150 euro every year. The shop sells Asian food products either imported from Bangladesh, like frozen sweet water fish or Basmati rice and Asian vegetables gown in fields near Athens (Marathonas). People who shop here are exclusively immigrants: Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Indian or Sri-Lankan but never Greeks. He migrated to Athens for financial reasons 5 years ago and has not seen his family since. The airfare to Bangladesh is too expensive, 600euro, thus telephone calls are their only communication. He sends money back to his family by Western union Money transfer. While we are discussing a number of men come into the store and pick up a roll of leaves and spices from a basin next to the counter. Most of the visitors that enter have a brief talk with a keeper, pick up a leaf roll and go outside. There are a number of friends of the keeper that help with calculating tasks at the counter and keep him company.

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5. Date: Sunday 10-08-03, 13:15hrs Place: Raja Jee fast food, 47 Sofokleous street Name: Mahmout Profession: Tailor Nationality: Pakistan Migration to Athens: 1995

His companion owns collection of prepaid calling cards for sale. The prepaid calling cards contain 25 minutes talking time to Pakistan. They offer to me one empty one. (item 1) Mahmout is a tailor and fabricates travel bags. He claims that â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;since the Chinese arrived and opened all the cheap clothes stores, there is very little workâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Mahmout lives in Nea Iwnia, he comes to the area every Saturday and Sunday to meet friends. He claims that he feels comfortable in this area. He also goes to the mosque that has recently opened on Sofokleous Street. He is religious and prays 5 times per day. He testifies that the shops opened in the area 5 years ago. He has a temporary living permit, despite the fact that he has applied since 2000, which he displays to me together with his Pakistan identity card. He complains that the time it takes to get the permanent living permit is too long.

6. Date: Sunday 10-08-03, 13:50 Place: Taj Mahal Mini Market, 27 Eshilou street Name: Farouk Contact: 210-3222684 Profession: Shop owner Nationality: Bangladesh Migration to Athens: 1993

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Farouk is the owner of Taj Mahal mini market, an Asian food store with products imported from Bangladesh that he opened in 2000 and rents for 470 euro per month. In the beginning of our talk he explains that the rolls of leaves and herbs located on his front desk are like chewing gum for the Bangladesh men. His side seats a friend and an employee serves the customers that enter the shop during our conversation. Farouk lives in Kypseli with his wife and two children aged 2 years and 5 months. He has lived in Athens for ten years, speaks Greek and claims to stay here as long as it takes. He left Bangladesh due to problems with the Muslim Fundamentalist party. His profession there was journalist. ‘In 1991 I started receiving death threats had to leave my country’ This was the cause of his immigration to Athens in 1993. On his arrival in Athens he was employed by Basilopoulos, director of clinic White Cross, located by Hilton Hotel, and owner of a pharmaceutical factory where Farouk worked for 8 years. Basilopoulos helped Farouk’s wife to come to Athens and lent him money to open this shop. They have a friendly relationship and still meet once a week. Farouk has a temporary living permit-vevaiwsi- and a permit for operating the food market. He pays tax, has social insurance at IKA and TEVE. Nevertheless he feels insecure about the future of his business since his permanent green card is always postponed, which may endanger his shop operation permit. Despite the fact that he was a Journalist in Bangladesh, he does not write for the Bangladesh community paper and is not related to ABIG the Association of Bangladesh Immigrants Greece. He claims there are 8000 Bangladesh immigrants in Athens. His itinerary in the area is strictly work related; he arrives by trolley in the stop of Akadhmia and walks to the shop, working between 10:00 and 23:00 hrs every day. He claims that the area is dangerous because of the ‘Kurdish, Albanians and Rusian-Ponties, Pakistan and Nigerian people are very good’. Farouk has secured his shop with alarm system and a surveillance camera. He always prefers to walk out of his shop with company. He also claims that there is Kurdish Mafia asking for protection money, although it is not clear if he pays them or not. Farouk’s friend displays a broken tooth from an assault by a Kurd. To my question about his favorite places to spend free time in Athens he answers he has no free time. Discussing Indian restaurants, he recommends Jaipour Palace in Marousi as the best one although the local Pak Indian is also good. A Greek owns Jaipour Palace but they have excellent food and very good prices, apparently Papandreou (current Minister of Foreign Affairs) eats there. By the end of our discussion as I am interested in buying some tea, he offers it as gift to me together with a welcome poster.

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7. Date: Sunday 10-08-03, 14:20 Place: 25 Eshilou Street Name: Musa Ambu Profession: Fashon (clothes industry) Nationality: Bangladesh Migration to Athens: 1995

Musa is a priest in the mosque of 25 Eshilou Street. He lives in 25 Deligiwrgi street and works in Botanikos in a clothes factory as a fashon worker. He informs me about the mosques in Athens, numbering approximately 23. The ones Musa serves are Filesian 20 in Petralona, Eshylou 25, Kifhsou 4 in Nea Halkidona. He also knows about the mosques in Geraniou 14 and Sofokleous but does not go there. The big day for Muslim ceremonies is Friday. Ambu is happy in Athens although he complains about the difficulties for the residence permit. He owns a red Suzuki mini van that he parks on Eshylou street.In his free time he goes for walks in Piraeus, Tavros and Patision. About his feeling in the area he claims that that â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Bangladesh and Pakistani people that frequent it are good and badâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

8. Date: Sunday 10-08-03, 14:10 Place: Prince Video and Layberry, 24 Eshilou street Name: Rahman Profession: Nationality: Bangladesh Migration to Athens: -

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Rahman is a friend of the Prince video shop owner. He comes to the store to meet friends and spend time on weekends. He also goes for a walk to Thisseion, Koumoundourou, Monastiraki and Paralia. He claims that the video shop opened in 2001 and operates every day for a few hours but mostly on weekends it stays open all day.

9. Date: Monday 11-08-03, 13:10 Place: sidewalk of Raja Jee fast food, 47 Sofokleous street Name: Peter Profession: street merchant (mikropwlitis) Nationality: Nigeria Migration to Athens: 1992

Peter is standing on the sidewalk next to a friend holding his daughter Nike in his arms. At first he seems annoyed with my questions. During our talk he receives a number of calls on his mobile and greets a few passers by. Peter lives with his family in Sepolia in Agiou

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Meletiou Street and baptized his daughter in Aghio Meletio. He states that he comes to this place every day to find work as small-scale salesman. His favorite hangout in Athens is a hairdressing saloon that belongs to a friend of his in Plateia Koliatsou - Pathsion. His itinerary in the area includes the African restaurant in Geraniou Street, an electronics outlet corner of Sophocles and Geraniou where he buys items to resell or further on Socrates a shop where he buys sunglasses.

10. Date: Monday 11-08-03, 13:20 Place: Entrance of shop, 47 Sofokleous street Name: Sakis Nikolakopoulos Profession: Paper Package store owner Nationality: Greek

His opinion about the transformation of the area since the establishment of the immigrant’s facilities is grim. He states that criminality has increased, especially thefts. He reports a theft by a woman some hours ago the same day. On his opinion about the Pakistanis is that ‘they are gentlemen’ and that ‘Nigerians are rude and aggressive but not thieves’. He introduces me to the ‘leader of the Pakistanis’ standing next to us in front of Raja Jee fast food.

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11. Date: 07-08-03, 23:00hrs Place: Porfyra restaurant, Hydra Name: Demetrios Antonitsis Profession: Visual Artist Nationality: Greek

I ask Demetrios to report about the character of the Market area before the immigrants and its transformation after their arrival. ‘The deca (decadence) in the area was amazing. During the day the area was full of small shops, dairy products, Greek food products from oregano to rare poultry (perdikes). During the night it was full of aged prostitutes and nothing else. It was very dangerous to walk around in the area at night.’ Responding to the statement that the immigrants occupied a void produced by the transformations in the market area. ‘The dairy products stores, like “Strugga” in Diplari went bankrupted and closed down. Given the fact that rents in the area of the Market and Koumoundourou were super-cheap it was logical for immigrants to rent spaces there’ I describe to him the area as a Transition Zone a la Burgees being inhabited by bohemia and the underworld. He states: ‘When the first gallery “Kamhi” opened in the area in 1995 the owner frequently asked me to escort her home; I lived near the crossing of Aiolou and Ermou street. I found my dog, baby-doll on Aiolou Street. The corner of Sokratous and Sofokleous used to be a transvestite cruising spot a ‘piazza’ where you could find crude transsexuals, builders wearing wigs, it is said that Kwstas Tachtsis also cruised there. An other piazza is active now the corner of Euripidou and Swkratous.’ About the transformation of the area with the arrival of immigrants: ‘Immigrants were the new faces in the area. Initially there was an invasion of Kurds. The Chinese arrived much later. The are was hospitable to the immigrants, they could find immediate work in the market or the building industry as unskilled workers. There was a builder’s piazza on the corner of Swkratous and Anaxagora, where the Kurds

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gather to find work. Now immigrants hire other immigrants as employees, like the Chinese; those are very cruel employers.’ About the abundance of bars and art galleries in the area: ‘It was very easy to get permission for a new urban bar in the area. Club Guru in Plateia Theatrou opened in 1998. They were upper middle class children that had lived in Europe and tried to revive the atmosphere of an Asian Quarter. The gallery spawn generated the request for such places, were would one go after an exhibition opening? Central Food market was an initial destination but later the more galleries that opened the more restaurants and night clubs.’

12. Date: Monday 11-08-03, 13:25 Place: sidewalk of Raja Jee fast food, 47 Sofokleous street Name: Ali Profession: Metal factory worker- Tornadoros Nationality: Pakistan Migration to Athens: 1990

Ali is standing next to the so-called leader of the Pakistanis and speaks to us in Greek. Ali has been in Athens for 14 years, lives in Botanikos and works in a metal factory. On my question on his itinerary in the area he states ‘We are good boys we do not go anywhere, not even with a woman, it is forbidden by our religion, as well as alcohol’. His itinerary includes the Raja Jee fast food for kebab and the Asian Hairdresser in Menandrou 6 for a haircut. His favorite place in Athens is Raja Jee fast food where he has good kebab and meets with his friends.

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13. Date: Monday 11-08-03, 13:45 Place: inside Pak-Asia call center, 10 Menandrou Street Name: Efthar Malek Profession: businessman Nationality: Pakistan Migration to Athens: 1997

Efthar Malek owns Pak-Asia Calling center in Menandrou Street. The business opened in 2003. The space, approximately 15 square meters is rented for 550euro per month. Efthar likes it in Athens and feels comfortable in the area. His favorite place in Athens is here. He stays in the shop socializing with friends and clients.

14. Date: Tuesday 06-01-04, 13:45 Place: inside Mini Supermarket Bangladesh, 7 Korinis Street Name: Imbram Hussein Profession: Storekeeper Nationality: Bangladesh Migration to Athens: 1997

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Imbram is one of three brothers operating the mini-Supermarket. Since 1997 they have been running the store working everyday 10:00-21:00 hrs alternating on holidays. He feels safe in this area and wants to keep the business for the future. The rent is 500e per month and has a raise of 10% every 2 years. He claims the people gathered inside the shop are customers, not friends. On the shop window there is a newspaper article copy with minister of Foreign Affairs and representatives of the immigrants in Greece, one of which is his brother. In his free time he goes to Glyfada, McDonalds, Paradise restaurant and Greek kafeneio. He also mentions a sociologist Nikos Kollios who had recently interviewed him. 15. Date: Tuesday 06-01-04, 20:45 Place: entrance of restaurant Sul-aymani, 5 Saphous Street Name: Karuan Profession: restaurant owner Nationality: Kurdish Migration to Athens: Cellphone: +30-6946885550 Karuan is the restaurant owner and wants to know the reason I am photographing his shop. He claims journalists are constantly coming for interviews. The restaurant moved here from another location 1,5 years ago because this is a central location and a lot of Kurdish men (patriwtes) gather here. He invites me in for a drink and volunteers to give an interview, for which he gives to me his cell number. I promise to make an appointment with him another time.

16. Date: Wendsday 07-01-04, 14:45 Place: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Coffee shop snack barâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, Thanopulu Gallery, Menandrou Name: Taisir Profession: Unemployed- former private employee Nationality: Egypt Migration to Athens: 1972

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Taisir has been unemployed for the last two years. He lives in Keramikos and in general is happy with his living standards in Athens. He comes here everyday. The Egyptian shops in the area are grocery the Nile, snack bar Alexandria and this place. Here come Egyptians, Sudanese, and Iraqi people. In the summer you can also find tourists. The snack bar has a television on prominent position with satellite reception of Egyptian channels. ‘We come here everyday because we are unemployed and we meet our friends here. I do not like the area; it is dirty, crowded. I feel insecure due to criminality, although not too high; there have been knifings lately. Lately I come here to do my shopping and take a stroll here in the Varvakeios market. This café has been in operation for the last ten years. In my free time I stroll in the Classic Antiquities sites.’ To my question how do you call this area he says: ‘ When we make an appointment for here, we say ‘ Lets go to Renta’s’ the shop owner here.’

17. Date: Saturday 08-05-04, 14:45 Place: inside Hasan clothes store, Sophocles 54 Name: Addai Profession: employ at store Nationality: Syria Migration to Athens: 1990 Addai lives in Plateia Attikis and likes to walk to the area. He has worked as a land surveyor in the Athens metro construction. He explains to me what happens in these street gatherings.‘The people that gather here (the corner of Menandrou and Sophocles streets) are Kurdish, foremost this is a ‘piazza’ to find work; they sell cell phones, illegal cigarets or drugs, they smuggle people into the country; the police knows about all this, they patrol everyday.’ About the evolution of immigrant facilities in the area he remembers: ‘The first shops in this spot opened by Egyptians. The immigrants brought new life to the area taking over Greek stores that were under functioning. Today the Chinese are aided by large companies from China to take over shops, they offer large sums in advance from 20000 to 70000 euro.’

18. Date: Friday 07-05-04, 20:45 Place: inside Pak Indian restaurant, Menandrou 13 Name: Muhammad Aslan Profession: bussinesman owner of three enterprises on Menandrou Nationality: Pakistan Migration to Athens: 1997 Muhamad is the owner of three enterprises in Menandrou 13, Pak Indian Restaurant, IndiaPakistan-Bagladesh food and drinks grocery and a kebab fast food that has just opened. He started in 1997 with the grocery and expanded his business in 2000 with Pak Indian

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Restaurant, which was the first restaurant in the area. In the beginning it was a very cheap café-restaurant with Indian food that from the beginning attracted Greek customers. Later on the prices went up, as he wanted to ‘clean the place up’. Muhamad shows me his contract pointing out the paragraph where a 15% increase of rent per year is indicated. He is now paying rent of 2100e per month, but claims that there is plenty of work now and that he will not give up. The Chinese today pay up to 70.000e rent in advance to hire a space; the average rent of these stores is 1500e per month. If they clean the area up the prices will raise even more. Muhamad does not go to the mosques. In his free time he goes to ‘good Greek venues’ he has stopped going to Pakistani shops. He prefers to go to museums and theatres, although he is very busy. On my inquiries about the street gatherings he replies: ‘Most of these men that gather in the crossing (of Sophocles and Menandrou) are Kurdish, now mostly selling cell phones. These are wild; some years ago they used to sell drugs, Kurds were selling and Greeks were buying. Two months ago a Kurd was murdered. There are a also few Pakistanis and Bangladeshi; they sell prepaid calling cards. They also make appointments to meet here.’ ‘The people that gather outside are bad for my business. There have been legal claims (katagellia) to forbid people from gathering outside without any results. There is trouble very day, I do not stay outside.’ ‘The men that gather outside the entrance are a nuisance; the customers are scared, especially women and friends. The police cannot intervene, as they cannot arrest someone without official papers. This is a very good location for business, it is central, and these people spoil the image. The Pakistanis and Bangladeshi that gather on the street are mostly poor and illiterate. They come from villages and do not know how to stand in a city street.’ When I talk about what he would like to change in the area he replies: ‘If I d like something to change in the urban open space it would be to have a larger, cleaner pavement; to remove the rubbish dispensers from the corner as it is unhygienic, so is the water that gathers in the puddles in the asphalt. I think that dirt attracts the men that gather here, if the place is clean they feel ashamed and do not gather’.

19. Date: Friday 07-05-04, 14:45 Place: inside arcade, Diplari 9 Name: Profession: businessman owner of printing industry Nationality: Greek Migration to Athens: The man is outraged with all the Africans that gather on the steps, the lobby and the arcade. He claims that municipal tax in this area is as high as the rich neighborhoods (Kolonaki) but here there is no care for the street space.

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He does not like the immigrants’ concentration in this building; he thinks it is unhygienic. ‘These people are animals there are too many restaurants here; the street stinks of cooking smells’. He informs me that most enterprises on Geraniou street were printing houses that went ‘bankrupt and closed down in the beginning on the 1990’s due to the widespread use of fax and photocopy machines. That’s how empty spaces for immigrant businesses were created’.

20. Date: Friday 07-05-04, 12:45 Place: inside gift shop, Diplari 14 1st floor Name: Tony Bricks Profession: Giftshop owner and chairman of Nigerian community Nationality: Greek Migration to Athens: 1980 Tony Bricks studied in Greece engineering and is, in contrast with so many other Africans, married to an African lady. He claims that the first Africans that started their business here were the ones married to Greeks. ‘Only after 1998 the year of the general amnesty, every immigrant could start a business here. The Chinese have arrived two years ago.’ (2002) ‘Geraniou is a ghetto; this is where you find most Africans in the city. Geraniou is also the first immigrant street in Athens; this is where the first Nigerian businesses started in 1989. This house, Geraniou 14 is the core, where the first African restaurant started 10 years ago (1994) on the 4th floor, but got shut down because it had no license. Today with the exception of one Greek tailor all tenants of the 7 floors of Geraniou 14 are immigrants’. ‘I will not talk to you again unless you give proof to me about who you are’.

21. Date: Saturday 08-05-04, 15:45 Place: inside Mini supermarket –Bangladesh store, Korinis 5 Name: Vorhan Uddin Profession: shop owner and vice chairman of Bangladesh community Nationality: Bangladeshi Migration to Athens: 1990 Vorhan is the oldest of the three brothers operating the Mini supermarket –Bangladesh store. He is well educated and president of the Bangladeshi Cultural Organization ‘Setouvandan’. He has published the book ‘Introduction to Greek’ a glossary of most essential phrases in Bengal, Urdu, English and Greek. He organizes festivals for the community, as most recently the celebration of Bangladeshi New Years Day on the 25th of April; which took place in these streets, a parade and traditional food for 500 people, including 50 women.

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According to Vorhan ‘Most Bangladeshis live in the area around Omonoia and near Park hotel’. To my question about why there are so many street gatherings he states: ‘Bangladeshi people live here, this is the street they know, outside the store they make appointments’ and ‘They make appointments outside the stores because they do not know the street names’. He wants to work for the best of this area. He states that the people that gather on the street are bad for the business. Vorhan does not give credit to people if they gather outside his store. On the history of this area he states that his is one of the first stores that opened here, together with Zainoul Abeddin in Diplary Street.

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8.2. Interacting with the observed: Loosely structured interviews with skateboarders in Tilburg

Interview 1 Employees and friends hanging around the shop, Location: Skateboard shop ‘curbs’ Tel: 0134671037 Time: July 3 200411:45hrs

‘Owner is Joep and has been running the shop for 10 years, we are helping him out’ ‘The ‘clust’ is the number one skate spot of Tilburg, it is not officially prohibited to skate there and the architect is very happy that skateboarders use the building. Today you will find very few skating there because two sk8 events are taking place; the building of an indoor ramp in the ‘vormen fabriek’ and a skate contest in Eindhoven. The first place to go is the ‘vormen fabriek’, tonight everyone should be there.’ They mark well-known skate spots on the city map of Tilburg. Most locations bare nick names. The list of skate spots in Tilburg includes: The Tilburg Conservatorium in the cunst’clust’er aka ‘the ‘clust’’ The fountain in front of Tilburg city hall aka ‘fountain gap’ The square of Konningplein The official skatepark The Elderly home in Noordhoekring aka ‘opa stairs’ The entrance of CZ headquarters aka ‘the ledge’ The Tilburg Katholic Univeristy aka ‘wheelie platform’ The skate park in Reeshof aka ‘bowl’

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Interview 2 Macs veteran skateboarder and master builder of indoor skate park Location: Hall of fame - ‘Vormen fabriek’ Time: July 3 2004 15:35hrs Tel: 0650845843

The ‘vormen fabriek’ is a former chocolate shaping factory. Macs is the master builder of the skate park in side the back hall of the factory. He is planning to build a mini bowl with very special shape, a mini-ramp with obstacles and a street course. The street course will reproduce fragments of favorite skate spaces such as the squares in Barcelona, the ‘mecca’ of streetstyle skateboarng: the MACBA and the parallel. ‘We have agreed with the city (the municipality) to rent this space until May two 2005, but due to delay of building works in the neighborhood that plan to tear the building down, hope to stay here another 2 maybe 3 years. The plan is to complete the construction of the park between July 3 and September 5. “We” are one foundation of three city youth groups: the skate group, the music group and the dancing group. We want to make a place for everyone, kids, skaters…Before that we had a skate park inside a church in Tilburg, it became quite famous, this is quite a long story, ….. ……I started skateboarding 13 years ago. I have quit since last year because I injured my knee. 11 years ago we had no good solution for a skate park in the city we started squatting buildings, we used to have a big empty swimming pool but this stopped two years ago, and they promised to us another location. We were offered Hasseltskerk and build an indoor skate park there. This is a picture of it published in Dutch skate –zine ‘fluff’ issue 6 September 2003. There we had an obstacle in the shape of a coffin as you see in the picture.Last year they asked us to leave but still we had no park, so we emptied the church took the park components out, went to the newspapers and claimed this hall, the obstacles you see were part of the park in the church. The church park had become famous, people from abroad started visiting us. We held ‘kraak cup’ competitions there.’

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How do you choose a place in the city to skateboard? ‘If there exists an object you want to do a trick on: blocks, curbs, distance in heights, good transitions, things you can slide on, curb to curb gaps, other gaps.. In Paris La Deffense there are unbelievable spots….Tilburg has no square where people come together, where people can meet and have fun, perhaps with a little field.’

About the ‘clust’ ‘The ‘clust’ is very smooth and the smoother the better, there are blocks kneehigh, it is covered, it is in the middle of the city, kids gather and hangout there, it is a good ‘show off’ place, to motivate each other in skateboarding as when you are on your own it is no fun. We used to go there everyday, everyone knows people are going to be there, so we all go there’. ‘I remember we had a talk with the city about it, the school director wanted us to leave, but the architect himself wanted us to stay, so it is not forbidden.’

About the official skate park ‘It is now completely trashed, we used to have fun there, we had three years of constant fun there, between 1998-2002. Today next to it there is a junky house and junkies gather there, so no skateboarders go anymore. Also the leaves in autumn that fall from the trees on the ramps make it un-skateable and should be cleaned.’

Hans- friend of Macs on freestyle skateboarding ‘We are veteran skaters of Tilburg.. Skater stand for a rebel thing, no school – find your creativity on the street, it makes us even more anxious to discover and take over places we are not supposed to go to.’ ‘We want to be involved in the design.’ ‘It is discipline to sk8 on obstacles’ ‘Search for something impossible to do and do it, that’s skateboarding.. ‘If it is forbidden, when you do it is more exciting. If you skate outside a company, for example Interpolis here, they call the police.’

Famous Tilburg skateboarders ‘There are two famous skateboarders that come from Tilburg; Hans van Doorsen and Tonny van Berkel who is top of world skaters, goes to international competitions sponsored by Nike etc.’

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The following loosely structured interviews were conducted in premises of ‘the clust’ on September 17-18 2004. The intention of this fieldwork session of was to question skateboarders about the following: •

What means of transport do you use to come to the ‘clust’?

•

Where do you depart from and where do you go after?

•

Do you come to fill an afternoon, how long do you stay here?

•

Which part of Tilburg do you come from?

•

What tricks do you perform on the ‘clust’?

•

What do you think are the advantages of the ‘clust’?’

•

What are the problems?’

•

What can we do to improve it’?

Interview 3 14 year old girl, beginner skaters Location: The ‘clust’ Time: September 17 2004 18:45

‘I am fourteen. Sometimes my dad drives me here. Today not so many people will come, they have to be at school. I was free today. I must be home at nine o clock. The best time to come tomorrow is at three.’ ‘I can ollie. The kick flip does not work so well.’ ‘There are many things to jump. You can grind – I cant.’ ‘No problems this is the best place to skate in Tilburg.’

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Interview 4 5 Reishof boys –13-15 years, beginner skaters Location: The ‘clust’ Time: September 18 2004 16:45

‘Its not our nu1 skate spot, that is the pool in Reishof, where we live. We sometimes meet in the pool and decide to ride together here, it takes us 25-30 minutes.’ ‘Its dry. Everything is made of marble.’ ‘The street is a problem, if my skateboard is run over by a car .Handrails are too high. Columns are a problem.’ ‘We want more lights to skate at night. Repair the ledge. Make a transition 0.5 by 1.5 and place it at the back or the outside of the ledge.’

Interview 6 1 Tilburg suburb boy –13y, advanced skaters Location: The ‘clust’ Time: September 18 2004 17:20

‘I come here by bicycle.I live in the Ringbaan west, its 15 minutes bicycle ride. Now I ll go back and have dinner. Then I ll come back here to skate.’ ‘I skate for 3-4 hours.’ ‘I grind , I olie, do a few flips.’ ‘Many stairs to olie. Very good grinds. Blocks to flip.’

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Interview 5 3 Tilburg city and one suburb boy –15y, advanced skaters Location: The ‘clust’ Time: September 18 2004 17:00

‘We all come by bicycle.’ ‘Usually we come from home and then go back. Today we were earlier at the skate competition organized by ‘curbs’. We came here to say goodbye to our friends.’ ‘We skate for 3-4 hours.’ ‘We (3) Live 10 minutes ride from here. I live in De Blaak, it takes me 15 minutes.15 minutes bicycle ride is equivalent to 35 or 45 minutes of skateboarding.’ ‘The first thing you do on the ‘clust’ is to grind the steps. We can do every trick, now we combine. We grind, we ollie, do flips. We do nose grinds, 50-50 grinds (with both trunks), 5-0 grinds. We ollie and kickflip down the stairs. We olie and grind on the handrail. We do a manual down the ramp. We ollie, manual and drop of the ledge. First you learn to ollie, then grinds or flips. You are better at what you like. If you are really good you can ollie up the stairs, or even harder the white block at the back. We can ollie the ledge up, the distance to bridge is smaller. Once when the back side was open a professional jumped down the stairs.’ ‘It’s smooth. Blocks are annoying when you finish a trick, here its smooth. You can grind the stairs easily.’

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Interview 7 Interview with two 13 yearold inline skaters and skateboarders Location: The ‘clust’ Time: September 18 2004 19:45 ‘We live here, 1 minute skate time.’ ‘We inline skate and skateboard. We jump, we grind, we jump off. We grind the front step.’ ‘There is no problem with the ‘clust’. Nowdays we don’t skate here anymore at night. There is a group that comes here to smoke, later at eleven o clock.’

Interview 8 Interview with 4 boys –14-15y from Den Bosch Location: train back to den Bosch Time: September 18 2004 20:39

‘We also skate in Den Bosch. We know each other form school. We came here for the day, to skate the city of Tilburg. From the station we went to (uncomprehensible dutch) and then to the skate park, then to the ledge and we got kicked out, then we went to another ledge at the university of Tilburg and we got kicked out again, then we came to the ‘clust’ and after that to ‘four stairs’ with a handrail, in the new buildings after the skate shop curbs.’

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8.3. A week in the life of the Brabantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Conservatorium public grounds: observation with students of Tilburg Academy for Architecture and Urbanism Register

Time

People

Activity

Spatial envelope

Sophia

Friday 03-10-03 15:00

3 bmx-bikers

Hanging out-bike tricksSmoking

Library fire exit on steps by fence -courtyard

7 Students

Talking-Smoking

Steps near Conservatorium entrance

10 Sk8ters

Hanging out- skating

Henri

Friday 3-10-03 15.00 Tuesday 07-10-03 07.50 Tuesday 7-10-03 19.00

8 Youth

Smoking / sitting Skateboarding

16 Sk8ers 1 Adult

Cycling/Passing

0 Audience 2 Youth 0 Sk8ers 8 Students

None Biking None Sitting / walking

Saturday 11-10-03 9.00 am Saturday 11-10-03 12:30

2 students

Walking

45 students

Luc

Saturday 11-10-03 20:00

Luc

Sunday 12-10-03 11.00

11 Audience 2 audience 2 service 17 skaters 17 youth 1 going by 1 going by

14 pausing 25 lunch 4 smoking 2 making phone call Waiting Walking Taking coats Skating Hanging out Running Walking

2 service 75 orchestra 4 audience 36 Audience 0 Youth 8 Sk8ers

Cleaning Playing music Listening Leaving the concert None Skateboarding

2 Skaters

Skating

Bas

Henri

Luc

Rudy

Henri

Sunday 12-10-03 17.00

Ruben

Sunday 12-10-03

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Front steps-ramps-by canteen glazing None Near entrance Pavement front building Slope on the right of the building None Pavement front building None Pavement front and yard building From city to entrance

Near entrance Inside lunchroom Near entrance Taking walk on internal court Inside entrance Concert Hall From entrance to parking lot Inside Entrance Ramp in front Left side of the building Pavement In front of the building to the right entrance 1st floor 3rd floor 3rd floor Entrance None Pavement front and yard building Pavement front building

Bas

Henri

Luc

20.00 Monday 12-10-03 07.50 Monday 13-10-03 15:00 Monday 13-10-03 12.30

Monday 13-10-03 17.50 Wednesday 15-10-03 17.50

1 Student 1 Adult

Arriving Passing

Entrance Stairs on the pavement

0 Audience 3 Youth 6 Sk8ers 4 Students 40 Student 1 audience 1 audience 5 children 1 Student 3 students

None Sitting, biking Skateboarding Smoking Having lunch Waiting Rolling Biking Walking Waiting

2 Children 2 students

Sitting Walking

None Front building Pavement front building Podium-court Canteen Podium steps From pavement to entrance On the pavement From entrance into the city 1 inside, two outside 2e podium steps Steps inside the court at the fence 1 From entrance to city 1 from entrance to parking lot

Bas

Thursday 09-10-03 07:50

5 Adult 1 Adult

Cycling/ passing Waiting

Leonie

Thursday 09-10-03 09.30

30 students

10 standing 4 walking 16 eating

Leonie

Thursday 09-10-03 10.30

36 students

9 waiting

Leonie

Thursday 09-10-03 13.00

47 students

Henri

Thursday 09-10-03 19.00

Leonie

Thursday 09-10-03 19.15 Thursday 09-10-03 22.00 Friday 10-10-03 9:30

Leonie

Bas

2 skaters 0 Audience 7 Youth 2 Sk8ers

6 sitting 11 waiting 26 sitting 4 walking 6 preparing food Skating None Sitting Skating

3 students 2 skaters

Sitting Skating

Slope on the right of the building Pavement in front of the building Building Perimeter by the entrance Building perimeter Canteen Building Perimeter by the entrance, ramp with the steps Space in front of the gate and along the buildings perimeter Canteen Canteen, inside by the entrance Canteen Building perimeter Canteen Pavement, ramps by the library None Front building Pavement front and overhang building Canteen Ramps - steps

3 audience

Waiting

Ramps - steps

5 students 3 students

Smoking Waiting/conversations

Pavement near entrance Canteen

21 walking

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8.4. Skateboarding terminology Source http://www.exploratorium.edu/skateboarding/largeglossary.html

Skateboard components deck: the flat standing surface of a skateboard, usually laminated maple. grip tape: sandpaper affixed to the top of the deck with adhesive, used to increase the friction between the deck and the skater’s feet. nose: the front of the skateboard, from the front truck bolts to the end. rail: the edge of the skateboard, also, plastic strips attached to the board’s underside. tail: the rear of the skateboard, from the back truck bolts to the end trucks: the front and rear axle assemblies that connect the wheels to the deck and provide the turning capabilities for the board. wheels: usually made of polyurethane and sized between 39 and 66 millimeters in diameter; their hardness is measured by durometer, a number ranging from 0 to 100—soft wheels have a durometer of about 85, hard wheels have a durometer of 97 or higher wheelbase: the distance between the front and back wheels, measured between the two sets of innermost truck holes.

Skateboard tricks air: riding with all four wheels off the ground; short for aerial backside: when a trick or turn is executed with the skater’s back facing the ramp or obstacle. Caballerial: a 360-degree turn performed on a ramp while riding fakie (backwards), named after skater Steve Caballero carve: to skate in a long, curving arc fakie: skating backwards—the skater is standing in his or her normal stance, but the board is moving backward (not to be confused with "switch stance") frontside: when a trick or turn is executed with the front of the skater’s body facing the ramp or obstacle goofyfoot: riding with the right foot forward, the opposite of "regular foot" grind: scraping one or both axles on a curb, railing, or other surface, such as: crooked grind: grinding on only the front truck while sliding 50-50 grind: grinding on both trucks equally nosegrind: grinding on only the front truck 5-0 grind: grinding on only the back truck kickflip: a variation on the ollie in which the skater kicks the board into a spin before landing back on it Kickflip by Tony Trujillo (Quicktime 3 movie 380k) McTwist: a 540-degree turn performed on a ramp, named after Mike McGill mongo-foot: a style of pushing where the back foot is kept on the board and pushing is done with the front foot nollie: an ollie performed by tapping the nose of the board instead of the tail noseslide: sliding the underside of the nose end of a board on a ledge or lip ollie: a jump performed by tapping the tail of the board on the ground; the basis of most skating tricks railslide: a trick in which the skater slides the underside of the deck along an object, such as a curb or handrail regular foot: riding with the left foot forward, the opposite of "goofyfoot"

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shove-it: a trick performed by spinning the board 180 degrees beneath the feet while traveling forward switch stance: riding the board with the opposite footing than usual, i.e., "goofyfoot" instead of "regular foot" tailslide: sliding the underside of the tail end of a board on a ledge or lip

Types of skateboarding street skating: skating on streets, curbs, benches, handrails and other elements of urban and suburban landscapes. vert skating: skating on ramps and other vertical structures specifically designed for skating. half pipe: a U-shaped ramp of any size, usually with a flat section in the middle vert ramp: a half-pipe, usually at least 8 feet tall, with steep sides that are perfectly vertical near the top.

Physics glossary centripetal force: a force that keeps a body moving in a circular path rotational inertia: a measure of an objectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s resistance to being turned, depending on both the mass of the object and how that mass is distributed work: force applied over a distanceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;for example, you do work when you push a box across the floor, but not when you push on a locked door; work done on an object or system results in an increase in the energy of that system

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10. Samenvatting

Emergente plekken voor stedelijke groepen zonder plek. Afbeelding, verklaring, voorschrift.

Gedurende de laatste jaren zagen we een toenemende waardering voor de aanwezigheid van groepen die niet in het ontwerp van stedelijke ruimten zijn verdisconteerd. We noemen het ‘stedelijke groepen zonder plek’. Doel van het proefschrift was onderzoek te doen naar: De wijze waarop stedelijke groepen, die zijn samengesteld op basis van sociale en culturele kenmerken welke verwijzen naar gedeelde systemen van normen, waarden, belangen en gedragingen, zich ruimte spontaan toe-eigenen. De manieren van representatie van reeksen activiteiten die netwerken vormen welke zichtbaar worden in bottom-up ontwikkelingen van openbare ruimten die buiten een geïnstitutionaliseerd kader vallen.

Op basis van de resultaten van de genoemde onderzoekingen ontwikkelde deze studie een ontwerpinstrument, in de vorm van ontwerprichtlijnen die ‘noodzakelijke fysieke omgevingsvoorwaarden’ specificeren welke bijdragen aan sociale interactie in publieke ruimten voor ‘emergente groepen’.

Teneinde gegevens betreffende ruimtegebruik vast te stellen, maakte de onderzoeksmethode gebruik van empirische waarnemingstechnieken. Ze is interdisciplinair voor zover zij put uit kennis uit cultuuronderzoek, stadssociologie, geografie, omgevingspsychologie, architectuurtheorie en ontwerpmethodologie. Gelegen op het

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snijvlak van sociologie en environmental design, maakt deze dissertatie gebruik van het methodologisch instrumentarium dat werd ontwikkeld door Herbert Gans en John Zeisel.

Binnen het kader van de architectonische praktijk spitst dit proefschrift zich toe op het werk van een generatie architecten die meer aandacht besteedden aan de gebruiker. Ze werden in de historisch-kritische taxonomie van Alexander Tzonis en Liane Lefaivre apart benoemd als ‘populistische beweging in de architectuur’. In recenter geschriften werd het belang van de gebruikersbehoeften bestudeerd onder de onderzoeksnoemer ‘plekloze stedelijke groepen’, liggend tussen subcultureel onderzoek en het ontwerp van openbare ruimten.

Het onderzoek maakte gebruik van twee case studies. Twee emergente plekken werden onderzocht in twee daaraan beantwoordende levensechte situaties. Hierbij concentreerden we ons op spontane toe-eigening van stedelijke ruimte met een zeker continuïteit door de tijd heen. Doel van de eerste case study, over ‘de plek van samenkomst van immigranten in de binnenstad van Athene’, was het verschaffen van empirische gegevens met behulp waarvan een gedragsmodel werd geconstrueerd. De tweede case study naar de belangrijkste skatingplek in Tilburg diende als testcase voor het model dat in de eerste case study als hypothese werd ontwikkeld. De vergelijking tussen beide cases voerde tot een model met een hogere mate van generalisering.

Met als uitgangspunt empirische waarneming en een ontwerpmethodologie, ontwikkeld door het Design Knowledge Systems Research Center van de TU Delft, werden in dit proefschrift twee soorten modellen voor emergente plekken uitgewerkt: een descriptiefverklarend gedragsmodel en een normatief, prescriptief model.

Deze modellen hangen samen met twee schaalnivo’s van de stedelijke omgeving: het ‘urbaan-regionale’ nivo, dat betrekking heeft op de selectie van de lokatie; en het ‘stedelijke micro-lokale’ nivo, dat betrekking heeft op de organisatie van activiteiten op het terrein van een lokatie. Behalve een systematische weergave van het verschijnsel, beoogde het descriptief-verklarende model tevens de identificatie van ‘de minimaalnoodzaakelijke fysieke omgevingsvoorwaarden’, die een bijdrage leveren aan de opkomst van specifieke sociale interactieruimten. Het prescriptieve model, dat werd ontwikkeld op basis van het descriptieve model, omvat een stel richtlijnen voor het ontwerp van voorzieningen ten behoeve van ‘emergente stedelijke groepen’.

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De pragmatische waarde van het onderzoek voor het stedelijk ontwerp is gelegen in het vergroten van de sociale kwaliteit van openbare ruimten, dankzij beter begrip van de aanwezigheid van steeds weer opduikende stedelijke groepen binnen de context van versnelde culturele veranderingen. Niet alleen geeft het innovatieve karakter van het onderzoek ons een frisse kijk op de problematiek van de gebruiker, tevens verschaft het ons een instrument dat het mogelijk maakt om de omgevingsbehoeften van nog te specificeren spontaan opduikende groepen die van de stedelijke ruimte gebruik maken in het onderzoek te betrekken.

Sleutelwoorden:

Emergente Stedelijke Groepen Emergente Stedelijke Plekken Ruimtelijke Micro-lokale Netwerken Noodzakelijke Voorwaarden voor Ruimtelijke Interactie Ontwikkeling van Ontwerpinstrumenten Ontwerpmethodologie Stadsontwerp

Emergente plekken voor stedelijke groepen zonder plek. Afbeelding, verklaring, voorschrift.

Sophia Vyzoviti

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11. About the author Sophia Vyzoviti was born in Thessaloniki on January 11, 1971. She received the diploma of Architect-Engineer at the Faculty of Architecture, Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki in 1994 and a Master in Architecture at the Berlage Institute in 1997. She has practiced as an architect in Greece, and in the Netherlands collaborating with VMX Architects Amsterdam and Crimson Architectural Historians Rotterdam. She has taught architectural design at the Faculty of Architecture-Delft University of Technology, Tilburg Academy for Architecture and Urbanism and is currently adjunct Lecturer and the School of Architecture- University of Thessaly. Her work has been exhibited in the National Pavilion of Greece, Venice Biennale 2000 and more recently smoothcity was part of the ‘Mobility Laboratory’ of International Architecture Biennale Rotterdam 2003. She is author of ‘Folding architecture: spatial, structural and organizational diagrams’ (BIS Publishers Amsterdam 2003). Since 1999 she has been research associate at Design Knowledge Systems, Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology.

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