The Stony Brook Press — Volume 45, Issue 1

This Is Why: The evolution of Paramore

By Michael Kearney

1

The boy’s a liar: The George Santos Story

By Lauren Canavan

5

Combating violence against journalists to protect freedom of expression in Mexico

By Daniela Escobar

7

Art by Keating Zelenke

13

Where the Suffolk County PBA leads, Stony Brook University follows

By Kaitlyn Schwanemann

15

Even after wage increases, graduate students are still below the poverty line

By Sydney Corwin

19

The impact of pop culture on Oheka Castle’s recent history

By Rafael Cruvinel

25

Photos by Antonio Mochmann

33

Journalists call out The New York Times on transphobic practices

By Anjali Vishwanath

35

If Stony Brook University truly wants to go “far beyond,” it needs to address its administration issues

By Rafael Cruvinel

41

MrBeast’s window into our dystopian world

By Ali Jacksi

45

Deregulation and derailment

By Samantha Aguirre and

Jessica Castagna

47

The Willow project, environmental doomerism and the fight for climate action

By Elene Mokhevishvili

and Antonio Mochmann

51

Art by Michael Kearney

55

Covers by Keating Zelenke

Letter from the the Editor

By Jane Montalto Montalto

Another summer has — at least for me — flown by. Ironically, it’s usually in the last few weeks of summer that I finally get used to the rhythm of the season. My relationship with summer has always been a bit complex. Yes, of course I love having more freedom and less academic stress, but every summer seems to end with the same fateful question: What did I even do?

When the spring semester ends, I’m emboldened to be the person I wish I could be. I decide this is the summer I’ll finally feel proud of what I’ve accomplished when it’s over. But my issue lies in the stillness of it all. Every semester, I like to overload myself with responsibilities, almost as an escape from my own thoughts. If I have no moment to be truly alone with myself, then I don’t have to worry about my own personal issues, so I’m drawn to the ever-demanding chaos of academic obligations. Even this fall, I’ve signed up to juggle being executive editor, completing my senior project and contributing to an independent study. My school years are defined by this frenzied scrambling I do to survive.

If school is frenzied, then summer is still. I’m not sure how I feel about being still. Each year I try it on for size — I pick up the book I haven’t finished in months and read outside, wondering if 30 minutes of sun exposure is significant enough to warrant a tan. The same rabbit who has strangely lounged in my backyard the past few years pays me a visit, and I watch as she methodically chows down on the tall pieces of grass — her mouth operates like a living Chuck E. Cheese ticket muncher. Somehow she just exists, closing her little rabbit eyes to bask in the sun. It’s nice that we get to share this moment together.

This summer was a tumultuous one, with themes of loss, reflection and acceptance. Sometimes loss can feel so massive and all-encompassing. It makes me feel broken apart, but I still wake up the next morning. I actively make the decision to put my pieces back together and enter a new day. I know that even when it doesn’t feel like it, I’m still moving forward.

Summer’s stillness makes me feel much more grateful for the chaos that has begun every August since I was 5. Now, I enter a new school year for the last time, freshly 22 years old. That’s weird. But I am thrilled to reunite with people I have dearly missed these past few months. There is an excitement in my chest about all we will create here. I feel ready to enter this final school year and see what comes of it. Soak in the stillness while you still can, I tell myself — the mania is revving its engine and about to begin.

THE STONY BROOK PRESS

SEPTEMBER 2023

Executive Editor

Managing Editor

Associate Editor

Business Manager

News Editors

Opinions Editors

Features Editors

Culture Editor

Music Editors

Science Editors

Satire Editors

Lead Copy Editor

Multimedia Editors

Graphics Editors

Ombud Team

Jane Montalto

Rafael Cruvinel

Samantha Aguirre

Antonio Mochmann

Sydney Corwin

Kaitlyn Schwanemann

Elene Mokhevishvili

Ivan Vuong

Elene Mokhevishvili

Kaitlyn Schwanemann

Ali Jacksi

Marie Lolis

Esmé Warmuth

Jessica Castagna

Sydney Corwin

Jessica Castagna

Ali Jacksi

Esmé Warmuth

Naomi Idehen

Antonio Mochmann

Naomi Idehen

Ivan Vuong

Melanie Formosa

Komal Grewal

Matt Hono

Michael Kearney

Julio Taku

Keating Zelenke

JOIN THE PRESS

The Press is located on the third floor of the SAC and is always looking for artists, writers, graphic designers, critics, photographers and creatives!

Meetings are Wednesdays in SAC 307K at 1 PM and 7:30 PM.

Scan with Spotify to hear what we’ve been listening to lately:

Following a six-year hiatus, the ever-evolving rock band Paramore entranced listeners on their new record This Is Why — a body of work that touches on themes of growth, vengeance, yearning and dissociation. With members Zac Farro, Taylor York and lead vocalist Hayley Williams, the American band has trekked through an array of sounds with every new release — This Is Why is no different. Since the band formed in 2004, Paramore has curated a discography that guarantees a memorable song for every type of listener, whether they prefer heavy poppunk anthems or melodic new wave bops.

The group of agitated teenagers was signed to Atlantic Records after being discovered in Franklin, Tennessee. They released their debut album All We Know Is Falling in 2005, taking the emo and alternative rock scenes by storm. At the time, the band consisted of its current members along with bassist Jeremy Davis and guitarist Josh Farro. The album entranced young emo enthusiasts as they burned it onto their iPods and updated the theme songs on their MySpace profiles. Drenched in heavy electric guitar riffs, punchy drums and

enraged vocals, All We Know Is Falling fuses these elements to emphasize the grief, loss and conquest of everyday relationships. The album successfully captured a dedicated fanbase, setting Paramore on track to become a world-famous rock band.

Paramore’s sophomore album Riot! — the true catalyst to their renowned stardom — rose to the top of the charts in 2007. Riot! captures the raw, regurgitated feelings of angst, with Williams describing the term “riot” as “an unbridled outburst of emotions.” The breakout album enhanced the initial vision of All We Know Is Falling with better melodic and lyrical execution than their debut. Charged with cult classics like “Crushcrushcrush,” “For a Pessimist, I’m Pretty Optimistic,” “That’s What You Get” and lead single “Misery Business,” the album proves Paramore’s rightful place in the grunge atmosphere.

After two years of riding the Riot! train, Paramore widened their punk-centric discography even more with Brand New Eyes — the younger yet more mature sibling of the previous two albums. With lyrics that dive deeper into personal experiences and songs with new

acoustic sounds like “The Only Exception” and “Misguided Ghosts,” Brand New Eyes began to show the band’s urge to shift and explore new genres. As the emo and punk scenes started to lose popularity in the 2010s, the album’s closing song, the cathartic and climatic “All I Wanted,” served as a finale to the 2000s emo era — in the most vulnerable way possible. A redefined Paramore was to come next.

Starting the new decade with their 2013 pop-rock self-titled album allowed the band to grow from their niche, emo audience to a broader one. Before production and release, the Farro brothers left the band, and Paramore was composed solely of Jeremy Davis, Taylor York and Hayley Williams. With lingering hints of punk and gushier instrumentation choices, like xylophones and violins, Paramore served as a great medium between their punk background and newer pop ambitions. Williams honed her vocal range especially well on this third album; interludes with Williams’ stripped-back vocals contrast with her chants on fiery anthems like “Now” and “Part II,” showcasing her growing vocal maturity. The Grammy-winning single “Ain’t It Fun” and crit-

ically acclaimed “Still Into You” brought a new surge of listeners to their discography with a newfound pop focus.

Paramore’s fifth studio album, After Laughter, dives into their softer side. It taps into the genres of synth-pop and new wave, easing listeners into a relaxed and heartfelt state of mind. With the reintroduction of Zac Farro to the group, After Laughter brought a musical direction similar to Farro’s psychedelic and indie pop band HalfNoise. The bubbly, summer-infused album lacked substantial punk elements, which upset a great deal of their older fans. However, the album did chart on the Billboard 200 after its release, appealing to a new audience. Years later, Hayley Williams went on to release two solo projects, Petals for Armor (2020) and FLOWERS

for VASES / descansos (2021).

When This Is Why was announced, the album’s sound and production were a total mystery to fans. Was it going to be pop-centric, like After Laughter? Or would it resort back to Paramore’s roots? As the singles rolled out, it was difficult to exactly tell what their intentions were. The lead single “This Is Why” captures hints of After Laughter with funky guitars and a laidback bridge that plays with vocal layering. Months later, “The News” was released — a total switch in tempo that fixated on clashing and drilling instrumentals, an homage to Paramore’s initial essence. The third single “C’est Comme Ca” adds a little boogie between looping phrases bathed in high-energy euphoria, celebrating new wave influenc-

es. The clashing of styles between the three singles polarized the fanbase, further adding to the mystery.

This Is Why drags the listener through the full range of Paramore’s sound, highlighting post-punk derivatives, alternative rock foundations and new wave spinoffs. Paramore reemerges in a way that sounds mature — a modernized version of their decade-old self-titled album that walks the line between punk and pop elements. Rolling Stone perfectly described the band as matured “emo adults,” and Paramore has been able to garnish the highlights of their career to shape This Is Why into a retrospective, post-punk piece.

The fourth single, “Running Out Of Time,” compliments the tempo and lyr-

icism of “C’est Comme Ca,” playing on Williams’ poor time management skills and lack of control over life. New experimentation in their production is shown on songs like “Big Man, Little Dignity” and “Figure 8,” which both open with woodwind instruments not typically heard in Paramore songs. The lyrics of the jazz-influenced former track highlight men who don’t own up to their actions, while the latter responds to this theme with painful, cyclic rage, spewing Williams’ personal turmoil over these men.

The second half of This Is Why bombards the listener with “You First,” heading face-first into Williams’ splitting internal dialogue — a complicated mix between grungy and groovy sounds. The pace of the album decelerates as “Liar” recounts the relationship between Williams and York — the singer first feeling wrong for falling in love with a bandmate but then being grateful for it. The song likens love to

war with imagery that illustrates “fighting chemicals and dodging arrows” or even trying to put the “pin back in the grenade.” The wistful love song stands out as a territory not often explored in Paramore’s catalog.

“Thick Skull” and “Crave” help close the album to thread the connections between This Is Why and the history of Paramore. The slow-burning “Thick Skull” unravels Williams’ insecurities and self-blame throughout her career in a cathartic crescendo. This Is Why is their last album under the same contract they started with, and Williams feels the need to unleash her demons and leave these troubles in the past. Contradictory to this, the yearnful “Crave” immerses itself in nostalgia, with Williams longing for the days of her youth and the beginnings of her career. Paying homage to the painful vocals present in early albums, as well as Paramore’s ever-evolving sound, she tightly sums up these feelings in the

bridge:

Any second, feel the present Future and the past connectin’

This Is Why is a full circle moment for the band. It showcases their reformed outlook on music, drawing on many themes and sounds visited in their previous albums, while adding in new instrumentation and lyrical components. Paramore’s ability to diligently transform their musical production over the decades has led to their famed success and an everlasting impact on the music industry. They have adopted a diverse, dedicated fanbase that weaves between punk, alternative, pop and rock backgrounds, forever living up to their name as a paramour to all. g

In a matter of weeks, New York’s 3rd Congressional District Rep. George Santos went from winning a general election to being exposed as one of the biggest liars in government.

The 3rd District is the wealthiest congressional district in the United States, extending across northern Nassau County and northeastern Queens. House representatives serve two-year terms and are entrusted to introduce bills, draft amendments and serve on various committees. Santos made history by flipping the longtime blue district, and he and his opponent Robert Zimmerman were the first openly gay candidates to face off in a congressional race.

Soon after his victory, many of the stories that built the foundation of Santos’ campaign began to crumble beneath him. In January, well before his eventual indictment, he submitted a request to Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy to temporarily relieve him of his assignments with the Science, Space and Technology Committee and the Small Business Committee.

As of Monday, May 10, he faces indictment for 13 felonies including money laundering, theft of public funds and false

statements. Santos pled not guilty and was released on a $500,000 bond following his arraignment.

Santos attempted to bolster his resume with a multitude of false embellishments. He initially stated that he was an alum of Baruch College and got his MBA at New York University. However, neither institution has a record of his attendance.

After his imaginary graduation from Baruch, he claimed to have worked at Citigroup and later, Goldman Sachs. Santos shared conflicting information across a myriad of press interviews, which led to further investigation. It was finally confirmed that he worked for Linkbridge Investors, a company that links investors with clients. Santos later backtracked on his initial statements, explaining that Linkbridge worked with Citigroup and Goldman Sachs on rare occasions, which contradicts earlier claims of being directly employed by the prestigious financial firms.

Photos from the Washington Post, NPR and AP

On the “About George” section of his campaign page, Santos claimed his father was Catholic and his mother was Jewish. However, his mother’s social media presence featured posts of Catholic imagery. Santos went on to lie that his maternal grandparents escaped Jewish persecution in Ukraine during the Holocaust, yet genealogy records show that both grandparents were born in Brazil well before the Nazis rose to power in Germany. Their refugee records are also nonexistent. According to the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine, this family history wasn’t added to his bio until between April and October of 2022.

Santos also depicted his mother, Fatima Alzira Caruso Horta Devolder, to be a victim of 9/11. In fact, he went so far as to say that she was working in the South Tower on the day of the terrorist attacks. Records show that she didn’t begin filling out visa paperwork to move from Brazil to New York until 2003. After his win, he tried to clarify that when he said that 9/11 claimed her life, he meant she died later of secondhand toxins.

According to the official press release of his indictment, Santos is alleged to have been involved in various illegal money schemes, and even lied about his unemployment during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In February of 2020, Santos was employed as a Regional Director of a Florida-based investment firm where he earned an annual salary of $120,000. In mid-June of the same year, while still employed, “Santos applied for government assistance through the New York State Department of Labor, allegedly claiming falsely to have been unemployed since March 2020.” From then until April 2021, Santos collected more than $24,000 in unemployment insurance benefits.

Additionally, in 2021, “Santos operated a limited liability company (Redstone Strategies) through which he allegedly defrauded prospective political supporters.” He enlisted a Queens-based political consultant to tell donors that their contributions would go toward the campaign. Two specific donors were misled and transferred $25,000 to Redstone Strategies’ bank account. The funds were quickly transferred to Santos’ personal accounts, and he reportedly used the money to purchase designer clothing, withdraw cash, discharge personal debts and transfer money to his associates.

Santos also lied about his income from his own firm, the Devolder Organization. When filling out a House Disclosure form, he reported that he was making $750,000 a year from the company, as well as $1 million and $5 million in dividends. Indictment charges prove that he never received a yearly salary that high, nor did he receive the dividends.

It’s clear that Santos is fixated on his image and wants to be perceived as a family man, a financial connoisseur and also a man of community service. Military veteran Rich Osthoff alleges that Santos offered to set up a GoFundMe page for his dying service dog, Sapphire, in 2016. The page raised $3,000, but Osthoff never saw the money. He alleges that Santos stole it, and shortly after, Osthoff broke off all contact with him. Osthoff has turned over all information regarding the fundraiser, including text messages from Santos, to aid in an FBI investigation.

Today’s political climate couldn’t be more polarizing, but Democrats and Republicans have agreed on one thing: Santos is not fit to serve in office. His web of lies has resulted in a loss of public trust not only in him as a leader, but in the political vetting system. Many have raised concerns with the fact-checking systems in place for politicians before they are elected.

While the charges against Santos remain, he faces a potential maximum penalty of 20 years in prison if found guilty. The 13 charges, backed up by a large amount of incriminating evidence, place Santos at risk of becoming the sixth House member in United States history to ever face expulsion. g

2022 marked an all-time high for lethal violence against journalists in Mexico. Journalists were attacked 331 times and 13 were killed within the year.

“Mexico is at the top of the list as the deadliest country in the world for journalists, even more than, for example, an active war zone such as Ukraine at the moment,” said Ronja Koskinen, a monitoring officer at the International Press Institute. Her main focus is on IPI’s database of killed journalists around the world. “This really tells us a lot about how bad the situation is,” she said.

Artículo 19, an independent, non-partisan organization based in Mexico works for the protection of journalists and reports on other parts ofLatinAmerica.Throughinvestigations,campaigns and projects they seek to protect journalists from violence and defend the right to freedom of expression and access to information.

Although their operations began in Mexico and Central America in 2006, Artículo 19 was founded in London, England in 1987. Its name comes from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights — “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”

“An important aspect of Artículo 19 has to do with strengthening journalists’ reporting work by documenting analyses of the risks and safety protocols,” said Claudia Ordoñez, program officer for Central America and the Caribbean at Artículo 19. “We document threats such as physical aggressions as well as judicial harassment … increased laws that seek to censor and criminalize journalists who replicate a story that harms a government official.”

Violence against journalists and media outlets is not concentrated in just one area of the country. 21 attacks were recorded in Tamaulipas, one of Mexico’s 31 states located near the country’s northern border. In Sonora, three cases of violence against the press were documented, including the murder of journalist Juan Arjón, whose body was found seven days after he disappeared. In Baja California, there were seven attacks including the murder of photojournalist Margarito Martínez who was shot to death in front of his home in Tijuana in January. Lourdes Maldonado was shot dead on Jan. 23, 2022.

Itzia Miravete Veraza, prevention coordinator for Artículo 19, revealed that the high number of journalist murders and attacks has been caused

Number of aggressions against journalists registered this year in Mexico. Graphic from Artículo 19.

“EVERYONE HAS THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF OPINION AND EXPRESSION.”

in part by the presence of cartels, or members of organized crime. However, they do not operate alone.

“We documented from 2017 to the present that 50.97% of aggressions against the press are linked to coverage of corruption and politics, and 22.53% to security and justice,” Veraza said. “The data we analyzed showed that the main perpetrators of such attacks are related to government officials or business companies.”

Investigative reporter Antonio de Jesús Cervantes from the newspaper Zeta Tijuana outlined the difficulties journalists face in Mexico.

“A critical point for journalism in Mexico is the government system that seeks to prevent us, journalists, from having access to certain information,” Cervantes said. “When we want to access or request certain documentation on a critical issue such as the problem of water shortages in certain parts of Mexico this year, officials put barriers when they realize that it is a data of concern that involves or harms them. They start saying that the information is not correct or even if you misspell a word, they say that it does not exist.”

Cervantes said lawsuits were filed against his coworkerstostifletheirinvestigations.InDecember, eight Zeta Tijuana employees were charged. In other instances, the lawsuits are not even directed at them — but at their family businesses or family members.

He also explained he has personally experienced that public officials labeled him as a liar and tried to

“THE MAIN PERPETRATORS OF SUCH ATTACKS ARE RELATED TO GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS OR BUSINESS COMPANIES.”

shame him publicly without allowing him to reply.

Cervantes also said that due to these abuses by government officials, some of his coworkers have sought exile in other countries or have even thought of leaving journalism. Some have considered no longer reporting on corruption and focusing on lighter topics like tourism and social events instead.

It may be difficult to reach a single solution to the problem, but Artículo 19 has created a series of tools on topics such as physical safety, digital security and regulations to help journalists and media communicators reduce the risks they may face. These tools are accessible on their website, under a section called “Security for Journalists.”

The section Digital Security and Rights offers guidelines on avoiding online persecution and protectingtherighttointernetaccess.Theysuggest using encryption to protect journalists’ privacy. Encryption helps journalists protect their reporting and sources’ identities when, for instance, their phones get stolen or lost. It uses a mathematical process that converts certain information into an unreadable format, so that only the recipient can decode and make sense of it.

AccordingtoOrdoñez,encryptionis“indispensable for the right to privacy and to be able to exercise the right to freedom of expression meaningfully in the digital sphere.”

Journalists are additionally able to access informative guides on risk analysis and safety protocols. These guides provide safety measures on

PERIODISMO EN RIESGO

how to prevent and deal with threats when working on investigative pieces in high-risk areas.

Artículo 19 recommends completing a Hoja de Vida — a life sheet — which provides essential information like blood type, emergency contacts and medical conditions so that a journalist’s media organization has vital information in the event of an incident.

Eduardo Villa Lugo is a journalist for Zeta Tijuana and editor of the editorial weekly Zeta. His work is dedicated to investigative journalism on drug trafficking and corruption. He said that being an investigative journalist focused on drug trafficking topicsisverydifficultinMexico,leadingZetaTijuana to activate protection protocols when journalists have to investigate information that could put them at risk.

“When we make a report related, for example, to a drug trafficking investigation, what Zeta Tijuana does is protect your name. You do not sign your name on the report but sign under the name of the Zeta investigation to avoid putting yourself in possible danger,” Villa Lugo said.

“However, as we are few journalists dedicated to investigative journalism here in the state of Mexicali, Mexico, when a news story comes out on this subject, everyone knows who could have done the report. Therefore, we sometimes use bodyguards, and when we go to a high risk area of the country, we keep a schedule and indicate at what time we are going to go and at what time we would be back approximately.”

Villa Lugo mentioned another Zeta Tijuana protocol that has journalists send their locations in real time. If someone does not respond to communications, the newspaper will know where they are located.

ProtectiveresourcesexistforthepressinMexico, but Veraza explained that these protections have been poorly enforced, do not address the source of violence against journalists and leave these crimes in impunity.

“What we need is not only to strengthen this defense system,” Veraza said, “but also to create an integral public policy that will connect with the mechanisms that already exist. For example, we need to generate training for the authorities to stop aggression, decriminalize legislation that violates the press and fight against impunity.”

“98% of attacks are under impunity. The government needs to sanction the people who are behind the crimes and send a message indicating that these actions will not be tolerated.”

It is alarming how the Mexican government is still far from establishing adequate security measures to protect the press. Despite this, journalists and press workers currently living under a hostile environment will protect their freedom of the press by relying on resources like Artículo 19 and their own methods until change strikes. g

THESE PROTECTIONS HAVE BEEN POORLY ENFORCED, DO NOT ADDRESS THE SOURCE OF VIOLENCE AGAINST JOURNALISTS AND LEAVE THESE CRIMES IN IMPUNITY.

Art by Keating Zelenke

Stony Brook University Professor R. Anna Hayward became the subject of articles in the New York Post and the Daily Mail after leaving comments that have since been deleted under a Stony Brook Medicine Instagram post questioning the Suffolk County Police Department’s (SCPD) conduct. The post showed an image of Stony Brook hospital staff and police leaders at a press conference about the recovery of two cops injured in an altercation.

The altercation, which started as a wellness check at a Medford home for people with mental disabilities, ended with 56-year-old Enrique Lopez shot dead by Suffolk County police after Lopez stabbed two officers on Dec. 22, 2022. The incident is being investigated by the New York Attorney General’s office.

Hayward’s comments on the post read as follows: “This was a wellness check — why didn’t they de-escalate the situation? Why did a man have to die?” and, “What about the man they murdered?” The New York Post described her comments as “brazen,” while the Daily Mail wrote that she “branded police officers

MURDERERS.”

The Suffolk County Police Benevolent Association (PBA) tweeted that Hayward’s comments were “hateful,” urging Stony Brook University to denounce them.

Stony Brook did just that, immediately issuing a statement condemning Hayward’s remarks. “We appreciate the members of law enforcement who work to keep our community safe,” the university wrote. “The comments made online were from what appears to be a faculty member’s private account that is not affiliated with Stony Brook University.”

Hayward’s “anti-police bias,” as the Suffolk County PBA wrote, led to threats to her life and family. Her home address, personal phone number and email were made public, according to Allegra de Laurentiis, a philosophy professor at Stony Brook. At a University Senate meeting on April 3, de Laurentiis explained that Dr. Hayward and her family had to shelter in place to protect their safety — a fact that the university was fully aware of when they issued their statement denouncing Hayward’s remarks and emphasizing Stony Brook’s

gratitude for the SCPD.

“What does it mean to live in a society where the police dictate what we’re allowed to say?” Crystal Fleming asked at a teach-in on March 23 called “Policing Free Speech at Stony Brook,” held in response to the backlash Hayward faced. Fleming is a Stony Brook University professor of sociology and Africana studies.

Suffolk County knows the answer to this question. An article from 2021 by The New York Times dubbed it “the county where cops call the shots.”

The SCPD has a long-standing history of corruption and violence, especially against people of color and disabled people. The police department is also one of the highest-paid in the entire country. SCPD officers generally make upwards of $200,000 — in some cases, up to $314,461. This funding enables the SCPD to do two things that ensure their hold on power: fund a multi-mil-

lion dollar super PAC that helps them elect the candidates they favor and pay out settlements to victims or families affected by police brutality and misconduct.

The SCPD’s financial and political grip led to the PBA calling for Stony Brook University — a federally-funded institution — to condemn Hayward’s comments, resulting in immediate action by the Office of the Provost against Hayward.

The SCPD’s influence on the county has also led to more sinister abuses of power.

Daniel McDonell, a 40-year-old man with bipolar disorder, was arrested for a misdemeanor in May 2011. One day after being taken into custody, he was killed by officers in his cell. McDonell’s mother gave his prescribed antipsychotic medications to the police, but they refused to administer them. McDonell began suffering a psychotic episode in his cell, screaming and begging for police to allow him to take his med-

ication. Several officers entered his cell in order to transport him to a hospital. McDonell was tasered and forced to the ground with a riot shield, where he was then rendered immobile by plastic handcuffs and legcuffs resembling zip ties. He was held down until he died of asphyxiation. The SCPD paid his family $2.25 million in a 2013 settlement.

Two years after McDonell’s death, a similar situation occurred. Dainell Simmons, a 29-year-old man with autism who lived in a group home for mentally disabled people, was killed by SCPD officers in 2013. Employees were instructed to call his mother when he became agitated. Instead, they called the SCPD. Simmons was calm by the time the police had arrived, but when the officers insisted that he be handcuffed for transport to the hospital, he ran into another room and dove to the floor where he laid face down, holding his hands underneath his chest. Simmons was pepper sprayed and tasered numerous times, then immobilized by handcuffs and legcuffs. Police held him down for an estimated nine minutes until he died of asphyxiation, like McDonell. The SCPD paid his mother $1.85 million in a 2018 settlement.

The consequences of both of these incidents were minimal for the officers responsible. The 10 officers involved in McDonell’s death were charged with wrongdoing. The sergeant, lieutenant, lead detective and nine officers involved received promotions in the years following the incident. The supervising sergeant and two of the officers involved in Simmons’ death were promoted as well. Eight years later, in 2019, the SCPD implemented Crisis Intervention Training, a 40-hour course designed to better equip officers with training for handling mentally disabled people.

The SCPD’s longstanding history of mishandling and brutalizing mentally disabled people contextualizes Hayward’s questions. Did Lopez have to die, or should the situation have been

de-escalated — like McDonell’s and Simmons’ cases should have been? The SCPD’s history of brutality and misconduct also makes clear the dangerous implications of the university’s obedience to the Suffolk County PBA, and the effects of obedience on academic freedom. Hayward’s safety and life were threatened by doxxing and death threats when the Office of the Provost chose to rebuke her comments, but freedom of speech in academia was threatened too.

In early April, faculty members pushed for the passage of a resolution, presented by Allegra de Laurentiis, that would protect free speech and academic freedom at the university. A speaker in favor of the resolution noted, “we need to be upsetting without the intrusion of the police and the police state.” The resolution received a 91% pass rate, meaning that Stony Brook University will have to take action on it.

Carl Lejuez, Stony Brook University’s executive vice president and provost, felt differently. He confirmed at the University Senate meeting that the Office of the Provost will not be retracting its statement regarding Hayward’s comments, despite pressure from numerous faculty members who believe that this was a denigration of academic freedom and free speech. Lejuez underscored how he felt about maintaining the university’s statement. “That is something that we feel very strongly about,” he said. g

After multiple semesters of protesting by Stony Brook University’s Graduate Student Employees Union (GSEU), Stony Brook University President Maurie McInnis announced in an email on Feb. 6 to faculty and staff that the university would be raising the stipends for graduate students to $26,000 per year, effective October 2023.

Before the proposed increase, the base stipend for graduate student workers was $22,500. According to the Department of Housing and Urban Development, the extreme poverty level for Nassau and Suffolk County is currently $32,350 per year. The annual cost of living for a childless adult in Suffolk County is $52,901. Even with the recent raise, graduate students remain several thousand dollars below the poverty line — and even further from a living wage.

This is not the first small raise graduate students have been given. According to the GSEU, after a protest against the mandatory fees the university required them to pay in 2019, the administration raised their stipends by $2,000. Additionally, the administration instituted a scholarship of about $2,000 in 2020 that pays the fees.

history, shared the same sentiments following the recent stipend increase. “Inflation has basically made it so that the raises we’ve gotten over the past two years have been erased,” he said. “It makes our situation even more desperate. It means that moving forward, we want the university to give us raises that take into account inflation.”

In April, the annual inflation rate for the United States was 4.9%. With the stipend increase set to take effect in October, graduate students remain in a difficult economic position. Between now and then, inflation, as well as the cost of living, could increase further, making the raise even more trivial for graduate workers.

Graduate students are not completely satisfied because they say the raise is not solely motivated by their needs and concerns. Students were not sent the email announcing the raise—faculty members had to alert them of the news. However, graduate program directors did receive the email, and union members believe this was done so that the directors could advertise the new stipend to prospective students.

At a student media press briefing on Feb. 27, McInnis said she was not aware that the email was not sent to graduate students and was under the impression it was a campuswide email. After the meeting, media relations checked the distribution of the email and confirmed that it did not get sent to graduate students.

Following a series of Living Wage Campaign actions and a protest in response to the president’s inauguration in November 2021, the administration raised the stipends from $20,000 to $22,500.

“We still don’t find that satisfying, and that doesn’t get us above the poverty level,” GSEU President Doğa Öner said of the November 2021 wage increase. “Because of the current inflation that is incredibly high in Suffolk County and all the U.S., actually we find ourselves in a worse position than we were before we got the raise.”

Kaya Turan, a GSEU organizer pursuing a doctorate in art

Last semester, Daniel Greeson, a student pursuing a doctorate in linguistics, said he felt like the administration was dragging its feet in regard to meeting the GSEU’s demands. Now, he is happy about the recent wage increase, but he still feels like the administration is not prioritizing current graduate workers.

“This is obviously a step in the right direction, but I think the fact that it’s going into effect in October and not now, when they’re announcing it, is certainly not a coincidence,” he said. “I think they’re sort of trying to have their cake and eat it too. They’re trying to wait as long as they can to pay us more, but they’re announcing it now so they can use it to recruit people to come here in the fall.”

Despite the current stipend still not being a living wage, the GSEU viewed the February’s raise as a win.

Illustrations by Keating Zelenke

“We’re happy — this is the most significant raise we’ve got in a couple of years,” Turan said. “But we don’t see it as a gift from the administration. We see it as our victory, because we’ve been pushing the administration and protesting.”

In the spring 2022 semester, the GSEU frequently held protests and voiced their grievances against the administration. Without any answers from the administration, the union increased the pressure in the fall semester of 2022.

Last September, the GSEU started a weekly series of protests — Union Mondays: Solidarity for a Living Wage. They began at the Administration Building, with graduate students distributing flyers and informational material and discussing their campaign with other university members. The GSEU continued to hold Union Mondays every week through the spring semester of 2023 in the Student Activities Center, where they informed people about the campaign’s progress,

upcoming events and actions and distributed their publication.

When President McInnis delivered her State of the University Address on Oct. 14, 2022, attendees who walked into the Staller Center were immediately met with the chants of the GSEU members: “One, two, three, four, no one should be working poor! Five, six, seven, eight, workers make this campus great!”

Following the attendees, the GSEU members entered the auditorium, taking their seats beside students, faculty and administrators. McInnis began her speech and discussed the advancements the university had made in the past year. About 40 minutes into the address, members of the GSEU in the audience stood up and cut off McInnis.

“Graduate students are working at Stony Brook below the lowest poverty level,” a member said. “We are the largest group of instructors here, but our stipends are not enough to afford us dignified lives. We can’t even afford to travel and spend time with our families during holidays. If this is about the state of the university, our state is a state of poverty.”

Two more groups of GSEU members stood up following their statements. They explained that over 90% of the graduate workers at the university do not think their stipend is enough to sustain themselves and that their financial problems have impacted their mental health, teaching and research.

They exited the auditorium chanting, “Living wage, now!” After they left, McInnis continued her speech without addressing the interruption — as if nothing happened. Öner said that the administration was not aware that the union was planning to interrupt the address. And afterward, they did not receive any direct communication concerning their actions.

For Halloween, they held a themed sit-in protest they called a “Scare-In” in the Administration Building to highlight how “frightening” their situation is.

Protesters came in costumes to deliver a letter of grievances and demands to the president’s office. Bags of fake blood hung around their necks with signs that read, “Will sell blood to pay rent.” Some wore masks of President McInnis’s face with green dollar signs over her eyes.

Daniel Greeson was one of the GSEU members who participated in the Scare-In. He highlighted how important actions like it are in getting people more involved in their campaigns.

“I think we have a lot of momentum in the living wage campaign,” he said. “ I think that we’ve been really effective in getting a lot of people to show up to these things. And I think people are really mobilized … I think it’s hard not to jump into action when you’re making $22,500 and paying half of your paychecks on rent every month.”

GSEU members met with Provost Carl Lejuez in November 2021 to discuss possible stipend raises. Lujuez suggested a maximum raise of $2,000 to $3,000. In response to this, the GSEU launched a new petition: Make the Next Raise a Liv-

ing Wage, not an Average Wage. The recent wage increase is only slightly higher than the provost’s original suggestion, still falling short of a living wage.

It certainly helps graduate workers, but it won’t fix the issues they face daily as a result of living below the poverty line. It takes a toll on their mental health and overall well-being. It also negatively impacts the quality of their teaching and research abilities.

“If I’m overworked and underpaid, that’s going to affect how well I can teach my students,” Kaya Turan said. “It’s also going to cut into my time where I can work on my own research outside of that.”

Over winter break, they sent holiday cards to President McInnis’ home. “Dear President McInnis,” one wrote, “Seasons Greetings! This holiday season, I’m barely able to pay rent and groceries! In this new year, wishing you the moral compass to pay graduate workers a living wage. Happy New Year! Sincerely, a hungry grad student.”

During the spring semester of 2023, the GSEU focused on recruitment. In addition to their Union Mondays action, they conducted recruitment and grassroots organizing events every day of the week. Members visited graduate departments to let other students know about their campaign and encouraged them to sign on to become GSEU members.

“A union with active membership is the strongest union,” Öner said.

The newest issue of the GSEU’s publication, The Stony Brook Worker, was published last fall online and in print. It included updates on their campaign, interviews with affected workers and information about other unions that are also fighting for higher wages.

More recently, the GSEU has been fighting the administration’s proposed changes to parking on Stony Brook’s campus by petitioning and taking part in rallies and protests. Their union contract states that the administration can’t enforce any parking change without their agreement. Stony Brook University’s Mobility and Parking Services recently announced that the new parking plan will no longer be implemented in fall 2023, though it is not clear if the plan will go into effect in the following semesters.

GSEU campaigns have significantly increased their stipends in the last three years. Even though their demands are not being entirely met, their efforts are slowly but surely paying off, and they don’t plan on stopping anytime soon. This summer, their contract expired. They will negotiate a new contract with the SUNY administration in the hope of increasing their wages even more.

“What we’ve always said with our living wage campaign is that it’s going to keep going until we get a living wage,” Turan said. “And that hasn’t happened yet, so we’re gonna keep pushing.” g

Views of Oheka Castle. Top photo by Rafael Cruvinel.

Bottom, right and previous photos courtesy of Oheka Castle.

Morning sunlight danced on the water fountains of Oheka Castle’s formal garden. The sky was free of clouds. It was the second day of spring, but it was chilly enough to wear a jacket. Tourists strolled through the garden, occasionally pausing for pictures. Some had conversations, but the sounds of the water falling into the fountain and of the shoes stepping on stones stood out.

The tour guide told the group that the garden, located at the rear of the castle in Cold Spring Hills, New York, was our second to last stop. She explained that we were free to wander around for a few minutes before she called us back inside.

There wasn’t much to explore. The

Kahn named the castle with an acronym of his own name — Otto Herman Kahn. He used the castle to throw Gatsby-style parties and the garden to run annual Easter egg hunts in which he would hide $1,000 in the eggs for adults to find. It was easy to imagine these events happening, despite knowing that Kahn’s property was bigger and had different furniture. The classical music that played while we were inside helped. So did the elegance with which people naturally acted, as if the rooms imposed such behavior. It was easy to imagine those same people toasting champagne, under the lights of the original golden chandeliers, with a real pianist playing live for them to hear. It was easy to imagine them having a cocktail outside, searching for the

died of a heart attack, his wife Addie Kahn sold the estate. In the following decades, the castle and the garden were used by different groups for different purposes.

The first of these groups was the New York Sanitation Department, which used the property as a retirement home for New York City’s sanitation workers. The workers and their families used the garden for recreational purposes and even swam in the reflecting pools.

Between 1942 and 1945, the castle became a radio operator’s school for the Merchant Marine, and then it was occupied by the Eastern Military Academy in 1948.

Nancy Melius, director of marketing at Oheka and daughter of its current

garden is a rectangle confined by walls of bushes decorated with more bushes, stone statues and a stone gazebo, which was covered by leafless branches at this time of year. As I stared at myself in the reflecting pools, I thought, “Nine years ago, Taylor Swift threw a phone in here.”

But that is the most recent part of a long story that started in 1914, when Otto Kahn — a millionaire banker — bought 443 acres of land on the highest point of Long Island to build his new summer estate. The construction of the French-style chateau started in 1917 and lasted for two years. Kahn hired the Olmsted brothers — whose father, Frederick Law Olmstead, designed Central Park years earlier — to create the garden that blooms at Oheka.

valuable eggs.

The library was the last stop on the tour. The walls and the floor were made of light brown wood. There were couches and armchairs spread all over with glass tables next to them. A piano stood in one of the corners. Light penetrated through the huge glass doors. The room was colorful, but the bookshelves were small for a castle that big. Before ending the tour, our guide pointed to a painting of Otto Kahn that hung right above the fireplace. Then, she explained that Kahn might have served as an inspiration for Mr. Monopoly, one of the most iconic figures of pop culture — almost foreshadowing the purpose that the castle would serve one century later.

In 1939, five years after Otto Kahn

owner, Gary Melius, explained that the Academy bulldozed over the reflecting pools as it most likely used the garden for drills. She added that the whole castle went through reformations during that period.

“They really had no regard for the castle other than it was big,” she said.

In 1979, when the Academy left, the castle was abandoned. The ballrooms that had once hosted lively parties fell into disrepair. The property remained without an owner until Melius’ father bought it in 1984 and started to restore it.

Melius explained that it is expensive to maintain a historic estate at the same quality that it was originally built and keep it open to the public. Because of that, her family had to create various

New York City’s sanitation workers and their families swim in the pools of the formal garden. Photo courtesy of Oheka Castle.

business uses for the castle such as hotel rooms, a restaurant, a space for wedding ceremonies and tours. As part of these businesses, multiple movies, TV productions and videos were filmed there.

“The film shoots also contribute to that greatly,” she said.

In 2014, Oheka castle was the backdrop of one of the decade’s most famous music videos. Taylor Swift’s “Blank Space” music video has more than 3 billion views on YouTube. It’s Swift’s second most popular video, the first being “Shake It Off.” With the announcement of 1989 (Taylor’s Version), which will feature the new version of “Blank Space,” it is fair to assume that the song’s music video will be trending from now to Oct. 27 — when the album will be released.

“Blank Space” is a satirical approach to how the media in the 2010s paint-

lover for riding horses. They may recognize the balcony from which Swift throws the lover’s clothes in a moment of rage. And, of course, they may recognize the reflecting pools, where the lover’s phone sank.

It is undeniable that the castle’s visuals are forever associated with “Blank Space,” but the video had a big impact on the castle as well. Even though it was released eight years ago, it is still one of the main reasons visitors come all the way to Cold Spring Hills to visit the estate.

“I often encounter at least two or three people a week who visit the property for the first time and are excited about the fact that she filmed a video here,” John Montiel, Oheka Castle’s front desk supervisor, said of Swift.

Melius described the music video as “spectacular” and said Swift was “fun.”

to live through the week of their children’s wedding. The castle’s ballroom was used by the production team, but they had to remove all the mirrors in the room so they wouldn’t interfere with the camera work. The mirrors were replaced by paintings that were donated to the castle at the end of filming and still hang on the ballroom walls.

“It fit so well with the room that we decided to keep it there,” Montiel explained.

The paintings are huge and have golden frames. Shades of blue, white, brown and dark green predominate in the portrayal of nature landscapes. Some of the paintings also show people, bridges, castles and other architecture.

The production that Melius believed to be the most prominent in the history of the castle is Royal Pains. Oheka serves as the home of the character Boris Kuester. Because the show aired

ed Swift as a “crazy ex” with “a long list of ex-lovers.” The music video tells the story of a woman who has affairs with multiple men and who always ends these men and these relationships in chaos and insanity. Although some of the scenes were filmed in Winfield Hall, which is located in Glen Cove, also on Long Island, Oheka provides the backdrop for all the moments of the story narrated from the first encounter, to the breakdown, to the escape of the current affair and then the arrival of the next one.

Fans who take the castle tour may recognize the patio outside the main entrance, where a car parks in the beginning of the video. They may also recognize the main entrance itself and the stairs that Swift goes down to meet her lover. They may recognize the road to the castle, used by Swift and the

“They really made Oheka look even better,” she said.

Montiel said that there’s an “extensive amount of planning” that goes into having a production like this at the castle. Heexplainedthatateamcomestoscout the property and map out what the vision will be for the production. Moreover, he mentioned that the restaurant and the hotel were closed down for the production of “Blank Space.”

“For this particular music video, it did take quite a large proportion of the castle,” he added.

Despite not being listed on Oheka’s website, one of the films that left a big mark on the castle is The Week Of, featuring Adam Sandler and Chris Rock. The movie revolves around two fathers who don’t get along but are trying

from 2009 to 2016, it was necessary for the production team to come back to the castle every year. These periodic encounters nurtured a good relationship between some of the team members and the Melius family.

“We’re still very close to the location scout,” Melius said.

The first time Oheka was featured in a motion picture was in 1941, when an aerial shot of the castle was used in the opening credits of Citizen Kane. Since then, the estate has appeared in more than 30 productions, which also include Succession and The Great Gatsby (2000).

One of the rooms of the estate attempts to summarize the castle’s relationship to pop culture. Located by the restaurant’s entrance, the walls of the small bar room are filled with magazine

(Left) Oheka Castle’s ballroom.

Photo courtesy of Oheka Castle.

(Right) Framed People Magazine story about Kevin Jonas’ wedding. Photo by Rafael Cruvinel.

covers in which Oheka was featured. Covered from floor to ceiling, the walls might look overwhelming at first sight, but each individual board reveals itself to be more than just an exaggerated decoration — it’s a historical archive.

“It’s a big showcase of what Oheka has been known for over the years,” Montiel said.

Inside one of the biggest frames is the cover of the January 2010 issue of People Magazine, showcasing the wedding of Kevin and Danielle Jonas. The headline reads “Kevin Jonas Wedding Album” in a yellow all-caps font over a picture of the couple. The wedding took place in December of 2009 and the story, published early in the follow-

ing year, is one of Oheka’s most important print features.

Montiel says the Jonas brother isn’t the only celebrity who sought Oheka out to host a private event and that the castle prides itself on being trusted with such moments.

“It’s very exciting, especially if you are a fan of whoever tends to come out here, but the one thing that you realize right away is that, regardless of who they are, they value the privacy,” he explained.

For Melius, the uniqueness of Oheka castle lies in the fact that, at the same time that Otto Kahn’s legacy is kept alive by the celebrities who frequent

the property and by the productions that are filmed there, the estate also welcomes the general public.

“[It is] on the North Shore of Long Island where there’s a significant amount of wealth, but we are also accessible to the everyman,” she explained.

For instance, meeting Taylor Swift in person might be hard, but a fan who buys a ticket to the tour might breathe the same air she once breathed and stare at the pool where she threw a phone nine years ago. g

Transphobiacomesinmanyforms. Transphobia is violence, as seen in the 2022 Club Q shooting and the recent murder of British teenager Brianna Ghey. It is legislation, as evidenced by the increasing number of bills restricting participation in school sports based on sex and the banning of gender-affirming language in the classroom and doctor’s offices. It is microaggressions and fear-mongering, as seen in propaganda that claims children are being brainwashed into being transgender.

It can also come in the form of reporting — and not only in openly rightwing, conservative publications. Unexpectedly, transphobes are being given a platform in one of the most respected newspapers in the U.S. — The New York Times.

On Feb. 15, 2023, over 3,500 Times contributors and readers as well as me-

dia workers sent an open letter to Philip Corbett, the associate managing editor for standards at the Times. GLAAD, an organization which advocates for the inclusion of LBGTQ stories in media, also sent an open letter to the Times with more than 100 additional signatures from organizations and individuals. Both letters shared the same goal: to convince the Times to recant and apologize for their biased reporting on trans issues and to make adjustments to their guidelines in the future.

“Our journalism strives to explore, interrogate and reflect the experiences, ideas and debates in society — to help readers understand them,” the Times said in response to the GLAAD letter. “Our reporting did exactly that and we’re proud of it.” The same day, they published a column titled “In Defense of J.K. Rowling” about the wealthiest transphobe in the world — or, as she’s

also called, a Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminist, or TERF. In the article, the author references a podcast series that will focus on the — as she perceives it — unfair attacks on Rowling’s character. The author is in agreement with the premise of the podcast, defending and justifying Rowling’s transphobic statements by claiming that she is trying to defend a marginalized group — women — by attacking another — trans women. Rowling herself has, in the several years since her views came to light, only doubled down on her public image being synonymous with anti-trans hate.

Transphobic views are not only being expressed in the Times’ opinions columns; bigotry is present in their news coverage as well. Four examples are identified in the contributors’ letter, and three of those articles are in the news section: “The Battle Over Gender Therapy,” “When Students Change Gender

Identity, and Parents Don’t Know” and “Doctors Debate Whether Trans Teens Need Therapy Before Hormones.”

These articles repeatedly cite insidious sources, including parent groups backed by an anti-trans legal group (the “Alliance Defending Freedom”) and promoters of pseudoscience, such as Grace Lidinksy-Smith, the president of the Gender Care Consumer Advocacy Network. The publication also entertains transphobic views on issues the transgender community faces.

The opinions column “How to Make Sense of the New L.G.B.T.Q. Culture War” presents three different interpretations of a Gallup poll that indicates a rise in LGTBQ+ identification among younger Americans. The latter two claims are blatantly homophobic, offering that the rise can either be attributed to identifying as queer being a “trend,” or that it is evidence of teachers and doctors encouraging kids to identify as queer. The former is a trite claim about queerness, but the latter is a more topical and common conspiracy today. The column also correlates rising mental health issues among teens with the rise in LGBTQ+ identification, citing a 2022 Atlantic article to justify this correlation —and ignoring the alternative explanation that the rise in mental illness was connected to the pandemic that isolated teens from their peers.

Notably, the piece’s closing also claims that gender-affirming care is an ideological experiment with little to no scientific backing, a key argument used to back legislation that restricts gender-affirming care.

There have, however, been studies on how gender-affirming care can improve the lives of transgender kids — research that the column refused to acknowledge. Endocrinologist Dr. Julia Sorbara and her colleagues conducted one such study, in which she concluded that transgender children of puberty age and older are associated with worse mental health. This, in her words, makes them “particularly vulnerable and in need of appropriate care.” Her article was published in Pediatrics, the official journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics. An observational study on the impact of gender-affirming care for transgender and nonbinary youths came to the same conclusion: those who had received gender-affirming care had “60% lower odds of depression and 73% lower odds of suicidality” as compared to those who had not received care.

Exploring both sides of a debate is one thing, but when one side is basing their

Illustrations by Keating Zelenke

arguments in bigotry and that fact isn’t addressed in the article, their hatred is presented as a fact-based argument. Giving validity to viewpoints rooted in bigotry is not unbiased reporting — it actually introduces bias to articles and columns by allowing people to justify hate without challenge. This practice in news articles is especially insidious, as it presents opinions as facts.

News articles with biased sources and opinion columns presenting no factual evidence — this is the content the Times is putting out. Placing these articles under the banner of such a prestigious news organization gives them credibility and presents them as evidence to transphobic legislators.

The consequences of bans on gender-affirming care are dire. Dr. Sorbara concluded that young trans people are

“particularly vulnerable” to mental illness without care. These Times authors are not writing in a vacuum — their pieces have enormous impacts and serious consequences. These writers can be considered complicit in a rise in mental illness in trans people, especially children, in every state that has used Times pieces as backing for their cruel legislation. Likewise, lawmakers should be fact-checking and researching the evidence they present to back legislation, because it is completely unacceptable that decisions are being made about people’s rights based on hateful lies.

This lack of objectivity in reporting about historically marginalized groups should not be surprising coming from the Times. Historically, they have refused to publish the word “gay,” as explained in David Dunlap’s 2017 article “How The Times Gave ‘Gay’ Its Own Voice (Again).” Until 1987, the paper’s

style guide forbade the use of the word “gay” in their articles. The style guide read: “Gay: Do not use as a synonym for homosexual unless it appears in the formal, capitalized name of an organization or in quoted matter.” This was instituted after the publication of a controversial piece in 1975 titled “The AllGay Cruise: Pride and Prejudice,” and came at the urging of Iphigene Ochs Sulzberger, then a backer for the Times. Her son Arthur Ochs Sulzberger, the paper’s publisher, instated the ban to “avoid the subject of gay life.”

This rule was in place only 36 years ago. The style guide stigmatized the word while gay people were reclaiming it as an adjective rather than a derogatory term. Dunlap’s article unfolds the history behind the ban and how it was lifted, noting that he, an openly gay man, had been on staff both before and after the ban was lifted and interviewed colleagues who made the push for revoking the ban on the word “gay” — an issue that is still relevant in Florida 36 years later, thanks to Gov. Ron DeSan-

tis’ “Don’t Say Gay” bill.

Despite the ban being overturned in 1987 — a step in the right direction in regards to reporting on the queer community at large — two 1995 letters to the editor prove that one step forward was not enough. The February 2023 open letters to the editors of the Times clearly weren’t the first push for the paper to review its standards and improve its reporting regarding the transgender community, as both these letters and the letters from the ‘90s address articles that use language disparaging transgender people. The article “Transgender Community Must Cope With Bigotry,” published July 30, 1995, specifically urges the Times to write about the bigotry the trans community faced rather than solely focusing “on the squalid and degrading aspects of their lives.” Another letter titled “For

An America That Loved Freaks” was published roughly three months later in October of 1995. The author, a trans woman, objected to a Times article in which a columnist called trans people “freaks.”

Transphobic reporting, which seems to have become a trademark for the Times, normalizes anti-trans discrimination. Adult legislators, who arguably should be less susceptible to bias than teens, have been duped into believing transphobic articles so deeply that they use them as the basis for laws. As a result, transgender people cannot simply exist without being scrutinized, demonized, restricted or targeted by violent criminals.

Months after the letter was sent, nothing has changed. The Times has not apologized for or retracted the transphobic columns and articles that are

specifically mentioned in the open letter from contributors and readers. Trans people — and queer people at large — remain under attack in America. They have not surrendered though. Drag bans have been passed and overturned. Books have been taken from the shelves and returned. There is still a long road ahead, but there are many travelers keen on seeing the destination: equal rights for transgender people.

Katherine Collins, the writer of the October 1995 letter to the editor published in the Times, perhaps said it best:

“I happen to be a transsexual, and there are thousands of us. Within the last three or four years, a political movement has developed among transgender people. Our goal is to be treated like the responsible citizens we are.” g

In September 2022, Stony Brook University was named the best public university in New York state in the U.S. News & World Report Best Colleges ranking. Stony Brook’s slogan, “far beyond,” is described as a framework for students, faculty, alumni and staff to tell their stories, describe their life-changing experiences and show their pride. However, if the home of the Seawolves wants to truly go far beyond, it needs to solve the administration issues that continue to haunt its students.

Although Stony Brook is a fierce competitor with the best universities in the country, problems with infrastructure, parking, housing, Wi-Fi connectivity and more create inconveniences that, when added together, can affect students’ ability to learn.

Clare Dana, a senior double majoring in marine science and environmental studies, shared that the conference room in Endeavour Hall used for her chemical oceanography class this past fall did not have enough room to accommodate all of the students, forcing some of them to watch lectures sitting on couches spread around the room. She also mentioned that, while half of the students attended the class on South Campus, the other half did it on the Southampton Campus. Therefore, the two professors had to conduct class via Zoom, making it harder for students to absorb lecture content.

“[It] is kind of unfortunate because I feel like I could be getting more out of the class because the professors are really good,” she said.

Dana explained further frustration with the fact that students cannot park in the School of Marine and Atmospheric Sciences’ (SoMAS) parking lot. SoMAS is located on the South Campus — a 23-minute walk away from Frank Melville Jr. Library according to Google Maps. Even though the number of SoMAS undergraduate students is more than 50 times the number of the school’s faculty members, nearly all the parking spots are reserved for faculty and staff permits. The ones that remain are paid, leaving students without much choice.

“If there was some ability for us to have parking there, I think that would be a lot more convenient,” Dana said. For her and other students who have classes on the South Campus, the options are to walk from West Campus

or park in a commuter lot and take the bus.

The situation at SoMAS is a reflection of what parking looks like for the rest of campus. Even though commuter students make up almost 50% of the campus population, they only have access to six of the 42 parking lots on campus. To park in five of these locations — lots 3, 5A, 5B, 6A and 24 — students have to pay $112.50 per semester. These lots, also known as commuter premium lots, are at a walking distance from the academic mall. The only other option is Lot 40, formerly known as South P — an enormous square of parking spots with “Wolfie’s Hut” at its heart. However, it is a 15 to 20 minute bus ride away from the main campus, causing inconveniences for students who have to factor in an unpredictable bus schedule and wait in very long lines that can

the beginning of the 2022-23 academic year.

“I think this is a problem in the building, and I am confused why it hasn’t been resolved when the semester is already almost over,” the student explained.

Beyond problems with elevators, students who answered the form also expressed concerns about moldy dorms, a shortage of washers and dryers and lack of prior notice from the university when a new student is placed in a dorm.

One student remembered when the residents of Gray and Amman Halls in Mendelsohn Quad were relocated after the buildings flooded during a storm caused by Hurricane Ian in fall of 2021. The student said they remember staying awake for more than 24 hours with nowhere to go besides a lounge in H

and more convenient.

However, O’Neal reported that the class encountered difficulties while trying to connect to Wi-Fi in a Frey Hall classroom last fall. When he contacted the Division of Information and Technology (DoIT) asking for a solution, he was told that all classrooms have adequate connectivity to Wi-Fi — denying the problem’s existence, as he explained.

“As a student, I would expect fast, reliable connectivity in lecture halls, labs, dorms, libraries, study areas and classrooms,” O’Neal wrote in an email.

When he complained to DoIT about this problem several years ago, they told him that classrooms did not have adequate bandwidth and that they lacked the funds to fix the issue.

wrap around the hut.

In spring 2023, the university announced potential plans for a fully paid parking system. In the new system, every person who wants to park on campus will have to either buy a permit or pay a daily parking rate. Although the change was put on hold for the fall 2023 semester pending union negotiations, it may still take effect in future semesters. This means that Lot 40 and faculty parking lots would no longer be free, and they would be even less accessible.

While the commuters battle for the best parking spots, residential students are facing their own struggles. This past fall, The Press conducted an anonymous and voluntary online survey regarding students’ satisfaction with the university’s administration. One residential student shared that the elevator in their building had been broken since

Quad.

“The school should be much more equipped for emergencies like that,” they wrote.

Since Amman Hall houses first-years, these students were left with an unpleasant start to their first semester at Stony Brook.

While these residential issues might distract students from their studies, inconsistent wifi connectivity in classrooms directly undermines learning.

Marvin O’Neal, a senior lecturer in the biology department, uses PointSolutions software in one of his recitations. It allows students to answer poll questions that count toward their grades. He said that, although students have the option to use a clicker to respond to the questions, the majority prefers to use an app because it is less expensive

These are only some examples of how many administrative issues Stony Brook University has been plagued with in the past few years. Maybe even worse than the fact that these issues exist is that most of them could have easily been avoided if the university was faster at addressing them.

Right now, the administration passes through the situation unharmed. If these issues continue to affect the lives of students and faculty, the university’s reputation will be damaged and the quality of education and learning will decrease. Stony Brook will have a harder time achieving its goal to truly be among the best in the United States. No one wants that — not even an administration that pretends to be ignorant. g

Jimmy Donaldson, more commonly known as MrBeast, is a 24-year-old YouTuber who has been uploading content since 2012. His videos involve giving money to people as they compete in various different challenges. As his channel grows in size — now over 170 million subscribers — the scale of MrBeast’s challenges has grown with it. His challenges began with videos such as “Giving A Random Homeless Man $10,000” and “Counting To 10,000 In One Sitting.” With each upload, MrBeast’s channel became more popular. With higher profits and a larger audience, the projects became even more extravagant.

One of Donaldson’s recent projects was a video titled “1,000 Blind People See For The First Time,” where he funded eye surgery for 1,000 people with curable blindness. In providing these treatments, he

about the issue on Twitter. An initial tweet addressed the dystopian nature of the video: “There is something so demonic about this and I can’t even articulate what it is.” Many agreed with the post, pointing to another viral tweet that shows the prevalence of “heartwarming human interest” stories like this and asks why the focus isn’t on the existence of the issue to begin with. Often when the media covers an issue of philanthropy, it talks about how good the action of giving is and neglects to mention what can be done to prevent the deeper problem at hand.

pointed to the larger issue that “half of all blindness in the world is people who need a 10-minute surgery.” This video sparked controversy surrounding the topic of expensive medical treatments.

Tomany,thisvideosimultaneouslyhelped 1,000 people around the world who could not see and raised awareness around the issue. However, to others, this video reflected the dystopian world that we are living in. A surgeon in the video claimed that half of the 200 million people with blindness in the world could be cured with a 10-minute procedure. Many were left wondering why the issue was so prominent if these cases of blindness could be fixed so easily. Why should people with blindness have to wait for a rich “savior” who happened to learn about curable blindness to get attention and a solution?

The two sides of this argument fought

Others felt that they could not see anything wrong with the video and that MrBeast positively impacted the individuals and helped raise awareness of the issue. Many of these people took to defending MrBeast when they misinterpreted the initial tweet stating the YouTube video was “demonic,” receiving it as criticism toward his videos.

Charlie White Jr., a YouTuber known as penguinz0, talks about the controversy and took to defending MrBeast on his channel — with a video garnering 4.4 million views. In his video, White mentioned the same argument, that the system in which people need to be rich to get this treatment is broken, but he believed this is not what people are mad about. He incorrectly assumed that all critics are instead mad at MrBeast for using poor people for views. His only example of the other side’s argument is the tweet calling the situation “demonic,” when the original tweet author explained in later tweets that the criticism was not towards MrBeast, but with the ease that MrBeast helped people. If the situation can so easily be fixed, why have governments neglected to do so?

MrBeast’s videos may intend to help a large number of people at once, but they also have the capacity to cause indirect harm. In a video from the YouTube channel Second Thought, the author argues that MrBeast’s videos and other similar feelgood stories can be harmful by making people complacent about important social issues. People can watch MrBeast plant more than 20 million trees and remove 30 million pounds of trash in the ocean and feel like he’s done enough, without understanding that it is one small step in a much larger issue. Planting millions of trees will not offset the carbon emitted and forests burned each year. Removing millions of pounds of trash will not stop the issue of plastic pollution and trash ending up in the ocean to begin with.

Despite all this, MrBeast’s videos do pro-

duce a net good. Organizing a movement to plant trees and remove trash is helpful to the planet, no matter how small the effort is in the larger scale of environmental issues. His videos also serve as a window into how dystopian our world is. For issues such as curable blindness to gain high-profile media attention, a millionaire needed to step in and bring awareness. Even if a millionaire starts worldwide environmental cleanup and planting movements, these efforts are still only a drop in the bucket in the larger fight against climate change. It shows how little the average consumer can do.

This window into a broken system allows people to see the larger issue through discussion and organization. Discourse on the larger issues can only begin when it is not immediately written off as unwarranted criticism towards individuals like MrBeast. g

After a Norfolk Southern train transporting hazardous materials derailed in East Palestine, Ohio on Feb. 3, large plumes of gray smoke permeated the sky as workers scrambled to burn away the toxins. The train derailment exposed the small town of about 4,800 people to multiple toxic chemicals that have been known to increase risks of cancer and other illnesses. Eleven of the 38 derailed cars contained hazardous materials.

One of the most impactful chemicals spilled in the derailment is vinyl chloride. Vinyl chloride is produced industrially and is most commonly used to make PVC — a compound used in several plastic products. It also has risks associated with increased rates of various cancers.

Though there were no human casualties from the initial incident, scientists have indicated there are signs of broader environmental damage and possible impacts on wildlife. Within a 5-mile radius of

sonal protective gear provided to them for the cleanup, according to a letter sent to U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg from J.B. Long of the American Rail System Federation. Workers also feared the potential health effects that the exposure to vinyl chloride could have on their wellness.

“Many other employees reported that they continue to experience migraines and nausea, days after the derailment, and they all suspect that they were willingly exposed to these chemicals at the direction of [Norfolk Southern],” Long wrote.

People living in or near East Palestine also reported feeling sick with headaches and rashes. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) lists both of these ailments as symptoms of vinyl chloride exposure.

Each year, roughly 1,000 train derailments occur across more than 140,000 miles of track in the U.S.— a statistic that has remained relatively constant over

the crash site, there have since been reports of over 43,000 aquatic animal deaths in the area. This magnitude of death further indicates the detrimental health impacts these chemicals may have on organisms. These deaths reportedly took place immediately after the crash and the toxins have since been contained.

In a livestream on Feb. 23, Ohio Department of Natural Resources (ODNR) Director Mary Mertz read a prepared statement regarding the wildlife concerns following the reported aquatic deaths. “Because the chemicals were contained, ODNR has not seen any additional signs of aquatic life suffering,” Mertz said.

Since the containment of these chemicals that infiltrated this area of water, officials claim tests have shown no dangerous levels of chemicals and no threat to the water or air quality. However, workers reported concerns about the adequacy of the per-

the past several decades. These derailments typically do not cause many injuries or fatalities, and their consequences are roughly equal to those of fender benders on U.S. roads.

Train derailments involving leaks of hazardous materials, or hazmat for short, are uncommon. Compared with other forms of transportation, trains have accounted for the lowest number of recorded spills of hazardous materials, ranking at about 5,000 spills in the last decade, according to USA Today. Trains that transport these substances must meet particular safety requirements depending on the substances that they carry. When a train that is carrying hazardous cargo derails, the seriousness of the incident skyrockets.

Since the derailment, there has been backlash from environmental agencies such as the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), who took the reins in the

Lobbyists who benefit from railroad profits have an incentive to prevent railroadcompaniesfromimplementing costly upgrades, even when these technologies could prevent incidents such as the disaster in East Palestine.

“Therailroadswilltestnew features.Butoncetheyhaveto doit... theydon’twanttospendthe money.”

cleanup of the accident and delegated it to Norfolk Southern. In a press conference following the accident, EPA Administrator Michael Regan said, “Norfolk Southern will pay for cleaning up the mess that they created and the trauma that they inflicted. In no way, shape or form will Norfolk Southern get off the hook for the mess that they created.”

Part of this cleanup included the burning of vinyl chloride to prevent possible uncontrolled explosions of the compounds. Nearby residents were evacuated to avoid the inhalation of the potentially deadly chemicals being released into the atmosphere.

In response to the train derailment in East Palestine, Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg has called on Congress to allow the agency to enforce necessary safety regulations that the railroad industry is lacking. Buttigieg contended that the industry has resisted proposed government regulations that would improve braking systems on train cars and increase safety when transporting hazardous materials. Additionally, he asserted that lobbyists who benefit from railroad profits have an incentive to prevent railroad companies from implementing costly upgrades, even when these technologies could prevent incidents such as the disaster in East Palestine.

“Profit and expediency must never outweigh the safety of the American people,” Buttigieg said. “We at USDOT are doing everything in our power to improve rail safety, and we insist that the rail industry do the same — while inviting Congress to work with us to raise the bar.”

As Buttigieg contended, the railroad industry has a long history of deregulation that has prevented new safety measures and technologies from being implemented.

In 1980, the Staggers Rail Act freed the freight railroad industry from government regulation, allowing it to bounce back from near collapse. As a result, a privatized and profitable railroad industry, one that invests billions of dollars each year, emerged. Since the Staggers Rail Act, the railroad industry has fought back viciously against proposed regulations, fearful that government intervention will mean slow profits and slow progress, culminating in a collapse that mimics that of the late 20th century.

In 2014, the Obama administration attempted to increase safety regulations within the railroad industry, particularly for trains carrying flammable and hazmat materials, but these reforms fell short of their goal. When these regulations were eventually passed, they were hyperfocused on petroleum transportation. Other threatening materials — such as vinyl chloride, one of the main chemicals involved in the East Palestine disaster — were excluded.

Before the derailment of the Norfolk Southern train that devastated the communities of East Palestine, Ohio, the company helped to shut down a proposed safety rule that would have improved the railroad industry’s braking systems. In 2017, Norfolk Southern praised the new technology, known as Electronically Controlled Pneumatic (ECP) brakes, which are much more efficient than the current air brakes that are

commonplace within the railroad industry.

Norfolk Southern boasted that ECP braking systems could “reduce train stopping distances by as much as 60 percent” when compared with the currently used braking systems. However, when it came time to implement this new technology, the company ultimately struck down the notion and pushed for doing away with the proposed regulation, citing that the new technology was simply too expensive.

“The railroads will test new features. But once they are told they have to do it … they don’t want to spend the money,” Steven Ditmeyer said in an interview with The Lever. Ditmeyer is a former senior official at the Federal Railroad Administration.

A week before a Norfolk Southern train derailed in East Palestine, Ohio, the railroad company’s chief executive, Alan Shaw, told shareholders that their service was “at the best it’s been in more than two years.” According to a company presentation, Norfolk Southern has experienced annual upticks in railway accidents for the last four years. Over the last five years, the company has paid its shareholders more than double what it has invested in its railway upkeep and operations.

Shaw released a statement claiming that Norfolk Southern will be present to support the members of the East Palestine community for as long as necessary. The company has reportedly set aside $1 million for a “community support fund” to help bolster some of the nearby businesses, alongside other funding to various segments of the community. On their website, they list the exact amounts they have donated and documentation of purchases made to support the community.

Yet, all these donations do not reverse the damage done to the environment as a result of this derailment. This begs the question:

Whataboutthe pricelesssoil,water supply,cleanairand peaceofmindof residentsthatwere compromisedinthis preventabledisaster?

Arecent increase in environmental disasters has caused many Americans to question the sincerity of President Joe Biden’s promises of environmental protection. The approval of the Willow project on March 13 is not helping his case. The oil drilling project aims to take advantage of the resource-rich land of the National Petroleum Reserve located on Alaska’s North Slope. The energy company ConocoPhillips already maintains two oil drilling facilities in the area — the Willow project will be their biggest venture, projected to release 9.2 metric tons of carbon pollution per year. However, the sensationalization of such a complex issue has caused misunderstandings of the problems at hand.

Taking the internet by storm, videos condemning the Willow project grabbed the attention of many TikTok users, especially among Genera-

tion Z. The messages in these videos are charged with urgency and implore viewers to take action through petitions and protest. While their messages were effective in spreading the word, some also shared misinformation, igniting widespread panic about the Willow project and the threats of climate change.

Images of receding ice sheets, emaciated polar bears and scarred landscapes flood the page when searching for the Willow project on TikTok. These videos imply that the approval of Willow would spell apocalyptic damage to the environment, leaving viewers hopeless. While the project’s environmental impact should not be taken lightly, demoralizing audiences — mainly Gen Z — online in the fight against climate change is counterintuitive and prevents action. Social media platforms can only serve as a stepping stone for education

on these kinds of issues. Clearing up political and scientific misconceptions surrounding Willow is essential for creating an effective movement for sustainability.

Biden’s recent decision has made many of his supporters question his true intentions when it comes to climate change. However, the sudden popularity of the issue has caused details about the approval of the Willow project to be omitted from public discourse. “It seems that Biden, who indeed is an advocate for climate change mitigation, found himself in a set of circumstances that made it difficult not to approve the project,” said Oleg Smirnov, a political science professor at Stony Brook University. “I think that two factors were probably most important: local bipartisan support and prior commitments.”

SincetheWillowprojectwasoriginally approved by the Trump administration

in 2020, Biden’s options in dealing with the decision were limited. One concern was that ConocoPhillips — the energy company that originally proposed Willow — owned leases on the land that would be used for the drill site. Biden’s administration determined that rejecting the project would have led to legal fines and lawsuits from the company. The Alaskan bipartisan congressional delegation also supported the project, so any rejections would have led to tensions between the Biden’s administration and the delegation.

Upon approval, the Biden administration was able to reduce the original amount of drill pads being used from five to three. Biden also announced a conservation plan that would protect 3 million acres of the Arctic Ocean from drilling sites, as expected per his cam-

paign promises.

Biden is not absolved of blame. He essentially broke his campaign promise to end new oil and gas drilling on public lands, leading to valid angry reactions from activists and voters. However, it is important to note that an issue like this does not have a sole cause. Energy is better spent getting informed and holding the right people, including Biden, accountable.

Unlike the online activists, many Alaskan stakeholders are supportive of the project. Among these is Nagruk Harcharek, the president of the Voice of The Arctic Iñupiat, a nonprofit organization aimed at networking remote communities in the North Slope Borough and creating a unified front to tackle issues affecting the municipality.

“We hope … the administration continues to listen to the elected Iñupiat leadership … heeding the strong support for Willow across our state.” Harcharek urged decision makers to listen to Alaskans “instead of bowing to the will of outside groups with no ties to our land, heritage, or people.”

Compared to other states, Alaskan infrastructure is more difficult to maintain, largely due to its size. Transportation, water systems and waste management pose difficulties to Alaskans, especially those living in remote areas — largely populated by Indigenous people. The Willow project would bring more stability to the state, so sustainability and climate mitigation are superseded by these factors for proponents of the project. “The Willow project is a new opportunity to ensure

a viable future for our communities,” Harcharek said, “creating generational economic stability for our people and advancing our self-determination.”

Other Indigenous Alaskan leaders oppose the project, recounting oil spills from similar drilling ventures, according to a letter drafted by the mayor of Nuiqsut, Rosemary Ahtuangaruak. Residents of Nuqsuit — a small city in Alaska’s North Slope and a member of the Voice of the Arctic — have been particularly vulnerable to the environmental damages of oil drills due to their close proximity to ConocoPhillips drilling sites. In March 2022, excess pressure caused a natural gas leak at ConocoPhillips’ CD1 drilling pad near Nuqsuit. A mass evacuation followed, unnerving many residents in the area who have already expressed concerns

about air pollution.

“We explain our distress about our air quality … and we are confronted with accidents … like CD1,” Mayor Ahtuangaruak said. In a video urging decision makers to stop the Willow project, she added that “we’re only seeing more and more oil and gas development being promoted for profitability over our life, health and safety.”

According to a report by the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Indigenous Arctic communities will continue to suffer from retreating ice sheets and glaciers. The report indicates that Alaskans risk the loss of their cultural identities with the absence of ice and snow. The Willow project’s estimated carbon emissions will likely contribute to the

ongoing deterioration of Alaskan communities. The wellbeing of wildlife is an additional concern. Ahtuangaruak’s letter notes that the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) neglects the importance of caribou and whaling ceremonies — both culturally vital to Iñupiat Alaskans.

Understandably, many people have started to fall into the pessimistic spiral of climate doom. It is easy to lose hope for the environment’s wellbeing while processing one disaster after the other. While it is true that the Willow project will have detrimental effects on the environment, the fight to save our planet is not over. Many organizations are still in the fight, whether through protests or lawsuits. The Willow project isn’t a sign to give up—it is a reason to fight. g