The New Wave is a revolutionary Socialist Organization building a Bolshevik Leninist Party in India and the 4th international. www.newwavemaha.wordpress.com www.litci.org May 2011 (edition no.2)
Contents: Editorial ……………………………………………………………………………………………...………………………………2 Statement on present situation in Egypt ………………………………………………………………………………………...…...3 Statement on the Libyan situation (International Workers League-Fourth International) …………………………………………..5 Appeal to Indian Migrant workers in the gulf………………………………………………………………………………………..6 Farce of the Nehru award…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 8 “ANNaa ANNaa AamhI tumcaa saaobat Aahaot pNa ”– (Nawal Dhasal)……..………………………………………………………………...……...…9 The Politics of the Indian bourgeois – BLPI……………………………………………...…………………………………...……10 Statement in support of the Docker’s strike…………………………………………………………………………………...……15 Report on the dock worker’s strike……………………………………………………………………………………...…………..16
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Editorial It is with a great sense of satisfaction in our hearts that we nd
general positions on the course of the revolution there and
are presenting the 2 edition of our regular newsletter of the
deals briefly with the various political forces at play, whilst
New Wave. Between the period of publication of our first
the appeal to the migrant workers in the gulf countries
regular edition newsletter and the present one, great events
exposes the strategic importance of the migrant workers in
unfolded both in India and abroad. The rise of the Arabian
that region and seeks out the connection between the
masses with the arrival of the Egyptian revolution, the
revolutionary processes in the middle east and India. The
beginning of the Libyan civil war, the overthrow of the
statement on Libya is from our international allies the
Tunisian regime, and the ongoing movements in the rest of
International Worker’s League of the Fourth International
the Maghreb and the Middle East all constitute the core of
and deals with the political position around the rebel
the struggles present in the Arab world. On the other side,
uprising in Libya and Gaddafi’s position in Libya. The
the movement against corruption, the series of national level
second sets of articles include articles on significant national
strikes by workers in Airlines and ports, and the dramatic
struggles (the anti corruption drive, the airlines strike, and
electoral defeat of the left front in Bengal constitute
the port worker’s strike) and developments as well as a key
significant events at the national level. Across the Atlantic
document of the BLPI on the politics of the Indian
the workers at Wisconsin staged a dramatic strike against
bourgeois. This document we feel is more relevant to our
the American bourgeois and occupied the senate building.
present situation as it deals with the role of Gandhi in the
Between the movement in Wisconsin and the uprising in
Indian freedom struggle and the consequences of his
Middle East and Africa there is a definite correlation. The
politics. The relevance is felt most in the case of the
American workers are clearly inspired by the success of the
leadership of the anti-corruption struggle. In addition to this
struggles of their compatriots in the Asia and Africa against
we have also decided to reprint the critique of Anna Hazare
a common enemy which is the imperialist American
by noted intellectual and activist of the “Dalit Panther” party
bourgeois. Considering these, we have decided to include
Nawal Dhasal. Whilst we do not necessarily agree in full
two sets of articles in our newsletter corresponding to events
with his appraisal of “neo-liberalism” in India we are in
in our time. The first set constitutes the international angle
agreement with his understandings of the limitations of
involving appraisal of struggles in the Arab world which
petty bourgeoistic movements like that of Anna Hazare’s.
includes our statement on Egypt as well as our appeal to
Both these articles explore a critical side of Gandhianism in
migrant workers in the gulf region, and the statement on
the Indian context. We request our readership to read the
Libya by our international allies the International Worker’s
articles and give us their feedback and comments.
League. The statement on Egypt lays down the broad
.
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Statement on the present situation in Egypt Egypt’s situation today:
like a catalyst energizing the masses into action, the other is the subjective factor of concrete political leadership which
A revolutionary process is underway in Egypt today. The
can channelizing this energy into a concretely revolutionary
revolt in Tunisia which ousted the Ben Ali regime there has
direction. Presently, we see that the objective conditions
catalyzed a chain of revolutionary processes throughout the
have fulfilled in their culmination to this exact point of
Maghreb and the greater Arab world. In Egypt the ouster of
history, but this alone will not determine the conclusion of
President Mubarak was a culmination of the events that had
the Egyptian revolution let alone the Arab revolution.
transpired in the three weeks preceding it. It was becoming
Firstly, it must be understood that the revolution in Egypt at
clear right from the beginning of the Egyptian uprising in
present has only accomplished the first steps towards
late January the country had been in the throes of a
securing a socialist revolution, one that would be led and
revolutionary situation. Independent neighborhood councils
consummated by the working class of Egypt. Presently what
and defense committees had been formed, whilst an organ
we are witnessing is the completion of the democratic
of dual power had emerged in the defense committees in
revolution in the spirit of the February Revolution of Russia
course of the gathering at Tahrir Square. The vast and
which saw the overthrow of the Czar. In other words it is
seemingly omniscient security apparatus had already been
not yet a conscious socialist revolution but the beginning of
rendered powerless by these tools of control which were in
a revolution that combines the most elementary democratic
the hands of the people. The rank and file of the army on
demands (freedom of expression and freedom of association
which the regime had to rely on had effectively shifted their
and organization) with the most elementary socialist
support away from the regime towards the masses. Whilst
demands (Jobs, healthcare, education) . Secondly, it has to
the generals remained in fear and attached to the top
be admitted in the negative that despite the positive
echelons of power, the rank and file of the Egyptian army
developments of a mass upsurge, it remains leaderless and
(composed primarily of conscripted urban working class
hence direction less. In the course of the uprising most
elements) had remained supportive of the protesters on the
popular demands were aiming at the removal of the
street. The events which transpired on the 11 of February
Mubarak regime, but there seemed to be no political force
which saw the collapse of the Mubarak regime in Egypt was
capable of presenting a sound alternative to the Egyptian
the culmination of the developments of the revolutionary
people let alone a revolutionary one! This state of affairs
struggle being waged since January this year. However,
persists. The masses have for the time being it seems
throughout the struggle what was evident was the lack of
reposed faith in the armed forces to govern it thereby
any coherent leadership of the masses let alone
allowing the military leadership of Egypt to take control of
revolutionary leadership. The main demand of the protests
the helm of power in place of Mubarak. The nature of the
aimed solely on the overthrow of the president without
government itself is transitory and the situation still remains
much perspective on what would transpire thereafter. It was
unclear as to what will transpire from here on. Whilst the
clear that the struggles till that point were limited
military rank and file on the streets was no doubt
exclusively to national democratic perspectives, namely in
sympathetic to the revolution, we warn against having any
the overthrow of the regime in place. With the overthrow of
illusion of the same from the commanding officers at the
the Mubarak regime a new phase of the revolution has
helm of power. The men on the top have vested interest in
begun.
derailing the revolution and returning the status quo of
th
imperialist rule which stands shaken. The opposition parties
Where to for the revolution? :
too including El Baradei himself represents nothing more than sections of the Egyptian bourgeois vying for becoming
In any revolutionary situation there are always necessarily two decisive factors. One is the objective factors which act
an agent of imperialism in the country. We warn the Egyptian people that Egypt being the most vital Arab
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country in the region, Imperialism will make all efforts
were chanting slogans in favor of Palestinian liberation at
especially covert ones to reimpose its domination over the
Tahrir Square. As long as Egypt remained under Imperialist
Arab people. Fulfilling the question of revolutionary
domination, the Arab people could be kept under chains
leadership in the Egyptian context is therefore of utmost
where they were most powerful. The revolution has already
importance to the success of the Egyptian revolution. The
begun the process of breaking the imperialist stranglehold
key is in the hands of the Egyptian working class and its
over Egypt. The sheer rapidity with which the revolution
class vanguard. A third factor which would be no less
developed in Egypt has for now paralyzed the Imperialists
decisive in the determination of the Arab revolution would
for any action. However, the battle for the Arab revolution
be its international spread. It remains to be seen how and
has not ended yet as the full culmination of the Arab
where the wave will spread but recent actions by other
revolution remains in the formation of a Socialist federation
authoritarian government suggest in no small degree a sense
of the Arab world. Egypt is that fulcrum from where the
of acute fear of the revolutionary movements spreading to
future Federation can emerge.
their countries. Even a Great Power like China isn’t immune from this fear and has censored news from Egypt from its
Demands we put forth:
internet coverage. Within the Maghreb region, it is Libya today that has risen up in struggle.
The international significance of the Arab revolution in Egypt:
For full freedom of organization and agitation! Full right to strike! For Nationalization of the Commanding heights of the economy! Worker’s Control over
Egypt being the most populated Arab republic and home to the Suez Canal has tremendous international importance.
Industry!
The revolution here it must be noted was never an isolated
For Universal Employment along with a plan
process to begin with but a continuation of the Tunisian
for public works to provide them!
uprising. Egypt today is at the centre of a much wider Arab revolution. Cairo which is the cultural heartland of the Arab
For a wage adjusted to inflation levels!
world from the Western Maghreb to the eastern ends of the
Land Reforms! And full expropriation of the
Gulf acts as a socio-political beacon for the rest of the Arab
property of the ruling families without
world. The revolution in Egypt today acts as an inspiration and a model for the rest of the Arab world. Being located on
compensation!
the culmination spot of three continents (Africa, Europe and
Rescind all Imperialist treaties! Open the
Asia) Egypt holds tremendous strategic importance for
borders with Gaza!
Imperialism. The Suez Canal is one of the most important assets for Imperialism to control. The first jolt came when
Out with the Military Junta! For a people’s
the then Arab nationalist regime under Nasser nationalized
militia!
it causing the first Suez crisis. Presently this canal which is the natural asset of the Egyptian people is controlled by the
Open all accounts of the Government! No more
Imperialist proxy Egyptian bourgeois. Should it pass to the
government secrets!
hands of the Egyptian working class the entire chain of the
Free All Political Prisoners!
imperialist system between Europe and Asia would be broken. Additionally, Egypt’s proximity to Israel and given
For a Workers and Peasants government in
its history of conflict with the Zionist proxy state, the
Egypt to fulfill the aspirations of the masses!
revolutionary developments in Egypt has a special
For a Federation of Arab State!
significance to the liberation struggle of Palestine. The natural affinity between the Egyptian proletariat and its allies to the Palestinian struggle was shown when crowds
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Statement on Libya - (International workers League- Fourth International)
The Arab Revolution is still expanding. Even in Tunisia and Egypt where dictators were toppled, the revolution is developing. No Arab country is out of this process and their fate is not settled. Their reasons are primarily: a) The struggle against old and corrupt dictatorships; b) Rising unemployment particularly among the youth and food price hikes both products of the world economic crisis; c) Imperialist seizure of the national wealth, together with the struggle against Israel.
In Libya Gaddafi has lost the control of the situation and there is an ongoing civil war. People's committees were formed, the army divided itself and Gaddafi allies were expelled from the many cities and villages. Today there is a stalemate as none manage to win militarily. The "rebels" have not enough weapons. Gaddafi has modern weapons but little support among the people. Imperialism takes advantage of this situation and intervenes under the cover of preventing people's slaughtering. But the stalemate is kept as imperialism has no political support for a land invasion. Their defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan make sending land troops 'unthinkable' in the words of Robert Gates, the US Defense secretary.
Imperialist Backlash
The Libyan National Council
The imperialist countries and the national bourgeoisies started a counterrevolutionary backlash. In Libya there is a imperialist military intervention endorsed by the UN. In Bahrain, there is an intervention through the Saudi army. In Yemen, strong state repression. The same in Syria, yet under the cover of opposition to Zionism and imperialism. What is the policy of imperialism towards the Arab revolution? They want to keep the control of the area with stable regimes that manage to keep the "order". The Arab revolution puts this imperialist stability and order in jeopardy as it struggles against the political regimes that directly or indirectly keep this order.
The main weakness of the "rebels" is their leadership: the so called Libyan National Council based in Benghazi. Formed primarily by Gadafi former associates, they are playing the cards of imperialism as they ask for more intervention and bargain with imperialist powers. The NATO uses their calls to intervene killing more and more civilians. At the same time NATO refuses to provide proper and modern weapons for the "rebels" as they don't trust them.
All Support to the Libyan and Syrian Revolutions! Down with the Imperialist Intervention! (Shortened version of an IWL-FI article. See the full article in: www.litci.org)
Down with the imperialist intervention in Libya!
The Solution that Divides Libya Imperialist powers are addressing the possibility of dividing the country, as they did in Yugoslavia in the 90s. There they first intervened as NATO, then as UN to divide the country and transformed Kosovo into a "protectorate".
Imperialism wants a cease-fire and the presence of international troops on a green line between Tripolitania (Libya's western section) and Cyrenaica (the eastern section). It would represent a strong defeat for the Libyan and Arab revolutions with negative consequences across the Arab world. If imperialist troops come as part of an agreement between Gaddafi and the "rebels", the intervention would be legitimized and would provide a strategic base for them. Our Stand There are no "good" imperialist intervention in Libya, as there are no "good" anti-imperialist dictatorships in Libya and Syria. On one side is the revolution, the mass protests in all Arab countries, against all dictatorships be they direct or indirect agents of imperialism. On the other side is the counterrevolution with the imperialist powers, the national bourgeoisies, the dictatorial regimes and their repression, and all tactics employed to freeze the revolution.We support the revolutions, their development and triumph. We oppose the equally criminal stands that capitulate to either bloody dictatorships like the ones in Libya and Syria, or to any imperialist intervention. No to any imperialist intervention through NATO or the UN! No to the division of Libya! No to the UN peace plans! Down with Gaddafi in Libya, Assad in Syria, Saleh in Yemen and all other dictatorships in the Arab world! Long live the Libyan and Syrian revolutions! Long live the Arab revolution!
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Appeal to the Indian migrant workers in the Arab world The situation in the Arab world today and the Indian migrant workers there:
revolutionary developments. However, each of these revolutions in the ultimate analysis is heading towards a socialist revolution. This is particularly so in Egypt, Tunisia
The Arab world today is in the throes of a revolutionary
and Libya, where the regimes have already been heavily
situation. Whilst world attention has been mainly focused on
punished.
the popular mass of demonstrators and protestors driving the
The necessity of working class leadership in a socialist
popular national revolutions everywhere, a vital section of the
revolution is indisputable, and this is no less true for the Arab
masses – the migrant working class – has been completely
revolution. But here a vast section of the working class is
neglected. Today there are over 12 million migrant workers in
comprised of migrant workers, mostly Indian. It is obvious that
the eastern gulf. 8.4 million of them are from the sub-continent.
this substantial population has a decisive role to play in the
In the eastern gulf region (Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman,
Arab revolution and particularly in the Eastern Gulf. To no
Bahrain, Qatar, UAE and Kuwait) the mostly Indian migrant
small extent, the key to the future of the Arab revolution as a
workers constitute the bulk of the working class population. In
socialist revolution lies in the hands of the Indian migrant
North Africa they constitute a significant segment of the
workers.
population numbering 5.4 million.
However, the dialectics of current revolutionary developments
These migrant workers have long been denied their rights as
are not playing out favorably in this regard, and the Indian
workers. Taking advantage of their position as migrant
workers remain passive observers. There is tremendous
workers, the regimes of the Arab countries have exploited them
potential energy to be released but no visible kinetic energy
to the hilt. Particularly the domestic servants who are forced to
being released in revolutionary movement. This passivity of the
live under slave like conditions. These regimes are in active
Indian working class in relation to revolutionary developments
connivance with their class partners, the Indian bourgeoisie, in
in the Arab world, (as recently as 2007 there was open revolt in
exploiting the migrant workers. Whilst the Indian bourgeoisie
Kuwait) yet again reflects the absence of revolutionary
encourages the free flow of migrant labour to gulf countries and
leadership in the class struggle. The passivity must not be seen
opens up the market to its neighboring countries as well, the
as a negative sign of wilful ignorance or segregation from the
economies of these hated regimes are kept afloat by a steady
Arab revolution, but as a silent call for revolutionary
flow of both skilled and unskilled labour, and in return provide
leadership. As long as the revolutions in the Arab world remain
the Indian bourgeoisie its much desired oil. The US of course
national and popular in nature, the migrant workers will not
plays its part in securing this callous capitalist bargain (wage-
find the much needed common ground for solidarity with their
slaves for oil) through its military infrastructure in the region.
Arab class allies.
This chain of capitalism ties in the economies of the Gulf to the economies of the sub-continent. The migrant labourers themselves provide a free bonus for the Indian capitalist class
The Arab revolution, the Asian revolution, the Indian revolution and the migrant workers:
as they send home billions of dollars as overseas remittances. The position of the Indian migrant workers in the Arab world
How do the Indian workers relate to the Arab revolutions?
situates them in a strategically vital position. They are at the same time the concrete expression of an undeniable cultural, economical and political connection with India and a force to
What we are seeing today is a string of national popular
be reckoned with in the Arab peninsula. Thus they connect two
revolutions in the process of toppling hated proxy regimes of
vital regions of the Asian continent with a unified albeit
imperialism. These revolutions are not yet at an advanced stage
invisible human chain. The present revolutionary situation
of socialist consciousness but are at the level of understanding
presents a golden opportunity for struggle for this mass of
of a popular and national uprising against imperialism. This is
workers in the Arab world. The revolutionary developments in
reflected in the passive response of the Indian masses to these
Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and elsewhere provide a unique
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opportunity to the migrant workers to intensify their long but
The Indian workers have so far only seen the ravaging,
ignored struggle for class demands, thus allowing them to be
bloodthirsty faces of their Arab exploiters and enslavers and the
linked in with the revolutionary processes unfolding in the Arab
hated regimes of the countries they reside in. But today they see
world.
another face of the Arab people, one that promises
This in turn would of course open up the possibility of the of
revolutionary emancipation. It would be foolish to lose such a
the Arab revolution spreading to the sub-continent, and from
golden opportunity because of any false prejudice towards the
there to the rest of Asia. What holds back the Indian migrant
Arab people arising from their hate for the exploiters and their
population, apart from the crippling conditions imposed by
regimes. We warn Our Indian class brothers in the gulf against
autocratic regimes in the Arab world, is the lack of conscious
such suspicions and prejudices, for they inevitably help the
revolutionary Marxist leadership in the struggle. This also
exploiters in dividing the Arab people from their best allies, the
means that a much needed internationalist perspective is
Indian migrant working class! Now is the time for solidarity. If
lacking in the Arab revolution and that there is a universal
you demand your rights now at this decisive juncture, you will
incomprehension of its real dimensions. If on the other hand
be greeted by unconditional support from the Arab masses and
conscious Marxist leadership emerges in the ranks of the
they would cheer you on and defend you in your struggle.
migrant workers themselves, this would immediately benefit the Arabs in their struggle by bringing all these factors to the fore.
For full freedom to organize and agitate! For full working rights and benefits! No one is a
Our Appeal to our Class brothers in the Arab world:
migrant! No to discrimination!
There are times in history when golden opportunities arise and
Health, education and welfare for all!
provide a huge impulse in the revolutionary struggle. For the
No to racist chauvinist divisions between Arabs
Indian workers in the gulf the rise of a pan-Arab revolution provides just such a golden opportunity. For too long their
For decent, safe and proper conditions for work!
and migrants! For class Solidarity!
rights have been denied and for too long the capitalists
Long live the struggles of Arab and Indian
enslaving the Indian sub-continent have colluded with the
people! For Class solidarity across Nations!
criminal regimes that exploit them. For many years they have been struggling against their conditions. But now the time is
Out with the monarchies! Out with the Autocratic
special as the Arab world is in the throes of revolution. One
governments! For a government of workers,
large mobilization today will have a thousand times greater impact than it would under more ‘peaceful’ conditions.
peasants and all popular forces!
(In recent months there have been several strikes and workers struggles in the gulf region. This picture is taken from a construction site of the Binladin group during the February 2011 strike wave. The National strike of construction workers who are mostly migrant workers was one of the largest in recent years and involved 3000 workers nationwide.)
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From Hosni Mubarak to Angela Merkel: The farce of the Nehru award On the 9th of May it was announced that Angela Merkel the chancellor of Germany would be awarded with the prestigious Nehru award for international understanding for the year 2009. The reason stated being “or her enormous efforts toward sustainable and equitable development”. With this the farce of the Nehru award is revealed in full. The same prize has honored such luminaries earlier as Hosni Mubarak, and Robert Mugabe. Not to mention, the King of Oman Sultan Qaboos. It must be noted that the former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was awarded this prize on two occasions! Angela Merkel is only one in a long line of such champions of international peace and understanding. A brief look on the rap sheet of Angela Merkel would reveal the reality of the “sustainable and equitable development” that she brings along with the imperialism she represents. 1) Germany’s foreign policy: In 2005 the CDU party of Germany won the 16th federal elections in Germany and came to power. Since then, Germany’s aggressive and militarist international policy was only enhanced. The Afghan war and the Iraq war were but golden opportunity to expand the momentum which was gained through actively participating in the Balkan wars over a decade earlier into the heart of Asia. Germany today has over a thousand troops aiding the unjust occupation of Afghanistan. This was part of deepening Germany’s alliance with US imperialism which Angela Merkel pursued most determinedly. The German troops present in Afghanistan have known to use unjust tactics of aggression against the Afghan population. The brutal attack on the city of Kunduz is particularly evident of this which killed 142 including dozens of citizens. Colonel Klein who was the mastermind of the attack is yet to be brought to justice for this breach. The war effort in Afghanistan has also witnessed the worst kind of lumpen behavior on part of the German troops there including the blatant desecration of dead corpses and graves. The German chancellor is of course quite silent on the excesses there and the Indian bourgeois is there to add insult to injury (for the Afghans) by awarding her with an award “for international peace and understanding” and that too for her “enormous efforts towards sustainable and equitable development”! The people of Afghanistan who are at the receiving end of German imperialism understand fully the nature of this “sustainable and equitable development”, the equitable aspect of her efforts being revealed more thoroughly by Germany’s vampire like attitude towards the Greek debt crisis. And as if the aggression of German imperialism upon different nations weren’t enough, the magnanimous German flip flop over the Libyan question was even more revealing of Angela Merkel’s commitment towards “international understanding”. At the outset of the
NATO and EU led intervention against Libya Germany decided to side with India, Russia and China against the resolution, the very nations which supported both passively and actively the blockade which paved the way for the present NATO led ‘humanitarian’ intervention. It must be noted here that Germany was the first to send its navy to Libya when the crisis emerged in the country. Ironically enough it was the first to back off from its Mediterranean mandate when France declared its desire to intervene militarily and openly. Its very typical a maneuver for a nation which has benefited from upheavals earlier in the past. The German bourgeoisie’s financial machinery was in full throttle during and before the uprisings in Eastern Europe and Russia which broke the regime of the Stalinists there back in 1989. Considering this it’s not surprising that the Indian bourgeois has stepped forward to reward such a consistent foreign policy which in more ways than one mimics their own tactics, notably that of opportunistically siding with this or that power in times of crisis to suit its own agenda, and of taking advantage of mass upheavals for the same. 2) Germany’s policy at home: Whilst the German bourgeois very easily reveals its vacillations at the international stage quite shamelessly, its policies at home are no less farcical. German capitalism which sits at the seat of all European Capitalism today, is also the most poverty stricken, most unequal and by far the harshest of the Capitalist – imperialist nation states of Europe today. It has been reported that the poverty rate in Germany which stood at 11% is infact the highest of all the OECD countries in the world. Child poverty is amongst the highest in Germany with 16% of children living in poor families. Germany as of 2008 had the highest level of dependent households (who are dependent on state benefits) in the whole of Europe with 20% of German families being dependent on the state in one way or another. Add to this the proliferation of the reserve army of unemployed workers due to privatizations of public services and mass dismissals and we have a picture of social degeneration and overall decay. This process has only been exasperated by the international economic crisis. For the first time a new layer of contractualized working class is emerging in Germany out of this decline. It is this class of semi employed and under employed workers which is raising the employment levels of Germany which the government so dearly celebrates as ‘reaching full employment”. Needless to say Angela Merkel has done precious little to alleviate this situation which persists till today. The economic policies of the German government in power have only worsened this social crisis causing greater pressures on the workers of Germany. This caused a very obvious social reaction which took the form of the massive German Metalworker’s strike
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last year. The situation on the metal workers remains tense till now with frequent “warning strikes” being launched by them. But none of this seems to bother the panel who decided to award her the Nehru award, after all why should they be bothered? Since when has the Indian bourgeois ever bothered to care for the poor and oppressed people of the India or the world? It is only apt that the award being given to her is the “Nehru” award for International understanding.
It only gives a befitting testimony to Jawaharlal Nehru, one of the pioneering leaders of the Indian bourgeois. To whom the masses of India may trace much of their present day suffering and oppression, from Kashmir to the North east, and from poverty to famine and farmer suicides. The Indian bourgeoisie and its leaders have truly achieved “international standards” in mass oppression, enough to give them a pedestal for rewarding others with their fake awards.
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ANNaa AamhI tumcaa saaobat Aahaot pNa … - navala Zsaala gaolyaa 20 vaYaapasaUna AvyaahtpNao Asalaolyaa nava]tarmatvaadI vaYa-apasaU BaaMDvalaI valaI jaagaitkIkrNaamaUlao svaaya<a , svatM~ doSaacyaa AMtrgat AaMiSak saavaBaaoOma%vaacaa , laaokSaahIMcaa jasaa kuinzt haot Aahot saava-Baao , tsaaca rajakIya laaokSaahIcaa JmalaaiQaiYzt Aag`ah p`#ar haot Aaho, ,`` yaa Avasqecaa ek Baaga mhNUna navao ]tarmatvadI BaaMDvalaI vyavasqaocao naayak doSa laaokSaahIsaazI ( tklaadU ) yauwo k$ laagalaI Aahot . mhNajaoca navamatvaadI BaaMDvalaI jaagaitkIkrNaacyaa C~Caya#aalaIca maanavaIya AiQakaracao savasavasamaavaoSak ivakasaacao, saova saISaIprlapSa cao, sqaainak saI-SaIprlapSa saxamaIkrNaacao SaI vyavaharaMcao , Ba`YTacaar mau> vyavasqaocao , saxamaIkrNaacao, pardpard-SaI maaihtIcyaa AiQakaracao Aga`h Qarlao jaat Aahot. mhNajaoca nava ]tarmatvadI BaaMDvalaI jaagaitk vyavasqaa va laaokSaahI yaa ekaca naaNyaacaa – prspraMnaa purk AsaNaar/yaa daona baajaU Aahot , Asaa ivacaar $jaivaNyaacaa pWtSaIr p`ya%na kolaa jaat Aaho . nava]tarmatvadI Aaja YaILilaMLopEaSaIzI lariLzIrEaLIza caI tsaoca nava]tarmatvadI kmyauinasTaMcaI klpnaa maaMDt Aahot . Baartatdoi#ala nava]tarmatvadI AaiqaAaiqa-k jaagaitkIkrNaacyaa mau#ya QaaroAMtrgatca rgatca , yaa vyavasqaocyaa gaDd saavalaImaQyoaca maaihtIcyaa AiQakracao , pardSaIpardSaI- , Ba`YTacaarmau> karBaaracao Aaga`h Qarola jaat Aahot . ho Aaga`h mhNajaoca saxama laaokSaahIcyaa laZaJlaZaJ-caocao inakYa zraivaNyaat yaot Aahot . rajakIya , p`SaasakIya pardSakta hIca laaokSaahIcaI AaoL#a zrlyaamauLo , pardS-akta maUlaBaUt ASaa saamaaijak , AaiqaAaiqa-k laaokSaahIcyaa caLvaLIkDo dula-a-BaBa haot Aaho . nava]tarmatvadI BaaMDvalaI jaagaitkIkrNaamaUla Baartat BaaMDvalaIvagaacaI vyavasqaovarcaI pkD AiQak GaT,T JaalaI valaIvaga-acaI Aaho . yaa vagaacaI Asalyap`maaNao kayart AsalaolaI rajavyavasqaa , vaga-acaI kaya-rt
tI caalaivaNaaro rajyakto- yaa vagaacaI sa<aa dRZ krNaarI vagaa-caI p`SaasakIya yaM~NaatIcao caalak , yaa BaaMDvalaI vagaacao ihtsaMbaMQa vaga-acao dRZ krNaara vyavasaaiyak Asao 20 T@ko laaoga , BaaMDvalaI vyavasqaa , 80 T@ko T@ko laaokaMcaa baLI do}na paoiYat Aahot va paosalao jaat Aahot . p`a. Ajau-nana saona gauPtanyaa sarkarnao inayau@t kolaolyaa pahNaI Ahvaalaanausaar 77 T@ko BaartIyaaMcaI dr idvasaalaa f@t 20 $pyao Aaho . baoraojagaarI ]pasamaar , kuNaaoYaNa jagaNyaasaazacaI vaNavaNa vaNavaNa tsaoca maUlaBaUt iSaxaNa , raojagaar , Aaraogya saovaa yaaMcyapasaUna vaMicat AsaNyacaa AnauBava 80 T@ko laaokaMcaa Aaho . mhNajaoca saamaaijak va AaiqaAaiqa-k laaokSaahIcyaa AaQaarlaolyaa maUlaBaUt laaokSahIvaadI vyavasqaovajaI 20 T@ko laaokaMnaa paoYak ak AsatIla . %yaaMcaa ihtsaMbaMQaaMcaM rxaNa rajakIya va p`SaasakI laaokSaahI hIca #arI laaokSaahI zrNyaat yaot Aaho . mhNaUna pardSaIpardSaI- vyavahracaa Aaga`h QarNaar , Ba`YTacaarmau> samaajaacaa Aaga`h QarNaar\ yaa caLvaLI saamaaijak va QarNaar\yaa Aaiqak laaokSaahIcyaa sqaapnao Aaiq-ak sqaapnaocaI h%yaaro hao} Sakt naahIt . vyavasqaotIla kahI laaokaMcaa Ba`YTacaar cavhaT\ yaavar AaNaNyaanao cavhaT\yaavar jarI %yaaMnaa yaSa Aalao trI saamaaijak va AaiqaAaiqa-k laaokSaahI naakarNaar\ yaa BaaMDvalaI vyavasqaovar %yaanao paosalaolyaa ihtsaMbaMQaaMvar naakarNaar\yaa Aqa— aktocao Aaga`h maUlagaamaI p`har k$ Aqa—rajakarNa rajakarNa p`dS-S-akto SakNaar naahIt . ikMbahunaa , pardSaI vyavahar ha pard-SaI nava]tarmatvadI BaaMDvalaI vyavasqaocaI garja Aaho . %yamaUlao hI vyavasqaa samaajamanya mhNajaoca dRZ haoNyaat madt haotIla . hI vyavasqaa dRZ haoNa mhNajaoca saamaaijak saamaaijak AaiqaAaiqa-k laaokSaahI naakaraNao haoya . Aaplya saavaBaaOma svatM~ doSaanao pihlao pqap`Qaana saava-BaaO naohruMcyaa naotR%va#aalaI saMima~ AqaAqa- vyavasqaa svaIkarlaI . ho naohrU 9
maa^Dola naohrUcyaa inaQaanaanaMtr sa<aaQaarI ka^Mga`osa pxaanao AaNaI naMtr sa<ao sa<aovar Aaalaolyaa AaaGaaDIcyaa sarkaraMnaI maaoDUna Taklao . naohrUp`NaIt saMimaEa AqaAqa- vyavasqaot saamaaijak saamaijak ](aoga xoa~ yaaMnaI ASaI saaMgaD GaatIla haoJ , kI jyaamauLo yaa doSaat ](aogaQaM(aMcaa paayaa Gaatlaa gaolaa . naohrUsaaobat mhNaa hvao tr tr ikMvaa naohrunaMtr mhNaa – rajyak%yarajyak%ya-ManaI p`Qaana AiQaYzana Asalaola saamaaijak ](aoga xao~ca maaoiDt kaZlao AaiNa Aata iSallak raihlao to #aasagaI ](aoga xao~ . Aaplya naohrunaMtrcyaa AqaAqavyavasqaocaa ekmaova GaTk ho xao~ zrlao , #aasagaI ](aoga mhTlaa kI %yaacao f> naFyasaazI Asato . janatocyaa garjaa , jaaIvanaavaSyak garjaaMnaa %yaat sqaana nasato . yaasaazI #aasagaI ](aogaaMt spQaaspQaa- AavaSyak zrto . AaNaI maga Jqaoca Gaat haotao . spQaaspQaa- ijaMknyaasaazI Ba`YTacaaracaa janma haotao . Aata jaagaitkIkrNaamau jaagaitkIkrNaamauLo AaNaI ka^pao-rorTo ](aogaaMmauLo Ba`YTacaar evaZa baaokaLlaa Aaho kI Aata samaga` k`aMtIcaI kuvat nasaola tr ikmaana saMvaOQaainak mayaada taoDuna saamaaijak laaokSaahI mayaa-da saMivaQaaMnaatca trtUd k$na rajyak%yaarajyak%yaa-MnaI p`sqaaipt kravaI . jyaacaamauLo Ba`YTacaarlaa yaa vyavasqaovar AMkuSa zovalaa Tacaarlaa janma doNaar\ aar\yaa
jaaJla . ANNaa tumhalaa Ba`YTacaaracao #ar\ yaa Aqaalana #ar\yaa Aqaa-nana inamaU-lana krayacao Asaola , tr inarqainarqa-k DagaDjaIcaI BaUimaka saaoDuna (avaI laagaola . pha ho jamato ka ? ]sao GaDlao tr laZaJlaZaJ-t AamhI tumcyaabarao cyaabaraobaca Aahaot , ho samajaa !
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The Politics of the Indian Bourgeoisie - Suren Morarji [This article was published in India by The Bolshevik-Leninist party of India, the Indian Section of the Fourth International as a pamphlet the title of which was Saboteur Strategy of the Constructive Program. It is a very fine analysis of the politics being pursued by Gandhi and the Indian bourgeoisie and completely reveals their role in Indian Nationalist Politics. It is valuable to the British workers as a background to the events now taking place in India. The article was first published in the mouthpiece of the 4th international named the “Worker’s international news” in their Feb-March issue in 1946.] The Programme in a Nutshell The centre of the Constructive Program, says Gandhi, is “always the charkha around which all activities revolve.” Inasmuch as politics is in the final analysis governed by economics, Gandhi is undoubtedly correct. The charkha is the centre of the Constructive Program because the charkha (in conjunction with all other implements in the primitive
wooden family) constitutes, together with the land and the cow, the main means of production in Gandhian society. Charkha economics determines charkha politics. Hence “all other activities revolve around it.” We, however, are reluctant to leave things at that. We perceive certain inconsistencies in the way in which charkha politics has been
formulated. We suspect that this brand of politics has not been entirely spun on thecharkha, that better spindles and more powerful looms have had something to do with its creation. While, therefore we accept that the charkha forms the basis of the Constructive Program, we must pick out two other features of this program (Communal Goodwill and Social
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Service) which we regard as only of slightly less importance. These latter help us to decipher the real character of charkha politics. The other items in the Thirteen Point Program are not of
much significance – prohibition, scavenging, kindergarden literacy, chivalry towards women and rashtra bhasha. These are the personal virtues we are adjured to cultivate. We are not
much enamoured of them. We think more satisfying canons of conduct are still available for us in the good old homilies of Socrates, the Buddha Socrates and Christ.
native bourgeoisie have long ago matured in that act of ravishment. The internal market (i.e. largely the peasant consumer-population) is great source of hope for the Tatas, Birlas, Kasturbhais and their kin – especially when relieved from the embarrassment of world competition. The charkha and the gram udyogimmediately rush up against the electric power looms of Ahmedabad and the blast-furnaces of Tatanagar. In such an encounter there can be no doubt on whose side the odds lie.
property relations on the land. The Indian peasant must not be encouraged to covet his landlord’s land. If he does not have sufficient land to dig even a miserable existence from, he must be taught to look elsewhere for succour. And there, for the bourgeoisie, begins the messianic role of the Mahatma and his charkha. But the charkha and gram udyog programme plays a more positive role in the service of the bourgeoisie. “Khadi” says the Mahatma in his pamphlet on the Constructive Program, “means a wholesale swadeshi mentality, a determination to find all the necessaries of life in India.” The charkha is thus the political emblem of the Indian bourgeoisie in the same sense that the hammer is the emblem of the working class and the sickle that of the peasantry. Small wonder that it is so boldly emblazoned on ehe bourgeois “national” flag! The charkha and gram udyog program is a powerful political weapon in the economic struggle of the Indian bourgeoisie against imperialism. It is a substitute for the dangerous and incalculable method of the mass struggle. It established the native bourgeoisie on its feet especially after the boycott campaign of the early twenties. Can anyone wonder, that despite the yearly turn-out of hundreds of thousands of yards of the finest spun cloth in their own mills, the textile mill-owning millionaires are the most habitual wearers of the coarsest khadi? We will not of course mention that these devotees of the charkha have even taken to the production of “khadi” in their mills!
Charkha and Gram Udyog It is not possible to foist a programme on the masses which does not in some way assuage a fundamental mass urge. If, therefore, the peasantry of our country have in the past extended a welcome to the Constructive Program, the explanation of this must found in their conditions of existence. British Imperialism has not only destroyed the balance of their little village economic structures and subjected them to cruel exploitation through rent-exaction and direct and indirect taxation. It has dragged the peasantry into the coils of the world market and subordinated them to its vicissitudes: Driving his primitive plough on his shrinking strip of land, the Indian peasant comes directly up against, all the mechanized efficiency of the foreign capitalist farm. His prices are governed by world prices. This not only depresses his standard of living but makes it fluctuate as wildly as a seismograph in an earthquake. It is on this medicament of the peasantry that Gandhi has closed in with his charkha and gram udyog programme. He seeks to counterposed once more the selfsufficient productive framework of the ancient village community to the allpervasiveness of the world economy.He seeks to balance the instability of primitive agricultural production With the wooden prop of the charkha and other village handicraft.Unfortunately, it is not imperialism alone that subordinates peasant production to the needs of the world market. Native machine industry has stepped in to consolidate the process. It is true that the native bourgeoisie aspire to shield themselves behind a high tariff wall. But that is essentially a shield – a device to ward off the unfavourable repercussions of production for the world market. Furthermore, it is not imperialism alone that exploits the peasantry. The
Thus not only is the charkha and the gram udyog program reactionary in its aspiration to resuscitate the primitive village community with its mediaeval standards of life. It is sterile in that it sets out to match primitive handicraft with machine industry in conditions of capitalist competition. It possesses the rare distinction of’ being both reactionary and utopian. The program however has deep-going political implications. In the first place it represents a carefully camouflaged endeavour to distract the attention of the middle and lower strata of the peasantry from the lands of the zamindar and rich peasant. This is a preliminary indication of its bourgeois counter-revolutionary character. In the epoch of capitalist ascendancy the necessity to unify and expand the internal market, as well as to release the productive forces from the feudal productive relations which fettered them, drove the bourgeoisie to liberate the peasants from the landlords and thus to convert both land and labour into marketable commodities. Today, in the epoch of imperialism, the epoch of capitalist decline, the bourgeoisie can no longer play this liberationist role. Capital and land, capitalist and landlord, are too closely intertwined for either to entertain homicidal intentions in regard to the other. The Indian bourgeoisie will not interfere with
What Gandhi calls the centre of his Constructive Programme (the little wooden machine that spins his webs for the imperialists, his sophistries for the intelligentsia and his clap-trap for the masses) is none other than the centre of the bourgeois struggle for
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control over the internal market and the mass movement; a treacherous, reactionary and utopian device to frustrate a fundamental mass urge in
the guise of pandering to it. That urge is the urge of the peasantry to overthrow existing property relations on the land as a means of emancipating
themselves from the choking tyranny of the world market
Communal Goodwill The masses cannot wait until the Mahatma constructs his pattern of freedom for them on his charkha. Freedom, for them, is neither a mere slogan nor a desirable ideal. Freedom, for them, is an imperative necessity – to do away as speedily as possible with all forms of exaction, exploitation and tyranny. While the charkha spun on, the cauldron of mass revolt was on the boil. The communal problem is in essence an expression of this phenomenon. Its very virulence is an index to the turbulence of mass discontent. Its distorted appearance does not negate the fact that, at root, it is an expression of the class struggle. The land-owning upper classes of India and the more subservient section of the native bourgeoisie had no reason to conceal their alarm at the depth and power of the mass movement which the nationalist bourgeoisie attempted to harness to their class needs. The Muslim upper classes in particular (they were more parasitical in proportion as they lacked a big industrial bourgeoisie) feared the accumulating wrath of the Muslim peasantry in the countryside and the vast mass of unemployed and under-employed petty bourgeoisie in the towns. The powers and privileges they derived from their alliance with British Imperialism were, moreover, endangered by the political aspirations of the nationalist bourgeoisie. It was necessary to attack the mass movement – for an attack on the mass movement would not only disorient the masses but would equally weaken the only sanction of the bourgeoisie against imperialism. That attack took the form of Muslim communalism, drugged with separatist demands, and delivered through the intellectual medium of the job-hunting Muslim intelligentsia.
Muslim communalism was in fact the solution of the Muslim upper classes to the sharpening class-antagonisms of Indian society. In form it was a piercing flank attack on the anti-imperialist mass movement. Every betrayal of the mass struggle by its leaders was a signal for a communal counter-offensive, leading to further disorientation and prostration of the masses. Communalism thus became a powerful weapon in the hands of the, imperialists. Every defeat, every betrayal, every postponement of the anti-imperialist struggle widened the communal rift strengthened the communalists. But inasmuch as the crisis of imperialist society in India cannot be solved under its aegis and every defeat of the masses is an education for the future, the gathering proportions of mass revolt had reduced the communalists to greater and more complete dependence on the imperialists. So complete is this dependence that the liquidation of the communal problem can only ensue on the prior liquidation of imperialism India. Muslim communalism also derived an initial impulse and sustained impetus from the reactionary politics of bourgeois nationalism. Rationalism was the philosophy of the bourgeoisie needing to liberate the peasantry from the control of a feudal church in the period of capitalism’s rise. In the epoch of the decline of capitalism the bourgeoisie need not to liberate but to harness the peasantry to their yoke. Hindu revivalism is the philosophy of one such bourgeoisie, for Hinduism has had no peer in its ability to inhibit the most fundamental urges of the masses. Hence, under Lokmanya Tilak, the real ancestor of hysterical Hindu communalism, bourgeois nationalism took on a decidedly Hindu coloration. In the hands of Gandhi the process was further extended and deepened. It was a
simple sadhu that bourgeois nationalism dangled before the masses of the peasantry, who flocked in their hundreds and thousands to receive his dharsham. It mattered little to the illiterate, Muslim masses that the sadhu was able to recite the Koran or quote from the Bible. That sort of dope they could get in higher quality and greater quantity within their own mosques. Himself responsible to a certain extent for the strengthening Muslim communalism, the Mahatma aspires to solve by religious methods what is in essence an expression of the class struggle and in form a political counterattack. His method is that of “unbreakable heart unity.” The communal problem to him is not a strategical problem in the setting of the anti-imperialist campaign. It is not an imperialist counter-attack on the mass movement. It is a personal problem. The hearts of both Hindus and Muslims are somehow not in the right place. They have first to set their hearts right so that there may no more be “Hindu water or Muslim tea.” As always, the religious formulation conceals a political manoeuvre. The endeavour is to find an agreed formula between the landlords and princes of the Muslim League and the industrial bourgeoisie of the Congress – a formula which will divide the spoils of office under imperialist patronage and thus present a united front of the exploiters, in control of the armed resources of the State, against the accumulating forces of mass revolt below. One failure or two to win the Qaid-e-Azam does not discourage the Mahatma. While the masses keep straining to get their hearts into piece he is at least certain that real unity will be prevented – unity of the masses against their exploiters along the lines of the class struggle.
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Social Service Neither the charkha manoeuvre of Gandhi nor the communal manoeuvre of imperialism can halt for one single moment the process of the class struggle. And though the Mahatma may refuse to recognise the class struggle, the class struggle never fails to recognise the Mahatma. Kind and sensitive man that he is, he cannot ignore that recognition. He winks back at it, in the form of social service. Social service is Gandhi’s answer to the class struggle. He continually warns against “violent and bloody revolution.” He preaches (to the poor masses to be sure!) “voluntary abdication of riches and the power that riches give.”
Meantime he advises the masses to live at peace with their masters, i.e., to collaborate with their exploiters. To help the masses to accept his advice he has his program of social service. We are not here concerned with the motivation of humanitarian social service. The Mahatma’s heart may be as bottomless as the caverns of hell in its sympathy for the poor. We are here concerned to demonstrate the reactionary social orientation of humanitarianism itself. Inasmuch as the class struggle is fundamental to classsociety and ineradicable within it, the
attempt to moderate its harshness on the exploited classes, and by these means to distract their attention from it, is not only futile but is to enter into the service of the exploiters themselves. If Gandhist society is the same thing as the egalitarian society, the social objective must be not to subject the masses to less exploitation, but to free them from exploitation altogether. The latter is certainly not the object of the Mahatma. He thereby demonstrates how completely he is in the service of the bourgeoisie. Sweet faces and angel graces are not beyond “riches and the power that riches give.”
Role of Non-Violence One feature in common all three principles of the Constructive Program contain: in the guise of serving a fundamental urge of the masses, each of them seeks to frustrate it. The charkha pretends to serve the desire of the peasantry to emancipate themselves from the world market but fastens over them the stranglehold of the native bourgeoisie and ultimately, of the very world market they were seeking to avoid. Communal heart unity pretends to lay down the basis for a united offensive of the masses against British imperialism, whereas in reality it deflects the masses away from the anti-imperialist struggle and fastens the death-grip of imperialism over them. Social service, aspires to elevate the economic and cultural level of the masses but, in reality, perpetuates the system of semifeudist exploitation that holds them down. The common feature is not directly attributable to deliberate deceit on the part of the Mahatma. We do not know, nor do we care, whether even indirectly it is so. What is pertinent is that the manifest contradiction between object and result springs from the single unifying factor in the whole distraught philosophy of Gandhism – non-violence. For, says the oracle himself “the constructive program
they otherwise and more fittingly be called constructon of Purne Swaraj or Complete Independence by truthful and non-violent means.” The Constructive Program is the nonviolent road to swaraj. The basic unifying force of the whole Constructive Program as of the whole theory and practice of Gandhism, is non violence. Force or violence is the final sanction of law. The imperialist state is organised violence. To overthrow this imperialist state is to counterpose to its own violence a superior violence. This superior violence can only come from the intervention of a foreign state or by the intervention of the masses on the political arena. Revolution is the method of the defeat of the violence of the state by the superior violence of the masses. Truly does the Mahatma characterise revolution as “violent and bloody.” Non-violence is defined by the Mahatma as “a process of conversion.” In other words, non-violence is concerned with the individuals, not with the system. To the violence of the imperialist state (the Mahatama once called it “leonine”) non-violence replies with moral pressure on the state official. It tries to “change the heart” of the state official,
i.e. to move him to pity, and thence to understanding, by self-suffering. Thus, non-violence does not challenge the authority of the imperialist state, but seeks to change its manifestations. By denying the right of the masses to counterpose their own violence to the violence of the state (the final sanction of all laws), non-violence subordinates the masses to the authority (i.e. violence) of the imperialist state. The method of non-violence apart from its political content) is at best reformist, not revolutionary. That is to say it operates entirely within the imperialist system. Whatever the phraseology of its advocates, non- violence cannot seek to overthrow the imperialist system. The strategy of reformism is a pressure strategy. Violence, or overthrow strategy, is the strategy of revolution. Whether for pressure or for overthrow mass struggle is necessary. But should the mass struggle develop along violent lines (i.e., should it direct itself towards the overthrow of the state), the collapse of the imperialist state will be accompanied by the collapse of the property forms it maintained – the native bourgeoisie being too weak to maintain their property either against imperialism or against the masses. The message must, therefore, be forced into the straightjacket of non-violence, so that bourgeois property is maintained.
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Herein lies the basic contradiction, the double faced character of non-violence. It is clothed with revolutionary phraseology and purports to save the
masses from imperialism. But it actually serves counter-revolutionary purposes, for it dams and deflects the mass struggle, and saves imperialism
from the masses.
arena of direct struggle. Hence the Constructive Program seeks also to sabotage the mass struggle from within, to destroy the existing class organisations of the masses. The Constructive Program has, therefore, recently been extended. Separate programs have been prescribed for workers, for kisans and for students, so that each of them may contribute to the “construction ofswaraj.” It is not necessary here to deal with these in detail. Suffice it to say that “construction of swaraj means today, in 1945, for Mahatma:
More immediately, the Constructive Program is designed to prepare the ground for the coming surrender-settlement with British Imperialism. It is not the first occasion on which the Mahatma fled precipitate before a mass offensive on the imperialist state, to bury himself ostensibly in the social uplift, and religious regeneration. At least one previous public performance has history been afforded of this identical stage-trick. Especially after the calling off of the struggle of the earlier thirties did the Mahatma appear to vanish from the political scene, under the pretext of devoting himself entirely to the cause of the Harijans. What he actually achieved every Indian in his ‘teens already knows: the thwarting of the mass-struggle and the preparation, step by step, of the Congress for eventual collie-service on behalf of British Imperialism. The objective is no different on this occasion. While the Tatas, Birlas and Kasturbhais employ the aid of imperialist capital and technique in the more intensive exploitation of the masses, while the Munshis and the Rajagopalachariars employ the imperialist police to shoot down striking workers and bludgeon rebellious peasants, and throw militant fighters against imperialism into imperialist jails with the help of the imperialist penal code, the Mahatma will be pacifying the masses and shepherding them along the “constructive” road to swaraj – building “swaraj” within the imperialist system! The vision is almost idyllic. The reality reeks of rank insidious treachery. The Constructive Program aims to sabotage the anti-imperialist mass struggle now and for good.
Saboteur Strategy The mass struggle that began in August ’42, despite nearly a quarter of a century of preaching on the part of the Mahatma, was openly and quite unashamedly a violent struggle. The masses, at the very outset of the struggle, sloughed off the straight-jacket of non-violence in which the bourgeoisie had sought to imprison them. They thereby demonstrated to the world the scant esteem in which nonviolence was held by them. That was their way of asserting that their road to the overthrow of the imperialist state was the road of violence, of class struggle, of revolution. Who need wonder at the panic of the native bourgeoisie who quite early deserted the struggle and attempted to stop it, and of the Mahatma who today denounces it and disclaims all responsibility for it? Never again will they attempt to use the mass struggle to browbeat imperialism – not if they can help it. The Mahatma, therefore, puts forward his Constructive Program not as a preparation for civil disobedience, but “as an alternative road to Swaraj.” So important is this “alternative road”, that he threatened to fast if his disciples did not accept it. So important is it, that behind its immense fire-power has been also brought up the heavy artillery of the Rs 1½ crores Kasturbe Fund (more social service!). To sabotage the revolutionary mass movement fromwithout by forcing on it once again the straightjacket of nonviolence which it had decisively rejected – that is the strategy of the Constructive Program.
1)the destruction of the class independence of the trade unions, through the “construction” of rival company unions (as at Ahmedabad) and the enticement of functioning union away from the Trade Union Congress into the openly class-collaborationist Hindustan Mazdoor Sevak Sangh. 2)the smashing of the class independence of the kisan sabhas through the “construction” of a Kisan Congress, dominated and controlled by the National Congress, i.e., under the kindly patronage of the upper classes, both bourgeois and landlord. 3)an ideological offensive against Marxism under cover of a drive against Stalinism, and the reduction of student organisations to ideological servility to the bourgeoisie through the “construction” of a Students’ Congress which will “keep all politics out” – except Gandhian superstition and utopian revivalism.
But the straightjacket will stay on only so long as the masses do not enter the
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Statement in support of the Dock workerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s strike After failed negotiations between the government and the
be weakened to the point of selling out by such a corporatization
representative bodies of the dock workers, five major federations
action. The ports will not fare any better. No surprise then that
representing 60000 dockworkers across India have decided to go
the government saw it fit to ride roughshod over the concerns of
on strike this 6th of April. The strike will be a nationwide strike
the workers and implement its corporatization scheme. The ports
encompassing workers in all major ports of the country. We, the
as well as transport as a whole are a key public asset which must
New Wave group whole heartedly support the strike action
be defended from the interests of private capital as well as their
called by the Dock workers.
bureaucratic agents who are interested in weakening them. The success of the Dockers struggle is going to be of decisive
Against Government plans for corporatizing ports!
importance.
The Core reason for this strike action has been the government move to corporatize the major ports of India along the model of
We Demand: â&#x20AC;&#x201C;
Ennore port. The move comes after the workers through great struggle won several wage benefits and work related benefits as
A moratorium on all plans for Corporatization of Ports!
part of an agreement under a Bilateral wage settlement mechanism in 2010. The new move towards corporatizing will
For a democratic functioning of decision making in all
be an attack against the port workers aiming to mull these
matters relating to Port development involving Rank and
benefits achieved after much struggle. In addition to
File Workers!
endangering workerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s job security, it would negatively affect the running of the ports themselves. The RK Jain committee
A secure wage agreement! And a mechanism to ensure the
recommendations are a clear tactic to target the landmark
gains of the 2010 wage agreement!
achievement of the workers. Whilst the original deal itself has issues relating to promotional benefits, the benefits which did accrue (including various wage increment schemes) are under
(Dock workers have struck work before several times in the recent past. This picture is from the landmark national strike of 2000 when 1, 00,000 dock workers from all across the country struck work.)
threat. Why is the government corporatizing the ports? Under Capitalism the bourgeois always seeks ways and avenues to expand its ambit of exploitation and new avenues to raise the rate of profit. The corporatization of major ports in India is one such step in this direction. No doubt, this also has in mind the recent victories of the dock workers and the effort to undermine them. If the government is allowed to go ahead with its plans for corporatization it will ultimately benefit the capitalist to the detriment of the workers and the public at large. BSNL is an ideal example of how a government corporation can
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Report on the dock worker’s strike: The announcement was made on the 30th of March that on the 6th of April the port workers from 5 recognized federations were to go on an indefinite strike upon failed negotiations with the government authorities. Much hope and excitement generated around this strike call with massive demonstrations being launched in Mumbai, which was the nerve centre of the strike. The fearful Indian Port Authorities Management initiated dialogue with the workers federations shortly after. The result of this dialogue process was the prolonged deferment of the strike. Instead of an indefinite strike being organized what did in fact occur was a one day token strike. It showed in full color the willingness of workers to join the strike effort and support the genuine demands of the federations. The mood of the workers it would seem was decidedly oriented towards greater militancy. The leaders of the federations however, seemed to have other things in mind. What followed from the 6th of April was a series of negotiations and deferments. First the strike was deferred to the 15th of April from the 6th; subsequently it was deferred from then till the 7th of May. Till that time it would seem that the unions would be pursuing a programme of indefinite deferments rather than an indefinite strike. Ironically when the date did in fact come for the strike, it was withdrawn. At the end instead of any concrete demand being met several assurances were given which include: 1) An assurance for implementation of the unimplemented Clauses of Wage Settlement, dated 19th January, 2010. 2) An assurance to work out a “viable” solution for the implementation of a fair fixation formula for promotion as is the norm by the government of India and several other public sector units.
coerce these demands from the clutches of the bourgeois. Instead the worker’s militant passions were doused by a strategy of meek deferment and compromise. Whilst, the authorities obviously feel the strength and threat posed by the dock workers the union bureaucrats remain a hurdle in realizing this strength. The militant potential of the workers was allowed to die out over the period of the strike which was finally concluded with a whimper. One is reminded of Gandhi and the course of the Non-cooperation movement. It too had started with great fanfare and great expectations of change. After it was realized that the masses’ anger could no longer be tempered with “non-violence” Gandhi decided to call of the movement. And “the mountain bore a mouse”! The Dock workers strike has resulted in nothing less farcical and shows in great measure the importance erecting a consistent opposition to bureaucratism in the labor movement. The tragedy is only compounded when one considers the immense importance of dock workers who are amongst the most internationalist of all workers. It is outright criminal that the struggle was allowed to end without realizing even the most basic demands in concrete! We the New Wave group stand by the dock workers in their struggle for better condition, and also stand against the trade union bureaucracy which seeks to weaken the worker’s struggle. We reiterate our demands as made in our statement of solidarity: 1) A moratorium on all plans for Corporatization of Ports! 2) For a democratic functioning of decision making in all matters relating to Port development involving Rank and File Workers!
3) An assurance towards “ensuring” the implementation of the wage agreement of 2010. Of the other demands the management has only given vague promises and uncertain directives. It remains to be seen whether any of the above will be honored in any measure. The next conciliation meeting was called on the 6th of June. Till then the air of uncertainty and anxiety created by the flawed strategy of the union bureaucrats would remain. The Dockers strike in India would have achieved a landmark status had it gone through and would even have managed to Contact : Adhiraj Bose Pushkar Ekbote
Cell: 9730109981 9422616272
3) A secure wage agreement! And a mechanism to ensure the gains of the 2010 wage agreement To this list of demands we add! 4) For a democratized union based on decision making by rank and file workers! E-Mail Comradebose1989@gmail.com Karl10marx@gmail.com
Mail us at : A-10, Patil Paradise , Dattawadi , Singhad Road , Pune : - 411030. Published by “NEW WAVE-PUNE SECTION” Price Rs.10/-
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