inability to think freely, to sustain its political character, to reach to the root of the problem and to become truly radical. In fact, what is taking place is what Bülent Diken describes in terms of ‘radical critique as the paradox of post-political society’. ‘It seems today as if whatever is considered as ‘critique’ is invented to forget politics’, says Diken. Radical critique, on the other hand, as a perverse activity that requires no justification, does not fit the confines of the actual order. It’s seen as either terroristic or delusional. Correspondingly, protest in times of crisis is also seen as either a terroristic, violent activity or an insane shouting match between representatives of different groups. This has been particularly visible during the recent protests against cuts to the public services in Lancaster town centre. Apart from the usual indifference of the public to these manifestations of political disillusionment, there were also some angry responses from Christmas shoppers, who accused the protesters of spoiling the festive mood and warned them that vandalism and attacks on high street brands are not supported and will not be tolerated. Living in what’s called a liberal society, this reaction should come as a shock. However, from a theoretical perspective it is to be expected. Protest comes very close to radical critique. Whilst protest is an act of reaching into the domain of possibility from the plane of the actual problems; radical critique is the reverse of this activity. Radical critique comes to being in the void between the potential and the actual. It is a hand reaching out from the realm of not yet fulfilled potentialities, holding up a mirror to the people and allowing them to see what futures might lie ahead. Both protest and radical critique are disruptive and offensive: protest in its call for solidarity and actual change; critique in its inhuman demands and detachment from identity politics. Protest is there to say that something needs to be done.
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The message that radical critique offers is that of sacrifice, of being critical and open to the event which is taking place now. Demonstrations attempt to create events, whilst radical critique withdraws from the
domain of strategic planning and opportunism. Perceiving the world through the lens of radical critique, it becomes painfully clear that there is no time like now, that the change needs to take place, so that we can take yet another step in the direction of the possibility. Radical critique in its perverse activity aims at self-annihilation. It strives to be obsolete as it has got no identity to hold on to, only ideas and values through which it becomes immortal just as the individuals who advocate it. It is my academic research that leads me to believe that protest, radical critique and even (forgive yet another dreaded word!) revolution, remain to hold their political potential. The problem (if we can even call it one) is the common indifference manifesting itself perhaps most symptomatically in the belief that politics fall outside the individual domain of necessity; the belief that one can simply divorce him/herself from having a political identity and opinion, and perform the role of an ethical consumer instead. And even if all the protests planned for 2011 will fail in achieving their actual demands, they will still retain their political potential. Qualitative change is a long and difficult process of political awakening in which radical critique plays a very important role. So, dear readers, next time you will see a word ‘radical’, do not dismiss the article so easily. Yes, you will probably be offended by the content and confused by the intention of the author. Try to remember, however, that beyond our ascribed identities and interests we are all humans and radical critique taps into that humanity, taking away the fear of scarcity and offering priceless, yet the worthiest of all gifts: the immortality of an idea.