Untangling the colonial mind, Volume 4, Edition 1 by Marcelo Saavedra-Vargas

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UNTANGLING THE

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COLONIAL MIND Volume 4, Edition 1

OPIRG’S Zine Editorial collective: Rebecca L. Judd, María Basualdo & MSV OPIRG staff: Fida Abou-Nassif (Organizational Development and Financial Coordinator); María Basualdo (Research Coordinator); Ronda Brock (Action Groups Coordinator); Padraic O’Brien (Campus Relations Coordinator); and Jacob (Mowega) Wawatie, Rachèle Prud’homme, Julie Vachon, Tito Medina & Marcelo Saavedra-Vargas (Circle of Elders) Visit our website: www.opirg-gripo.ca Find us in Facebook: Opirg-Gripo Ottawa Find us in Twi er: @opirggripo

Table bl of Contents OPIRG nurturing seeds of change Indigenized (and decolonizing) constitution exercise kit

Ecology of the Ottawa River: an Indigenous Perspective What we do with our Textile Waste OPIRG Textile Waste project

A circular economy What you can do to... get new clothes Researching the surveillance of activism on campus Addressing social and environmental issues on campus through OPIRG’s garden ........................ 48 Infrastructure improvements in six Ottawa neighborhoods ..................................................... 50

Laurent Blvd. and Donald Street. Responding to the community’s needs, Councillor Tierney secured a commitment to add painted bike lanes on Donald to be completed during a scheduled road resurfacing between Cummings and St. Laurent to occur in Sept. 2018. Councillor Tierney also had staff fix a badly damaged sidewalk on the south side of Donald near the Q Residen al apartment towers. Bells Corners West: working with residents and City Councillor Rick Chiarelli, we put in popup bike lanes on July 22, 2018. One hundred people a ended the event and more than 500 people signed a pe on addressed to the City asking it to add safe cycling infrastructure on Moodie Drive and to reduce the speed limit from 60km/h down to 50km/h. The event received extensive media coverage (including on CBC News, CBC Radio’s All in a Day, CTV News, CTV O awa, and Radio-Canada) and Councillor Chiarelli is now planning to add the residents’ formal request to City Council’s mee ng agenda in August 2018. He’ll also speak to Transporta on Commi ee Chair Keith Egli to seek his support for the improvements. Hawthorne Meadows–Sheffield Glen And, in Hawthorne Meadows–Sheffield Glen, a curb extension and crosswalk pop-up will hopefully occur in September or October Thanks to our members, supporters, and funders We have been able to make this progress thanks to the support of residents of O awa, our members (who live around the world, including in the Na onal Capital Region), our volunteers, and important funding from the Ontario Trillium Founda on, the Sweanor Family Fund, the O awa Community Founda on, Safer Roads O awa, and the O awa Sustainability Fund.

OPIRG nurturing seeds of change Editorial OPIRG is a student-levied organiza on based on uO awa campus that works on research, educa on and ac on around social, environmental, economic jus ce and spiritual awareness. We facilitate and support campus and community ac vism and strive to work under an an -oppressive framework. We are run with the help of five permanent staff and an elected Board of Directors. In this Zine we offer a guide with basic informa on on some of the main ongoing social struggles in the area, as well as available non-oppressive and nurturing spaces and resources. We are guided by the wisdom that mature cultures have produced so to live in equilibrium with Mother Nature (Pachamama) and harmoniously with our external surroundings as well as with within our personal environment. Live and coexist well is a profound teaching that many mature cultures have embedded in their languages; and this is a required epistemology to avert the crises of our making. The ancestral wisdom guarded by indigenous mature cultures for millennia, and a er a horrendous period of European madness trying to get rid of them (on average, 95% of those that walked freely on their beloved “hun ng grounds” and those trying to materialize a beau ful civiliza on were brought to an end). All the awareness acquired by our members are cri cal percep ons of a geo-ecological age: the stultuscene. Stultus, in La n, means stupid. Thus, the geological era of stupidity as summarizing the interac ons of modern modes of produc on/distribu on/accumula on and our only support system (our planet, Nature, Pachamama, or Gaia). We believe this qualifica on of our sad dance with Nature has been very detrimental for our own species as well as other, mainly due to the exacerba ng and anomalous sense of en tlement the Western social experiment has transpired to encompass our physical presence on this magic rock orbi ng around the sun. Other nomenclatures have a empted to qualify our passage through this realm of existence. For instance, the term mostly used is the Anthropocene, as if the whole of humanity is to be blame for this perilous corollary. Suffice me saying that a Canadian child being born at this precise instant will have an ecological

footprint of 8.16 gha/person. If we compare this with poorer countries in the same hemisphere; for instance, Hai with 0.61 gha/person, and my own country, Bolivia with 2.96 gha/ person. In other words, a recently born Canadian will need 13.3 mes more ‘resources’ than a newborn Hai an, 2.7 mes more than a newborn Bolivian. This is just a token to show the grave dispari es popula ng this failed experiment of building a capitalist and modern industrial society, based on the imposi on of Western ethos. Similarly, using modern sciences we can demonstrate inequality, disequilibria, oppression, and our insane pursuit of a global catastrophe. At OPIRG we have made great strides in awakening to becoming ac vely aware of who we are and what we are here for. As a conscious collec ve we are concerned in imagining and bringing about the social shi that will allow our future genera ons to s ll live on a viable planet, where they can have drinkable water, a thriving atmosphere where they can exist, an Earth capable of oﬀering her blessings (especially in the form of food), and the fire that we all need to be alive and well. We concre ze this through research projects that deal with social, economic, poli cal, environmental, gender and spiritual jus ce. We pay important a en on at having ac on groups that will design their journeys by following what our research projects have found out. Once our young awakened students are empowered by the various ac vi es they need to follow, once in touch with our organiza on. These include: the cons tu onal exercise (to learn how the Canadian colonial state dealt with mature cultures on the land), an -O(ppresion) workshop to understand the class system we live in and to become cri cal thinkers, decolonizing workshops (to imagine and become the social order we want for our kids). This is our Mandate and students have OPIRG’s support to awaken to a safe and secure place from where to take ac on to stop the run-oﬀs of the Stultuscene and to bring capitalism, colonialism and patriarchy down.

design and construc on of an eastbound cycle track on the south side of Heron Road. The cycle track segment runs about 790 metres eastbound from the Colbert Pathway and the shopping centre entrance opposite Jefferson Road. And, in June 2018, the pathway through Sandalwood Park was paved with asphalt, following a related pop-up project we held in the park in 2016, and work with Councillor Clou er’s office and City Parks staff. The photo at le shows residents of Heron Gate using the pathway in Sandalwood Park during our pop-up project in 2016. In June 2018 the pathway was paved with asphalt, shown in the photo at right. Vanier: residents indicated one main priority, which was the need for more bus shelters and benches in Vanier, including on Montreal Road. Working with local residents, City Councillor Mathieu Fleury, and City staff, we held a pop-up bus shelter and bench in Vanier on Montreal Road in September 2018. We surveyed approximately 171 people throughout the day, which included people either wai ng for the bus or walking on the sidewalk. In some cases, people were biking on the sidewalk because Montreal Rd. currently lacks safe cycling infrastructure. The vast majority of respondents indicated overwhelming support for bus shelters and benches along Montreal Road and throughout Vanier. Among those 171 who answered the survey, 169 indicated they would like more bus shelters and benches on Montreal Rd., and throughout Vanier in general. In addi on, 158 respondents said they would prefer a smaller, less protec ve bus shelter if there were space constraints compared to having no bus shelter at all. Although the City has not yet made a firm commitment, and space constraints may make things challenging, we are confident that we have adequately demonstrated to the City that the neighbourhood needs more bus shelters and benches. As a result, as part of the Montreal Road reconstrucon project, the City is planning to install six addi onal bus shelters, for a total of 13. The map at le shows the 13 loca ons where the City hopes to install bus shelters along Montreal Road, up from the current seven shelters. Cummings: residents indicated a desire for safe cycling infrastructure on Donald St. from Cummings Ave. to the Vanier Parkway. We met with Councillors Tim Tierney and Tobi Nussbaum to discuss the priority and learned of the City’s plans to build a protected intersec on that will improve it for pedestrians and cyclists at St.

Infrastructure improvements in six Ottawa neighborhoods By Trevor Haché Since 2015, we have been working with residents in six lower-income neighborhoods to iden fy improvements needed to make them be er places for pedestrians, cyclists and public transit riders. This has involved door-to-door outreach, sharing circles, ac ve transporta on audits, the forma on of resident-led working groups, dot-mocracy to priori ze the top needed improvements, and pop-up projects intended to demonstrate how the neighbourhood would improve if the needed improvement were implemented. As a follow up to all these ac vi es, we have then worked with the local city councillor to seek their support, and the support of the City, to make the improvements permanent. B Bayshore: residents indicated two m main priori es: i) the need for a b be er pathway connec on from th the community to the nearby Trans C Canada Trail; and ii) their desire fo for a safe pedestrian crossing on W Woodridge Crescent north of the B Bayshore Transitway Sta on. We w worked with the property owner, Fe Ferguslea, to have them pave and w widen the pathway connec on to the TransCanada Trail so that it av avoids two large dumpsters. And, w we’re presently working with the City, the local City Councillor Mark Taylor, and residents to hold a pedestrian crosswalk pop-up project in September 2018. By a ending consulta ons related to pedestrian and cycling connec vity to Phase 2 of the City’s Light Rail Transit Project, we were able to secure a commitment from the City that it will provide a safe pedestrian crossing at the loca on by the me Light Rail Transit starts opera ng at Bayshore, currently scheduled for 2023, and we hope the pop-up project will demonstrate the need for the safe pedestrian crossing to be implemented more quickly than that. Heron Gate: residents priori zed the need for safe cycling infrastructure on Heron and Walkley Roads, and on Bank Street; in addi on, they wanted a pathway paved that runs through Sandalwood Park connec ng residen al buildings to the Herongate Square shopping centre and the closest grocery store. We received media coverage (in the Metro newspaper; 23 May 2016) of the residents’ desire for the safe cycling infrastructure on Heron Road, spoke with the City Councillor Jean Clou er, and City cycling staﬀ, and in August 2016 the federal government provided $275,000 in funding for the

Modern sciences, coming from this industrial age, capital-centered, patriarchy-led, conver ng all living forms and systems into dead capital, so to render the outcomes, commodi es, into dead, inert capital, has also understood the profound and irreversible trajectory our species is leaving behind: the Stultuscene. The above run-oﬀs of the Stultuscene, can also be found in other graphs and sta s cs produced by the very ra onal mind of modern thinkers. We all belong to the homo sapiens sapiens species. We have been roaming this planet for the last 200 thousands years. We believe we are the purpose, center and des na on of Crea on. We have devised gods and dei es to cope with this weird and very biased belief. Following indigenous beliefs, from the Amazonian basin, I would compare our species to the Ants na on: if we were to disappear from the face of this beau ful planet, the following days, weeks, and years will give tes mony to all other species thriving on the planet. However, if the Ants na on would be to be eﬀaced from the planet tomorrow or in the coming days, all life would succumb li le by li le un l the planet is void from life.

Newcomers We are newcomers to this planet, as a species. We have been around 200 thousand years and you can understand this recently arrived status when you see the illustra on in which Earth`s age is pretended to be like a clock; 12 hours corresponding to a clock. Our arrival me to the Earth is about 0.004762% of all the 12 hours of the men oned clock (4.543 billion years). It is as if we would have arrived in the last millesimal frac on of a second. This is how young this civiliza on is and it is an anomaly the sense of en tlement we display at any instance and vis-à-vis other beings. According to indigenous beliefs, all na ons are part of the cycle or circle of life and each of everyone’s voices is necessitated to understand and explain the mystery of life. Europeans had “discovered” the New World 527 years ago, territories that thrived for thousands of years: the Anishinaabe na ons have been on the land for at least 8,000 years , in the Andes my own na on has been around for more than 6,000 without taking into account my na on’s ancestors, like the Tiwanaku people (whose beginnings are unknown to modern sciences: Tiwanaku is recognized by Andean scholars as one of the most important precursors to the Inka Confederacy, flourishing as the ritual and administra ve capital of a major state power for approximately five hundred years. The ruins of the 12,000 year ancient city -the oldest city in the world discovered to this date). I term these long-lived cultures: mature cultures. They have been long enough walking on this noble planet, as compared and contrasted to the European se lers, who amount to immature teenagers engaged in destroying the only support system we have: planet Earth. The rela vely recent deployment of the market forces as engine for growth and the planet’s distribu on agent of all the blessings we get from Mother Earth create a very unjust scheme of things that could be summarized in the illustra on below (The world’s wealth distribu on: the rich, super-rich and the rest of us). The obscene-

ly rich (8% of the global popula on) owns and enjoys 82% of the global wealth; while us, the rest 92%, we have to make a living with the le overs, 18% of what the land has to oﬀer. There was never this degree of injus ce in all domains of existence. What are you doing about this? Would the coming genera ons be able to understand these gross dispari es? Do you want to be remembered as a good ancestor? Are you taking ac ons to change this sad scenario?

a stressful environment and offers no space for students to engage with each other and the land. Values such as respect and care can only be fostered through these vital spaces, and new ideas and rela onships can be forged by crea ng a produc ve and safe environment for students and the staff on campus. Connec ng with the wider O awa community through such spaces can also help students network and engage more meaningfully with the community rather than being confined to classroom spaces when on campus. This garden has much poten al to address a variety of issues concerning the environment, Indigenous rela ons and health. It offers a unique opportunity for students and staff to work outside their silos and collaborate in a meaningful way. The garden can connect humans as one species, acknowledging that everyone has a responsibility to take care of the land and one another. “May the rela onship between man and nature not be driven by greed, to manipulate and exploit, but may the divine harmony between beings and crea on be conserved in the logic of respect and care.” Pope Francis —General audience, Va can City, April 22, 2015 From <h ps://news.na onalgeographic.com/2015/09/120150920-pope-francis-environment-climate-quotes/>

At OPIRG we are aware of this man-made situa on and we believe it is our responsibility to leave for our coming genera ons (up to the 7th skin) a planet that is s ll viable, with drinkable water for our grandchildren, good and nutri ous food to provide the energy for those thriving bodies, minds and spirits. Then we will be remembered as good and important ancestors. Let that happen! Begin right now by taking a small ac on on behalf of those not born yet.

Addressing social and environmental issues on campus through OPIRG’s garden By Isha Mistry Rela onships are one of the most significant aspects of life that fuel human well-being. We are a social species, but we also depend on the land to survive, whether it be in an instrumental or intrinsic way. However, the Western ideology and modernism have deteriorated these rela onships with the land and we see ourselves becoming more distant as we surround ourselves with concrete structures and close our minds off to the natural environment. Those of us keen to maintain these rela onships look to Indigenous peoples as stewards of the land who can guide us in this journey. However, they are no more responsible for this land than the se lers that came and assumed responsibility of it but did not respect their trea es. And so, there is a role to play for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in rejuvena ng the environment and working toward amending past wrongdoings. Reconcilia on has become the new buzzword and is o en a tokenis c effort that holds li le value in the eyes of Indigenous peoples. There is a lack of ac on and effort to build genuine social and environmental rela onships. Considering both these environmental and social jus ce concerns, OPIRG has been working to transform the Learning Garden into a space for “reconciliac on”, a emp ng to move beyond tokenism. This garden space is meant to provide a pla orm for non-Indigenous and Indigenous students to build social rela onships as it will be designed as a gathering space for both academic and non-academic purposes. It aims to invite classrooms and extracurricular groups to use the space and coordinate workshops that involve working with the land. For example, guest speakers with knowledge about medicinal plants or tradi onal prac ces may be invited to host a lecture in this garden space. Furthermore, to also cul vate environmental rela onships, the space will be designed with a medicine wheel and plants that reflect Indigenous culture such as corn, beans and squash (the three sisters). Including these plants will provide a space for Indigenous students to learn about their culture and language, and also use the medicines. Currently, OPIRG has been approaching professors from various departments to support the project by considering to use our space to hold lessons or conduct research with their students, such as soil tes ng. The group has also been building rela onships with the Indigenous Resource Center on campus and has been working with them to advance this project. Through some of our discussions we have realized that the uO awa campus needs space to address these severed rela onships and support such projects that also contribute to improving the mental health of its students. The campus loca on in the downtown core and the university’s goal to build more concrete buildings creates

In the short reign of industrial capitalism and colonialism, nine planetary boundaries have been iden fied to signal a point of no return scenario: climate change, ocean acidifica on, biosphere integrity, biochemical flows, land-system change, freshwater use, stratospheric ozone deple on, atmospheric aerosol loading, and the introduc on of novel en es into environments. As you can see (illustra on above) collec vely we have already transgressed perilously 2 out of 9 boundaries: Rate of biodiversity loss and the Nitrogen cycle. What is the threshold that you are wai ng for to engage in responsible ac on? Every me you go to bed, there are 200 less species on the planet, and this rate of ex nc on is increasingly rapidly. Although ex nc on is a natural phenomenon, it occurs at a natural “background” rate of about one to five species per year. Scien sts es mate we’re now losing species at 1,000 to 10,000 mes the background rate, with literally hundreds going ex nct every day.

In the short reign of industrial capitalism and coloniialism, nine planetary boundaries that we transgress at our peril: climate change, ocean acidifica on, biosphere integrity, biochemical flows, land-system change, freshwater use, stratospheric ozone deple on, atmospheric aerosol loading, and the introduc on of novel en es into environments.

Revealing the ongoing surveillance of ac vist groups and acknowledging the impact of student ac vism on real change, are important ac ons that need to be taken to ensure student rights on Canadian university campuses and allow for a prospec ve, inclusive future for all.

Defining Surveillance and Activist Groups

Surveillance: Being put under close observa on, with or without subject’s awareness. Ac vist groups: A group that is advoca ng for social, economic, environmental or poli

cal change.

Canadian surveillance

The surveillance implemented is unique to each school, and each activist group. University activist groups are being surveyed from three main sources. 

 

The government uses services such as the RCMP security service, which in 1984 became The Canadian Security Intelligence Service. The university administra on surveillance is done from staﬀ who work for the university. Other students or ac vist groups will use surveillance or target groups that they feel threatened by.

An Overview of the Surveillance on Activist Groups on Canadian University Campuses

More detailed insight: Pro-Palestine activist groups In Canada, the right to Freedom of Speech provides a pla orm for ac vist groups on university campuses to express their opinions on controversial topics. A majorly disputed subject, emphasized by ac vist groups in Canadian universi es, is the Israeli-Pales nian conflict. For decades, Pro-Pales nian groups have been figh ng for the independence and freedom for the people of Pales ne on university campuses through various mo ons: For decades, Pro-Pales nian groups have been figh ng for the independence and freedom for the people of Pales ne on university campuses through various mo ons:  Informa ve events (Pales nian-Awareness-Week)  The movement for Boyco , Divestment and Sanc ons (BDS) against Israel ◊ A campaign that promotes the boyco ng of Israel, un l full human and territorial rights are returned to the Pales nian people Solidarity of Pales nian Human Rights (SPHR) is a student-based ac vist group, mobilized on 12 university campuses, that has made global poli cal impact.  2002: SPHR organized a protest which forced an Israeli ex-Prime Minister to cancel a speech  2009: SPHR publicly defended Bri sh MP George Galloway when he was falsely accused of suppor ng the Hamas and banded entry into Canada by the Canada Border Services agency As a result of their ac ons, SPHR members are targeted by other students, the university and the government.  Government:  Rejec on of any ac vism that cri ques Israel  A empts to propose a bill that would end all business or university contracts that  Hengage with the BDS movement  University: • Ban ning of pro-Pales nian posters  Subsidized propaganda trips to Israel for students  •Students:  Stalking and threatening pro-Pales nian ac vists  Banning public pro-Pales nian supporters from social-media pages  Canary Mission: A website of nega ve and aggressive profiles of virtually anyone who has publicly supported the BDS campaign.

As you can see (illustra on above) collec vely we have already transgressed perilously 2 out of 9 boundaries: Rate of biodiversity loss and the Nitrogen cycle. What is the threshold that you are wai ng for to engage in responsible ac on? Every me you go to bed, there are 200 less species on the planet, and this rate of ex nc on is increasingly rapidly. Although ex nc on is a natural phenomenon, it occurs at a natural “background” rate of about one to five species per year. Scien sts es mate we’re now losing species at 1,000 to 10,000 mes the background rate, with literally hundreds going ex nct every day.

Indigenous wisdom to avert the source of crises The wisdom of the land has been laced under the custody of mature cultures all over the world. The primary epistemological task of indigenous elders and medicine persons is to guard this wisdom alive. Being what gives us a reason to remain ac ve in this cosmic dance is our first mandate and it is to be shared with every na on ingabi ng this peculiar rock turning around our Sun and describing a journey that happens to be adjacent to the habitable region.

Researching the surveillance of activism on campus

by Padraic O’Brien We have witnessed an increasing use of surveillance and repressive mechanisms by the state in our society, whether through the use of “an -terror” legisla on such as the federal government’s Bill C-51 in 2015, or the uncontrolled mining of people’s electronic data through internet networks. The methods and intensity of repression and surveillance also tend to vary according to the groups and communi es that are targeted. In the recent past for example in western countries, people of Muslim background have thus been par cularly targeted, not only by legisla on and various surveillance measures, but also directly through the discourse of government officials6. At the University of O awa, this trend was brought to our a en on in 2017-2018 when a Pales nian solidarity campaign emerged on campus and pushed for the student body to take a posi on in favour of Boyco , Divestment and Sanc on against Israeli se lements in Pales ne7. This prompted OPIRG to look into the surveillance of ac vism on campus and try to find if the grassroots organizing efforts we support are facing with any kind of threat from the administra on or beyond. The research project started simply as an effort to find concrete informa on about how the university administra on was monitoring ac vism on campus. In order to do so, one of our staff members carried out an Access to Informa on request, following the guidelines outlined on the university website and as set out by the access to informa on legisla on governing all public ins tu ons. We determined a number of ac vist groups and campaigns that have been ac ve over the last few years at the University of O awa, and submi ed requests for each of them about any internal communica on with associated key words. While some requests were met with li le or no content, our request for the BDS campaign did draw some material which allowed us to look deeper in the university’s response to the poli cal ac vism of students. We decided to take the research further with regards to the Pales nian solidarity component by opening a placement for students to take the material and explore it more in-depth. In order to conduct their research, they interviewed ac vists who were involved in the BDS campaign on campus, while going through a series of readings on surveillance of ac vism on university campuses in general, including a book about the history of RCMP surveillance in Canadian universi es8. The result is an overview of the surveillance of ac vists on campus as experienced by ac vists who were involved in the most high-profile campaign seen in the last few years at uO awa. 6 7

Baljit Nagra, SECURITIZED CITIZENS: CANADIAN MUSLIMS’ EXPERIENCES OF RACE RELATIONS AND IDENTITY FORMATION POST–9/11, POST–9/11, Number of Pages: 272, University of Toronto Press Canada. https://www.uottawa.ca/gazette/en/news/statement-president-jacques-fremont-sfuo-vote-bds Hewitt, Steve. Spying 101: The RCMP’s Secret Activities at Canadian Universities, 1917-1997. 1917-1997. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002

Restyle & resell initiatives 

Although it is less common, some companies will accept used garments to restyle and resell.  Levi Strauss & Co has asked customers to bring in used denim pants to be restyled into denim jackets. (Weber, 2015)

In astronomy and astrobiology, the circumstellar habitable zone (CHZ), or simply the habitable zone, is the range of orbits around a star within which a planetary surface can support liquid water given suﬃcient atmospheric pressure. The bounds of the CHZ are based on Earth’s posi on in the Solar System and the amount of radiant energy it receives from the Sun. Due to the importance of liquid water to Earth’s biosphere, the nature of the CHZ and the objects within it may be instrumental in determining the scope and distribu on of Earthlike extraterrestrial life and intelligence. The habitable zone is also called the Goldilocks zone, a metaphor of the children’s fairy tale of “Goldilocks and the Three Bears”, in which a li le girl chooses from sets of three items, ignoring the ones that are too extreme (large or small, hot or cold, etc.), and se ling on the one in the middle, which is “just right”.

Prophecies of mature cultures We have long lived on this rock; we call it our Mother Earth, Pachamama. We peel oﬀ our Mother, Her integrity resides in our collec ve hearts and spirits. Technology is not the solu on to our crises; it is, rather, the source of all of our problems and we will deal with the series of crises in all domains by following mature cultures that are already preserving the integrity of all territories because it is a beau ful thing to do, as the Amazonian Guaraní people demonstrate by their ac ons. The main biomes connected to each other and vital for our Ul mate Mother (Pachamama) to be alive and well are: aqua c, deserts, forests, grasslands, and tundra biomes.

What you can do to... get new clothes

The Aquatic biome: Freshwater regions (ponds & lakes, streams & rivers, wetlands ), and Marine regions (oceans, coral reefs & estuaries) The Deserts biome: Hot and dry desert; Semiarid desert; Coastal desert, and Cold desert The forests biome: Tropical forests; Temperate forests; Boreal forests

Clothing swaps and sharing events 

The grasslands biome: Savanna; Temperate Grassland; Steppes The tundra biome: Arctic and Alpine



“Organized sharing events, or swaps, are consumer-created alterna ve marketplaces that embody facets of collabora ve consump on.” (Albinsson and Perera, 2009)  Such events allow individuals to partake in a circular economy as they distribute unwanted items to others rather than ending its lifecycle by throwing garments out. Leads to “source reduc on if the par cipants can fulfill their needs without purchasing something new” (Weber, 2015)

Shop at second-hand store 

Shopping at second-hand stores is a great way to par cipate in a circular economy and also allows customers to find unique items at lower prices!

…. get rid of clothes

Inka mature cultures knew about what is modernly called “habitable zones”, even though we did not have Western sciences to express it in that form. Rather we men on it in our cons tu on, the Southern Cross (or Crux) constella on on the Southern sky, below the Equator. A very important diagonal in our cons tu on (the Southern Cross) and we called it the Qaphaq ñan, or the way of the noble. Our important ci es and villages were built on this diagonal and we replied to the ques on that almost automa cally arose from our minds (Imatak ch’ekari, what is then the truth?) with a number: 23o 30’. This happens to be the lt of our planet so it can journey within the habitable zone and life can thrive on the planet as long as we are on the Qaphaq ñan. Our cons tu on (the Southern Cross) contains all the original instruc ons we need to become good people, good ancestors. In the same manner, the back of the turtle (Akíminak Nimí k) is the cons tu onal instrument for turtle islanders. Similarly we need only to live our lives following

• DONATE  There are a large variety of local chari es and organiza ons that will accept your unwanted clothes:  University of O awa Free Store: This is perfect for students looking to get rid of their unwanted garments or for students looking for ‘new’ items. The store offers a wide range of free second-hand items – clothes, household items, books, etc. – to all University of O awa students. Just bring your student ID!  St. Vincent de Paul: This thri store accepts dona ons of used clothing, household items, toys, etc. to be sold to the public, but also provides “clothing and furnishings for free for families in need.  Carty House: This is a local housing service for female refugees. Carty House accepts clothing and any household items to provide for its residents.

Take-back programs 

Some stores have implemented “take-back” programs. This allows consumers to bring back any old, unwanted clothes for the store to recycle.  H&M introduced a recycling ini a ve which allows customers to bring clothes they no longer want, no ma er the brand, for the company to recycle and make new fabrics out of. (Wicker, 2016).

collec ng, recovering and disposing of their products” (Weber, 2018). • The EU set out a guideline called the Waste Framework Direc ve to demonstrate how waste (ie. tex le waste) should be managed  In Europe, about 15–20% of disposed tex les are collected (Peters and Sandin, 2018) Of this amount of garments collected, 50% is downcycled and 50% is reused (Peters and Sandin, 2018). Countries’ individual data may vary. • Germany: 70% of disposed tex les are collected for reuse and recycling (Peters and Sandin, 2018) • Denmark: about 50% of disposed tex les are collected mainly for domes c reuse or to be sent interna onally (Peters and Sandin, 2018)

indigenous teachings to get back to equilibrium and harmony.

MINO BIMAADIZIWIN Mature cultures are going to guide us through these mes of anomaly where things have a tendency to be out of equilibrium and sadky resona ng with disharmony and suﬀering. At OPIRG we know the key importance of following mature cultures and joyously imagining Mino Bimaadiziwin or Anishinaabe the Good Life, which amounts to the cosmic Standards we must embrace to live our lifes. Creator has given us the gi s we need to journey through the Good Life. The educa on of our people must be designed to teach all to thrive in today’s world with the a tudes, skills, knowledge and inten on to be Anishinaabe, rooted in rela onship to the total environment. The following concepts each help us to understand the depth contained in this standard, this philosophy of how to live life in a good way, as Anishinaabe. Seven is a sacred number and to help understand Anishinaabe Mino-Bimaadiziwin a Cluster of Concepts is deployed in 7s. 1.

Anishinaabemowin (Language)

Anishinaabemowin is the original way of speaking on this territory; the tool to processing and expressing thought and truth. It is the way of communica ng with the crea on, with the spirit and with one another. 2.

Anishinaabe Inendamowin (Thinking)

Anishinaabe Inendamowin is a way of thinking, to sustain a system of beliefs, and a way of perceiving and of formula ng thought. Anishinaabe Inendamowin is the founda on of Anishinaabe philosophy and world view. It is also teh means by which a cosmogony is formulated. 3.

Anishinaabe Gikendaasowin (Knowing)

Anishinaabe Gikendaasowin is knowledge and way of knowing. It is the knowledge of our origins, way of life, way of being, world view and a cosmogony. 4.

Anishinaabe Inaadiziwin (Being)

Anishinaabe Inaadiziwin is our behaviour, our values and our way of living our life, and being Anishinaabe in the fullest sense. It is the development of the highest quality of Anishinaabe personhood, connected to the earth and in rela onship to all crea on. We exist as persons (not individuals, which is a fabrica on of the invaders minds) that come together with their communi es suppor ng the memberof the community. Let’s remember that Anishinaabe means ‘the good people’, who have a great poten al of being good ancestors. 5.

Anishinaabe Izhichigewin (Doing)

Anishinaabe Izhichigewin is our Anishinaabe way of doing things. It is the way of taking ac on and the life skills we need as Anishinaabe to live eﬀec vely in the

A circular economy

world and contribute to building quality of living and quality of community. 6.

Anishinaabe Enawendiwin (Relating)

Anishinaabe Enawendiwin is the way of rela ng to each other and to all of Crea on. It is an all-inclusive rela onship that honors the interconnectedness of all our rela ons, and recognizes and honors the human place and responsibility within the family of Crea on. This rela ng to all that surrounds us from within and without comes following parity patterns. 7.

Extending the life cycle of clothes Closing the loop: what is a circular economy? 

Gidakiiminaan (Connecting to the land)

Gidakiiminaan is our connec on and rela onship to our land and the total experience of connec ng to and rela ng to the Earth and the environment. This connec on is the original designer of Anishinaabe iden ty, and it is this total rela onship with Crea on that informs our environmental morals. Mature cultures all over the planet are guardians of this kind of knowledge and we must acknowledge the crucial situa on we find ourselves vis-a-vis current calamitous events and also recognize these mature cultures have been guarding these knowledges to intervene on behalf of our future genera ons and take ac ons, minute and large. The important thing is to stop hoping and start doing things. We must be dynamic every single moment of our lives. OPIRG is a safe, secure, libera ng, an -oppression, and luminous place. Come and join us, this is your organiza on and it is up to you to maintain it ac ve, conscious and formulate a social order vibra ng with young and clear energy.

“A ‘circular economy’ is an economic system which pushes every stakeholder group to close the loop by trading, reusing, repairing, and remanufacturing goods (Weber, 2018).

What are the benefits? 



Closed-loop technology undergoes a process “where a product is recycled back into almost the same product” –– mimicking “the natural process of life” (Wicker, 2016). This means that “nothing would ever go to the landfill-- it would just be endlessly looped through tex le factories, garment factories, stores, your closet, secondhand retailers, tex le recyclers and back to tex le factories again.” (Wicker, 2016). Na ons who enact this system would be able cut their emissions by up to 70% (Stahel, 2016).

Jallalla!

The European Union’s efforts to implement a circular economy 

The European Union is pushing towards a circular-economy driven by legisla on promo ng waste reduc on and recling programs” and “requires brand owners to be responsible

cyfor

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These items will be later sent to higher-class vintage stores in its domes c country, while the remaining garments are sold interna onally to developing countries (Wicker, 2016)

International second-hand trade ď&#x201A;Ž

About 45% of tex les end up in developing countries (Claudio, 2007)

Indigenized (and decolonizing) constitution exercise kit By Mirna Darbie Candé If history tells us where we come from, it also serves as a compass to tell us where to go. Coloniza on, the process through which one group dominates another both physically and mentally, has greatly altered the living of indigenous people on their territory. History also recalls a me for decoloniza on that involves both the colonizers and the colonized. Here in Canada, the Indigenous people known as the Algonquin people, Inuit, Iroquois, Siksika Na on and so forth have decided to fully engage in this process of decoloniza on that remains relevant in Canadian society to untangle the minds. Originally developed by Kairos, the Blanket Exercise a empted to recount the history between indigenous na ons and mainstream se ler’ socie es. When this tool was u lized by an Anishinnabeg elder and an Andean-Amazonian elder, they promptly realized that the narra ve kept on being the same and they set out to decolonize it and to incorporate indigenous voices and perspec ves. They began by changing the name into Indigenized (and decolonizing) cons tu on exercise kit (it will be explained why, below. Keep on reading!). The exercise serves as an interac ve teaching tool to share the history of Indigenous people from their experience with non-Indigenous people in Canada to sparkle conversa on on the role that each Canadian has to play in the history of Canada moving forward. But where does the idea of the blanket exercise come from? Developed in 1996, the idea comes from a need for reconcilia on between Indigenous people and se lers, those who had taken over the unceded land of First Na ons and their descendants. On that ma er, Ontario Public Interest research Group (OPIRG) organized a Decoloniza on training with the blanket exercise. The exercise consisted of pu ng par cipants in the role of Indigenous people and colonizers to be er understand their situa on before and a er coloniza on. Several students par cipated along with Professor of Aboriginal studies Marcelo Saavedra-Vargas, from the Faculty of Arts (History) and Maria Basualdo, Community Research Coordinator of OPIRG. A key process is rehearsed at the beginning, when an Elder does what they have been doing for millennia: he explains the myth of crea on of the original people and the drama that ensues therea er. Also, by evoking this crea on myth, they also shi the point of fo-caliza on. The myth of crea on is not a simple legend that is the axis of metaphor language employed by indigenous na on, this is also the form in which the original instrucons were kept for humans to entertain a conversa on with the land. The exercise consisted of allowing each par cipant to read a part of the script while they are standing on a huge blanket symbolizing the Indigenous people territory as the Europeans invade and the changes that follow. As they go through the script, less and less par cipants remain on the blanket because of the massacre that Indigenous people endured. Then, everyone in the room sat down in a big circle to openly discuss the eﬀect of the exercise on them.

From Our Closets to…. WHERE?

The Life-Cycle of Clothes “A long, complicated life-cycle” (Bardecki, Kozlowski, & Searcy, 2012).  The garments we wear undergo an extensive process of: ◊ Resource produc on and extrac on ◊ Fibre and yarn manufacturing and tex le manufacturing ◊ Apparel assembly, packaging, transporta on and distribu on ◊ Consumer use ◊ Recycling (hopefully!) ◊ Ul mate disposal

Out of our closets to… Landfills 

85% of tex les are thrown away without being reused or recycled, accoun ng for 5.7 percent of the solid waste in landfills (Weber, 2015)

“Shoddy Industries” 

A “sub-sec on of the used-clothing industry” (Weber, 2015) ◊ Garments undergo a harsh mechanical process that shortens tex le fibres that makes clothing materials to be too weak for reconstruc on into new fabrics (Weber, 2015).  Only about 3% of garments that undergo this process are “sold for tex le reclama on and recycled into new fabrics” (Weber, 2015).

Second-hand stores 

Many second-hand stores, like Goodwill or Salva on Army, accept dona ons of unwanted or unused clothing to resell. ◊ But a very li le number of dona ons are actually resold. Goodwill only sells about 30% of items they receive, and Salva on Army has a large range of 45-75% (Wicker, 2016).

“Snowflake Industries”  

At factories like the Trans-Americas Trading Co in Cli on, NJ, USA (Wicker, 2016), workers will sort out second-hand stores’ shipments of unwanted garments to find what are referred to as “snowflake” items Snowflake items are garments that may appear to be valuable (Weber, 2015).

Fast-fashion: a production method quickly destroying our planet

What is ‘fast’ fashion? 

Fast-fashion arose in the 1950s as “clothing makers began searching for the cheapest manufacturing prices and shi ed manufacturing from developed countries to developing and newly developed countries due to extreme wage diﬀeren als” (Weber, 2015)  Clothes are produced at mass with low manufacturing costs and give businesses the opportunity to sell their garments at appealing – also low – costs to consumers  2011: Average American spent $910 US on clothing ◊ This equals to “roughly $14.60 US for each garment at a rate of more than one garment per week” (Weber, 2015)

At the local mall: inescapable, unsustainable shopping 

Many stores we see at the local mall like H&M, Zara, Forever 21, and the Gap use the ‘fast fashion’ model of produc on  The careless, rushed manufacturing methods of these industries lead garments to have a poor life-cycle ◊ This results in more tex le waste as items cannot uphold a longer lifespan like garments that may have been more ethically produced  In regard to H&M, Wicker (2016) writes that the company’s clothing is “poor quality, with low resale value, and there’s too much of it”. This means their clothing easily becomes tex le waste and because of the speedy produc on, there is a large amount of the waste. ◊ Even many fast-fashion stores’ CSR approaches to more sustainable clothing, like H&M’s ‘Conscious Collec on’, are flawed • “Only 0.1 percent of all clothing collected by chari es and take-back programs is recycled into new tex le fibre, according to H&M’s development sustainability manager” (Wicker, 2016).  There are also a variety of other environmental impacts associated with the producon and use of apparel including (Bardecki, Kozlowski, & Searcy, 2012): • Wastewater emissions • Solid waste produc on • Significant deple on of resources from consump on of water, minerals, fossil fuels and energy).

Several students voiced their opinion to either make a comment or raise a concern. They all agree that the event was very impac ul and inspiring. Some described it as being eye opening and emo onally moving. One of them said that she learned about Indigenous people history at school but never in the context in which the exercise presents it and such depth. Despite the good work that the blanket exercise has done so far with challenging minds and pulling people out of their comfort zone, Professor Marcelo thinks that there is a need for improvement. He explains “When I first used the blanket exercise, I understood there were good minds behind the concep on and crea on of this tool. However, these well-intenoned minds were coming from a place I had witnessed at work in other contexts, mainly in my country (the Inka Confederacy, now colonially called Bolivia). As things stand, in my country, we went through an intense period of inner remembering and frontal clash against over 5 centuries of oppression, exclusion, exploita on and imposi on of foreign cosmovisions. We stood up, took a long and serene breathe and we invoked our ancestors so we could get the original instruc ons our Creator (or Crea on) le to us. We started to remember and we started to walk in awe at the wisdom of our grandmothers and grandfathers. At this me, a er we went through a very radical historic process of awakening, I met my Algonquin brother, Elder and medicine man Jacob Mowegan Wawa e. Together we assessed this tool and we were not happy with how things were presented or explained. The story of the Turtle is hardly men oned in this tool and the stance is something we have lived for over 5 centuries.” He decided to find inspira on in the ‘blanket exercise’ and created a proper exercise about the passage of indigenous people on the back of the turtle. “I don’t call it “the blanket exercise” anymore, because although Europeans claimed to have followed the Doctrine of Discovery; in fact, they actually covered up the amazing mature cultures that peeled oﬀ the land in the Abya-Yala (colonially called ‘the Americas’). We are also using more indigenous voices and we are speaking from beyond the anomalous fabrica on of colonial states and the a empt at depriving our future genera ons of a world in which to thrive. So, in summary we changed everything and we will keep on changing it, because this is the nature of our cons tu ons, here it is the back of the turtle, and down south, the Southern Cross, a constella on on the skies. We follow these living beings and system because we know they carry the original instruc ons to live and coexis ng well on the planet, or Mitakuye Oyasin (all my rela ons, Lakota), Suma Qamaña (Aymara) or Mino Bimadiziwin (Anishinaabe mowin).” said Marcelo. In today’s society, wombs are s ll open and the process of healing is long and painful, but necessary. Crea ng a space for conversa on to talk about fragile subjects such as racism and exclusion is the first step of the decoloniza on process. We understand how destruc ve coloniza on has been for original na ons when we fully grasp their connec on with the land. For centuries, living oﬀ the land has a social, physical, spiritual and economic importance to the Indigenous people. Even if each Na on has its own unique relaonship with the land, they have cons tu onally recognized and legally protected

their spiritual connec on with it. Certain areas are considered sacred sites which is ed to their spirituality, cultural prac ces, and tradi ons. It has been a key concern for them since the first contact with Europeans. Consequently, losing their land is like losing a part of them and their iden ty. Nowadays, Indigenous people went from occupying all the land called Canada to being forced to live in reserves that only amount to 1% of Canada’s land mass. The undocumented holocaust of more than 150,000 Indigenous children in residen al schools has been a huge part of the coloniza on of Europeans. We then understand the need for them to tell their story and to claim their iden ty. The Indigenized cons tu on exercise kit shows how Indigenous people have fought to protect their land and resisted cultural assimila on and how they con nue to do so. Despite the harm done in the past, today in Canada, the devasta ng consequences of coloniza on are s ll present in the federal laws and in the Indigenous communi es. To cope with the systemic oppression against Indigenous people, we need to challenge the way we think and interact with each other. Far more dangerous than the chains of our bodies, the chains of our minds will maintain the status quo un l we finally decide to break them.

The impacts of second-hand trade in Africa

Second-hand trade: from your closet to… Africa?    

About 45% of used clothes are sent to con nue their life interna onally (Claudio, 2007). 2015: Top 5 exporters in second-hand trade were The United States, the United Kingdom, Germany the Rep. of Korea, Netherlands, and China (Lu, 2015) Second-hand clothes are frequently the largest consumer import in developing countries and account for over 50% of the clothing market in many sub-Saharan African countries (Brooks, 2013) “Approximately 50 importers of used clothing bring in 300–500 tonnes each per month” (Baden and Barber, 2005)

Destroying local culture and businesses  

Many African countries are expressing their concerns that second-hand trade may be destroying their “local culture and tex le industry” (Weber, 2015).” “SHC imports are also iden fied in the 1998 ILO study as a problem aﬀec ng the informal clothing and tex les sector: ‘The sector is subject to savage compe on from imported products under the umbrella of used clothing’.” (Baden and Barber, 2005)

Phasing out    

“More than 30 countries in Africa have import embargoes against used clothes” (Weber, 2015). Nigeria: In a empt to promote domes c manufacturing, Nigeria has set restric ons to the imports of used clothing (Balchin et al, 2017) Tanzania: Introduced a legisla on to restrict the amount of used clothing being imported, including a ban on imports of second-hand underwear and any “next-to-skin” garments such as socks or pants. (Balchin et al, 2017) Ghana: Banned imports of second-hand undergarments in 2011

Indigenous knowledge and leadership in sport for development Mariana Essa (MA candidate) Sport and recrea on programs for youth have been at the forefront of prac ces conducive to social development and wellbeing, an en re field that has been coined as “sport for development and peace” (SDP). The SDP pla orm came to life in 2003, when the United Naons ins tu onalized sport within the rhetoric of “interna onal development” (Black, 2010; Hartmann & Kwauk, 2011) as a supposed “apoli cal” way to empower, educate and develop people in third-world countries and marginalized communi es. In recent years, a highly cri cal sociological body of literature has assessed sport for development, highligh ng its tendency to reproduce unequal power rela ons (Downey et al., 2011) resul ng in a lack of genuine co-crea on of knowledge (Nicholls et al., 2011), par cularly in a sector where transna onal corpora ons are increasingly present and powerful (Hayhurst & Giles, 2016). This research contributes to the body of sociological literature by exploring ways of understanding the collec ve impacts of these ini a ves from a more holis c, decolonizing perspec ve. This present research is part of the study “Building meaningful sport and recrea on-based programs for Indigenous youth,” which explored the Promo ng Life-skills in Aboriginal Youth (PLAY) program from the interna onal organiza on Right To Play (RTP), since its incep on in 2010. This university-ins tu on-community research partnership has explored diverse aspects of program delivery and experiences such as cri cal youth empowerment (Kope & Arellano, 2016), lacrosse as a re-empowering tool (Arellano & Downey, 2018) and program management, delivery and evalua on (Arellano et al., 2018; MacIntosh et al., 2016; Halsall & Forneris, 2017). The PLAY program expanded from four communi es to 34 a er the first year of pilot programs; today, the program has reached 88 Indigenous communi es and urban Indigenous organiza ons across many parts of Canada. The program is a sport-for-development ini a ve designed with the goal to empower Indigenous children and youth and to equip them with the necessary life-skills to become change-makers in their communi es (PLAY, 2018). While previous research has touched upon the importance of Indigenous tradi ons within the program’s design and delivery (Kope & Arellano, 2016; Arellano & Downey, 2018; Arellano et al., 2018), this research aims primarily to explore the importance of Indigenous knowledge in recrea on-based programing for Indigenous youth. Using the concept of resurgence and based on se ler colonialism, this research highlights the structural barriers to create a real space for Indigenous knowledge within Western-based sport-for-development programs. This research presents the PLAY program and some of the relevant literature on SDP, with a specific look at the Indigenous popula ons, leadership and Indigenous knowledge.

Promoting the Life-skills in Aboriginal Youth (PLAY) program Right to Play (RTP) is an interna onal non-profit organiza on with a mission to “protect, educate and empower children to rise above adversity using the power of play” (RTP, 2019). In Canada, Right to Play designed a program called Promo ng Life-Skills in Aboriginal Youth (PLAY) as a catalyst for community, child and youth development. The PLAY program quickly spread geographically from 4 to 34 communi es a er the first year of pilot programs. Today, the program has reached 88 Indigenous communi es and urban Indigenous organiza ons across many parts of Canada. PLAY is a sport-for-development ini a ve that partners with local Indigenous communi es and urban organiza ons to train local community mentors to run play-based programs that “promote healthy living, healthy rela onships, educa on and employability life-skills” (PLAY, 2019). The PLAY program works through a selec on process in which an Indigenous community applies to partner with Right to Play. Each par cipa ng community is required to hire a local community mentor that will be trained by RTP. The community is also responsible for providing a safe space for the program to take place, hos ng PLAY team members during visits, and generally suppor ng the community mentor with various local resources. At the same me, RTP commits to providing program-related training, ongoing support and funding, visi ng the par cipa ng communi es, building the capacity for mentors through workshops, and implemen ng a youth symposium to celebrate the most ac ve and engaged youth from each partner community in the program. The PLAY program includes four (4) core programs that are to be implemented in par cipating communi es throughout the school year. These core programs include: an a er-school program, a youth leadership program, diabetes preven on program, and a sport for development program. In combina on with the core programs are some complementary programs that include sport clinics and female empowerment workshops. Other than local program components, par cipant communi es are invited to several major events and gatherings that have capacity-building and training features (PLAY, 2016). According to Arellano et al. (2018), the PLAY program has shown impressive growth and community reach by mul plying opportuni es and building las ng rela onships.” Right to Play have received extremely posi ve percep ons from local communi es (Feathers of Hope, 2014). The program also allows communi es to be flexible in determining their own needs and interests based on the core and complementary programs. This method of flexibility shows how the program becomes community-led throughout its implementa on. This gives par cipa ng communi es agency over what the program should look like for them (with the agreement that the four core programs be present throughout its implementa on). The week-long training programs and community representa ve gatherings, such as the youth symposium and mentor training, also became meaningful by consolida ng durable intercommunity connec ons and es. Over the years, a substan al PLAY network of friendships suppor ng and fostering youth wellbeing has been created across Ontario and other par cipa ng provinces.

Canada and textile waste

How much are Canadians throwing away?   

85% o f tex les are thrown away without being reused or recycled, accoun ng for 5.7 percent of the solid waste in landfills (Weber, 2015) Average consumer keeps a item of clothing for just 3.5 years (Weber, 2015) 2013: average North American consumer purchased 64 garments (Weber, 2018)

How it works (or doesn’t) 

The government ac vely encourages dumping excess garments instead of recycling them. (Weber, 2018) ◊ “In Canada, a retailer pays taxes and du es on all imported garments.” (Weber, 2018) • If a garment goes unsold, retailers have two main op ons: 1. If the company discards it at a landfill, the import duty is refunded since the garment is considered “unused” and a loss. (Weber, 2018) 2. If the material is recycled in Canada (“used” according to the federal government) the duty is not refunded. (Weber, 2018)  The provincial governments manage the residen al waste and recycling services, which are carried out by the local municipali es. • Each municipality in Ontario develops its own waste management program (Weber, 2015)

Wasting away    

2010: Ontario produced highest amount of residen al waste in Canada with 9.8 million tonnes (Weber, 2015) “Although Canada lacks data regarding the volume of tex le waste in its landfills, tex les represent 5.2 percent of the total municipal solid waste stream in the US” (Weber, 2015). About 8% (only!) of Canada’s municipal waste is incinerated, while the rest mostly goes to the landfills. (Weber, 2015) “Roughly 6.4 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions in Canada come from landfills (Weber, 2015)

Efforts made 

MARKHAM, ON: The municipal government of Markham, ON began a tex le diversion program in February 2016 and banned used clothing in their waste stream in April 2017. (Weber, 2018) • “According to Claudia Marsales, senior waste and environmental manager, the municipality of Markham and its partners have collected more than five and a half million pounds of tex le waste.” (Weber, 2018).

OPIRG Textile Waste project By Kali Kincaid The ul mate goal of this project is to prevent all tex les from ending up in landfills and learning how to reduce, reuse, and recycle your clothing. By star ng with a popula on such as a university, these students can take the informa on learned and carry it with them in the future and poten ally pass it on to their children. We have been working on partnerships with local chari es where clothing donated by students can be be er used. This organiza on is reconstruc ng the built environment locally through giving students the opportunity to be responsible for where their clothes end up. We are in turn helping those around O awa to have the basic necessi es that they otherwise would not be able to afford. There is a very large popula on of students at the University of O awa and if they all use our dona on bins instead of dona ng them to large corpora ons, none of these clothes will end up shipped overseas. Most of the clothes thrown away s ll have many years le in their life and we can decrease the pollu on of these ending up in landfills. We are reconstruc ng rela onships between places near and far by realizing the effects of tex le waste and preven ng our waste from becoming a third-world country’s waste. The shipment of our waste to the south is causing issues with their economy, especially with their own clothing industries. We need to stop pollu ng the world we live in and we need to start educa ng and researching the effects of tex le-waste in each country. We do not have the room to store our trash. Landfills are overflowing and the clothing industry is so massive that much of the landfill is cloth material. If more universi es and ci es can work together, we can create bigger recycling companies that focus specifically on tex les as well as more direct clothing dona ons that stay in the community. This would cause less pollu on than what we are currently doing and make each community a be er and more sustainable place.

Ottawa Organizations for cloth donations

Name

Phone

Carty House

613-236-8855

office@carty- Gives to female refugees. WOMEN ONLY Clothing, Bedding, Books, house.org

Commnents towels, appliances, household items, cleaning supplies.

Matthew House

(613) 733-235-0333

Sustainable Eastern Ontario

1-888-385-1154

clothing, linens, jewlery, household items secretary@ maycourt.org

Operation Come Home Can post on Social Media for us

Review of Literature Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) A review of literature surrounding the SDP pla orm is enough to illustrate the magnitude of this “loose amalgam of organiza on of stakeholders that now work to mobilize sport and physical ac vity in pursuit of a variety of development goals and conflict resolu on” (Darnell, 2014, p. 2). An exhaus ve, mul -faceted cri cal literature on the challenges facing SDP programs has been developed, based on various theore cal frameworks that range, for example, from Foucaldian discourse analysis (Darnell, 2010b; Nichols et al., 2010) to cri cal race theory (Darnell, 2007), decoloniza on (Darnell & Hayhurst, 2011), postcolonial feminism (Hay-hurst, 2011, 2014) and cri cal pedagogy (Spaaij & Jeanes, 2013). In assessing this cri cal literature, Darnell (2014) iden fied four categories of ethical, social and poli cal challenges facing SDP programs: the terms of development, the issue of agency, social reproduc on, and privilege and dominance. Firstly, building on Black (2010), Darnell (2014) has underlined three sets of issues SDP programs must face with regards to the terms of development: “The tensions between ‘top-down’ and ‘bo om-up’ strategies, the specific poli cal orienta on of any development ini a ve, and the pluralist defini on of development itself” (p. 3). He has argued that, while sport is o en considered a universal language, what is conceived in reality as sustainable development is far from being poli cally neutral. Hartmann and Kwauk (2011) have observed the complexity and diversity of meanings a ributed to development, which can stem from philosophical concepts such as the idea of the progress of humankind or prac cal ideas such as “social engineering of emerging na ons” (p. 286), or it can be a ributed to personal or collec ve norma ve concep ons of growth within a desirable social mobility scale (Coakley, 2011). Ul mately, the dominant orienta on that permeates most SDP programs is neoliberalism, “in which ci zens are deemed to be individual agents with responsibili es to pursue and secure their own prosperity” (Darnell, 2014, p. 4; Guest, 2009). In this vein, the analysis of sport and recrea on programs for Indigenous popula ons in Canada has much in common with the cri cal appraisal of the concept of development and related prac ces that work within a dominant paradigm of moderniza on posited as “universal” and “integra ve” (Darnell, 2007). Paraschak (1995) highlighted how Euro-Canadian sports, such as hockey, soccer or baseball, have been implemented as “natural” and “legi mate” forms of physical ac vity that were, in fact, u lized as privileged tools of assimila on. Showing how the 1876 Indian Act was instrumental to the control of Indigenous peoples, Forsyth (2007) notes how spor ng opportuni es were shaped through constantly renewed colonial and oppressive interpreta ons from policy-makers (p. 96). Similarly, Giuliano (2004) observes how imperial games were “u lized par cularly by Chris an missionaries and other imperial pedagogues to crush indigenous cultural iden es and prac ces” (p. 358). Darnell’s second category of challenges concerns local agency, which is also o en

equated with processes of decoloniza on (Darnell & Hayhurst, 2011). Recognizing, along with Coalter (2013), that more recent SDP programs and ini a ves are replacing previously top-down approaches with more collabora ve, bo om-up and locally sustainable ini aves, Nicholls et al. (2010) argue that, even today, local voices are being silenced, due in part to a lack of genuine co-crea on of knowledge in a compe ve world where agendas and priori es are set by donors. In other words, SDP is, more than ever, driven by corporate wants, where partnership-led structures convey unequal power rela ons dominated by donors, sponsors, and policy-makers (Nicholls et al., 2010). Moreover, an increasingly complex landscape (with mul ple compe ng stakeholders) encourages what Giuliano (2011) describes as “intersubjec ve and prac cal flaws” between praconers and indigenous communi es, where “project workers may have weak understanding of local condi ons or poor engagements with client groups and other non-sport development ini a ves” (p.51). In the same vein, Hayhurst and Giles (2013) suggest the Canadian government’s “domes c transfer objec ve” for SDP programs applied in Indigenous communi es shows “increasing power and presence of nonstate actors such as transna onal corpora ons (TNCs) and interna onal NGOs” (p. 505). However, for these authors, this “poten al shi in the sport/interna onal development aid nexus” (p. 506), mainly influenced by the incipient demise of the welfare system and concurrent reinforcement of neoliberalism, may be crea ng new opportuni es favouring Indigenous self-determina on. For these authors, self-determina on is understood as self-governance, grounded in Indigenous reciprocity of values and collec ve responsibili es (Hayhurst & Giles, 2013). The third category of challenge involves the issue of social reproduc on. Drawing from Coalter (2010) and Kaufman & Kwauk (2010), Darnell (2014) argues that most SDP programs are not “designed to bring about social changes to inequali es, but rather to resocialize and recalibrate individual youth... into the structures of privilege and dominance by which such inequali es are maintained...” (p. 9). Based on a neoliberal system and values, such programs are said to be focusing more on the logic of character development and personal achievement that is cons tuent of a hypercompe ve world, and they are “discoun ng social issues and the need for progressive change at a collec ve or community level” (Coakley, 2011, p. 308; Darnell, 2010b; Kay, 2009; Hayhurst et al., 2016). Coakley has proposed his own classifica on of the uncri cal evangelical aspira ons of sport claims: personal character development, increased self-confidence and self-esteem, and improved body image; reform of “at-risk” popula ons by teaching self-control and obedience (i.e., the “car-wash eﬀect”); and the fostering of individuals’ social capital, encouraging civic engagement and social networks and inspiring educa onal achievement. The lack of sa sfactory empirical evidence on SDP claims is said to reinforce and serve neoliberalism, a dominant vision in which “... sport essen ally reproduces established social rela ons” (Harman & Kwauk, 2011, p. 284; Kay, 2009; Coakley, 2010). The point here is not to reveal a conspiracy at work, argued Darnell, but to suggest that the context in which SDP operates favours the reproduc on of exis ng power rela ons.

p. 105) . Clothings habits are formed over our life me; “it is necessary to develop a culture of recycling (e.g. behavioural norms) during early childhood stages of the life cycle […] both environmentally mo vated dona on and resale behaviours were influenced by subjec ve norms of family but not friends” (Joung & Park-Poap 2013, p. 110). Therefore, tendencies in clothing reuse and recycling may reflect a great degree of variance among university students as they are more influenced by their family than their peers. They also suggest that “higher educa on should include the importance of preserving natural resources by emphasizing the benefits of engaging in recycling” (Joung & Park-Poap 2013, p. 110). This point is par cularly poignant in rela on to our study since the University of O awa is considered to be a very environmentally conscious campus. Overall, the exis ng academic canon explores various aspects of the tex le waste issue. Researchers have outlined the detrimental impact of tex le materials in landfills, the influence of the fashion industry, and explored more ethical consumer habits.

2017, p. 213). Fashion culture has been demonstrated to have a direct impact on the increase in tex le waste in recent years. As tex le waste clearly has a damaging impact, other alterna ves must be introduced to prevent further deteriora on to the environment. In an ar cle by Farrant, Olsen and Wangel, the importance of reusing clothes and buying them second-hand is explored (Farrant, et. al., 2010, p. 726). Both ac ons are proven to have a beneficial impact on the environment (Farrant, et. al., 2010, p. 726). The study conducted found that the “purchase of 100 second-hand garments would save between 60 and 85 new garments” from being produced (Farrant, et. al., 2010, p. 726). By buying new clothing from fast fashion stores, consumers are encouraging companies to produce more clothing through unsustainable means. While second-hand shopping is be er than buying new clothing, there are s ll nega ve impacts of buying second-hand clothes. It has been shown “that the collec on, processing, and transport of second-hand clothing has insignificant impacts on the environment”, meaning that while purchasing second-hand clothing could be less detrimental than buying new clothing, it does not reverse the nega ve impacts on the environment (Farrant, et. al., 2010, p. 726). Though second-hand shopping is an alterna ve to purchasing new garments, these measures should be further inves gated to effec vely fight tex le waste. While another proposed alterna ve to disposing of old clothing is dona on, this method is not always the most ethical. Beneath the surface, things are not always as they seem. The act of dona ng clothes through improper channels can disrupt foreign countries through exporta on or damage the environment through landfills (Bain, 2016). Some organiza ons that collect donated clothing resell the clothes to developing countries “crea ng a glut of cheap garments that [...] has choked off local tex les and garment industries” (Bain, 2016). While dona on to certain organiza ons can help extend the usage of clothing, other organiza ons actually contribute to the produc on of tex le waste abroad. In order to combat further poten al damage, people must be aware of the profound effects of par cipa ng in fast fashion culture and contribu ng to the output of tex le waste. In a study performed by Dibb, Harris and Roby, the authors addressed the general “limited awareness” of consumers regarding the “sustainability impact of clothing” (Dibb, et. al., 2016, p. 309). The research revealed a “focus on sustainability alone” to change consumer behaviour is insufficient due to the complexity of clothing sustainability, the diverse ethical concerns of consumers, and the non-altruis c nature of purchasing clothing (Dibb, et. al., 2016, p. 309). This research highlights the detrimental effects of consumers’ lack of awareness concerning the “sustainability issues in clothing care” (Dibb, et. al., 2016, p. 309). This research reveals that the ethics surrounding the purchasing and disposal of clothing is not as linear as many consumers believe. There are many factors found that contribute to a person’s ethical understanding of clothing purchasing and disposal, some of which include the influence of family and educa on. This was noted in the study done by Joung and Park-Poap as they analysed the impact of family on sustainability habits (Joung & Park-Poap 2013,

Decoloniza on, from this perspec ve, would therefore seek to disrupt exis ng no ons of power, fight for self-determina on, and support local empowerment. Kope and Arellano use a reflec on upon the cri cal youth empowerment model (Jennings et al., 2006) to analyse an RTP life-skills development program for Canadian Indigenous youth. While empowerment can be framed through cri cal thinking and the understanding of socio-poli cal processes (Freire, 1970), Kope and Arellano insist on following Indigenous scholars’ call for resurgence, culture and spiritual re-grounding that can begin by re-appropria ng and -enac ng Indigenous languages, systems of governance, and general worldviews (cosmovision) that are supported by the connec on to and use of the land (Simpson, 2011; Blind for Review). The local empowerment trend also consists of avoiding and impeding the obstacles connected to a fourth category of challenges rela ng to privilege and dominance, which concerns prac oners working for SPD programs, who largely originate from privileged backgrounds. Darnell (2014) has argued that “without a vigilant cri cal analysis of race, sport-for-development prac ce can reinforce Whiteness as a dominant subject posi on based on stewardship and benevolence” (p. 11). However, the substan al expansion of the SDP sector in recent decades has brought about more knowledgeable and self-reflec ve oﬃcials that may transform and help decolonize the SDP field (Giuliano , 2011). While cri cs have condemned a empts to challenge and renew tradi onal development prac ces with sport, others have pursued the path to reimagine sport-for-development within the decolonizing narra ve. Focusing on feminist par cipatory research methodology would reinforce alterna ve knowledges and local agency (Darnell & Hayhurst, 2011), while highligh ng internal opportuni es for par cipants to resist and revert nega ve Indigenous stereotypes (Hayhurst & Giles, 2015). From that perspec ve, decoloniza on research within the SDP sector supports self determina on while engaging in the poli cs of resistance to oppression and hegemonic forces by scru nizing individual agency, forms of local knowledge and culture, self-determina on, and empowerment (Kope & Arellano, 2016; Guest, 2009; Nicholls et al., 2011).

Indigenous Knowledge European coloniza on of Indigenous land has devalued Indigenous knowledge and given superiority to the Eurocentric lifestyle. Mi’kawi scholar Ba ste has argued that the Indigenous ways of knowing have been severely misrepresented due to “knowledge produced from the West cons tu ng a form of imperialism that disregards and erases other types of knowledge” (as cited in Kermoal, 2016, p. 5). Indigenous knowledge is not gained by means of a scien fic process which works through gathering, analyzing and categorizing experimental evidence and turns them into facts of life; it is instead “handed down through genera ons by cultural transmission about the rela onship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment” (Berkes, 2008, p. 9). The mainstreaming of Western knowledge as universal and superior has caused Indigenous knowledge to be “understood as being in binary opposi on to ‘scien fic,’

‘western,’ ‘Eurocentric’ or ‘modern’ knowledge” (Ba ste, 2002, p. 2). To the Eurocentric thinkers, this meant that this knowledge is not legi mized and thus cannot be used to solve problems in the modern world (Ba ste, 2002). Further, a lack of genuine co-crea on of knowledge was s ll prominent within present-day SDP programs (Nicholls et al., 2011), as development became a replacement term for social control and assimila on (Coackley & Donelly, 2007; Nicholls, 2007). According to Briggs and Sharp (2010), development ins tu ons rarely draw upon Indigenous knowledge through the inclusion of local voices in the construc on of formal top-down development ini a ves. They argued that a sustainable community development ini a ve “should take into considera on the greater ... specifici es of local condi ons, the knowledge of a popula on who have lived experience ... and provide peoples with ownership of the development process” (p. 9). Building upon the work of Lincoln and Denzin (2008), Hayhurst and Darnell (2011) have argued for the need of a “decoloniza on praxis” that ques ons and challenges “... ins tu ons, prac ces and ideas that promote and sustain material inequali es and Western power, as well as regularly misrepresent, essen alize and ignore the voices, agency and iden es of local persons” (Hayhust & Darnell, 2011; Lincoln & Denzin, 2008). Hayhurst et al. (2016) also argued that SDP programs should be led by Indigenous peoples and fundamentally shaped by “Indigenous voices, epistemologies, concerns and standpoints” (p. 1). Hayhurst et al. (2016) acknowledged that the SDP programs need to explicitly align with Indigenous cultural teachings. The community members involved do not need to ‘fit in’ or be simply assimilated into the mainstream culture but should instead be empowered to maintain and revive their Indigenous knowledge. Respecting Indigenous knowledge and “living” it means that the SDP ini a ves needs to engage with the ‘tradi ons and poli cs’ in the partnering communi es (Collison & Marchesseault, 2018).

Indigenous leadership While Indigenous knowledge is gained through holis c measures such as oral transmission and environmental interac on, leadership in Indigenous communi es was based on “...characteris cs of the land and needs of the people in their tradi onal territories for many years prior to coloniza on” (Kenny, 2015, p. 2). Unlike a hierarchical Western leadership style, Indigenous leadership is “paved with land, ancestors, elders and story - concepts that are rarely men oned in the mainstream leadership literature” (Kenny, 2015, p. 2). Indigenous leadership is not grounded on the exercise of power by one individual over another; it instead focuses on guidance through an integra ve process that seeks to understand humanity from a holis c point of view. Julien, Wright and Zinni (2010) men on six diﬀerent characteris cs of Indigenous leadership: it focuses on integra ng the community with nature; connec ng rather than dividing; suppor ng social order through harmony in rela onships among people and fosters spirituality; maintains values and cooperave behaviour for the greater good of the whole; honesty and integrity in rela onships; and seeking consensus among all members. Thus, the leadership of Indig-

What we do with our Textile Waste By Grace Andic, Irene Choi, Meranda Gallupe-Paton, Teke Rerri, Vivian Walsh, and Stephanie Wright The topic of tex le waste has been extensively studied in the academic community. As this issue is extremely mul -faceted, there are many perspec ves to be explored. For the purpose of clarity it is important to determine a func onal defini on of tex le waste. According to recent academic literature, “tex le waste consists of all types of garments or household ar cles made of tex les that the owner no longer needs and decides to discard” (Domina & Koch, 1999, p. 347). This would include a wide range of items that are made of fabric or cloth. Despite the fact that most tex le materials are recyclable, they o en are not properly recycled and result in tex le waste (Domina & Koch, 1999, p. 347). The Council for Tex le Recycling found that “approximately 4.5 kilograms per capita or 1,136,363 tonnes of post-consumer tex le waste is recycled annually” (Domina & Koch, 1999, p. 347). However, this waste is o en sold for profit or discarded in landfills (Domina & Koch, 2010, p. 347-378). The US Environmental Protec on Agency also found that “about 5% of waste in US landfills is tex le waste” with similar sta s cs es mated in Canada (Lynes, Weber & Young, 2017, p. 208). Landfills cause an array of adverse environmental eﬀects, thus decreasing the amount of tex les in landfills should be a worldwide priority. The academic literature surrounding the topic of tex le waste places importance on the role of the fashion industry in the process of consump on and disposal. One researcher argues that increased purchasing of clothing, and the consequent genera on of tex le waste, is due to the fact that clothing “has generally become less expensive for consumers” (Lynes, Weber & Young, 2017, p. 207). A key term in this regard is “fast fashion” (Claudio, 2007, p. 449). Fast fashion is a consumer trend in the fashion industry that pertains to elements of the marketplace that deliberately create the need for new clothes more o en (Claudio, 2007, p. 448). This is reinforced by characteris cs of the fashion industry such as fashion magazines and shopping malls (Claudio, 2007, p. 449). In essence, fast fashion encourages consumers to purchase clothes based on factors other than necessity and thus crea ng a trend of excess disposal. This increases the amount of material that is produced and disposed of, which generates a “poten al environmental [...] hazard” (Claudio, 2007, p. 449). In this way, the fashion industry and consumer habits are an integral aspect of the tex le waste discussion. The study by Weber, Lynes and Young examined the a tudes of residents in Ontario in rela on to tex le waste and their interest in fashion (Weber et al., 2017, p. 207). Researchers asked respondents about their a tudes towards fashion consump on to place them on a “high” or “low fashion index” (Weber et al., 2017, p. 207). The study then correlated respondents’ fashion index scoring with their disposal habits, finding that both high and low fashion index respondents expressed the same willingness to donate their clothing while habits of disposal were higher among fashion consumers (Weber et al., 2017, p. 213). Although, high fashion consumers were also more likely to par cipate in methods of garment exchange such as clothing swaps, reselling and take-back programs (Weber et al.,

From the point of view of an Indigenous epistemology, Mother Nature is the personificaon of the environment that surrounds us. We care deeply about trea ng her as you would treat a human being. The Falls were like Mother Earth’s veins, and the original damming of the Falls was like pu ng a plug in her veins. This was an abuse, and the people who have always cared about her wellbeing are o en disregarded. Community interests are no longer considered, as the public is not even fully aware of what’s going on. To Indigenous peoples, it’s like taking away someone’s freedom, and the loss of land felt like losing a respected Elder. Now, who will be responsible for her wellbeing? The most important thing is to care about water. The land also needs to be considered because we cannot survive without it; when you destroy the land, you destroy yourself. We need to be responsible for her wellbeing, and give her a voice, and especially preserve her for future genera ons. Further, by providing the O awa River with legal personhood, we may be able to restore her to her original state. As Tracy Coates men oned during our interview, in law, businesses have o en been recognized as a person. If a business is allowed rights to be a person, why can’t Mother Earth be given the same rights? We need to protect Mother Earth and make her equal to the businesses that are destroying her. The real challenge is the pushback received; o en, corpora ons have more rights than workers. However, in the poten al future, adop ng this ideology of legal personhood may save us from further destroying the environment and help us to restore it.

Conclusion I believe that we should be protec ng a body of water that has no voice. We need to listen to the Indigenous peoples, as we may learn much from them. Indeed, we may be able to find a solu on that will include everyone in the community. This current situa on could make a lot of people unhappy, but all I can hope for is that we try to build a future that is concentrated on building strong es with the Indigenous peoples. As part of the movement to indigenise and decolonize the society, gran ng the Falls personhood may be an opportunity to forgive for past grievances related to European se lement and broken trea es, as well as protec ng the wellbeing of the O awa River and preserving it for future generaons. Get her spirit back, free the falls! Incidentally, I learned that research does not always go our way and the way you conduct your research has a huge impact on the findings. In the future, I will work harder on making rela onships with the community I wish to research. Communica on is key while conducting Indigenous research methods and this will aﬀect how I will conduct my research in the future.

enous organiza ons is more flexible and less hierarchical in nature, with the human being’s spirituality and wellness being the main focus. Unlike mainstream leadership, Indigenous leadership considers the holis c wellbeing, including physical, mental, spiritual and emoonal well-being (Julien, Wright & Zinni, 2010). Therefore, a hierarchical leadership structure that is focused on quan fiable results is seen as incompa ble with accountability to the communi es, co-created knowledge and Indigenous ways of life (Nicholls, et al., 2011).

Conclusion SDP programs have the capability of influencing social change in a community. Hayhurst et al. (2016) noted that SDP ini a ves “have the poten al to be used in ways that can promote Indigenous peoples’ self-determined goals and values” (p. 1). However, Gardam et al. (2017) stated that for the self-determina on goals to be achieved, the SDP should be well developed and implemented such that it will priori ze Indigenous values over Eurocentriс ones. Otherwise, the program will only reaﬃrm colonialism. From that perspec ve, Indigeniza on of an organiza on requires the necessary space and mechanism to allow Indigenous knowledge to coexist with western tradi ons frameworks (Matunga, 2013, p. 31). For Indigenous scholar Simpson (2004), crea ng the necessary space for Indigenous knowledge requires “the recovery of Indigenous intellectual tradi ons and educa onal opportuni es that are an-colonial in their poli cal orienta on and firmly rooted in tradi ons of their na on” (p.381). As such, Indigenous organiza ons should be led by Indigenous peoples and should be fundamentally shaped by “Indigenous voices, epistemologies, concerns and standpoints” (Hayhurst et.al, 2016, p. 1).

Chaudière Falls by Emily Witherow Canada’s coloniza on project is considered a success; it exists alongside the United States, Australia, and New Zealand as an example of a colonial enterprise founded upon commercial and state coopera on - coopera on which has gradually become more or less democra c, mul cultural, and prosperous1. Indeed, colonialism – defined by Joyce Green as “an imposed exploita ve rela onship characterized by the appropria on of others’ economic, poli cal, and cultural resources” – is the founda on of the Canadian state’s federal policy2. In recent years, the Canadian government has expressed its inten on of moving towards postcolonial reconcilia on with Indigenous communi es. Because the dispossession of Indigenous land in the name of coloniza on is intrinsically linked with Canadian capitalism and current corporate wealth, the process of decoloniza on requires the inclusion of colonized peoples in ins tu ons of power. Straddling the ci es of O awa and Hull, and the provinces of Ontario and Quebec, the Chau-dière Falls occupy a unique posi on at the intersec on of Indigenous and industrial history. As such, the Falls presents an interes ng case study that can shed light upon the connec on between coloniza on and capitalism in Canada, and the challenges that exist when reconciling economic opportunity, legal Aboriginal rights, and spiritual heritage. Decoloniza on first requires an understanding of historical colonial process and Indigenous dispossession in favour of capitalist development. Standing above the Chaudière Falls, it is easy to see why they were second only to the Niagara Falls in the nineteenth century3. Although the Falls have long since been silenced by the whirring of hydroelectric dams, when spring melt throws open the dam’s floodgates we are permi ed a glimpse of the boiling waters that compelled the Algonquin to name the Falls As cou (boiler), later translated to “Chaudière” (ke le) by French explorer Samuel de Champlain4. For more than 4,000 years, the Algonquin First Na on and other Indigenous groups have travelled down the Ga neau, Rideau, and O awa Rivers to meet at the islands of Chaudière Falls5. A 1901 journal by a resident of Bytown (now O awa) indicates that “the Chaudière and its neighbourhoods have been places of importance [to Indigenous peoples] for centuries,” as a neutral ground for trade and coopera on, par cularly between First Na ons in Virginia, the Hurons, and 1 2 3

4 5

(Green, Decolonization and recolonization, 51). (Green, 52) J.M. LeMoine, Historical notes on the environs of Quebec drive to Indian Lorette, Tahourenche, the Huron Chief, the St. Louis and the St. Foy Roads, the Chaudière Falls (Montreal: Burland-Desbarats Co., 1879), 26 ; Lucien Brault, Ottawa Old and New (Ottawa: Ottawa Historical Information Institute, 1946), 32. Samuel de Champlain, The Works of Samuel de Champlain Vol II, edited by H.P. Big- gar (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1925), 268. The most important of these islands are Albert Island, Victoria Island, and Chaudière Island, though there are an additional four islands that have now been submerged as a result of increased industrial development and changing water levels

system to the all organisms it provided for, including the Algonquin people.” Today, these na ons are no longer in possession of those lands and have no rights among them. As they have possessed this long-standing rela onship, they might feel like they have “lost a respected person”. It was disrespec ul taking this land, destroying a place that many na ons used to assemble is an important act of coloniza on. The land can no longer be protected by the people because it doesn’t belong to them anymore.

Methodology As I was trying to figure out how to conduct my research, I knew I wanted to include these important Indigenous voices. In doing so, it was important to develop an Indigenous methodology while conduc ng my research. I knew from the beginning that it was important to create a rela onship with the people I was going to contact. With Indigenous peoples in research, it is important to create a rela onship and have them involved as much as possible. I was aiming at reaching out to Elders in the community, who would most likely have some knowledge about the Falls. Unfortunately, I wasn’t able to interview as many Elders as I would have liked (given that rela onship building is an important step in the process) and I didn’t know many Elders in the area before I started my project. I reached out to as many people as possible that I knew in the community, but most were unreachable or too busy to meet. Next, I went through an informal method and did not create a hypothesis before star ng my research. I knew my goal was to include these voices to our research, so I built a general outline of what I wanted to accomplish during my me with OPIRG. My research method was going to include a qualita ve approach, as I wished to interview Indigenous peoples. My goal was to include knowledge-gatherers from the community who had some knowledge of the history of O awa. I had wri en a set of general ques ons to ask during my interview; these ques ons were based on my topic, as well as including Indigenous epistemology to suit the interviewees. To provide an example of the ques ons I used, here’s a sample: “How has the events at the Chaudière Falls aﬀected you mentally, spiritually, physically and emoonally?” The purpose of using an interview approach was to gather relevant informa on and listening to the interviewees talk without se ng restric ons. Under the circumstances of my research, I was able to converse with two knowledge-gatherers. I interviewed Tracy Coates, an Indigenous professor at the University of O awa, as well as Freddie McGregor, a knowledge-gatherer from Ki gan Zibi First Na on Reserve. Their oral knowledge was important, so no me limits were set for each ques on, and open ended ques ons allowed me to gather important wisdom and informa on towards my research.

Findings I acknowledge that any of the findings I am sta ng here comes from my terview with Tracy Coates and Freddie McGregor.

in-

Ecology of the Ottawa River: an Indigenous Perspective By Michelle Diotte

All my Relations One important Indigenous epistemology to consider is “All my Rela ons”. This term means that everything and everyone is related in some way; an extended rela onship that goes beyond human interac on. This means that knowledge is generated from everyone and everything. All rela onships are important, and we can learn from each and every one of them. This rela onship may be, for example, with nature or with a toddler, but both have a body of knowledge from which we can all learn. We acknowledge rela onships from the present, past or future; all rela onships are recognized. This is why Indigenous people o en think so deeply of their future genera ons, and want to preserve a future for them. In the urbaniza on process, land and water will soon be unusable for future genera ons as it would most likely be too contaminated. It is important to treat Mother Nature in a proper manner now so we can save the land for future genera ons. Water is a sacred body of knowledge, and if we disrupt its environment, it will disrupt each and every one of our lives. If we destroy water, we are destroying ourselves. As quoted by Thomas King: “All my rela ons” is, at first, a reminder of who we are and of our rela onship with both our family and our rela ves. It also reminds us of the extended relaonship we share with all human beings. But the rela onships that Na ve people see go further, the web of kinship to animals, to the birds, to the fish, to the plants, to all animate and inanimate forms that can be seen or imagined. [...]. Indigenous peoples tend to take other things into considera on when using this perspecve. Before making an important decision, we would cover all aspects, even considering the land alongside people. When plans to urbanize the area of the Chaudière Falls and build a dam came about, the Falls were o en disregarded - as well as Indigenous peoples of the region. Water is largely taken for granted by those who have easy access to it. The O awa River is our ancestor, it has lived over many genera ons before many of us, and we need to treat this ancestor with respect.

Culture Shock (or Cultural Impact?) How has the loss of the land culturally impacted the Indigenous popula on of surrounding areas? The Indigenous peoples have a long standing rela onship with the O awa River and surrounding areas. “[...] The region is also a very sacred Indigenous site. It was a mee ng place between Indigenous groups to discuss peace, since it is situated before the convergence of three rivers: the O awa, Ga neau and Rideau rivers. Located in the na on’s capital, this region possessed a unique island and river as an eco-

Algonquins se led further north. Morrison Island, occupied seasonally by the Mini g Anishnaabeg, was a site of trade upon the Kichi Sibi (Great River, now O awa River) that linked St. Lawrence River to the Great Lakes and many other territories. In fact, mul ple archeolog-ical ar facts have been excavated on the islands around Chaudière Falls, including copper from Lake Superior, obsidian from Wisconsin, and whalebone and soapstone origina ng from Cree territory in James Bay. These materials and their convergence at Chaudière Falls indicate the existence of a trade network spanning hundreds of thousands of kilometers and up to 7,000 years. The Chaudière Falls also held spiritual significance to the Indigenous peoples of Ontario and Quebec. Great Lakes Aboriginal cosmology describes three worlds containing individual spirits: Sky, Earth, and Water. The areas of intersec on between these worlds, par cularly waterfalls and rapids, are sacred “points of access to spiritual forces.” There, Indigenous rituals took place to facilitate safe passage along the river. In 1613, Samuel de Champlain recorded seeing and par cipa ng in such a ritual, which he describes in his journals as seeing his guides dancing and singing around a plate of tobacco before throwing it into the falls, and “...for a long me they have been accustomed to make this oﬀering.” Champlain states that this tradi on was to guard against misfortune, as “...[his guides] [would] not expect to have a good journey if they have not had this ceremony in this place.” The Chau-dière Falls were accorded special considera on spiritually, poli cally, and economically by Indigenous groups well before Columbus accidentally stumbled upon the Americas. Following sustained European intrusion into North American Indigenous territories, se lers increasingly commandeered the O awa River for transporta on and energy to fuel growing industries, par cularly the mber industry. During the early seventeenth century, the O awa and St. Lawrence Rivers were major transporta on networks for eastward exploraon, missionary expansion, and the flourishing fur industry. In 1800, Massachuse s immigrant Philemon Wright founded the township of Hull on the north side of the O awa River. Wright and his sons soon turned to the mber trade, as the Napoleonic wars in Europe had increased Bri sh demand for Canadian mber. In 1808, the first shipment of mber was assembled in a mber ra and sent downriver to Quebec City via the O awa River, mark-ing the beginning of large-scale export of squared mber to Quebec’s ports. Square mber were trimmed from logs in piling grounds and hauled to rivers where they were lashed into enormous mber-ra s. This work was only possible due to the river, which enabled lumbermen to carefully “...steer the fallen kings of the forest to distant market of the Old World.” Furthermore, as New England forests were depleted, Canadian mber was sold to an American market demanding sawn lumber rather than squared mber, which required the construc on of hydropower sawmills. Establishments overseen by lumber barons Bronson and Weston, Baldwin, J.R. Booth, and E.B. Eddy in the mid-1800s oversaw mber opera ons des ned for New York and Boston. In 1871, six large sawmills in the Chaudière district employed over 4,000 men and produced around 30 million board feet of lumber sawn using power derived from the waters of the Chaudière. Chaudière Falls was the heart of the O awa River forestry industry; Wright’s log slides, E.B

Eddy’s industrial manufacturing factory, and John R. Booth’s sawmill rendered the towns of Hull and O awa hubs of the nineteenth century, and resulted in rich industrial heritage and a founda on of economic prosperity for the Na onal Capital Region. Beginning in the early twen eth century, modern industry began to develop the hydropower of the O awa River and the Chaudière Falls in a more sophis cated way: hydroelectric dams. Increased industrial development began in 1849 when the Province of Canada purchased land around the Chaudière Falls and distributed hydraulic lot leases to various businesses. A genera ng sta on commissioned by E.H. Bronson was first installed in 1891, and in 1912 construc on began on Quebec’s first provincial hydroelectric dam on the O awa River. This hydroelectric development has con nued un l today and has recently been expanded. In 2014, Hydro O awa was awarded a forty-year contract to expand the Chaudière Falls project on “provincial Crown land”, which resulted in the construc on of a new 29MW hydroelectric sta on in 2015. In 2016, Hydro O awa bought the remaining 33% interest from Hydro Que-bec in the Chaudière Ring Dam and opened their expanded facili es in 2017. Local newspapers reported that the new $150-million plant promised to feed the provincial power grid with electricity “...without blocking views of the O awa River...” and possesses three viewing pla orms and a “First Na ons plaza.” Today, the Chaudière Ring Dam diverts the river’s cur-rent into four separate hydroelectric genera ng facili es on and around the islands for use by paper and technology industries in O awa. This industrial and economic narra ve is complicated by the contesta on of the ownership of the Falls, and the larger issue of Aboriginal tle. The Crown has several legally-binding obliga ons towards Indigenous peoples of Canada, par cularly involving land claims. The Royal Proclama on of 1763, Sec on 35(1) of the 1982 Cons tu on, and cases R. v. Van der Peet (1996) and R. v. Delgamuukw (1997) have ar culated the right of Aboriginal groups to ancestral territory and to Specific and General Aboriginal Title. The Royal Proclama on of 1793 prohibited the se lement of Indigenous lands unless they were first ceded by their Indigenous inhabitants or purchased by the Crown. The Na onal Capital Region, including the Chaudiere Falls, is currently occupying unceded Algonquin land. The case of Cardinal v. Windmill Green Fund LPV (2016) pertains directly to se lement of this land claims issue in rela on to the Chaudière Falls. Windmill Green applied to the City of O awa for permission to redevelop land containing the Chaudière and Albert Islands, which they purchased from Domtar Corpora on in 2013 and intend to develop commercially and residen ally. The Zibi project (transla ng to “river” in Algonquin) consists of the construc on of environmentally-sustainable condominiums upon islands on O awa River. The Ontario Superior Court of Jus ce supported Windmill’s movement to dismiss appeals made by opponents to the development without a hearing due to Windmill’s “extensive consulta on process” with Algonquin communi es and the argument that the board has no authority to “...declare or recognize the land in ques on as a sacred site to the Algon-quins, other than in the context of the duty to consult...” demanded by case law. Nevertheless, ownership of Chaudière Falls remains contested by a number of

opponents to Windmill’s Zibi project, including celebrated First Na on architect Douglas Cardinal, the late Chief William Commanda of the Ki gan Zibi Anishnaabeg (whose ancestors treated with Philemon Wright in 1800), four separate Quebec Algonquin communies, and the Ontario Rivers Alliance. Cardinal in par cular is a vocal advocate of this issue, sta ng that he “grew up in a society where [his] spiritual ceremonies were denied to [him],” and that if the Canadian government is serious about reconcilia on, it will recognize that the disenfranchisement of Indigenous spirituality and private industry’s from tradi onal land is “...a con nua on of genocide and apartheid.” These proponents want the Falls freed from hydroelectric dams and re-naturalized as parklands under the stewardship of the Algonquin. Supporters of the Zibi project include the Algonquins of Ontario, composed of ten communi es, and Chief Kirby Whiteduck of Pikwakanagan First Na on in Ontario; these supporters embrace the project as a “...precedent-se ng and landmark opportunity for a new model of collabora on...” that embraces long-term Algonquin economic prosperity. If Canada is serious about its mission to reconcile with the Indigenous communi es of North America, it must seriously consider the economic dimension of decoloniza on. Colonial ac vity in Canada has been mo vated by the search for wealth and the exploita on of primary resources, namely by dispossessing the Indigenous na ons which relied on them to begin with. Decoloniza on therefore implies wealth-sharing with the communi es who have had their land and their wealth appropriated by se lers. Although Canada’s ins tuons of power have become increasingly diverse and mul cultural, Indigenous people are s ll excluded from the economic power that would aﬀord them opportuni es to escape the past disenfranchisement they have experienced. The challenge, moving forward, will be to preserve the balance between communi es who seek to engage in capitalism and seize economic opportuni es, and those who seek to reject corporate capitalism in favour of collec vist ways of life and upholding of spiritual du es to ancestral lands.