A Fidész és az MMA Fidész and the MMA
Legyőzni reménytelenség* To defeat hopelessness
Mike Ainsworth
Parallel, Action, Report, Essay Exploring contemporary art institutions
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Most Gypsies are not suitable for cohabitation. They are not suitable for being among people. Most are animals, and behave like animals. They shouldn’t be tolerated or understood, but stamped out. Zsolt Bayer1
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There is another side to Hungary other than the one we see weekly in the travel guides of the Guardian newspaper. Where they tell us Budapest is the place to visit this summer or this winter. A side that few media outlets in the UK have touched on or are only just recently beginning to report on2, a side that seems hidden in plain sight to tourists. Between July 2012 and 2013, during my time studying at the Magyar Képzőművészeti Egyetem (Hungarian University of Fine Arts (MKE)) in Budapest I saw this other side. My opening quote comes from Zsolt Bayer, a founding member of the ruling Fidész party, such comments are not uncommon sound bites to come from Hungarian politicians mouths. In a trend that seems to have swept across Europe since living in Hungary, there was an apparent nationalistic, anti-Roma, anti-Semitic and anti-gypsy feeling among some Hungarians and many politicians. This was not how in the UK we might expect it to be represented, I certainly didn’t. I didn’t have to venture to secluded, private areas of the city to seek out right wing extremism. Where we in the UK might think such politics and ideology might be preached and nurtured, in some working men’s club in the middle of nowhere away from the moderate left. In Budapest I didn’t have to look very hard to find extreme right wing politics. On the anniversary of the failed 1956 revolution I remember seeing several hundred supporters of the Jobbik3 party march the streets with flaming torches in hand, headed by a vanguard of the Goy bikers4. I have seen similar displays of national pride on National Unity Day, with large crowds of the public marching alongside, Jobbik supporters as well as paramilitary groups such as the Magyar Nemzeti Garda5 (Hungarian National Guard) and Nemzeti Őrsereg6 (Army National Guard) once again the march was spearheaded by the Goy Bikers. I was also aware of the existence of right wing youth organisations such as the Hatvannégy Vármegye Ifjúsági Mozgalom7 (64 Counties youth movement) as well as youth divisions of Fidész and Jobbik. In November 2012 the politician Marton Gyongyosi, called for a registering of legislators and ministers in parliament with Jewish ancestry stating; …tally up people of Jewish ancestry who live here, especially in the Hungarian parliament and the Hungarian government, who, indeed, pose a security risk in
Hungary.8 On the streets of Budapest it is not uncommon to see people displaying universal right wing tattoos such as the celtic cross9 or Nordic runes10, and more localised right wing insignia such as the Turul11, the Árpád flag12 and “Greater Hungary”13, these symbols can also be found on a plethora of items such as bumper stickers, belt buckles, socks, caps, t-shirts, tea towels etc. More recently statues of the Turul have appeared in Budapest and around the country, particularly in districts with large numbers of right-wing voters. There has also been the building of several statues commemorating Miklós Horthy, the Hungarian wartime leader who allied with Nazi Germany in World War II, implemented Nazi anti-Semitic policies in Hungary and is partly responsible for the deportation of approximately 500,000 Jews to concentration camps during the Holocaust. More recently, in January 2014 plans to erect a monument to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the German occupation of Hungary were approved by the Government. This has been seen by some historians such as Randolph L Braham14 as a whitewashing of Hungarian history to distance them from their past, as; a cowardly attempt to detract attention from the Horthy regimes involvement in the destruction of the Jews and to homogenize the holocaust with the ‘suffering’ of the Hungarians15 Since 2010 Hungary has been under the control of Victor Orbán of the Fidész party, a once liberal, anti-communist, youth party now a conservative nationalist party. Since Fidész were voted into power there have been many changes in the country. University students must sign contracts stating they will remain in Hungary after graduating to work in Hungary rather than go abroad. If they refuse to sign, they cannot receive government funding for their tuition fees. There has been a rewriting of the Hungarian constitution. Those who are homeless have been outlawed by new sanctions allowing the police to stop and search, move them on and even arrest them. The press is controlled and regulated by the state officials that have been placed in media companies. Street and place names that made reference to the Soviet era or turbulent past of the former Eastern-bloc country have been changed16. Nationalist celebrations such as the Hungarian National Unity day were
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instated to commemorate the loss of almost 70% of land and 60% of Hungary’s population to its neighbouring countries, as restitution for Hungary’s part in World War I. As Fidész hold 70% majority of seats in the Hungarian Parliament, and it is unlikely that an opposition or coalition will be voted into power any time soon, it is quite certain that this new legislation will not be repealed. As an international exchange student, many of these issues did not physically affect me. I was receiving a generous grant from the Erasmus program, I was renting a nice apartment, I was able to eat every week and I wasn’t marginalized or stigmatized by Hungarians. I’m a white male, who unfortunately looked and dressed similarly to your stereotypical right-wing supporter. Shaven head, black clothes, Doc. Marten boots, piercings. I could have stayed inside the bubble of being an Erasmus student at art school, partied every day, never gone to class or studied, gone travelling every weekend. But after being hit in the face with these extreme politics it was impossible for me to consider not working, and engaging on a social and critical level along with like-minded peers in the situation we seemed to find ourselves in. The catalyst for this would be the appointment of the MMA as heads of culture in Hungary. The Magyar Művészeti Akadémia ((MMA) Hungarian Arts Academy) was originally established as a social organization of Hungarian authors, musician, artists, architects, filmmakers, photographers and visual and applied artists in 1992. Promoting a conservative and traditional art form for Hungarians, by Hungarians about Hungary, the group is deeply set in traditional and historic art forms such as the folk arts of Hungary and is starkly different from the contemporary art scene in Hungary. There is however a great deal of ideological correlation between the MMA and Fidész, both promoting a conservative Christian nationalist sentiment, whilst reviling those who critique Hungary. In an interview17 György Fekete, the MMA president outlines the requirements for membership in the MMA. One has to bring a mature oeuvre that is socially and artistically acknowledged. The second is an outstanding interest in public matters. And the third is unambiguous national sentiment. Meaning that one has to take upon oneself this country, this language with all its faults and defects, someone who feels at home fully and doesn’t
travel abroad in order to revile Hungary from there.18 When met with the statement that contemporary art often arouses scandal and critiscism from the church and state and that it isn’t unheard of for art to be critical Fekete retorted, There must not be blasphemy in state-run institutions. This is about a Hungary built on Christian culture, there is no need for constant perpetual provocation.19 Seemingly the separation of church and state does not apply to Fekete’s idea of Hungary or the MMA. It is through Christianity that the country was founded and unified between the tribes of the Carpathian basin by King Steven I in 889AD. This representation of Hungary through Christianity is strongly supported by the MMA as well as the Jobbik and the Fidész, proclaiming to uphold the Christian values on which the country was founded. Through this collaboration between Fidész and the MMA we see a merging of political and cultural policy in Hungary, under a guise of legitimacy and reified through tradition and history. In late 2011 the MMA was made a public body by the Fidész, establishing the MMA as creators and guardians of Hungarian culture. This gave the MMA considerable amounts of cultural policy and institutional organisational powers. Since taking on this role there has been a huge shake up in the Hungarian cultural field and it is set for some big changes. One of the key events in the MMA programme is a 5 year national salon programme. Reverting to more traditional cultural models of exhibition and representation to coincide with the groups and the Governments cry for a return to traditional Hungarian values, creating a pro-Hungarian façade to mask its darker right-wing elements from non-Hungarian eyes. The national salon programme is set to open in the Műcsarnok (Kunsthalle) on Budapest’s Hősök Tere (Heroes Square) sometime in 2014, and subsequently the Műcsarnok has sat empty over the winter. These plans are in stark contrast to the use of the Műcsarnok under its previous director Gábor Gulyás, who resigned from his position shortly after the MMA’s ascension to power. In the summer of 2012 Gábor Gulyás and the Műcsarnok
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received a great deal of criticism from both the left and right, state and MMA for an exhibition entitled “Mi a Magyar?”20 (What is Hungarian?) Mi a Magyar? sought to explore ideas of national identity in Hungary while reflecting on current and historic issues, with over 50 artists exhibiting in the show, including a mixture of left-wing and right-wing artists exhibiting side by side in the same exhibition. This curatorial decision created tensions that ran so high that some artists took their work and left the gallery, refusing to exhibit in one of the city’s largest and most popular galleries on the grounds of who they were exhibiting with. Of the remaining work in the show the themes varied throughout, touching on aspects of race, history, politics, religion, homelessness, tradition, heritage, surveillance and folklore. As well as mixed feelings from the arts community, the critical nature of the exhibition clearly affected György Fekete and offended his views on the role of state-run cultural institutions; Mi a Magyar? In the Műcsarnok “blew the fuse” at the academy, so to say. This could be done by a foundation, a private gallery- they do what they want, by right of artistic freedom; but as a leader of a state-run institution, one can’t bring forth disproportions…This is the business of those who deal with those issues out of ideological or any other consideration.21 For György Fekete even Gábor Gulyás, who was supported by the right wing and the Fidész during his time as director at the Műcsarnok was still a liberal in his opinion. Similarly, the director of the Ludwig Museum, Barnabas Bencsik, a highly competent, celebrated and respected figure in the Budapest art scene was subtly pushed from his position after his contract was not renewed by the gallery. Instead the position was given to Júlia Fabényi, a Fidész backed choice who many felt inexperienced for such a role. After the decision not to reinstate Bencsik was made there was uproar amongst the art scene, an occupation of the gallery foyer began. Students, tutors, professors, artists and activists transformed the entrance of the museum into a platform for debate, discussion, presenting, eating and sleeping, all the time with someone guarding the fire door they had procured as there entrance and exit. It was something I had never heard of or seen before, the occupation of a cultural institute for something like 3/4weeks. This wasn’t like
“Occupy Biennale”22 at the 7th Berlin Biennale where the group was invited by the biennale’s curator Artur Zmijewski, this was a spontaneous, reactionary, unitary act from an alternative Hungarian cultural field that in this case stood up to fight for transparency in institutional decision making processes when they are implemented for the benefits of the dominant political ideology. Throughout art history, critically engaged movements, groups and modes have formed in times of oppression and inequality creating alternative or underground cultural movements that seek to change, disrupt and engage with what has become the status quo. This is no less present in the Hungarian art world at the moment, connections between the art universities, the MKE and the MOME and the ever growing number of graduates have become much stronger with the creation of student forums and the development of creative grass-roots action. This level of formulation, preparation and action has not had to happen in this current generation before, so I don’t say “grass roots” simply for effect. Students and graduates are discussing what the alternatives are to the current system, how it could be implemented, they are developing forms of protest and civil disobedience within a creative framework. It has altered and affected an entire wave of artists, curators, writers, cultural theorists, musicians and sociologists. I don’t think I had ever seen such a socially-engaged and concerned body of students as in the MKE Intermedia faculty where I was a student also. With many students dealing with different topics, in different forms but often with grounding in what was happening outside the faculty building. Artists such as Dávid Gutema23 and his drawings or the work of Joszef Sós24 for example, a huge part of this phenomenon at the MKE and in the MOME I think is down to the social and critical involvement of members of staff in these institutions. Tutors such as Szabolcs Kisspál, Zoltán Kékesi, Allan Siegel, János Sugár to name a few at the MKE and Miklos Erhardt at the MOME, all of whom are widely respected and known figures, politically engaged and encouraging their students to be the same. Participating in and organizing protest movements and actions throughout Budapest alongside their students and peers. This generational unification against the dominant political ideology strengthens and grows in correlation with the list of growing changes the Fidész make in Hungary. With new groups,
forums, collaborations, spaces and collectives being established throughout the city. PR Group for example has worked across a range of issues in Hungary, currently performing Kolduló jóga25 (Begging Yoga) along with other performers throughout the city. There has been further organized action other than the occupation of the Ludwig. On the 15th December 2012, the group Free Artists staged a protest in the middle of the MMA general assembly in Budapest carrying banners with the slogan “Az MMA kirekesztő, a művészet szabad!” (The MMA are discriminatory, art is free.) The group were quickly ejected but not before the artist Csaba Némes was struck by an MMA member, the image of which has been immortalised in the work of Péter Donka26.
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Kívül tágas27 (Outer space) has been bringing art works from various artists each week to the steps of the Műcsarnok since its takeover by the MMA. There have also been candle lit vigils and even a funeral for the Műcsarnok to commemorate its loss in this political battle. Art spaces such as Müszi28 the disused top floor of an ex-soviet shopping mall and SRLY29 have become hubs of artistic activity. Similarly the Liget Galéria30, a 30 year old gallery a few hundred metres from the Műcsarnok, continues to hold popular contemporary art exhibitions, several years ago the government had attempted to shut the gallery down, they however failed. It has gained a reputation as a landmark for this alternative movement, as has its director Tibor Várnagy. Networks and avenues of communication have been opened up for an alternative, critical artistic discourse in Hungary which I think will continue to gain momentum and popularity. However, I think this could perhaps be the same for the opposing dominant forces also, and that it’s quite possible that things are set to get worse, before they get better in Hungary. Hungary like much of the rest of Europe is a victim of the economic crisis, falling into a state of recession twice in recent years, there is wide spread poverty, particularly out of the cities. Gentrification can be seen in action in District VIII as tower blocks are destroyed to make way for new shopping malls and luxury apartments, forcing the current inhabitants into the outskirts of the city. This was once the story of District VII, the “bohemian” district, the Second World War Jewish ghetto, used
to be a dangerous place to be, so I’m told, now it is the epicentre of activity and nightlife for students and tourists, with bars appearing at every corner. Like many other Eastern European countries there has been a great deal of EU scepticism in Hungary. Expectations have not aligned with reality after Hungary’s liberation from the communist system. More was expected from joining the free market capitalist system and embracing democratic politics. But these are not factors specific to Hungary, these are problems affecting the whole of Europe, many are feeling the recession, gentrification is a wide spread tactic, there are many countries suffering from EU scepticism, the current stand-off in the EU for example, waiting to see who will jump ship first. We are also now seeing almost a return of the cold war left and right, with many Eastern European countries caught between the differing ideologies of Western Europe and Russia. The recent violent clashes in Ukraine are indicative of this, with anti-Government protesters wishing to join the EU and the Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych leaning towards closer ties with Russia31. So if these are common factors throughout Europe, how has Hungary elected two far-right political parties into power? And what can we expect to happen in Hungary in the following years? The dramatic rise in right-wing votes is thought to have been in protest to the short-comings of the previous socialist government, a protest vote. Voters are apparently apathetic to the Fidész regime, and how successful it has been when measured up to the current, social and economic standards of Hungary also. Hungary has not only been a victim of the economic crash but also exploitative fear mongering to keep people in check. It is of course a tactic used by the right wing, throughout the political movements of the world, turning people inwards, alienating us from the crowd, stamping out autonomous critical discourse at the roots. Only when we look to one another rather than those who assume power over us can we hope for a change from this endless cycle that plays out across the world.
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Endnotes 1 Carl Rowlands, Hungary’s rabid right is taking the country to a political abyss, The Guardian, 2013, [Accessed February 5th 2013] <http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/feb/05/hungary-right-political-abyss>
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2 There has been a recent rise in media coverage on the movements of political groups in Hungary, this is mainly due to a UK visit by the Jobbik leader, Gabor Vona, who gave a speech in Hyde Park, London, encouraging Hungarian ex-pats to vote during the European elections, it is also thought Vona was meeting with members of Golden Dawn from Greece and the BNP from the UK to form networks. 3 Right wing political party with the third highest amount of seats in government, there have been projections of them winning the next election in 2014, one of their main political policies is to bring an end to gypsy crime, that’s crime perpetrated by gypsies not exacted upon them. The parties’ leader, Gabor Vona, recently made a speech in London to Hungarian expats, asking for their votes in the upcoming European Parliamentary elections in May. 4 Right wing motorcycle gang, they caused controversy and outrage when planning and advertising an event called “Give gas” set for the same date as March for Life, a holocaust memorial day in Hungary. The event was supposedly in protest against the rise of utility prices in Hungary, they are known to be an anti-Semitic group (Goy; someone who is not of Jewish faith, so they immediately outline themselves as a group as not Jews) the event was stopped at the last minute by the Government. 5 Right wing paramilitary group with strong ties to the Fidész and Jobbik parties. Although formally banned in 2009 they are still seen to make frequent public displays and appearances, they are known to help police areas of the country with high Gypsy and Roma populations. The group was also partly formed by Gabor Vona, the current leader of the Jobbik party. 6 Right wing paramilitary group. As well as frequent public displays and appearances, they are known to help police areas of the country with high Gypsy and Roma populations. 7 The 64 counties is in reference to the original 64 counties that made up “Greater Hungary.”
8 The statement was in reference to the parties “Three strikes” policy aimed at the Roma and “Israelis”, my understanding is that the proposed motion was dismissed by the Fidész quickly, seemingly it was too extreme for them. 9 Refer to Fig. 9 Also refer to ‘Hate on display: A visual database of extremist symbols, logos and tattoos.’ from Anti defamation league, (2005) [Accessed January 5th 2014] <http://archive.adl.org/hate_symbols/default.html#.Uv_qpPl_ua8> 10 Also refer to <http://archive.adl.org/hate_symbols/default.html#. Uv_qpPl_ua8> 11 Mythological eagle which has become a strong national symbol. Refer to Fig. 11 12
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14 Hungarian-American Holocaust survivor and scholar. Braham recently gave back the Hungarian Order of Merit given to him in 2011 for his work and also has asked the Holocaust museum of Budapest to remove his commemorative plaque after the unveiling of plans to build a memorial to the German occupation of Hungary in the Budapest city centre. 15 Dan Bilefsky, “Holocaust scholar returns top award to Hungary in protest”, The New York Times, (2014), [Accessed January 29th 2014], <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/28/world/Europe/holocaust-scholar-returns-top-award-to-hungary-in-protest.html?_r=0> 16 Moszkvá Tér (Moscow square) for example has been renamed Széll Kálmán Tér after a former Prime Minister. Originally the square had this name in 1929 but was named Moszkvá Tér during communist rule, it’s former name was reinstated after the Fidész rise to power. 17 David Karas, “Fütyülök erre a demokráciára - english subtitle, deutsche Untertitel, Français sous-titres”, (Karas, David, Youtube, 2012) [Online digital recording], [Accessed Febraury 1st 2014] <http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=PErD2Bm5Des> 18 David Karas, “Fütyülök erre a demokráciára, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PErD2Bm5Des>
19 David Karas, “Fütyülök erre a demokráciára, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PErD2Bm5Des> 20 ‘Mi a Magyar’, on http://www.mucsarnok.hu, (2012), [Accessed February 22nd 2014] < http://www.mucsarnok.hu/new_site/index. php?lang=hu&t=679> 21 David Karas, “Fütyülök erre a demokráciára, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PErD2Bm5Des> 22 Berlin Biennale: Manifesto of Occupy Museums, (2012) [Accessed January 17th 2014] <http://www.berlinbiennale.de/blog/en/allgemein-en/manifest-of-occupy-museums-21623> 23
Refer to Fig. 26-27
Gutema, David, David Gutema/Drawings, on Tumblr, (2013) [Accessed February 16th 2014] <http://davidgutema.tumblr.com/>
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24
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Sos, Jozsef, ‘Intimate spaces’, on Blogger, (2013) [Accessed February 25th 2014] <http://intimatespaces.blogspot.hu>, Sos, Jozsef, ‘Visual rap’, on Blogger, (2013) [Accessed February 25th 2014] <http://visualrap. blogspot.hu> 25
Refer to Fig. 30-31
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‘Kivul tagas/Outer space: Stand out every week’, [Accessed September 17th 2013] <http://www.kivultagas.hu/> 28 ‘Muszi - Community and art space’, (2014) [Accessed January 30th 2014] <http://muszi.org/> 29
SRLY was an illegal squat, bar, club, artspace, closed in 2013.
30 Liget Galeria, (2005) [Accessed October 10th 2013] <http://www. c3.hu/~ligal/> 31 This conflict of ideologies is perhaps starting to appear in Hungary also with recent deals with Russia being made to expand nuclear
power systems in Hungary. 32 (Front cover title) Legyﾅ想ni remﾃｩnytelensﾃｩg (To defeat hopelessness) was the tagline for the Fidﾃｩsz political campaign in 2010.
Appendix Fig. 1: Anti-gypsy graffiti on Margitsziget (Margaret Island), Budapest, Hungary. Own image taken on February 9th 2013. Fig. 2: Jobbik demonstration at Deak Ter, Budapest, Hungary on the 56th commemoration of the 1956 revolution. Own image taken on October 23rd 2012. Fig. 3: Members of the Magyar Nemzeti Garda (Hungarian National Guard) on the 56th commemoration of the 1956 revolution. Own image taken on October 23rd 2012. Fig. 4: Deak ter, Budapest,Hungary, the slogan reads “We were, we are, we will be.” Own image taken on October 23rd 2012. Fig. 5: White supremacist sticker on Kiraly Utca, Budapest, Hungary, featuring the celtic cross. Own image taken on March 17th 2013.
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Fig. 6: Anti-Semitic sticker found at Astoria, Budapest Hungary. Own image taken on July 8th 2013. Fig. 7: Socks sold at the central market with images of “Greater Hungary” on. Own image taken on February 23rd 2013. Fig. 8: “Greater Hungary” bumper sticker. Own image taken on March 1st 2013. Fig. 9: “Greater Hungary” souveneirs. Own image taken on March 2nd 2013. Fig. 10: Father an son at a Jobbik demonstration, the boy is holding the Árpád flag. Own image taken on October 23rd 2012. Fig. 11: “Greater Hungary” with turul eagle inside. Own image taken on March 15th 2013. Fig. 12: “Greater Hungary” bumper sticker. Own image taken on March 15th 2013. Fig. 13: “Greater Hungary” bumper sticker. Own image taken on April 2nd 2013. Fig. 14: “Greater Hungary” with traditional Hungarian horseback soldier inside. Own image taken on March 15th 2013. Fig. 15: Goy bikers rally on National Unity day. Own image taken on July 16th 2013.
Fig. 16: “Greater Hungary” bumper sticker. Own image taken on July 17th 2013. Fig. 17: Nationalist merchandise for sale on National Unity day. Own image taken on July 16th 2013. Fig. 18: Members of the Magyar Nemzeti Garda on National Unity day. Own image taken on July 16th 2013. Fig. 19: MILLA (Organization for free press) demonstration Budapest, Hungary on the 56th commemoration of the 1956 revolution. Own image taken on October 23rd 2012. Fig. 20: Student lead protest, Budapest, Hungary. Own image taken on February 11th 2013. Fig. 21: Luwig Museum occupation. Own image taken on May 18th 2013. Fig. 22: Inside the Ludwig Museum occupation. Own image taken on May 18th 2013. Fig. 23: Csaba Némes is struck at an MMA demonstration. Taken from <http://contextandidentity.wordpress.com/2013/04/10/studio-visit-withcsaba-nemes/> [Accessed March 5th 2014] Fig. 24: Péter Donka’s rendering of Csaba Némes being struck. Taken from < http://nemma.noblogs.org/2013/01/08/atelier-populaire-7/> [Accessed March 5th 2014] Fig. 25: Jozsef Sós, Pimp up your cross, at “Basementality”, FKSE, Budapset, Hungary. Own image taken on December 12th 2012. Fig. 26: Dávid Gutema, drawing, as part of MKE Intermedia final show, Budapest Hungary. Own image taken on May 24th 2013. Fig. 27: Dávid Gutema, drawing, as part of MKE Intermedia final show, Budapest Hungary. Own image taken on May 24th 2013. Fig. 28: Tibor Horváth, part of the Kívül tágas series. Taken from <http:// www.kivultagas.hu/horvath-tibor/> [Accessed March 5th 2014] Fig. 29: David Karas (student at the MKE), part of the Kívül tágas series. Taken from <http://www.kivultagas.hu/karas-david/> [Accessed March 5th 2014] Fig. 30 - 31: Kolduló jóga (Begging yoga). Taken from < https://www.facebook.com/koldulojoga?fref=ts> [Accessed March 5th 2014]
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Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. “Instituent practices: Fleeing, instituting, transforming”, Gerald Raunig, Art and contemporary critical practice: Reinventing institutional critique, (London: MayFlyBooks, 2009) pp. 3-12 Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. Art and contemporary critical practice: Reinventing institutional critique, (London: MayFlyBooks), 2009 Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. “The institution of critique”, Hiro Steyerl, Art and contemporary critical practice: Reinventing institutional critique, (London: MayFlyBooks, 2009) pp. 13-20 Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. “Anti-canonization: The differential knowledge of institutional critique”, Stefan Nowotny, Art and contemporary critical practice: Reinventing institutional critique, (London: MayFlyBooks, 2009) pp. 21-28 Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. “Notes on institutional critique”, Simon Sheikh, Art and contemporary critical practice: Reinventing institutional critique, (London: MayFlyBooks, 2009) pp. 29-33 Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. “Criticism without crisis: Crisis without criticism”, Boris Buden, Art and contemporary critical practice: Reinventing institutional critique, (London: MayFlyBooks, 2009) pp. 33-42 Raunig, Gerald and Ray, Gene, eds. “Extradisciplinary investigations: Towards a new critique of institutions”, Brian Holmnes,
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