California Policy Options 2010

Page 87

ENDNOTES vs. New London decision, which affirmed the ability of a city to declare

Stanislaus counties). Our sample included 25 districts, although only

a region “blighted” and exercise eminent domain to displace residents

22 could be used because three districts merged or were dissolved in

in favor of private development, has sparked considerable interest in

the years between 1996 and 2002.

tightening up the conditions under which “blight” can be declared. Certainly a smart districts program should have more rigorous

14

eligibility standards to limit the opportunities for abuse, by either

for economic activity) within each RDA’s boundary at equivalent

local governments or the developers who often exert influence.

points in two economic cycles: 1996-97 and 2002-03. Each year was

8

We recorded the assessed value of all real estate (as a proxy

roughly two years after an economic trough. Statewide, on average, In California, the fraction of revenues that must be “passed

each dollar of assessed property value was the foundation of 42 cents

through” to higher jurisdictions was mandated by AB 1290 of 1993.

per year of economic activity in 2002. (Author ’s calculations based

While the “pass through” computation is complex, the average rate is

on annual reports of the state controller.) Economic growth for the

33% of RDA-generated property tax revenues. See Dardia, Michael,

surrounding area was estimated based on county personal income

Subsidizing Redevelopment in California, January 1998, Public Policy

data from the Department of Finance’s California Statistical Abstract,

Institute of California, for a summary of fiscal issues associated

2005-06. Personal income was used as an economic measure because

with RDAs.

gross state product data is only available at the county level with very

9

long lags. The economic growth in the sample RDAs and surrounding This result is described in Appendix A and discussed below.

10

counties is displayed in the Appendix. .

15

See Dardia, footnoted earlier in this chapter.

urban pied-a-tierre as a second home) and twentysomething slackers

16

“Succeed” is defined as generating enough new revenue

than true job creators.

to parent jurisdictions (a district’s city, county, and the state) to

Kotkin has been outspoken in arguing that many “new

urbanist” environments attract more empty-nest retirees (who buy an

11

compensate for the loss of revenues that are instead retained by the The City of Industry, a “city” that could not exist without

RDAs, at this writing is facing opposition to its attempt to extend the

district.

life of its RDAs in order to offer tax incentives to lure a sports stadium

17

within its boundaries.

Agencies Annual Report, 1996-97.

12

18

Department of Finance, California Statistical Abstract, 2005.

of time necessary for districts’ economic growth to compensate their

19

The tax revenues in question would almost certainly

parent jurisdictions for implicit subsidies.

included property taxes, but could include other taxes generated by

Fiscal impacts are outside the scope of this chapter, beyond

a rough calculation (reported in the Appendix) estimating the length

13

California State Controller, Community Redevelopment

economic activity, such as income or property taxes, if smart districts The random sample attempted to span the range of urban

environments in which SMART districts might be contemplated:

were so designed.

dense city (Los Angeles or San Francisco), inner suburbs (e.g.,

20

Marin, Orange, or San Mateo counties, or north San Diego county),

retained by the smart district—i.e., “subsidized” by its parent

fast-growing edge cities (Placer, Riverside, San Bernadino, and Yolo

jurisdiction—will generally be spent of fixed investment

counties), and fast-growing diminishing agricultural areas (Fresno and

(e.g., infrastructure), which has a long lifespan.

A thirty-year horizon was used because the revenues

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