THE CREATIVE INDUSTRIES IN WOLVERHAMPTON BETWEEN POLICY AND PRACTICE

THE CREATIVE INDUSTRIES IN WOLVERHAMPTON BETWEEN POLICY AND PRACTICE A Creative District report for Creative Metropoles

THE CREATIVE INDUSTRIES IN WOLVERHAMPTON BETWEEN POLICY AND PRACTICE A Creative District report for Creative Metropoles Jez Collins; Steve Harding; Nina Lakeberg & Paul Long Birmingham City University & Light House Media Centre, UK

Copyright c 2011 Birmingham City University and Light House Media Centre Edited by Steve Harding and Frank Challenger Photography by Stephenie Jennings and Light House Designed by Lindsay Wiggin Set in Helvetica type Printed in the UK by Italica Ltd, Number One Mill Heath Lane, Wombourne, Wolverhampton, WV5 8AP, West Midlands First published in 2011 by Light House Media Centre, The Chubb Buildings, Fryer Street, Wolverhampton, WV1 1HT, West Midlands, UK for Creative Metropoles Creative Metropoles is financed by the European Regional Development Fund and Norwegian funding through the INTERREG IVC programme ISBN 978-0-95112328-9-0

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CONTENTS _ 1 Introduction

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2 2.1 2.2 2.3

Context of the research Creative Metropoles Creative Industries: theory, policy & practice Wolverhampton, policy & the creative industries

6 6 7 10

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Methodology

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4 4.1 4.2 4.3

Findings & analysis Creative Industries in Wolverhampton Networks Wolverhampton - a legible city?

22 22 30 36

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Observations & challenges

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6.1 6.2 6.3 6.3.1 6.3.2 6.3.3 6.4

Creative City District Plan: Conclusions and policy implications

Policy context in Wolverhampton The policy landscape in the EU & the UK Policy recommendations for Wolverhampton Roles to support the sector A networked city A post industrial city to a legible city Policy recommendations for Wolverhampton

44 44 47 47 48 48 49 50

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Bibliography

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1 _ INTRODUCTION This report presents the findings of research into the situation of the creative industries in the UK city of Wolverhampton. The research originated in a wider Interreg-funded project called Creative Metropoles, which explores best practice in the creative industries in a range of partner cities across Europe.

Specifically, this research is an attempt to hear from those individuals in Wolverhampton who are involved in creative industries work and those tasked with formulating policies and cultivating this area of economic activity. In exploring the relationship of these two groups we investigated a number of salient areas. These concern: the current condition of the creative industries sector; the nature of networks in this sector and, finally, the image of the city itself as a place for creative work. Why it was worth asking these questions in this specific context is outlined in the sections that follow but it is useful in proceeding to consider the broader backdrop against which this research was conducted.

Our investigations took place in the first half of 2010, a period of political transition in the UK amidst profound economic uncertainty at a global level. In May 2010 after thirteen years of New Labour administration, a new Government was formed (if not elected by overwhelming mandate), comprising a coalition of Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties, the first arrangement of this kind since the last war. The immediate task facing this administration is coping with the effects of global recession. Locally, the West Midlands Regional Observatory summarized the dispiriting record of the preceding decade. Over the period of 1998-2008, employment in the region increased by just 30,000, representing a growth of 2% compared with an increase of 19% across the UK as a whole.1 Furthermore, the future for the region, particularly the specific area in which Wolverhampton is located - The Black Country was not promising:

Geographically the area is expected to experience the most fragile economic recovery in terms of growth in GVA and jobs are traditional industrial areas (such as the Black Country and Stoke-onTrent) and transition centres’ (such as Cannock Chase, North Warwickshire, Nuneaton & Bedworth, Redditch, Tamworth and Wyre Forest) which have also historically been dependent on low value added industries but are in the process of diversifying their economies. Growth is likely to be inhibited by dependence on a narrow range of traditional low value added manufacturing industries, weak private sector knowledge economies, low rates of enterprise and entrepreneurship and a weak skills base.2 Whether the previous government is wholly to blame for the current situation is an argument to be heard elsewhere, suffice to say that the current Conservative and Liberal Democrat alliance is proceeding with an agenda that prioritizes a reduction in the national debt. This is to be achieved by considerable reductions in state expenditure in tandem with a faith in economic growth to be generated by the entrepreneurial spirit of the private sector. One area of activity identified as having potential for growth is the creative industries. The economic value of this sector is trumpeted on the website for the Department of Media, Culture and Sport:

creative industries contributed 5.6% of the UK’s Gross Value Added in 2008 exports of services by the creative industries totalled £17.3 billion in 2008, equalling 4.1% of all goods and services exported there were an estimated 182,100 businesses in the creative industries on the Inter-Departmental Business Register (IDBR) in 2010, this represents 8.7% of all companies on the IDBR software and electronic publishing make the biggest contribution to GVA of the creative industries, at 2.5% in 2008.

They also make up a large number of total creative firms (81,700). 3

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For the moment, we can set aside exploration of how the scope of this sector extends beyond software and electronic publishing to note that the DCMS, an early creation of the previous administration, has been maintained. This particular transition and continuation is worthy of remark as the prodigious growth in government attention to creative industries; the currency of the term, its definition, and allied policies, was characteristic of the New Labour ‘project’. So close is the association that a recent conference on this subject and the post-recession legacy of policy and practice has posed the question of whether it constituted a ‘Golden Age’ for the sector, as claimed by former Prime Minister Tony Blair:

Cultural Trends, the journal that champions the need for better evidence-based analyses of the cultural sector, is delighted to provide a major opportunity for researchers to consider whether that Golden Age actually existed; if it is now over; what it achieved; what the effects of the recession on the cultural sector might be in terms of changes in audiences and audience profiles, the economics of the sector and its financial impacts, and how government policy, and the sector itself – albeit in the UK, Europe and elsewhere – might assess its legacy and learn the lessons that should inform a post-recession economy. 4 Typical of discussion of the area of creative industries is the way in which this subject is related to the broad field of ‘the arts’ and ‘culture’.

In the context of this conference this includes: ‘built heritage, museums and galleries, the visual and performing arts, film, television, print and digital media.’ In addition, the period of Labour’s three terms in office is one in which the creative industries were identified for their role in the regeneration of urban, post-industrial sites. British cities such as Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, Glasgow and Liverpool are typical in this respect for the ways in which a cultural offer was tied to the cultivation of the creative economy and the formation of cultural ‘quarters’, ‘hubs’ and so on.

As is suggested by the wealth of material that we encountered that has been produced in and about Wolverhampton, this small yet vibrant city was also one of those locations where its agents and institutions sought to knit together these activities in order to formulate a positive vision for future economic prosperity, social cohesion and the identity of place.

This broad context then is the one that underlines the research presented here and the kinds of questions that arose. In light of ongoing economic challenges and the abiding claims for the value added in the creative sector there is a great deal of expectation focused on it. If that variety of production is to play a part in recovery, then it can be anticipated that established means of support, policies and plans are going to be scrutinized for their effectiveness. Alongside the varied statistical data about this sector, its growth, scope and detail, we hope that the research presented here might also offer some valuable insights.

The following individuals conducted this research: Mr Jeremy Collins is Researcher at the Birmingham Centre for Media and Cultural Research. He is the founder of the Birmingham Popular Music Archive.

Dr Steve Harding is Head of Policy Development at Research, Innovation and Enterprise Services at BCU. He is Project Manager for the two Interreg Projects Creative Metropoles and ECCE innovation.

Ms Nina Lakeberg is Policy Researcher on the Interreg Projects Creative Metropoles and ECCE innovation at BCU. She also works with Planet Modulor Berlin.5 Dr Paul Long. Long is Reader in Media and Cultural History in the Birmingham Centre for Media and Cultural Research, BCU. He leads the MA Creative Industries and Cultural Policy.

Research was facilitated by Frank Challenger and Peter McLuskie of Light House, Wolverhampton, who were ably supported by other staff especially Stephenie Jennings. The research findings are the result of the involvement of many individuals from

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Wolverhampton who gave generously of their time and insights. To them we are grateful.

As with the larger Creative Metropoles project, which is discussed below, the intention with this research is to make it accessible to an audience beyond those it was designed to address most immediately. Indeed, the voices of the participants in this research could be heard more clearly and more often in public debate around the creative industries and their role in the City of Wolverhampton, if not further afield. We hope that in this version of our report we do justice to our participants and that we communicate clearly and effectively with the general reader We have attempted to give some sense of the current debates around creative industries from academia and elsewhere where they are immediately relevant and useful for public discussion. Inevitably, this report cannot reflect the full nuance of each and every individual viewpoint conveyed in our lively Focus Group discussions. However, it can be used responsively and, in the spirit of contemporary interactivity and the Wiki-style ‘crowd sourcing’ of ideas, responses and suggestions are welcome for immediate corrections, additions and updates. To this end, and in light of the wealth of debate around creative industries in general and in the context of Wolverhampton in particular, we hope that readers will pass on this report to others and pass on feedback to us as a result of their discussions.

1_ The West Midlands Economy Post recession: Key Issues and Challenges. WMRO 2010 p11 http://www.wmro.org/resources/res.aspx?p=/ CmsResource/resourceFilename/3207/postrecession-west-midlands-key-issues-challenges-fullreport.pdf - 24/01/2011 2_ Ibid. 2010 p14 3_ Source: http://www.culture.gov.uk/what_we_do/ creative_industries/default.aspx (Accessed 2/2/11) 4_ Source: http://www.artsmanagement.net/ index.php?module=News&func=display&sid=1213 (Accessed 12/12/10) 5_ http://www.planetmodulor.de

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The Chubb Buildings, home of Light House Media Centre

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2 _ CONTEXT OF THE RESEARCH 2.1

_ CREATIVE METROPOLES

The Creative Metropoles Interreg IVC project “aims to strengthen the capacity and effectiveness of the public sector to unlock and support the economic potential of the creative economy�.6 Municipalities and development agencies that play a central role in the economies of their region and countries constitute the partnership of 11 European cities.

The partner cities are Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Birmingham/Wolverhampton, Helsinki, Oslo, Riga, Stockholm, Tallinn, Vilnius and Warsaw.

The three-year project targets decision-makers and executives in local governments as well as creative industry stakeholders and is expected to result in a more focused and efficient public support system for creative industries in the cities.

The project has worked along 5 key themes that have been in the focus of the research and experience exchange taken out within the partnership: _ Architecture of public support _ Business support and internationalisation _ Space for the CI _ Finance schemes _ Creating demand for the outputs of the CI

The work is structured in several work packages: _ Research analysis and mapping exercise _ Joint events _ Study visits _ Creative City district and business plan _ Dissemination events The core focus of the project is on experience exchange and how policies in particular cities support the creative sector. One of the key activities within the partnership is the elaboration of best practice case studies in sector policies.

Thus, the partnership has developed a portfolio of good practice that will be published in Spring 2011. It will serve as a catalogue of successful

measures and initiatives available to city policy makers working with the sector.

Findings of these studies were also the basis for experience exchange workshops and study visits bringing together experts from the partner organisations, city policy makers and stakeholders.

Researchers working in the project led by Tallinn Future Studies Institute, have developed a life cycle model for CCIs which helped inform the Wolverhampton study.

Birmingham City University and Light House Wolverhampton are working together as partners in the project management. Birmingham in the centre of the West Midlands conurbation encompasses several neighbouring towns and cities, such as Wolverhampton, which function as sub-regional centres for the creative sector with major regeneration projects and a wide variety of modern industries. With the present research the team has worked on this aspect and the role of the creative sector in smaller cities.

Creative Industries policy initiatives have been developed in most of the partner cities.

Nevertheless, niche research on specific needs of the sector is still needed. As part of the creative city district studies the cities could address those issues and work on specific local initiatives.

Birmingham and Wolverhampton together have hosted a study visit of four partner cities in October 2010. Amsterdam, Oslo, Vilnius and Riga have visited several of the good practice examples in Birmingham and Light House Wolverhampton.

As part of the visit Light House together with the research team from BCU hosted and facilitated a discussion on the findings of this research including the European visitors as well as stakeholders from Wolverhampton.

Creative Metropoles has received funding of 2.44 MEUR from the INTERREG IVC Programme www.interreg4c.net

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The present research has been developed in this framework and we hope will serve as a point of reference also in the wider European context of the project.

2.2

_ CREATIVE INDUSTRIES: THEORY, POLICY & PRACTICE

A survey of the research literature that refers specifically to ‘creative industries’ reveals a prodigious field of investigation. While discussion and research (sometimes under allied labels such as ‘cultural industries’, ‘culture industry’ and specific areas) has a long history, we suggest that there has been a noticeable growth in academic attention to the creative sphere in the last two decades. This attention is itself a response to the emergence of the wealth of specific policy and practice at the level of government and local agencies that have recognized the economic importance of this sector. As the French analyst Bernard Miège noted at the end of the 1980s, in a yet pre-digital, pre-internet moment, Western economies were undergoing fundamental structural and economic change. Governments across Europe for instance were:

more and more […] considering culture and communication as an important area in which to valorize capital that cannot be made profitable elsewhere. Their venture is meeting with considerable success, to such a point that it is reflected already in consumer statistics: in all developed capitalist countries, in the area of consumption, the highest growth rate since the beginning of the 1980s has generally been that of cultural consumption [… ] higher than any other type of expenditure.7 Research has thus traced and evaluated the emergence of policies and coherent strategies

in response to this development – as a global phenomenon. In Australia, for instance, a project of nation building and the exploration of new economic directions in the cultural sector were located in initiatives such as the 1994 Creative Nations: Commonwealth Cultural Policy. 8 In the UK, the key reference points in understanding the development of policy for creative industries lie in the practice and policies for support of the Greater London Council in the 1980s, the establishment the DCMS in 1997 (formerly the Department of National Heritage) and the publication of Chris Smith’s Creative Britain (1998).9 In addition to work produced in the academy, research, commentary and advocacy has been contributed by think tanks and organizations such as in the UK - Demos, The Work Foundation, Nesta and Creative Partnerships (see footnotes, passim). Internationally, contributions of the EU10 and UN/UNESCO 11 are indicative of the global attention afforded this sector.

The breadth of academic research and commentary on creative industries is such that it draws upon the contributions of, amongst others: economists, geographers, political scientists, sociologists and theorists from cultural studies.

Likewise, and emerging from these disciplines and fields, is a variety of work that attends to the various mode of production that are encompassed by creative industries as an umbrella terms: film, design, television, music, gaming etc. Again, this work draws upon a variety of approaches, exploring amongst other things, the aesthetic interpretation of texts and their social significance, production cultures and questions of ownership and democracy.12 Some of the literature is highly specialized and unlikely to appeal to a broader audience, nor suggest itself as immediately practicable in informing policy and practice.

However, the usefulness of a brief reference to the academic literature here lies in unpicking some of the ways in which this kind of work has become so important, beyond its economic value, and some of the pitfalls in comprehending it that distinguish it from other sectors of activity and production.13

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At the heart of the growth in attention to the creative sector is a fascination with the quality of creativity itself. This concept, skill or attribute has achieved a totemic status in contemporary society.14 Dave Hesmondhalgh and Sarah Baker, in relating the origins of the reverence for this quality, describe how in psychological theory, management analysts sought inspiration for cultivating innovation and motivation as a means of gaining competitive advantage. This quest informed human relations management and, in turn, the ethos of organization and business studies, inflecting those training courses and degrees designed to optimize individual focus in preparing for the world of business. Likewise, a related area in which creativity has achieved elevated status is in economics, with human innovation identified central to continued growth.15 So, whether in terms of economic activity in general or in the specific and specialized domain of the creative industries, creativity is the object of much interest and veneration, even if at times it can seem a rather nebulous concept subject to rather hyperbolic framing and claims.

Cultural industries, the sometimes synonym for the creative sector, is a label with roots in a negative coinage protesting commercialization and a standardization (in product and audience) attendant upon modern mass production in media and related work.16 The label is nonetheless useful for thinking about a broad range of activity that extends beyond the commercial domain associated with the label ‘creative industries’.

The cultural sector then encompasses what are usually, in the UK at least, subsidized creative activities characterized by market failure, such as opera and some areas of traditional theatre.

In addition, the label also encompasses practices of the heritage industry (museums, galleries et al).

Nonetheless, the way in which the establishment of the UK DCMS tracked a shift from a departmental brief that included activity and artefacts concerned with aspects of cultural heritage and national identity to an instrumentalist economic

conceptualization of creative industry is important.

The attention to ’culture’, and a rarefied domain of elitism sometimes implied in the term, was at odds with the utopian promise of creative work evident most clearly in the rhetoric of New Labour. Here, in a string of policy formulations, culture and creative work offered a means of invigorating the economy as well as providing a new form of employment in which individuals might realize their full potential.

As the strap line across many DCMS documents stated: ‘Our aim is to improve the quality of life for all through cultural and sporting activities, support the pursuit of excellence, and champion the tourism, creative and leisure industries.’ 17 In relation to such projects and rhetoric, persistent line of reflection in academic debate has concerned the employment of the label of creative industries and its relationship with wider ideas about culture and its purpose as well as the domain of the related ‘knowledge economy’.18 Contributors to this debate have been tenacious in deconstructing some of statistics for the economic benefits of the sector although there are also claims for the social and personal benefits that creative work and the nurturing of cultural activity bring.19 Likewise, aspects of work in which creativity is at a premium – creative labour – have merited much attention of late. On one hand such work appears to offer much in the way of ‘self-realisation’ through creative expression and self-direction when compared the drudgery and alienation of the kinds of opportunities offered by traditional industry and contemporary white-collar employment, the ‘Mac-Job’ and service sector. Certainly, much discussion has been dedicated to the exemplary figure of the creative worker whose entrepreneurialism is an example to all in adapting to contemporary economic challenges.20 Some of these challenges come from new technologies and the collapse of boundaries between professional and amateur. Digitisation has challenged the maintenance of intellectual property as well as traditional ‘barriers to entry’ to creative work, undermining traditional business models of production and distribution.21 A critical approach

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to the assessment of contemporary ‘immaterial’ labour concerns the way in which such work exhibits all of the negative features of contemporary employment. These features include: long hours, uncertain or ‘precarious’ positioning in the market through freelance work and short term contracts, sometimes bound up in a concept of 22 ‘self-exploitation’ as the antithesis of self-realisation.

In the face of ‘precariousness’ and some of the more effable aspects of the domain of creative work research has been useful in the demystification of a sector and quality of work too often defined by the notion that ‘nobody knows anything’.23 Useful analysis has focussed on the management and cultivation of creativity in this sector in order to better understand and direct it.24 Much research has informed policy designed to cultivate the creative sector through aspects of geographical organisation and networking. At its most instrumental, networks and the communications between creative workers have resulted from formal ‘clustering’ policies.25 ‘Creative cluster’ is a label for the construction through policy and investment in infrastructure of milieus convivial to creative advantage. This concept is defined by the DCMS as:

groups of competing and co-operating businesses that enhance demand for specialist labour and supply networks in a particular location. Such infrastructure depends not only upon the vitality of the creative sector itself, it is also underpinned by public policy and significant public investment.26 The impact of such ideas have been subject to scrutiny and a useful critique comes in a study of the music industries and cultural quarters of Manchester and Sheffield. Here, the authors make a pointed distinction between formal attempts to support creative activity by investment in infrastructure and those instances and sites where more organic, or ‘Darwinian’, processes are at work. In their analysis, the latter – as evidenced in the more casual development of a creative scene

in Manchester – has proven to be more effective than the results of more contrived polices and practices in Sheffield. In this comparison, they focus on how the role of networking is paramount: in creating `scenes’, `milieus’, `happening places’.

Such ineffable ideas are, they argue the real context for industry rather than the provision of `facilities’. In these ‘scenes’:

The exchange of knowledge and information is accompanied by a validation, a testing of product.

Networks are about exchange of information (contacts, grants, funding opportunities, jobs, technology etc.) They are about the exchange of experience - they act as reservoirs of previous trial and errors. Network entry points (very informal, usually - acquaintances, work neighbours, gossip) allow informal sharing of personal experience.

They also allow the exchange or sharing of harder knowledge - how, who, what, when. 27 The observations of these authors about the ‘soft infrastructure’ of networks have a resonance for the wider creative industries and the role of networking in building up and building on the social capital of workers. As they note, ‘clusters’ of workers, whether formed organically or serendipitously, create the conditions in which trust is built and indeed add to the sense of identity that is forged around space and place, giving context to cultural product. This is how the elusive ‘attitude’ of place, of scenes is formed and how an elusive ‘buzz’ or ‘cool’ is created.

Most vocal in discussion of the relationship of creative industries and place is Richard Florida.

His research posits the competitive advantage enjoyed by locations with a high concentration of the so-called ‘creative class’. Florida suggests that this group (whether it is a class or not is a moot point) bring much to an environment (adding ‘buzz’ etc), their loyalty to place is partly predicated on the extant cultural offer of that place. By this Florida means the physical infrastructure of cities as well as its ambience and lived culture. Thus, he defines

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the key elements that attract creative workers in the form of three ‘T’s’: talent (embodied in the presence of other creatives), technology (evinced by supporting infrastructure and, nowadays, digital communication support) and tolerance (a visible liberalism in accommodating the variety of lifestyles that characterize creative workers, whether defined through their youth, sexuality, ethnicity etc).

Florida’s work has drawn acclaim and criticism in equal measure but can be set alongside a wealth of material that attends to the role of creative industries and cultural infrastructure in revivifying economies and cities planned in a previous age of heavy manufacturing industry and attendant priorities. Ideas generated by Charles Landry in his concept of the ‘creative city’ have been influential here for instance in rethinking the role of creativity and culture in city life.28 As Landry writes, ‘Cities need a story or cultural narrative about themselves to both anchor and drive identity as well as to galvanize citizens. These stories allow individuals to submerge themselves into a bigger, more lofty endeavour.’29 This sense of positive narrative is part of what Edward Soja and others have termed the ‘urban imaginary’ in which the image of the city is so vital.30 Central to this notion is Kevin Lynch’s idea of legibility: the clarity of the cityscape for residents and visitors who have to negotiate it every day.

A transparent image of the city supports personal growth and generates raw material for collective investment in the place in question. City images for Lynch are ‘crossings of social meaning and recollected form that grow and elaborate in time. They link citizen and place, enhance the significance of everyday life, and reinforce the identity of group and self.’ 31 In any place, there is competition over the nature of the urban imaginaries, embodied in the built form, cultural offer and community that shape and mediate between individual and collective biographies.

Such concepts have much to say about the way in which production and consumption of culture and creative ideas might play a part in reimaging cities

with poor reputations (or no reputation at all).

For the authors of this work, our location in Birmingham illustrates these processes every day: this is a city built by the industrial revolution which has had a perennial problem of image and branding, qualities which impacted upon all citizens let alone those seeking to establish themselves as serious players in the creative economy. 32 Likewise, and as we have encountered, the themes and discussions around creative industries, their value and the faith some of us have in them are live issues in the City of Wolverhampton.

2.3

_ WOLVERHAMPTON, POLICY & THE CREATIVE INDUSTRIES

Wolverhampton is situated in the West Midlands, some 12 miles from the city of Birmingham. It has a population of circa 236,000 and has had city status since 2000. The city was one of the powerhouses of the industrial revolution, its economy based upon mining and heavy manufacturing, the results of which give the region its label ‘The Black Country’. Like the rest of the industrial midlands, the city benefitted from its geographical location; strong transport links continue to be important, connecting nationally via road, rail and water networks and internationally via Birmingham and East Midland airports.

Figures from the Office for National Statistics show the demographic of Wolverhampton borough to be made up as follows: ‘White’ 77.8%, ‘Asian’ 14.3% and ‘Black’ 4.6%. Of a total population of 250,000, 22% of Wolverhampton residents are from visible minority groups (52,000 people).33 Overall, this is a population that is a relatively old and unqualified one, a factor contributing to its decline in the face of contemporary change and challenge. In recent decades, traditional industries have declined in importance and the local economy is now led by

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the service sector, with particular emphasis in public service activity. As noted in the Wolverhampton LEA report in 2008:

Wolverhampton has remained a relatively uncompetitive place for over a decade and the signs are the City may be in danger of experiencing relative decline in the future as other urban areas in the West Midlands and beyond build their modern economies faster and more effectively. 34 This situation has been compounded by the national economic downturn and according to the Economic Strategy Report of 2009, the city faces a storm of deep-seated problems that require urgent action:

The percentage of working age people employed in Wolverhampton with no qualifications increased between 2003 and 2007. In 2007 the figure stood at just below 25%. This single stark statistic neatly summarises the challenges facing the communities of the City. The current recession is biting deep into Wolverhampton; unemployment is increasing, businesses are contracting, and opportunities for expanding the wealth generating sector seem to be thin on the ground. Action is required.35 One of the factors associated with high levels of worklessness is poor skills, usually measured by the number of people lacking any formal qualifications. In 2009, the West Midlands had more people in this position than any other English region, around 16% of the working age population.

The rate is higher still in some parts of the region, with Wolverhampton having the highest share found in any local authority area in the country; almost one in four of its residents have no qualifications.36 There is little doubt that Wolverhampton faces some challenges in the coming years. However city agents have been proactive in a number of areas and sectors to overcome this decline and

this backdrop, exploring creative industries as one route to economic and physical regeneration.

Figures from the West Midlands Regional Observatory claim that Wolverhampton had 8800 people employed in the Creative Industries sector or 3.6% of the workforce in 2007. This is a figure that has remained roughly static since 2004.

To aid the development and growth of this sector, a number of evaluations, strategy and policy reports have been commissioned in the last decade or so which have informed thinking in the council and other agencies in the city, at regional level and in their collaborations. Some of these are framed around creative industries explicitly, others take serious account of the sector as part of the broader assessment of economic activity in terms of production and leisure, the latter in terms of the city’s cultural offer and night-time economy. Overall, these policy documents have been a mix of internal and externally commissioned documents, which explains the overlapping and sometimes repeated nature of the language and resulting recommendations.

A key moment in these initiatives was a report commissioned by Wolverhampton Partnership: ‘Creative Industries - Assessing the Wolverhampton Offer’ (2004). City University London and DTZ Pieda Consulting, who were tasked to provide implementation objectives that would enable the growth of that sector, undertook this assessment.

Based in a range of socio-economic data, this report (hereafter ‘DTZ report’) identified strengths and weaknesses in the creative industries that informed a set of eight objectives and recommendations for the council to focus on for development planning. As observed in the report:

In certain sub-sectors, Wolverhampton has seen growth rates in employment above regional and national averages, including audio-visual, sport, and visual arts. This suggests that some areas of the cultural industries are catching up with regional and national levels of development.

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Unfortunately, other sectors have seen significant declines in employment, far greater than national or regional trends, particularly performance, heritage, and books & press. The overall effect of these shifts has been a net decline in cultural industries employment between 1995 and 2001 during a period of national and regional growth.

These figures should be treated with caution, however, since the low initial levels of employment in Wolverhampton’s performance and heritage sub- sectors makes percentage changes in their employment rates very sensitive to small absolute changes in employment. 37 The DTZ report identifies two potential directions for Wolverhampton’s creative industries strategy that reflect general trends in evidence elsewhere that tie together economic production and the offer of cultural consumption as an adjunct:

collaboration, etc. opportunities to local businesses and giving them a voice about issues of concern.39 The report recommended training of individuals and businesses to ensure skills were kept relevant and creating local routes to market for product, combined with improving accommodation on offer and improving engagement with the BME creative community. For the authors, understanding the areas of strength in the sector would focus policy on growing those areas as pump-primers to attract inward investment that would benefit the ‘weaker’ industries within the sector and in turn grow the base of the businesses and freelance workers.

This major report was not developed in isolation.

It is built on earlier policy initiatives such as: Wolverhampton Town Centre Action Plan (1996) Wolverhampton Community Plan 2002-2012 (2002) Wolverhampton Artists’ Quarter Report (2003)

i. Employment growth & business development – focusing on the development of the small number of high growth potential creative businesses, such as digital media, and providing creative inputs, such as design, into existing businesses. ii. Creative milieu – the development of creative and cultural activities in Wolverhampton as an end in itself, focusing on the lifestyle businesses and freelancers than dominate the sector as a means of supporting the cultural sector. 38

Overall, the DTZ report suggested that attention to the creative industries should be integrated into other aspects of policy and formulation of networks, both formal and informal, to ensure development and championing of the creative industries.

Wolverhampton creative industries are currently fragmented and lack a voice or a profile. Networking between the industries will help develop the market, allow small and new businesses to get support from larger and/or more established creatives, allow creative industries organisations to engage with the sector, communicating market, funding,

Wolverhampton Canalside Quarter Implementation Plan, A Cultural Strategy for Wolverhampton (2000) 40 The Town Centre Action Plan describes the need for marketing initiatives, promoting cultural and artistic quarters as entertainment- and culturerelated. It also stresses the individual identity and character in each quarter. In particular the Artist Quarter should provide studio space.

As the array of titles above suggests, these reports explored options for improving the infrastructure of the city – which would be of benefit beyond creative industries, as well as addressing specific ideas for the concentration of activity in the sector.

Of course, these reports that were specific to this city were informed also by national and regional policy and strategy produced by bodies such as Advantage West Midlands with their Cluster development, West Midlands Life, Regional Cultural Strategy and Economic Strategy and the DCMS. These reports and the recommendations of DTZ were was followed by further policy initiatives: ‘A Cultural Strategy for Wolverhampton 2006-2012’ (2005),

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‘The Quadrant Initiative’ (2007) ‘Wolverhampton Economic Assessment’ (2008) ‘Wolverhampton Economic Development Strategy (2009-2026): A Road Map’ (2008).

As an example of this, an oft-repeated strategy recommendation is an emphasis on the value of cultural quarters. However, the wealth of advice did not necessarily result in action or, where it did, results could prove problematic in the eyes of some analysts. For instance, John McCarthy points out in his analysis of Wolverhampton, Cultural Quarters and Regeneration: The Case of Wolverhampton (2005), there was a lack of a theoretical approach underpinning the creation of such quarters in the city. He suggests that by the time of his analysis, four geographically separate areas had been identified for development attention in Wolverhampton as a result of various reports.

Nonetheless, and in spite of a wealth of analysis and recommendations from reports such as DTZ, McCarthy’s conclusions were not positive. He suggested that by failing to actively involve the local creative industry practitioners and serve the needs of the particular creative industry sector in the city it appears that Wolverhampton policy makers merely aspired to appropriate other city models without reference to vernacular needs, so undermining the successful implementation of the cultural quarters initiative.

An interesting quality of McCarthy’s study is his dialogue with a number of policy administrators in relation to policy statements and their reception in the city. Thus, if there is a precedent for the kinds of research we offer here, it is in that work.

We proceeded then with our research aware of the live issue of academic study and a sense that the attention to this sector has raised many issues and concerns with its scope and value. In essence, we wanted to better understand this apparent lack of activity, to check out if the prognosis made in the reports still resonated. We were also keen to use a research approach within the sector which in itself would be motivating and action orientated.

6_ Creative Metropoles online at http://www. creativemetropoles.eu/ (Accessed 22/11/2010) 7_ Bernard Miège (1989) The Capitalization of Cultural Production (New York: International General) p. 11.

8_ For a discussion see: Australia Council for the Arts (2011) Arts and Creative Industries (available at: http://www.australiacouncil.gov.au/__data/assets/ pdf_file/0005/86180/Arts_and_creative_industries_ FINAL_Feb_2011.pdf).

9_ See, for instance: Chris Smith (1998) Creative Britain (London: Faber and Faber); Graham Drake (2003) ‘”This place gives me space”: place and creativity in the creative industries’, Geoforum, 34:4, pp. 511-524; John Hartley (ed.) (2005) Creative Industries (London: Blackwell); Deborah J. Stevenson; Kieryn McKay and David Rowe (2010) ‘Tracing British cultural policy domains: contexts, collaborations and constituencies’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, 16: 2, pp. 159 -172.

10_ E.g. see: Stuart Cunningham (2002) ‘From cultural to creative industries: Theory, industry, and policy implications’ in Media International Australia Incorporating Culture and Policy: Quarterly Journal of Media Research and Resources, pp. 54-65.

11_ See, for instance: UNESCO Institute of Statistics, Proceedings of the International Symposium on Culture Statistics (Montréal, 21-23 October 2003), (2004) Montréal; UNESCO Institute of Statistics and UNESCO Culture Sector, International Flows of Selected Cultural Goods 1980-98. Executive Summary (2000); UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT (UNCTAD), Proceedings of the Workshop and High Level Panel on Creative Industries (2004) 12_ See: Dave Hesmondhalgh (2002) The Cultural Industries (Thousand Oaks, London: Sage); David Thorsby (2000) Economics and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); Scott Lash and Celia Lury (2007) Global Culture Industry: The Mediation of Things (London: Polity); Paul Long and Tim Wall (2009) Media Studies: Texts, Production and Context (London: Pearson Longman).

13_ A triumvirate of expert reviews has been produced by Creative Partnerships: A. Burn with D. Buckingham, D. (2007). The Rhetorics of Creativity: A Review of the Literature (London: Creative Partnerships); Kate Oakley (2009). Art Works: Cultural Labour Markets: A Literature Review (London: Creative Partnerships); Justin O’Connor (2007). The Cultural and Creative Industries: A Review of the Literature (London: Creative Partnerships).

14_ See: Keith Negus and Mike Pickering, Michael (2004) Creativity, Communication and Cultural Value (London: Sage); Rob Pope (2005) Creativity: Theory, History, Practice (London & New York: Routledge).

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15_ Dave Hesmondhalgh and Sarah Baker (2010) Creative Labour: Media Work in Three Cultural Industries (London: Routledge), p. 3 16_ The negative coinage originates with Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s assessment of what they called the ‘culture industry’.

The singular term is intended to pinpoint the homogeneous nature of the way in which Hollywood or Tin Pan Alley was deemed to work in producing degraded, standardized goods. The original chapter from Dialectic of Enlightenment (1944), can be read here: http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/adorno/1944/cultureindustry.htm 17_ E.g. Department of Culture, Media and Sport (2008) Creative Britain: New Talents for the Economy (London: DCMS).

18_ E.g. Nicholas Garnham (2005) ‘From cultural to creative industries: An analysis of the implications of “creative industries” approach to arts and media policy making in the United Kingdom’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, Vol. 11, No. 1 pp. 15-29; Susan Galloway and Stewart Dunlop, ‘A critique of definitions of the cultural and creative industries in public policy’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 17-31. See also: Daniel Mato (2009) ‘All industries are cultural’, Cultural Studies, 23: 1, pp. 70-87; Toby Miller, (2009) ‘From creative to cultural industries’, Cultural Studies, 23: 1, pp. 88-99.

19_ See James Heartfield (no date) The Creativity Gap (from http:///www.wdis.co.uk/blueprint/broadsides.asp.

20_E.g. Charles Leadbeater (1999) Living on Thin Air: The New Economy (Harmondsworth: Viking); Charles Leadbeater and Kate Oakley (1999) The Independents (London: Demos); Richard Florida (2002) The Rise of the Creative Class (New York: Basic).

21_ See: John Hartley (2009). ‘From the Consciousness Industry to Creative Industries: Consumer-Created Content, Social Network Markets and the Growth of Knowledge’ in J. Holt and A. Perren (eds.) Media Industries: History, Theory and Methods (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell) pp. 231 – 244; Charles Leadbeater & Paul Miller (2004), The Pro-Am Revolution. London: Demos (free to download at: http://www.demos.co.uk/publications/proameconomy/); William Uricchio, (2004). ‘Beyond the Great Divide: Collaborative Networks and the Challenge to Dominant Conceptions of Creative Industries’.

International Journal of Cultural Studies; 7; pp. 79-90.

22_ See: Angela McRobbie (2002) ‘From Holloway to Hollywood: Happiness at Work in the New Cultural Economy’, in P. du Gay and M. Pryke (eds) Cultural Economy (London: Sage), pp.

97–114; Rosalind Gill, R. and Andy Pratt (2008) ‘In the Social Factory? Immaterial Labour, Precariousness and Cultural Work’, Theory, Culture and Society Annual Review 25(7-8) pp. 1-30; Dave Hesmondhalgh and Sarah Baker (2008) ‘Creative Work and Emotional Labour in the Television Industry’, Theory, Culture and Society 25(7-8) pp. 97- 118.

23_ See, for instance: Richard E. Caves, ‘Contracts between Art and Commerce’, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 17, No. 2, (Spring, 2003), pp. 73-84., 24_ E.g. Howard and Richard Scase (2000) Managing Creativity (London: Open University Press); Chris Bilton (2006) Management and Creativity: From Creative Industries to Creative Management (London: John Wiley & Sons).

25_ See: Rachel Granger & Christine Hamilton (2010). ‘Respatializing the creative industries: a relational examination of underground scenes, and professional and organizational lock-in’,

Creative Industries Journal 3 (1) pp. 47-60; Andy Pratt (2004b) ‘The cultural economy, a call for spatialised “production of culture” perspectives’, International Journal of Cultural Studies, 7(1) pp.117-128. Dave Harte (2009) Issues in Developing an AudioVisual Cluster in the West Midlands; Creative Industries Journal, 2:1, pp. 105-112.

26_ Department of Culture, Media and Sport (2006), Evidence and Analysis: Final Report. Creative Economy Programme (London: DCMS), p.56.

27_ Adam Brown, Justin O’Connor and Sara Cohen (2000), ‘Local music policies within a global music industry: cultural quarters in Manchester and Sheffield, Geoforum 31, p. 446.

28_ See for instance: Charles Landry and Franco Bianchini (1995) The Creative City, (London: Demos); T. Bewes, and Gilbert, J. (eds) (2000) The Art of Regeneration: Urban Renewal Through Cultural Activity (London: Demos).

29_ Charles Landry (2006) The Art of City Making (London: Earthscan).

30_ Edward Soja (2004) Postmetropolis (Malden: Blackwell), p.324.

31_ Kevin Lynch, ‘The Immature Arts of City Design’, in Tridib Banerjee and Michael Southworth (eds) (1990) City Sense and City Design: Writings and Projects of Kevin Lynch (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1990) p.502. See also: Kevin Lynch (1959) The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press).

32_ See: David Parker & Paul Long (2004) ‘The Mistakes of the Past’? Visual Narratives of Urban Decline and Regeneration’, Visual Culture in Britain, 5:1, pp. 37-58; ‘Reimagining Birmingham: Public History, Selective Memory and the Narration of Urban Change’, European Journal of Cultural Studies, 6:2, pp. 157-78.

Liam Kennedy (ed.)(2004), Remaking Birmingham: the visual culture of urban regeneration (London: Routledge) 33_ http://www.wolverhampton.gov.uk/community_living/ethnic/ diversity.htm 34_ GHK (2008) Wolverhampton Economic Assessment Study (Birmingham:GHK) pi Executive Summary 35_ GHK (2009) The Wolverhampton Economic Development Strategy (2009-2026): A Road-Map (Birmingham:GHK) pi Executive Summery 36_ West Midlands Regional Observatory 2010: State of the West Midlands. Annual Synthesis Report 2010, p 32, on 14/12/2010 http://www.wmro.org/resources/res.aspx?p=/ CmsResource/resourceFilename/3345/State-of-the-WestMidlands-2010-report.pdf 37_ DTZ (2004): Creative Industries – Assessing the Wolverhampton offer, p. 11 38_ DTZ (2004): Creative Industries – Assessing the Wolverhampton offer, p. 19 39_ DTZ (2004): Creative Industries – Assessing the Wolverhampton offer, p21 40_ John McCarthy (2005) ‘Cultural Quarters and Regeneration: The Case of Wolverhampton’, Planning Practice and Research 20(3), pp. 297-311.

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Presenting draft policy implications at Light House

16

Stop motion animator at work

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3 _ METHODOLOGY Our close reading of the variety of documentation and research outlined in the previous section raised a series of questions. The first of these concerned the basis of our brief and what we felt we could add to existing knowledge about the creative industries in Wolverhampton. Here was a rich seam of material advising on strategies for development and for cultivating the sector while there was also rich data available on employment and economic value compiled by bodies such as the West Midlands Regional Observatory. It seemed fruitless with our limited resources and narrow window to either test or replicate this range and contribution.

Noting from the academic work, as well as some of the absences in the available data and policy from Wolverhampton, that there was a dearth of research on those within the industries, not to mention about policymakers themselves; this was the ‘gap’ in which we sought to pitch our explorations.

What kinds of questions could one ask of potential respondents drawn from these groups? It seemed to us that it would be a presumption to assume that anyone – whether of the industries themselves or amongst the policy makers, would have detailed knowledge (or any knowledge at all) of the reports that we had spent time reading. Why would a ‘test’ of this knowledge be helpful? Instead, the point would be to investigate the specialized knowledge of those in the industries about their situation and the tangible outcome of policy and strategy in Wolverhampton and its impact ‘on the ground’.

While the available datasets might offer some insight, what of the perspectives of the creative workers and even the policymakers themselves?

We decided therefore to design our research to gather qualitative insights based around the rich detail of anecdotal, personal accounts. If we went to question these individuals, we could ask: what exactly is the condition of the creative industries – at all of its poles – in light of this attention? What is the experience of the sector in Wolverhampton from the individual worker’s perspective what does it feel like? Does it seem like there is a creative industries sector? How

‘conscious’ are individual workers of the fact that the creative industries are identified as a coherent sector, an object for attention and support to aid growth? What opportunities exist for collaboration and exchange across in the sector? Furthermore, what does it mean to think of Wolverhampton as a place to live and work in, as a ‘creative city’ its own cultural offer in which those in the industries have an important role to play?

In proceeding, while interviews with individuals alone were an option, the research team decided to organise a series of Focus Groups. This method of investigation describes a small collective discussion that focuses on a particular topic, generating qualitative rather than quantitative data.

Since the 1980s the Focus Group method has moved beyond its market research roots and has been employed across other fields of investigation notably in policy research such as this. The researcher acts as facilitator, guiding participants around the topic and seeking to ensure that the focus is maintained and ensuring that all voices are heard and that the crucial element of interactivity takes place. Fran Tonkiss has suggested of this approach that:

The interactive quality is the key feature of Focus Group research. The unit of analysis is the group, rather than the individuals taking part in the discussion. Focus Groups in this sense are not simply a means of interviewing several people at the same time; rather, they are concerned to explore the formation and negotiation of accounts within a group context, how people define, discuss and contest issues through social interaction.41 The focus of any such group might revolve around a fixed set of questions, a broad set of topics, involving active exercises and sometimes cues taken from materials presented to the group such as video, cuttings and so on.

For our groups, we sought individuals from the creative industries and those who we defined as

18 Date

Description of participants

Total invites sent

Number of Attendees

23/03/2010

Strong sub-sectors: music, fine arts, digital media

27

6

29/03/2010

Declining sub-sectors: performance and crafts

30

2+

15/04/2010

Council, University, Committees, agencies

30

15

15/04/2010

Council, University, Committees, agencies

21/04/2010

Various sub-sectors: Digital media, social media, performance, education

13

8

100

31

Total

Fig 1: Focus Group participation

+

This is a particularly low number compared to other groups and a poor ratio in relationship to numbers invited.

Nonetheless, rather than abandon the group due to low turnout in this instance we decided to pursue the discussion as participants had a wealth of experience and their insights were pithy articulations according with those made elsewhere.

policymakers. The former group were identified as those working in any of the types of creative labour defined by DCMS categories, inclusive of those who worked in the ‘subsidised’ cultural sector amongst Wolverhampton’s galleries, theatrical organisations and so on. Policymakers were those drawn from local agencies charged with overseeing economic development - whether directly or indirectly concerned with creative industries. Individuals in this group were drawn from organisations such as the city council, university and local colleges, agencies with a breadth of engagement with the sector.

The selection of individuals with a relationship to the topics under discussion as in this case is known as purposive sampling. In this way, the strength of the method emerges which is that it draws upon the definitions and understanding of participants themselves, directed by their expertise and agendas. Of course, the focus in each case is determined by the research team and in particular the work of the moderator. However, and while not wishing to suggest that this was not a factor, however slight, interventions and framing prompts were very light touch. We relied as much as possible on the interactions of the groups and their leads.

Who then, were the participants and why should they be heard and not others in the sector? We reached our participants thanks to the broad database of contacts maintained by Light House.

Our aim was to reach a selection of those strong

and weak sectors identified by DTZ in its report.

Light House is well connected with local industry and different policy makers and institutions.

A first round of invitations was made on the basis of databases available, which provided general information about businesses and organisations of relevant sectors. A second round followed this up where selected candidates for the study groups were approached directly via phone and email.

While 100 or more individuals were invited to take part, the sample of those who did participate was self-selecting on the basis of individual availability, interest and ‘recognition’. The last idea relates to the extent to which individuals comprehended the terms upon which we sought to enlist them and whether or not they felt qualified to contribute.

Across the groups, there was a wealth of experience and insight: there were ‘old hands’ and some new to their work and indeed to the area of Wolverhampton itself. The narratives of many of the creative workers spoke of the kind of ‘portfolio careers’ typical of this area: experience in one form of education or work and then movement into different zone, speaking to contemporary ‘precariousness’ in practical terms.

Five Focus Groups were organised as set out in figure 1.

In each instance, the Focus Group was assembled and the broad background to the project introduced.

Harding and Lakeberg outlined the work of Creative Metropoles followed by Collins who presented a brief narrative of the range of reports

19 Date

Event

Participants

Number of Participants

20/07/2010

Black Country Social Media Café

Practitioners from the social and digital media sectors in Wolverhampton and the Black Country Participants of the Focus Group discussions

ca. 20

21/10/2010

Creative Metropoles study visit to Birmingham and Wolverhampton

Policy maker and stakeholder from the partner cities of Amsterdam, Oslo, Vilnius and Riga as well as from Wolverhampton

ca. 40

10 & 11/03/2011

Creative Metropoles partner meeting and dissemination event

Policy maker and practitioners from the Creative Metropoles network, representatives from the EU

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Fig 2: Initial dissemination of preliminary findings

produced in Wolverhampton. As mentioned, these were not presented as a prompt for discussion in themselves as it would not have been possible to expect participants, of whatever background, to be familiar with them in detail. Nor was the purpose to link in policy and situation in any instrumental fashion (X or Y was noted in DTZ and led to, or did not lead to outcome Z). After these introductions, the Focus Group discussion was led by Long with supporting interventions from the rest of the team. The nature of the Focus Group method and context was outlined in each case and the broad topics for discussion introduced and reiterated throughout.

In commencing, participants were asked to introduce themselves, outlining their particular area of activity and giving a sense of their ‘Wolverhampton narrative’, i.e. whether or not they lived in the City, how long they had worked there etc. In each case we sought to Focus Group discussion around the same set of topics and organizational structure. As suggested above, and prompted by the literature we sought to address three related areas that we unpack in more detail in the next section, although these can be listed here under these inter-related topic areas:

recognized and prompt detailed reflection. To some extent, under moderator guidance, this would also allow for digressions and the pursuit of related topics identified by the groups themselves.

There are some drawbacks with this method although space precludes a developed discussion here (this will be picked up in other outputs and an extended version of this report online). The main point is that the Focus Group approach produces qualitative accounts that may prove rich in detail and individual insight yet may also appear to be idiosyncratic, presenting potential problems of extrapolation to any general application or conclusion about the object of discussion.

The image of the City of Wolverhampton

Certainly, there were a range of contradictions in contributions and, when pressed, contributors sometimes expressed vagueness or a lack of substantial experience or evidence given supporting statements. Similarly, there is an aspect of the Focus Group in which participants may offer statements that to some – participants themselves, readers, researchers etc may appear to be banal or even ‘obvious’ commentary on the subject under discussion. However, the obviousness or otherwise of any object of discussion is a relative matter; for instance, as we discuss below, the very concept of ‘creative industries’ is not necessarily recognised or owned as a concept by those in the businesses that it labels.

The intention, as the method encourages, was to generate discussion amongst this community of interest, that comments and experience would be

What was interesting for us was the manner in which the Focus Groups echoed each other in terms of the thrust of observation and narratives

Perception of the creative industries sector in Wolverhampton Networks and networking for creative industries

20

about the nature of the focal points used to prompt discussion. Each group was lively and many impassioned in their viewpoints. The value of giving space for the articulation of accounts of experience and opinion in the creative industries was immediately recognized by the participants themselves as something that they rarely had an opportunity to do in the company of their peers (see the discussion on ‘networks’).

We quote extensively from participants throughout the sections that follow in order to illustrate some of the key points made by individuals but which often drew approval from others and were so identified as group concerns. Unfortunately, one of the nuances necessarily missing from the presentation of data and its interpretation is the range of reiteration and qualifiers – many nonverbal - that signal recognition and agreement on points. This is not to say that there was not a variety of opinion on occasion and we have also sought to tease this out too where appropriate.

Each of the groups was recorded and transcribed.

Given the sometime individual and personal nature of the insights and quality of comments on experience and institutions, we have chosen to present direct

STARTING POINT

Wealth of existing reports & strategies Literature creative city districts and networks

3 Focus Groups with CI practitioners 2 Focus Groups with policy makers

PRIMARY RESEARCH

Fig 3: Process of the research and dissemination

quotations in anonymous form. Thus, these are ascribed in the following manner: FEM PM 15/4, i.e.: Female Participant, Policymaker, 15th April session. Given this anonymity we have also sought to present a broad variety of voices to give a sense of the texture of discussion. Where appropriate we have kept the grammar although we have taken the liberty of ‘correcting’ this for the benefit of clarity of point that was clearer in the aural context than in print.

At the time of writing, we have presented précis of this research on several occasions in Wolverhampton, itemized in figure 2. Feedback has been positive and no one has of yet sought to suggest that this research does not in some way present an authentic insight into the experience of the creative sector in Wolverhampton. The official consultation process completed with the presentation of the final results at the Creative Metropoles event in Helsinki in March 2011.

41_ Fran Tonkiss ‘Using Focus Groups’ in Clive Seale (ed.) (2004) Researching Society and Culture (2nd Edition) (London: Sage), p. 192

DISCUSSION

Black Country Social Media Cafe July 2010 Study visit CM Partners October 2010

WH Innovation sub group & Economic Partnership CM event Helsinki March 2011

DISSEMINATION

21

Fig 4: A ‘wordcloud’ sampling the frequency of words and terms in the ‘findings’ section of this report.

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4 _ FINDINGS & ANALYSIS 4.1

_ CREATIVE INDUSTRIES

IN WOLVERHAMPTON Identification of creative industries The initial stage of the research process was designed to explore the creative economy in Wolverhampton, exploring how those it encompassed understood its nature and scope.

Questions we asked included: what does it mean to be a part of the creative industries in Wolverhampton? What are the characteristics of the sector in the city? What challenges does the sector face? Knowing of the wealth of policy and strategy we identified in our desk research that directly or indirectly touched upon the creative economy, what exactly is the nature of support for the sector?

In light of the amplified attention to and discussion of creative industries that we have suggested has been a characteristic of public discourse in the last decade or so, one might assume that there is widespread familiarity with its terms and the particular opportunities and demands of this sector for those who fall within its auspices. By the same degree, given that our respondents were all based in and around the creative/cultural sector in Wolverhampton, it might be a reasonable expectation that each has some acquaintance with the character of the sector in the city, its various supporting agencies and advocates – i.e. the University, City Council, RDA and so on.

In fact, our discussions suggested that the repertoire of knowledge and understanding of this sector is very unevenly distributed. Certainly, not every participant was aware of the label ‘creative industries’ itself, or certain of his or her place within its broad catchment. As one individual reflected on her invitation and position in the sessions: ‘when I had the letter […] I thought does this include us or not? Are we part of the creative industries or not?’ (FEM PM 15/4)

In their discussion, policymakers demonstrated an ease and familiarity with the issues and ideas of the creative industries when compared to those in the industries although there was still evidence of uncertainty about the provenance of the label: ‘there’s often a problem definition about what the creative industries are. My impression is it seems to focus on film, animation – those sorts of areas – as opposed to, for instance, theatre and performing arts.’ (FEM PM 15/4) This was a thread that picked up issues familiar from broader discussions of creative industries, rehearsing the established distinction between commercial enterprises and those subsidized cultural activities – often referred to by our groups as the ‘creative core’ or ‘cultural offer’: … the government came up with the concept of creative economy so that you have the creative and the cultural core which is about creativity anyway. And then you have – on the outer ring – the creative industries which are able to make a business basically out of creativity and be able to commercialize and exploit their intellectual property […] In terms of creative economy, you tend to say the whole thing. But there is a tendency, certainly when you’re talking about creative industries, it is those that have the ability to exploit their intellectual property. (FEM PM 15/4) While much discussion of the dimensions of the sector involved this process of distinguishing between the subsidized ‘cultural offer’ and more concerted commercial activity, there was a keen sense of the interaction between both in economic terms: ‘usually when you have a thriving creative industry sector and a good cultural offer, that’s usually where you start to get a take-off in terms of the whole economy.’ (FEM PM 15/4) Similarly, the ‘cultural core’ potentially added value to Wolverhampton, as demonstrated by more renowned locations: ‘I think there are two quite distinct industries; there’s the cultural and then there is the economic side. They can bounce off each other and I think you find the

23

successful economic areas, like San Francisco, places like that, are very successful culturally as well. ‘(MALE PM 15/4) This is an abiding argument that we shall return to in the final section in which we discuss Wolverhampton in terms of its image and as a site for the ‘creative class’.

An important aspect in this discussion of definitions of the sector was the occasional reflection on the specificity of creative work. While there are generic issues for any kinds of business within the broader attention to the economy, ‘creatives’ certainly feel that there are aspects of what they do which are certainly unrecognized and misunderstood by policymakers and others. As one contributor reflected: ‘It may sound ridiculous but I’m not sure people like the council actually again really understand the beasts that they are dealing with.’ (FEM CW 29/3) As we indicate in our section of current threads in the literature, the nature of creative work itself, of managing and developing skills for instance, is an area that has been remarkably under-scrutinized. The sense that creative workers have of themselves and their relationships with policymakers and indeed other types of business, of how they are viewed as businesses, present a series of challenges: I think it’s really important if we’re trying to get the creative and media sectors to actually form bridges with other kinds of businesses so that they can grow their business […] People are quite frightened of creative people often in business. They don’t quite understand the creatives. They’re all a bit wacky or whatever.

So I think we need those sorts of environments as well as you know the mainly the more get your hands dirty type environments.

(Fem PM 15/4)

Assessment of creative industries In assessing the situation of creative work in Wolverhampton, policymakers were often, although by no means uniformly, optimistic and generous in their appraisals of its dimensions and value. In contrast, for many individual workers – in viewing this area from ‘the ground-up’, the perception was almost wholly critical. Sometimes the assessment was rather devastating, as one worker lamented: ‘I don’t see any creative sector in Wolverhampton. I have a lot of contacts but truthfully practically none of them are in Wolverhampton.’ (FEM CW 29/3) Such comments were rhetorical perhaps as discussion in response to questioning and discussion of such comments and went on to reveal that there was indeed activity of note although there was a recurring sense of negativity.

Often, an assertion of personal achievement was contrasted against unevenness success across the field: ‘I’m doing well, from what I can tell, talking to other people. I know other that have had larger businesses than mine that seem to be in a few tiers above me in terms of turnover who are really suffering.’ (MALE CW 23/3) Another assessment of the sector offered in the same group was that: ‘they just about get by.’ (MALE CW 23/3) Such insights added up to a position shared by a majority of respondents involved the creative industries in Wolverhampton: for them, the sector lacks significance in terms of its economic weight and distinctive achievements.

One prompt for questions in this initial area of discussion was premised on the idea that for those working ‘within’ the various industries, whatever the specific area in which they are expert, they might need some reference point for recognising when policy makers and those institutions that aim to impact upon the sector speak to them.

In addition, there is perhaps, a related need to consider the extent to which this group of workers is able to present a coherent articulation of shared

24

needs as necessary in response to the attention, or lack of it, from policymakers. It is suggestive then that a typical characterisation of the creative sector described it as ‘very disparate. It’s isolating, hidden.’ (FEM CW 23/3) The worker who gave this description was asked to elaborate on her sense of isolation and explained that while there were clearly things happening it was a disconnected and alienating situation: ‘I do feel very much on the outside of things’. (FEM CW 23/3) This sense of an isolation and disconnection in relation to an identifiable ‘sector’ was reiterated several times elsewhere. One worker told us that although she’d only been in the sector for about three years: ‘I am doing (touch wood) very nice thank you but it is not because of any help I am getting from the creative sector of Wolverhampton. (FEM CW 29/3)

Supporting creative industries Inasmuch as a significant creative economy was acknowledged to exist at all, discussion raised issues concerning attempts to nurture firms and individual success and to sustain growth of the sector. While we should not downplay the positive insights and feelings of participants, here again some confusion as well as deep frustration was expressed that were directed at those agencies tasked with the overview of the sector. As we have discovered through experience and in initial research into the creative sector in Birmingham confusion was expressed about the amount and nature of agency support available (a point not unrelated to confusion about the domain of creative industries). Sometimes, this was manifest in frustration at the time and effort involved in making sense of the agencies themselves: One contributor who transferred his business from traditional manufacturing to the creative sector commented in this respect that in his experience of seeking aid (and in being targeted): ‘there were so many agencies […] that it was absolutely confusing […] And I spoke to any number of agencies from Birmingham, Wolverhampton,

anything else. All of whom were doing all this but not quite the same thing.’(MALE CW 23/3) In this case, it was suggested that bodies tasked with support acted to justify their own existence rather than out of a sincere purpose: ‘It was just this sort of strange world of people who wanted you on their books so that they could say they’d supported your creation, rather than any actual sense of there being a point for us.’(MALE CW 23/3) Other contributors concurred with this opinion, suggesting that: it just seemed that we were all being used in order to support a strata of business advisers and administrators. (MALE CW 23/3) Furthermore, as another suggested, with an apparent focus on numbers there was a lack of strategy for sustainability: the problem lies in the fact that the funding mostly goes towards supporting start-ups rather than creativity. It would be interesting to see what the churn rate is for how many companies are being creative and then collapse. Simply because that’s where the funding goes; it’s about creating companies rather than supporting successful creativity.

(MALE CW 23/3) A significant and established focal point for strategic support for the creative economy in Wolverhampton is at the University’s SP/ ARK initiative. This is advertised as ‘the West Midlands most prestigious business incubation unit dedicated to supporting creative businesses’.

Set up in 2004, SP/ARK is part funded by the European Regional Development Fund and Advantage West Midlands to retain creative talent and nurture entrepreneurial spirit in the region.

SP/ARK offers ‘affordable’ furnished workspace, use of ‘creative software’ as well as bespoke training, ‘on-site business development support and mentoring [….] access to networking opportunities and events’.42 As a site for creative businesses, it houses graphic designers, photographers, web designers, software developers, music producers, animators and

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videographers. So far, more than ninety freelancers and new businesses in the West Midlands region have benefited from this opportunity. Many of these have gone on to establish successful and sustainable businesses that remain located at the same site.

Assessments of SP/ARK were ambivalent in total. One contributor singled out this site and its incubation activities out for praise for instance: ‘You know the incubation suite at Spark, at Wolverhampton Science Park […] it’s invaluable. We wouldn’t have been able to set up without that support.’ (FEM CW 21/4) Others however had less positive things to say about the University and SP/ARK in particular for what it meant for the creative economy as a whole: ‘they tried to develop the creative industry sector. But you know no disrespect to the university it was all a little bit half hearted and a little bit sort of “this is our creative industry sector” […] They tried to develop it just at the Science Park and there didn’t seem to be much sense of rooting out and engaging with other people as well.’ (MALE PM 15/4) This kind of comment of course may be simply an expression of the individual experience although the sense of isolation and exclusiveness summarized in the first section of these findings was reiterated and sometimes endorsed by more than one contributor ‘we tried to engage with the Science Park in the creative industries sector and it was very much you kept it to yourselves.’ (FEM PM 15/4) An issue that emerged in all Focus Group discussion concerned the relationship of Wolverhampton with Birmingham. On one hand, the ‘second city’ represents a site that has been successful in the attempts of its agents to regenerate the city economy, especially in the way in which the creative sector and ‘cultural core’ appears to have been attended to: ‘there is a lot more going on […] it has got Symphony Hall and Town Hall. There is a lot going on there.

There are also these organizations; there is the Custard Factory which is a busy hub. There

is also another one in the Big Peg as well in the Jewellery Quarter; there is the Jewellery Innovation Centre as well.’ (FEM CW 29/3) Certainly, in the narratives of some workers and policymakers, success in Birmingham represented a model for developing the creative sector with well-established structures of support: at a certain point that we were going to be practically as good as Birmingham in regard to that sort of sector as well. I think we kind of aimed for it, and it kind of fizzled somehow, I don’t know what happened with that […] everyone was quite keen. And I’m sure when we started our business it was kind of almost at the height where there were lots of support mechanisms. (MALE CW 21/4) Likewise Birmingham’s firms appear to have gravitational pull on all aspects of business as well as the sector in focus: ‘there’s very little demand for creative services from Wolverhampton. We are in the shadow of Birmingham […] we seem to lose out to Birmingham.’ (FEM CW 21/4) One way of interpreting the terms of this thread of discussion across groups is in terms of what the research team identified as a repeated expression of ‘learned helplessness’. This idea describes our assessment of businesses that had benefited from the attention of policymakers through direct support in starting up and who were sustained initially by small contracts from the same agencies (at least in some of the narratives presented to us).

In turn, these businesses, expressed disappointment when that relationship was not sustained. This is not unsurprising perhaps but of interest to us was the way in which this attitude manoeuvred from an observation of the plain of competition to expressions of expectations of how the local economy should be managed to their benefit: …we have been supported and raised to an independent state. And then when we tender for work that would sustain our company we’re losing work. And it’s actually from the

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organizations that have supported us and built us up. We’re losing out on tenders from these organizations. (FEM CW 21/4) It is not uncommon in any locale to encounter a degree of local chauvinism regarding discussion of how local agencies outsource work – i.e., that it is axiomatic that local firms should be primary beneficiaries of available contracts. Nonetheless, such expectations or a sense of entitlement are likely to be upset if firms or freelancers are uncompetitive on the terms they offer in the quality and professionalism of their work. This is not to suggest that workers in Wolverhampton’s industries are in anyway unprofessional or that their work is not of the highest quality, but to suggest that any principle of preferment is surely to be set by the contractor formally and not determined by a vague expectation or sense of entitlement.

Whether it our characterization of ‘learned helplessness’ is of help here, implications that agencies should ‘manage’ the economy in particular ways was a repeated theme and one that came up in discussion of the role Wolverhampton University. Established creative workers were full of praise for the calibre of University graduates, and some were mindful of the need to replenish and invigorate the industries with new talent ‘the university actually churns out quite a few really good graduates. You know, I mean, I make a point of going to the end-of-year exhibition each year, and while the fine arts might be a little bit over par at times, the sort of applied arts are very, very high.’ (MALE CW 23/10) Nonetheless, such individuals expressed reservations about the challenge presented by the annual influx of competition. One narrative thread outlined that way in which graduates were encouraged to enter the market. As is increasingly the case, out of necessity and prompted by the development of an entrepreneurial agenda in arts courses graduates establish their own identities as freelancers or establish new SMEs. In recent years, graduates have taken advantage of some favourable terms available to them in business

start-ups, some of which are provided by the university itself. As the School of Art website announces:

The idea of working for themselves is appealing to many creative students. Wolverhampton coordinates and runs the SPEED (Student Placements for Entrepreneurs in Education) programme and students from Art and Design are particularly successful. Many new creative businesses have begun from this programme and 43 are currently growing in the commercial world.

One repeated perception of such students amongst established workers was new graduates managed to exist with low-overheads and served to undercut existing rates of pay and contracts, thus ‘unbalancing’ a delicate local market.

Given that some of this work was understood to be contracted by the University itself, for our respondents this presented a vicious circle affecting growth and sustainability: So, you get all these guys trying to start up and they get all their first year help; they get all the European money concentrated on supporting them for the first year, so they’re funded, they’ve obviously got low personal overheads and they’re desperate for the work so they quietly said they’d pull the price down because there’s a glut of them.

While the realities of this situation might merit further quantitative exploration, we should not forget however that there are plenty more graduates - from this and from other universities - in apparently unrelated courses who will find their way into the sector, driven by a creative or entrepreneurial bent. Surveys suggest that 91% of the University’s graduates in 2008 for instance found jobs (or pursued further training).44 Nonetheless, reservations about this situation and the realities of the creative economy – in the City and further abroad are worth considering.

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A recurring critique presented in discussion was that there simply was not enough work available: ‘One of the problems is that after leaving University, the majority of people who I was at University with are not in the creative sector because there aren’t any jobs and they don’t have any opportunities.’ (FEM CW 29/3).

One assessment of the relationship of available expertise and work was narrated through an analysis of University’s role in response to New Labour policy for both increased access to education and support for the creative industries: I think that the sexy courses that the university unashamedly pushed around media, around new technology, around games technology, around performing arts […] did foster aspirations that perhaps there simply isn’t the demand to meet. And you know it’s double edged because a lot of that was about making those opportunities accessible which the university has a fantastic track record for.

But it’s also about then saying if you have a huge number of students, which we do have.

Over 60% of the students come from the immediate catchment area who then don’t have the mobility or independent or the financial acumen to do what you did and charge off to London and find the streets aren’t paved with gold and whatever else. Then you do end up with a lot of frustrated wannabes. (MALE CW 21/4).

One rejoinder to these analyses comes in one acceptance of the nature of the market rather than complaints about its management: Competition is what is needed. From my perspective, competition is very, very healthy, very good; the more competition out there, the better things become. […] I’ve heard people say, “Well, I don’t like that,” initially of being set up down here because it’s in competition, but to me, that competition is what is needed (FEM CW 23/3).

Indeed, the sense of expectation amongst some companies who had benefitted from start-up support was identified in discussion amongst our policymakers. While praising the opportunities offered by the Science Park, one noted that in a meeting with some of the newly established businesses ‘they were saying that they were really unhappy that they didn’t get more work.

And I’m thinking, well, you need to get out there, but they were saying they don’t even get work from their own people, like the university.

So, they were kind of self-perpetuating a bit of doom and gloom’ (MALE PM 15/4). This point was developed in another’s comment, noting that: ‘quite a few very naïve businesses come through who expect business to be delivered on a plate, and do not realize that creative industry is like any other industry. You get there through sheer hard work and getting out on the street and marketing yourself. And those that listen survive, and those that don’t fall by the wayside unfortunately.’ (MALE PM 15/4) While we have suggested that the observations and assessments of the creative economy by policy makers were, on the whole positive, amongst them were voices that endorsed the kinds of negative views and confusion heard elsewhere. One provocative thread of discussion began with a contributor challenging the positive accounts and laying blame for problems at the door of the council: ‘I’m going to be quite controversial and say I actually don’t believe that the City council does particularly engage with the creative industries.’ This individual suggested of the council that ‘it’s been unaware of the […] number of practitioners there are and the wealth creation that can be developed through the creative industries.’(FEM PM 15/4).

In this instance, this self-conscious controversial intervention was then endorsed by others and the blame extended and explained: ‘It might be controversial but I think it’s true. I don’t think it’s just the Council.’ (MALE PM 15/4).

Another in this group added insight from her

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efforts to engage with creative industries that that amongst the ‘major players’ in the city who might be able to nurture the sector ‘no-one takes it seriously. People will come to meetings and then not come for a few months’. This commentator was one of the few who referred to the details of the various policies for action we had mentioned in our introduction to the research, commenting that ‘We have tried to actually put some of the suggestions (from DTZ etc) into place but actually don’t get any backup from major organizations within the City.’ (FEM PW 15/4) In concluding this section, it is worth reproducing one contribution to this thread of discussion at length. This participant affirmed the potential of the sector and assessed it in realistic terms when compared to the fortunes of more traditional economic activities in Wolverhampton: I think it’s clearly valuable. I don’t think you’ve got a creative industry sector to be very honest because by its very nature and particularly its growth here […] is still relatively in its infancy compared to some other places. It doesn’t have the profile. It doesn’t have the clout. It doesn’t have that single element that enables you to say it’s a sector. It is a sector because obviously there are a lot of people there doing a lot of good work. But it’s not an organised sector in that sense. […]

And when we talk about what the creative industries have done they’ve actually been a relative success in what has been if we’re talking frankly a sea of failure for many years.

So whilst we may be a bit more doom laden about the creative industries if we actually really compare it with some of the other sectors that Wolverhampton’s predominately been based upon it’s actually been quite successful.

(MALE PW 15/14)

42_ http://www.sparkspace.co.uk (accessed 1/2/10) 43_ http://www.wlv.ac.uk/Default.aspx?page=18963 (Accessed 5/2/10) 44_ According to ‘Destinations of Leavers From Higher Education (DHLE) Survey’; “HESA”. HESA. (Retrieved 2010-02-10); “Employability”. The University of Wolverhampton. (Retrieved 2010-02-10)

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Photography exhibition private view of Roma Beyond Borders by Nigel Dickinson

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4.2

_ NETWORKS

Identifying networks Some of the issues raised in discussions summarized in the previous section were developed further through a consideration of the nature of networking in Wolverhampton. This topic concerns the formal and informal opportunities for interaction between creative businesses, other forms of business and with policymakers. Networking is sometimes taken to be one of those ‘commonsense’ adjuncts to the effective management of a business, yet there is nothing necessary or guaranteed about this activity.

Communication and interaction between companies (or individual freelancers, SMEs, agencies) is not necessarily conducted in any obvious or transparent manner. In fact, seen from within some companies, it may often appear wise to keep connections with competitors to a minimum in order to maintain competitive advantage, especially in a time of shrinking economy. Likewise, for some it may not be apparent as to why one should speak to another in the same sector beyond a simple human need for socializing and contact, which may or may not involve discussion of work. This seems to be an obvious challenge for anyone who considers themselves to be encompassed by the label ‘creative industries’ which, under DCMS terms, describes such a disparity of activity from filmmaking to fashion to architecture.

There could be said to be a range of activities characterized by networks which are economic in nature.45 The CCI’s operate transactionally in networked relationships so it is important to understand this dynamic in Wolverhampton.

Networks are also a means to exchange information and ideas both for economic benefits and to foster social wellbeing, often characterized in theories of social capital.46 What then is the role and reality of networking in Wolverhampton? In order to explore this issue, Focus Group exchange was prompted

by questions about the meaning and value of networking: what kinds of networks exist or have existed in the past? How are they organised – are they formal or informal? Where and when do they take place and who participates? What is the value for them (if any) of networking activity?

Participants recognised the inescapable and indispensible nature of this activity for their work, whether one wished to partake or not: ‘I don’t particularly like networking […] but it’s something you have to do.’ (FEM CW 23/3) At base having networks meant one had people to talk to who shared similar experiences in work and who faced similar challenges. Indeed, while it took effort for some, ‘not necessarily for any advantage except a creative advantage of actually being able to expand ideas. Networking is really important […] to find out what is happening and what other people are doing’.

Yet this analysis was also mindful of how this process led to much more: ‘because the more you network and the more you get known, the more opportunities open up for you. So there are different types of networking and they are all important.’(FEM CW 29/3) The various ways in which networks operate was elaborated in this account which linked sociability and collaborative outcomes in work as well as visualizing how it might be formalized as ‘Kind of mutuality where people give each other advice, and […] you’re able to address larger contracts than you would otherwise because you can do it as a group and you know and trust the people around you.’(MALE CW 23/3).

One aspect of networking for those at the start of their professional careers is that they can compensate for the step-up from training or education into work. In this process, individuals move from a position where creativity can be pursued for its own sake – in a supportive and structured environment, into a milieu wherein there are stricter demands and direction: ‘one of the problems when you leave University is that you have been working in this kind of hotbed

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of creativity, bouncing ideas off each other and looking at other people’s work, and of course when you leave and you are suddenly by yourself you don’t have that network of people to bounce ideas off.’ (FEM CW 29/3).

And of course, this activity has a role in supporting the value of the sector, a lesson learned from elsewhere: ‘I keep going back to Birmingham – you can use it as a sort of template, you can see that it’s sort of building something up quite nicely from inwardly and promote themselves.

And initially it was […] a lot of back slapping, sort of like “aren’t we brilliant”. But I think that’s kind of what you need really.’ (MALE CW 21/4).

However, the acknowledged virtue of networks was countered by the sense of fragmentation and isolation that many felt characterised the creative sector in the city. A typical statement was that ‘My networks are everywhere.’ (FEM CW 23/ 3) and a typically qualifier ‘I don’t have many networks in Wolverhampton.’ (FEM CW 23/3) Clearly, this situation was reinforced by the perceived lack of networking opportunities, formal or otherwise. There was a widespread complaint that professional networks, formalised and supported or more informally constituted have been hard to pinpoint in Wolverhampton: ‘I have to be truthful, and I have been here for a very long time, I actually don’t know, and it may be my fault but I am not sure that it necessarily is because actually I look all the time for opportunities, I don’t actually know any specific creative industry network.’ (FEM CW 29/3).

Again, the reference point for a version of success was located elsewhere: ‘I don’t really have that many networks in Wolverhampton because I haven’t been able to find them so I’ve gone to Birmingham –because all the networks are over there.’ (FEM CW 23/3) As the individual who was cautious about the self-celebration of back-slapping networks regretfully noted of the contrasting situation in Wolverhampton: ‘I think from our point of view we were getting the opposite.’ (MAL CW 21/4)

It should be said however, that this situation may be a result of sometimes unwieldy and confusing label of the creative industries itself as a means of yoking together such variety: […] There are a lot of practitioners in various disciplines out there but they tend to be in their own disparate little groups. There’s not a very good network […] The creative industries here have no focus point.’ (FEM PM 15/4) Evaluating network initiatives Discussion evinced a collective desire amongst participants for some kind of Formal or informal support for creative industries networks ‘it would be really cool if there was a physical space somewhere where everybody that is involved in the creative industries […] or even on the edge of it could go, maybe leave their card in a little stand or something, have a coffee, read some trade journals. Just an informal space I think that became known throughout the town.’ (MALE CW 23/3) Nonetheless, in the narratives participants presented there was acknowledgement of a variety of initiatives that had been launched in the past that had achieved varying degrees of success and sustainability.

For instance, a regular event described as ‘The out of hours’ ran at Light House: ‘That ran for a couple of years, didn’t it? And that was really good because that was an informal, once a month get together of various people from the various types of creative industries, and there was a different topic each month.’ (MALE CW 23/3). In addition, group members recalled that ‘there was Wolverhampton University Creative Industries Forum, and then there was a – I think it was a Wolverhampton Creative Industries Forum. Then there was – I can’t remember the name of the two other ones, but I’ll remember looking through again, that four. […] They were regular meetings of professionals involved in the support of creative industries.’(MALE CW 23/3)

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There were some positive reflections on the role that SP/ARK played as a location that nurtured and brought creative workers together as a result of its physical organisation. That said, in the sometimes ambivalent comments about this site, it was felt that this had happened largely by chance. Certainly, at least for the participants who were from the industries, any value that SP/ARK had presented had happened in the past. One worker recalled the lure of SP/ARK, that it was promoted as place that was sold on the basis that not only would clients be able to find suppliers more easily ‘When we moved to Wolverhampton science park and creative industry centres we are told that we are most lucky people in the world. (Laughter) [….] Because we used to work from home and it was absolutely impossible to catch customers or something.’

For him, there seemed to be no organized thinking about the proximity of businesses and the advantages to be gained from this: ‘To be honest, we’ve got no idea about different companies, what they’re doing really. What we know, we just know some neighbours on the doors, some names maybe if you’re lucky enough and your office is on the end of a corridor so you know more names than somebody who [is outside of SP/ARK].’ (MALE CW 23/3) Another agreed with this assessment, recalling that ‘when I went there in 2007, it was incredibly open. It was literally just walk in, walk out doors; have coffee here and there. And you would interrelate, so you know, web design was done by some people down the corridor […] I did stuff for other people, and that’s at a level of just mix-andmatch relationships.’ (MALE CW 23/3) However, these participants were rather scathing of SP/ARK as a site and had been disappointed with it as a hub for activity where an initial promise had not delivered. This was a perception shared by others although whether problems could be laid at the door of a place rather than the motivations of a creative industry community itself was another matter. As another commented on the points made

above about the SP/ARK experience: that’s an awful […] because I remember hearing about how fantastic it was and, you know, all this energy going on inside there. It just sounded really, really good. It’s a shame that that’s kind of died off, but I think it’s a mindset and not a geographical thing, because I’m sat in the middle of town and I feel exactly the same. (FEM CW 23/10).

As in most other topics, an aspect of the discussion of networking was a repeated reference to the merits of Birmingham. The gravitational pull of Wolverhampton’s neighbour was considerable and certainly for those who expressed the opinion that networks were limited in the City, events in Birmingham were used as a benchmark for what kind of things individuals considered could and should be done. Certainly, many were familiar with events established in and around sites like the Custard Factory and the online focus of ‘Created in Birmingham’, ‘Birmingham Social Media Café’, or blogs such as ‘Birmingham it’s Not Shit’. 47 While informal or semi-formal networks may originate organically in cafes or pubs – particularly in and around music venues for instance for those in related businesses, increasingly, they may develop in the virtual world. For instance, the advent of social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have been taken up with enthusiasm by those in the creative sector, although not by any means uniformly. Reasons for this take-up lie in the technology and its association with the new (‘cutting-edge’) and, accurately or not, with the youthfulness and energy associated with creative industry practice. Pragmatically, such platforms have also prompted explorations in promotional activities and offer connectivity with community for those whose work is increasingly centered upon ICT and the Internet, often conducted in the isolation of freelance work or relative isolation within SME environment.

In the absence of much else, the online world has

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enabled individuals to make virtual contacts and to identify and interact with others directly in their sector with relevant skills and ideas: ‘through social networking we created our business relationships. And there’s opportunity there now through using the social media to network […] because there’s a big cross over for using social media between your personal and your work life.’(FEM CW 21/4) This method is also economical: ‘we’re trying to find out the cheapest way to networking. And for us the most important is just the internet. Like MySpace, Facebook, all this things. It’s a really worth it to go with this. (MALE CW 23/3).

Ultimately, faced with the absence of any physical touchstones, this avenue for networking offers the means of plugging a gap and offering some aspects of the kinds of networking that so many suggested were missing in Wolverhampton:‘It’s not formal, it’s a creative community. It’s definitely a creative community.’(MAL CW 21/4) Creative Wolverhampton was one significant initiative focussed on the online world that merited some detailed reflection form its creators and others who had engaged with it. This was conceived as a portal through which the creative industries in the city were to be connected and through which contacts might have been forged.

This outline gives some sense of the planned scope of the venture and the pragmatic detail of how such a venture can work to pull people and companies together through basic communication strategies: There was going to be an events calendar. There was going to be a directory of creatives within the city. A list of resources and support networks for creatives. But it was also going to showcase creatives to organizations that would make use of those services.

And I think just the act of bringing it all together and having all these creative industries showcased in one place was just a demonstration of the breadth and the standard of work that’s out there. You know the standard we’re working at and bringing it all together in itself. It could

have been quite great. (FEM CW 21/4).

Ultimately, the aim of this venture was: ‘Just sort of say we’re here. You know, there’s a few of us here that sort of… I think with creative industries or some… I suppose it’s only really say smaller companies. They’re not very good at self promoting […] there is a sector here that wants to promote themselves, it’s just a way you promote yourself.’ (MAL CW 21/4) Networking and engagement between the disparate creative industries was recognized by all as something that could result in an organized and amplified voice that would give direction to policymakers from creative industries about how to deal with the sector which, if is to be considered as such, was in need of more investigation. As one worker observed: ‘the problem again with creative companies is they are individuals with high specialist skills, but certainly when you’re talking government or large contracts, you’re talking about companies who want to deal with one relationship and then they don’t care how risky your base is assembled; they just want to know that they can get it done.’(MALE CW 23/3) However, whether co-ordination was something that needed attention from ‘outside’ was a point of discussion. As was said of a suggestion that grassroots organization was needed in advance of any formal interventions: ‘I think that for creatives to be taken more seriously they’re going to have to sort of have a mechanism in place to rally together so that there is that voice with those creative industries. And so it’s more focused and directed […] Rather than sort of somebody pops up here and says, We could do with funding” and somebody pops up over here and says, “We could do with funding.”’

(MALE PM 15/4). For another contributor, ‘I think there is an element missing somewhere in what people want, the aspirations at the lower level of the practitioners if you like. […] There’s a layer missing between the bottom and actually telling the council or whoever what’s required.’

(FEM PM 15/4)

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Either way, the case was made repeatedly for someone or some ‘body’ to be tasked with taking on this activity given the lack of sustainability of historical initiatives. Amongst the creative workers, the issue for any failure to sustain network activity of a formal nature was down to a lack of time and resources. While individuals recognised the value of network activity, it took some commitment to organise and to make any event work, not to mention to turn up to events once invited: ‘actually I put on events and trying to get people to come to them is nigh on impossible. You might… we have got a membership of about fifty or sixty people. If I get five people to come to an event – which has taken a lot of organization – I’m lucky, and often it is the same five people.

I think one of the problems is how you actually get to creative people, and they actually realize it is worth them coming to, and in some ways, I don’t know, the council organizing it or Business Link organizing it, I am not so sure about (FEM CW 29/3).

With Creative Wolverhampton, the initiative had originated in response to the shared needs of the sector and was made to happen thanks to the entrepreneurial altruism of a couple of individuals.

In the end however it faltered because of the ‘we couldn’t carry on committing our time and energy, our resources for free to support the creative industries in Wolverhampton.’ (FEM CW 21/4) One partner in this venture added a self-critical assessment as well as lamenting the lack of official support afforded the venture form city agents: We weren’t doing a brilliant job. We were doing what we could with what we had.

But when you go to sort of the council and ask: ‘can you give us a little bit of help?’ It’s not always, not necessarily financial. And they’re sort of: ‘we’ve got other things to do’ […] And it gets a bit tiresome after a while. (MALE CW 21/4) For those in the industries, the time needed to allocate to such work, unpaid, makes it unrealistic to continue and this is exactly where structural support is able to plug a gap, even with a minimal

commitment of resources. The most constructive contribution here was at odds with the condition of ‘learned helplessness’ we noted elsewhere: ‘we don’t want to survive on funding and grants […] But it’s just sometimes there are stages where […] you need a little bit of a helping hand.’

(MAL CW 21/4) Ultimately, these discussions suggest that, given the benefits, there appears to be a case for attending to networking in the creative industries in Wolverhampton. In fact, the perceived lack of opportunity in the city was such for so many participants that our research events themselves appear to have provided a model for such an activity and, for some, a much needed opportunity for personal interaction: many business cards, telephone numbers and email addresses were exchanged.

As one person reflected: ‘You know, there’s definitely people that we know that have never been to events like this. And there people here I’ve never met before.’ (MALE CW 21/4) One representative opinion summed up the way in which our Focus Groups made the point: I’m not suggesting that Wolverhampton’s lacking that but maybe it needs more direction and something like this could give that.’ (FEM CW 23/3). Above all, interventions in networking and support for the visibility of the creative sector might have a role to play in adding value to the identity of place. This area constituted the final area for discussion in our groups.

45_ See Manuel Castells, (2002)The Rise of the Network Society (London, Blackwell) for a description of global economic networks. pp 176 - 216 46_ See Richard Putnam (2000) Bowling Alone, the Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York, Simon and Schuster) pp 80- 92 47_ http://www.createdinbirmingham.com/; http://www.birminghamsmc.com/; http://www.birminghamitsnotshit.co.uk/

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University of Wolverhampton’s School of Art & Design

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4.3

_ WOLVERHAMPTON A LEGIBLE CITY?

A place to live in As we have suggested, the ‘legibility’ of cities like Wolverhampton is a live issue in any consideration of the economy in general as well as wider concerns about quality of life. How cities are visible, and in what manner they are visible to those within, as well as those without its environs, are of importance in the contemporary economy where intangibles such as branding of place have assumed importance. Certainly, and as we have outlined in our brief survey of some of the available literature, the creative sector has been deemed to have a role to play in the regeneration of post-industrial sites and the branding of place.

Creative industries are deemed to add value and identity to place through the very presence of that group which the American analyst Richard Florida labels ‘the creative class’. This presence has the benefit of impacting on structures of support as well as a wider quality of life: cultural activities deemed to be of particular value to creative industry workers. In turn such developments appeal to other workers as they make their choices about where to look for work and/or settlement.

The scope of our discussion around Wolverhampton in these terms encompassed subjects such as the tangible infrastructure of the city – its buildings, streets and institutions. Likewise, we touched upon those intangibles such as ‘image’, ‘ambiance’, and ‘feeling’ as they relate to the specialised considerations of the creative sector and to our respondents as local inhabitants with as much investment in place as any other citizen. Our questioning and directions then sought to find out about the image of the city.

What is Wolverhampton like to live and work in?

What forces of ‘push’ and ‘pull’ work on creative workers? How do, or how can, the creative industries play a part in sustaining this place beyond the immediate returns of their economic input?

In proceeding, we should point out that the topics summarised already touch upon this subject.

Focus Group discussion often conflated issues in generalisations and pithy observations about Wolverhampton as an abstract space, its community and as a site of specific institutions (political, economic, cultural). This underlines the way in which the character of place is often conflated with an understanding of the character of industries (creative or otherwise) and perceptions of native genius.

Where it came to the question of Wolverhampton’s identity as site for creative work and culture, many felt that there was an acute problem: ‘people have got it completely wrong on Wolverhampton.

They think it’s a metal bashing town. Actually it’s a highly creative City. It’s just we haven’t told everybody yet […] what I want to see is a complete transformation in the way that people perceive Wolverhampton City.’ (MALE PM 15/4) Yet the issue was not just one of misconceptions about industry. An immediate prompt for the direction of discussion was a pronouncement published by the Lonely Planet guide at the end of 2009. This identified Wolverhampton as one of the worst places to live in the world.48 Unbidden, this characterisation came up in every discussion as the latest indicator of a wider set of perceived problems that had bedevilled the image of this place over time. For one arts organization representative this accretion of negative association impacted directly on the basic attractiveness of anyone dealing with the city’s creative sector from outside: ‘maybe sometimes you think you get funders or commissioners that think, “Wolverhampton, I don’t know about that,” and then just don’t get involved because we’re from the world’s fifth worst city or whatever we are’ (FEM CW 29/3). Many others noted how for them, image of place can impact enormously on the way in which the work that originates there is evaluated: ‘from a personal perspective that if I see a Birmingham address on a web company I automatically associate a certain level of prestige that comes with the address

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and within London and Manchester addresses’ (FEM CW 21/4).

Nonetheless, outside agents such as Lonely Planet were not the only threat to positive image making. One advertising campaign for the city as a place to locate to was cited that conveyed a sense of embarrassment about the city: ‘And they sold Wolverhampton on the fact that […] it’s got easy access routes to Birmingham, Manchester, London. It sits quite close to the greenbelt and there’s lots of ways to get out of Wolverhampton. So you know that was Wolverhampton’s selling point. You can get out quite easily.’ (FEM CW 21/4) Alongside this unidentified advertising agency, a number of participants singled out an allied part of the creative industries for criticism: the local press.

A representative comment suggested that: ‘I find the Express and Star very negative […] not all they print, a lot of what they print is negative stories. (FEM PM 15/4) Others echoed this point: ‘the Express and Star is amazingly negative newspaper in terms of it will find the bad news in anything. And it does, coupled with the almost comatose nature of the council, it just creates this deadness.’ (MALE CW 23/3).

Overall, the Lonely Planet assessment was deemed to have summarized a general set of problems and many regretfully endorsed its verdict. In their analysis of the image of the city, many reiterated some of the negative assessments evident in discussion of the issues outlined in previous sections, offering and these as explanations for an overall sense of failure: ‘We have some of the highest number of empty shops now.

Wolverhampton centre is dying. It has a market which used to be really vibrant which is now on its last legs, it is dying, and it is very sad frankly to see it going like this, and it is filthy. I can’t tell you how filthy it is. And it is overshadowed by Birmingham, Birmingham overshadows it all of the time.’ (FEM CW 29/3) An aspect of this research was that it allowed us

to understand something of the manner in which creatives and policymakers viewed each other.

If we might sound a critical note perhaps, one aspect of the way in which many from the creative industries in our discussions tended to conceptualise the status and work of ‘policy agents’ was in rather simple terms. They were viewed as powerful people and assessed in terms of their practical ability to get things done that mattered directly to the individual’s own agenda.

This assessment of anyone in any role (or of any department) was not one related to any sense of the broader strategies for the creative sector or posited in relation to any understanding of the economic pressures of the budgets they manage and strategies they manage within. Often, this perception was framed in terms how far a set of idiosyncratic objectives that were meaningful on an individual basis was satisfied. For instance, speaking about the artisanal, craft-based, fine art sector, one woman remarked on the lack of available work spaces and how this could, from her perspective be easily rectified: The council have a few units which I looked at but again they are few and far between, and they are quite difficult to get hold of. We have a huge amount of really fantastic buildings which are sitting empty, which with a little money would be fantastic. Wolverhampton have been talking for about ten years about an artist centre.

Why they don’t stop waffling and just take over some of the fantastic buildings that they have got. Most artists don’t need much, they don’t need heat most of the time, they just need lights and light, that’s pretty much actually all that they need. There are so many buildings in Wolverhampton which are just moldering away while all of their artistic talent are going off somewhere else. (FEM CW 29/3) Sometimes perhaps, solutions look remarkably simple from the ground and especially from the perspective of nimble, entrepreneurial creative

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companies. There is more work to be done we suspect on the relationship of creative (or any other) industry and local councils and how they understand each other but much invective was directed at the latter and a sense of a long-term failure or inconsistency in direction and support for the sector. Referencing the heritage of the city, individual and collective narratives identified some positive moments from the past and initiatives that had proven worthwhile, suggesting that alongside the cultural core there was indeed: ‘the capability and the capacity to support those types of more commercial, entrepreneurial types of activities.’ (MALE CW 21/4). This characterisation was also pinpointed as evidence of a lack of energy and application for sustaining initiatives. As one said of the history of development of creative industries, for him the whole ‘project’: ‘has been pretty haphazard. I think it’s been opportune at best, I think it’s been hit and miss.’ (MALE CW 21/4) For some long-term residents, one important point of reference was the fillip to civic pride and energy afforded by the award of City status in 2000.

This was a crucial, ‘fortunate’ moment for many, one when they recognised that anchored to this award was the activity of city agents and energies aiming at developing a positive image and plan for development. This moment marked out the city as a distinctively positive site for the attention of those who had overlooked it: there was a real push on the fact that we had a strong cultural identity around really the architecture, the infrastructure […] having the media centre, the gallery, the theatre and to a certain extent the university. And I think that gave us an edge over the rest of the Black Country to a certain extent that some people played on and also gives the city a focus. It gives it a hub where it says these places have a value […] and at the same time I do think we had quite an outward facing team of members and offices in the Council […] I think what it did say was there is something happening here

that is about more than bricks and mortar. It’s about what goes on and hopefully that signal went out to other people (MALE CW 21/4).

In spite of this celebration, for this respondent, this moment of confidence was not fully capitalized upon, and certainly not reflected in any coherent and sustained development in the creative sector.

Whether assessing a decade ago, or more recent and ongoing engagements, this was a widespread view amongst creative workers and some of our ‘policymakers’.

I think perhaps 15 years ago there were people in economic development who took these opportunities much, much more seriously.

You know the evening economy report that came out in 2004/2005 […] championed by Councilor Reynolds […] “we’re going do this to Broad Street” and ”we’re going to do that and we’re going to do the other.” It doesn’t actually happen because of the Council. It happens in spite of them. It often happens because of characters who are represented here [i.e. in the Focus Group] and I do think they need, at some point to decide whether they are prepared to put their money where their mouth is.’

(MALE CW 21/4) Here we can see how recognition and engagement with the specifics of the policy documents we had identified and mentioned to Focus Groups tended to be referred to in this area of discussion. As one policymaker said with critical candour: ‘We seem to be very good at developing reports but actually nobody else seems to be nailed to deliver them.’ (MALE PM 15/4) Push and pull, stay or go?

All of the themes around this and the totality of topics previously summarized translated into ambivalent feelings for creative workers about whether to stay or to leave for places with more vibrant networks and opportunities. This was illustrated in a complaint that the city suffered

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from problems of retention of the graduates of its University and college. While we acknowledge comments about the impact of graduates on the creative economy already summarized, others noted that while great numbers of relatively local students spend the period of their studies commuting: ’Rather than staying and create a business or look for jobs they move back to another area. So that’s always going to be a problem.’ (MALE CW 21/4).

For many, there was a clear value in having roots in the place, and this informed a desire to maintain a position in the city. As a whole, it should be noted that, despite some coruscating criticisms, this site was viewed with deep affection bound in a sense of loyalty. Nonetheless, it was not uncommon to here sentiments along these lines: ‘we’re pretty much rooted here and I think we’ve got aspirations to sort of move on’ (MALE CW 21/4). Another described how ‘I’ve actually been thinking about leaving, and I’ve been here for quite some time. And I’d be leaving for the reasons that – everything we’ve talked about today. Which kind of makes me feel quite sad, because you kind of feel like you’ve given up on a place. And I think there is an awful lot here – there could be an awful lot here (FEM CW 23/ 3). Another echoed this sentiment, and the sense that he and his business had ‘outgrown’ the city in spite of the glimmerings of and emergent creative sector: I’m making a point of getting clients outside of Wolverhampton. I want to scale down the work I’m doing here. […] that is specialized on a national level rather than being omnivorous at a local level – in order for me to be able to have that freedom to move out. (MALE CW 23/3).

Another participant felt that it was inevitable that she would move out of the area in order to prosper.

While she regretted the down-at-heel feel of the city (and commenting on this state), she noted the loyalty of native sons and daughters and how one of the virtues of the place was its ‘village-like’ aspects: as I say I’m not from Wolverhampton, but generally in Wolverhampton people do tend

to stay, there isn’t this kind of urge [to leave].

You may not agree but you get this impression that it is quite a sort of local place. People actually live and work here all their lives, they don’t necessarily move very far away (FEM CW 29/3).

While the contributor of this comment described it rightly as generalization, another concurred with this view, characterizing the positive qualities of Wolverhampton’s ‘Close knit communities’ and manageable scale. Thus, it should be noted that individuals did waver in their positions as a result of discussion and exchange. Frustration and complaints on behalf of any one individual might also turn to an appreciation of the cultural history of the city and its current offer.

While there was certainly a weight of negativity to contend with, there was also a positive assessment and optimism expressed by many. One participant in the policy maker group was a recent arrival to the city and noted that her experience in regional development elsewhere gave her a basis for a positive perception of her new base in comparison with other locales ‘there’s actually quite a strong sort of – some good stuff in terms of the core cultural offer.’ (PM 15/4) In spite of the closeness and gravitational pull of Birmingham, there was faith in the virtues of Wolverhampton, its distinctive identity and potential offer ‘because it can be more competitive in a way, whether it’s through cheaper rent or offering things that are free or different that Birmingham doesn’t offer, so, it does offer an opportunity at the same time.’

(FEM CW 23/3) Optimism was manifest in a desire to act, and to contribute some positive energy and indeed creative ideas to improving the image of Wolverhampton: I think there is a lack of appreciation in what power creativity has in terms of transforming the City. So instead of being the fifth worst City we’ve can be number one.’(MALE PM 15/4) In fact, in a rather jocular comment, albeit with a serious intent, it was suggested that negative

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perceptions could themselves be employed in this strategy: ‘Wolverhampton is the butt end of jokes on national TV, radio and everything else.

And you can even use that. Harness it and turn it around.’ (MALE PM 15/5) Additionally, the notion that Wolverhampton is a ‘poorer […] brother to Birmingham.’ (MALE CW 23/3) was also seen as challenge to those with a sense of pride in place. This relationship informed the nature of their entrepreneurial spirit: ‘I don’t know, it almost needs sort of packaging […] some central person saying ‘this is brilliant!’

Liverpool did it… Liverpool if you go back sort of 10 or 15 years or a bit more than that it was considered to be a bit of dodgy city. Now culturally it’s sort of, it’s at the top of the pile really. And I don’t know what they’ve done to do that.’ (MALE CW 21/4) Some of the positive spirit evinced by our Focus Groups contributors was palpable in the results of a competition held by the BBC News Channel at the end of 2005. The competition invited viewers to nominate and then vote for shortlisted towns that have poor reputations which are were undeserved.

Wolverhampton was voted winner of a line-up including Milton Keynes, Middlesborough, Paisley and Holyhead with poet Ian MacMillan penning a celebratory verse as reward:

Wolverhampton’s a city that’s often dismissed Like your auntie at a party that’s never been kissed; But like your Auntie this city’s got so much to offer, […]

Wolverhampton’s like my auntie: could not be called pretty But Yam Yams don’t care: this is their vibrant home, A tolerant, open and welcoming city The rival of Paris, the equal of Rome And to those who give cities like this one much grief I say stay here a while, take your time, look beneath: Cos Like my Auntie this city’s got so much to give And I say Wolverhampton’s a fine place to live!

You can keep Barcelona and stuff New York 49 Cos I love the way the Yam Yams talk!

Ultimately then, participants had many positive things to say about the city in spite of much critical analysis along the way. While there was plenty of evidence of the creative workers assuming an expectant and rather passive position that we have labeled ‘learned helplessness’, there was also a sense of how collective endeavour – of proper collaboration between city agents and workers might lead to collective benefit. A repeated assessment suggested that after all the reports, the initiatives and in light of the good will and positive aspects of the city, its resources needed concerted recognition: ‘we’ve got a critical mass actually here. You know it is actually existing it just needs investing. We don’t have to build new things. We don’t have to do anything else. It’s all here. It just needs investing in and utilizing.’

(MALE PM 15/ 4). Any analysis, report, strategy or policy was in need of meaningful support and execution which involved the population themselves and especially the creative sector: The potential is there, it is actually how you harness that, and how you don’t just sit and talk about it but actually get on and do it. Again, I think one of the problems is that there is an awful lot of waffling and not much actual action quite often. […] We could do with a buzzing cultural centre, and it’s there, the people are there. It is just actually how your organize it.

(FEM CW 29/3).

As another person said in the same session however: ‘After the election there is going to be a clampdown like we have never seen. That could be an advantage in many ways because you do have to start thinking really creatively about how you make money and what you do with it.’ (FEM CW 29/3). At the time of writing, the ‘clampdown’ in terms of UK budget cuts and ‘efficiency savings’ is apparent although is yet to impact to the full extent expected. The question for our respondents is whether or not creative

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workers can work with policymakers, aiding in weathering the storm and in building for a future for Wolverhampton.

A final overview and pithy insight into the topics under discussion and the variety of perspectives articulated is offered in this comment from one participant in the policymaker group. This contribution addressed the economic realities at the time at which the research was conducted, anticipating the current climate of austerity in which we all now live and work. In précis this also identified the challenge facing any agency that considers supporting the creative sector at the expense of other established industries, whatever their current state. We reproduce this at length: there is structure in place within the council where these sorts of things can be voiced and will be heard. But I mean as everyone is probably aware we’re working on very restricted budgets. I mean the Economic Development team in Wolverhampton council now has a grand total of three members of staff.

And so you know when you’re looking at creative industries how big a role can that play with those three members of staff? And where do you prioritise your resources? Do you look at the industrial past of Wolverhampton? […]. Diversified manufacturing for engineering which provide some of the larger areas of employment in the City and that people view [as] in decline?

And then there are certain areas of manufacturing that are actually in growth. So if you focus on these things you can generate the volumes of employment that are required in Wolverhampton and have the opportunities for up skilling the existing workforce who are probably more familiar with those sorts of industrial wraparounds? Or do you focus on the creative industries and where do you make your priorities. And I think we have to take into

perspective the relative size of the creative sector in Wolverhampton. That’s always going to have an influence on decisions.

(MALE PM 15/4) 48_ See: http://www.lonelyplanet.com/ghana/ travel-tips-and-articles/9782 (Accessed 2/10/10).

NB: in response to media coverage the site presents an explanation and gloss on the original poll.

49_ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/ breakfast/4528566.stm (accessed 9/6/10)

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Contemporary sculpture of a Sunbeam motorcycle, celebrating Wolverhampton’s proud industrial heritage

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5 _ OBSERVATIONS & CHALLENGES However they are received and assessed by those in Wolverhampton or further afield, the comments here are presented as evidence of our overriding impression that those in the sector could do with a voice and an input into any strategies and activities for the sector and for the image of the City in general. At the moment, these voices and the goodwill and energy captured here might have a lot to offer. Certainly, whatever the current state of the creative sector in Wolverhampton, in perception of those consulted here, or empirically demonstrable in economic data, for it, as well as all other industries and activities, a cold wind is blowing.

ii. With projected cutbacks translating to national and local financial support for creative industries, how are resources to be more efficiently targeted?

The size of the current financial deficit as well as the government’s proposed cuts in expenditure – perhaps up to 40% in some areas - will have a direct effect on the public and private sector both.

For those ‘cultural’ industries in the subsidized sector of art galleries, museums and social enterprise projects, projected cuts are likely to impact dramatically. However, given the manner in which commercial creative work (design, video production et al) looks to significant contracts and income from the public sector – in health, education, transport and so on, then the wider effect will undoubtedly be an acute one. That said, the Office for Budget Responsibility has predicted that the private sector will move to fill gaps in employment by providing a rise of 1.2 million jobs between 2010-14, effectively creating a total of 2.5 million jobs. Whether such figures are unduly optimistic or not, there is clearly an expectation that the creative sector will play its part in securing economic recovery.

These questions will now be considered in terms of the policy environment, institutional developments and in the spirit of the feed-back from the Focus Groups.

A number of general and specific opportunities and challenges need to be considered then in relation to the Wolverhampton context and in light of some of the insights provided by the respondents to this research: i. Is the growth in the creative sector and knowledge economy in the last decade a ‘luxury’ offshoot of prosperity or independently sustainable?

iii. If the wealth of reports produced in and around Wolverhampton have value in terms of their identification of strengths as well as strategies for support and growth how are these to be acted upon given that a widespread critique suggests that they have not been? iv. What kind of benefits might be garnered from supporting this sector?

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6 _ CREATIVE CITY DISTRICT PLAN

CONCLUSIONS & POLICY IMPLICATIONS FROM THE RESEARCH

The Creative Metropoles project has been successful in bringing together policy makers and stakeholders from the eleven partner cities. With the focus on best practice examples it quickly became clear that the linking up with practitioners and entrepreneurs on the ground had to be one of the key instruments to exchange the most relevant experiences of all the cities. The project developed several formats to bring together members of the different angles of the triple helix – policy makers, academics and practitioners from the creative sector itself. The Creative City District studies undertaken by the cities are one of the good practice examples in that sense. They aim to link back policy issues into practice and to then be of use for the creative communities itself.

We hope the consultation process we undertook will be of use to other cities and initiatives as well.

Throughout the report we consistently tried to give insight into the detail and layers of information we obtained from the conversations with the study groups. To share our experiences and make the process and approach we followed as transparent and comprehensive as possible we felt was of importance to the participants and readers of this research.

With the study in Wolverhampton we particularly focused on connectivity, intermediary roles and links between policy and the sector. With this chapter we seek to translate back into policy some of the narratives we described and link them with the current agendas and strategies on European Union, city and national level. We have extracted from the main outcomes of this research key points that can function as catalysts for Wolverhampton’s future agendas. We make no claim to be complete but we aim to give voice to a niche we identified as lacking in the current strategies of the city.

6.1

_ POLICY CONTEXT IN WOLVERHAMPTON

The Focus Groups in our study eloquently highlighted both the challenges and the opportunities facing Wolverhampton. For the creative community 2011 is potentially a tipping point in the development of the city. The start of the second decade of the 20th Century has seen a financial crisis and an industrial crisis. The first has made it hard to get credit to re-build the city economy coupled with a severe cut back in public resources. Unemployment is rising and the public sector is shrinking. The second crisis is of demand – consumers have experienced real cuts in their take home pay together with rising inflation and price rises. For Wolverhampton, there is the further decline in the old structures of its manufacturing sectors, an on-going crisis since the 1970’s. Looking forward, private sector growth is a key part of the recovery plan for the region as articulated by the Department of Business Innovation and Skills and in the strategies of the new Local Enterprise Partnership’s.

To re-cap, the city is located in the industrial heartland of the UK, not particularly connected to the growth hub of the South East and the emerging influence of the North West. It is not the largest city in the region and has to fight hard for inward investment and to retain its skilled people. Where will the private sector growth emerge and how best can the creative sector in Wolverhampton be encouraged to grow to play its part? There is also the issue of developing relationships between the creative industries and “traditional” sectors in the city. The creative people we spoke to as a first step want better interconnectedness. Links to other groups in the city are very important if the notion of a “legible” city is to become reality.

Beyond Wolverhampton and the region, the European Union has itself recognised that its own strategies to equip the EU to compete with the US and the emerging ‘BRIC’ countries in terms of

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There is also a cultural challenge – cultural life in this decade is bound to reflect the wider economic issues – this could be both positive and negative in that the decline of a perceived grants culture may free up creativity but also reflects the lack of cash resources in the public sector to commission work and arts based projects in the community. We can reflect that Wolverhampton is indeed a diverse city.

The next steps from the report need to discuss the links between culture, ethnicity and creativity.

Identity of the sector Coordination & linking things up Knowledge exchange

SPACE

COORDINATION

Lastly, there is the call from the Focus Groups for action. This is a heartfelt plea which the policy makers recognised and wanted to address. This is something about leadership on a number of levels and also subtly power relationships between the creative groups and with policy makers and officers. There does seem an optimistic air despite the outwardly pessimistic environment. This apparent paradox perhaps represents the doggedness of the creative people in Wolverhampton – a sense of contra mundum which also surfaced in the Lonely Planet furore.

The Focus Groups have provided some really good insights into ways forward for Wolverhampton against this backdrop and it is to these specific policy suggestions we now turn. From the discussions three key themes emerged that we would like to highlight (See figure 5 below). In terms of co-ordination, the research found that there is a need for a linking function for the Creative and Cultural Industries (CCIs) in Wolverhampton.

There was a clear sense from respondents for a need to co-ordinate actions and to link up groups and activities.

Secondly, the Focus Groups demonstrated an appetite for networks to discuss and move forward CCIs in the city. Networks and spaces to meet was a key conclusion form the research. Participants also agreed there is a need for affordable spaces for the CCIs to work, exhibit and sell.Thirdly, the research highlighted the role of the CCI’s as providing a cohesive function in the city’s fabric – social glue. There was also a sense of the opportunity to better link the creative economy to other growth sectors.

These conclusions are now considered against the policy landscape for Wolverhampton. It is important to reflect on how the research conclusions for the city sit within the policy framework for the CCIs at EU, national and local levels and this will now be addressed. Finally, policy recommendations are then made to take the research conclusions forward.

Places/room to meet and network Embracing creative city as a whole Bottom-up approach

ROLES TO CONNECT

Fig 5: Narratives from Focus Group discussions.

A LEGIBLE CITY

LOCALITY & COHESION

economic growth also needs to be seriously re-examined. New policies are needed to support Europe’s economies. This study has been supported by the Interreg IV C programme which specifically relates to how the European Structural Funds can be better aligned to support growth in creative cities. This backdrop has already been articulated by the Focus Groups and is a thread which connects their stories with the policy initiatives we have related.

Post Industrial cities & the CI CCI as social glue Community approach

CAPACITY BUILDING

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Wolverhampton from above: the historic Chubb Buildings

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6.2

_ THE POLICY LANDSCAPE IN THE EU & THE UK

The Focus Group process and desk research and analysis was undertaken in mid 2010 – a period of considerable change in the European Union. The conclusions need to be set against this policy landscape to consider how best to align the actions with policy priorities for the CCIs and for city economies.

European policy for the creative economy particularly wants to draw on “creative and cultural” assets to support growth in the EU.50 A Green Paper on the CCI’s was produced in 2010 recommending actions to catalyze the “spill over” effects of CCIs on a wide range of economic & social examples and also actions for the CCIs to support local and regional development in order to internationalise. 51 The sector is seen as a potential for growth and a key element in moving from the financial crisis to a sustainable future as set out in the 2020 Policy. 52 In the UK the overall economic picture is still problematic, at least in the short term, with spending cuts announced in sector based budgets and more generally for councils in England. Wolverhampton City Council faces an overall budget cut of approximately 12% in 2011/12 with anticipated annual reductions to 2014 at a similar annual level.

In terms of structural change, the new Coalition Government has disbanded the Regional Development Agencies and invited public and private partnerships to come forward at the local level to drive innovation, jobs and growth. These new Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) 53 are currently being constituted.

In parallel to the development of the LEP network in England, a new organization has been formed primarily for screen, media and sound CCI’s named Creative England.54 This over-arching structure has three hubs, London, Bristol and Birmingham. The Arts Council England primarily for the visual and

performing arts, has also been re-formed on super regions to co-ordinate and support activity.

Moving forward, specifically for Wolverhampton, there are opportunities in line with the EU Green Paper to link to other post industrial EU cities to share best practices. The new Black Country LEP will be working with Creative England and the Arts Council to develop practices in support of economic and cultural activity for the city.

6.3

_ POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR WOLVERHAMPTON

The policy recommendations from the Focus Groups seek to draw conclusions and to give suggestions on ways forward for Wolverhampton.

These policy implications have been tested and discussed at a number of public fora and feedback obtained to inform this report. The triangulation of the findings has been important both to test out the key questions for their validity and to keep the momentum generated from the Focus Groups.

To re-cap, there was a real sense in the research process that the sector was actively thinking about what it wanted for the first time since the DTZ report. There was generally a feeling of disconnection from the outcomes of the previous policy reports and that the time is right for the public authorities to act to help the CCIs. The sustainability of the sector and its fragility were highlighted as was the lack of a critical mass and general direction of travel for the CCIs in Wolverhampton. There was a strong desire to move towards a longer term approach in support of the CCIs and away from perceived shorttermism. To summarise, the overriding wish was that no new strategy is needed – but that “action” is the key issue now. The key activities are now outlined.

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6.3.1

_ ROLES TO SUPPORT THE SECTOR

The research indicated that there is a “layer” of support missing between policy and Creative and Cultural Industry (CCI) workers on the ground. This lack of co-ordination can lead to a problem between policy at the city level and the sector groups.

Action is needed to redress feelings of isolation as evidenced in the Focus Groups. It is an opportune time to re-focus support roles in Wolverhampton following the structural changes brought on by the economic situation and the establishment of the Local Enterprise Partnerships. A key recommendation is to better connect the actors in the sub sectors with the support services.

Light House and other stakeholders, such as Wolverhampton Art Gallery, have recognised this and together with the Council are seeking to develop Facilitators to represent CCI practitioners.

These Facilitators are in some instances already in place and in other cases not as evident but they need to be identified and resourced to act as focal points for discussion and co-ordination (see figure 6).

The next step is to support a co-ordinated approach which could then connect the Facilitators from the five or so sub sectors to make an informal group. This should be a priority action which need not imply new resources, an important factor, in that 2011 is likely to be a year of re-organisation and financial cut backs.

There is also a need for better interaction by the public agencies (e.g. Wolverhampton City Council, The University of Wolverhampton the Wolverhampton Partnership and Black Country LEP) to engage with CCI groups. This recommendation draws on the experience of the ECCE Innovation Project.

The ECCE project has developed “brokers” in each city to enable links with creative companies

in the city. This has also led to an international perspective – connecting firms across the project. 55

6.3.2

_ A NETWORKED CITY

Spaces to meet – for informal networking The Focus Groups talked about the need to support “informal” spaces or “hubs” where CCI workers can meet and network. This can be resource “light” as a great deal can be done by imaginative use of existing spaces to encourage places where networking can happen. Informal spaces can include community and arts venues, cafes, Council spaces and galleries. Good examples of informal networks already exist in the city, such as Artists forums through the Museum & Art Gallery, The Black Country Social Media café,56 Screen Forum and Out of Hours (both Light House). A map of informal CCI networking spaces and groups should be drawn up and communicated utilising social media techniques.

Business spaces for the CCIs As well as informal spaces, there needs to be a focus on business spaces to allow for growth. The Focus Groups talked about Wolverhampton as a creative city, there was little discussion about the need for a “Creative Quarter” approach or for zoning for specific types of creative enterprise.

There was a thread in the Focus Groups that there should be a clear offer of affordable space to enable companies to start up and then grow within the city. Spaces for start-ups include: Co-working 57 spaces, incubation spaces and artists’ studios.

In terms of incubation space, The Science Park was seen as a critical asset, but there is a need to better connect it to the CCI sub groups in the City.

Co-working spaces such as Betahaus in Berlin, La Cantine in Paris and the Moseley Exchange 58 all provide examples for Wolverhampton to build upon.

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WOLVERHAMPTON CITY COUNCIL & KEY STAKEHOLDERS

CCI FACILITATORS & BROKERS

...

SCREEN BASED WEB & FILM

CRAFT & FINE ART

PERFORMANCE & MUSIC

...

Fig 6: Co-ordination roles in CCI development

6.3.3

_ A POST INDUSTRIAL CITY TO A LEGIBLE CITY

The key policy points from the discussions centre around the need to see Wolverhampton holistically and to break down barriers that might exist within the city and to build on growing relationships with other urban centres – particularly Birmingham.

The City as a whole The spirit from the Focus Groups was not to focus on CCI districts and cultural quarters as such but to see the city as a “whole” in terms of its cultural and creative assets. This is a move away from a “cluster” approach in terms of spatial planning into an approach which considers the interconnectivity of CCIs in Wolverhampton.

We have called this approach Wolverhampton a legible city – readable and navigable for the creative citizens living and working in it and a connected

community for city policy makers. A database of creative businesses and mapping of locations would help policy makers as well as the sector itself to locate and overview the size and spread of the sector.

Social Glue A broad idea which emerged from the Focus Group discussions on an holistic approach for the CCIs was the notion of the CCIs as “social glue”. This means an emphasis on CCIs in local communities enabling discussions to take place, to support education, health, the environment and to develop community cohesion in challenging times.

This approach gives synergies in terms of policy and opens up new possibilities for the CCIs in the city. It builds on the loyalty people show to the city and their sense of belonging.

Economic Growth Links should be further explored between the CCI sub sectors in the Wolverhampton economy and

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other priority growth sectors such as high value manufacturing and aerospace. Facilitator roles to support this activity should also be considered as noted in the ECCE Innovation project.

Wolverhampton – a Legible City The research shows that Wolverhampton should also build on its existing links to comparable cities internationally for experience exchange.59 This means specifically continuing to develop existing relationships with other cities through projects such as the Creative Metropoles 60 network and related strategic initiatives supported by the EU. Wolverhampton should also continue to develop collaborative relationships with comparable UK cities, particularly Birmingham. The City should continue to promote itself within a network of other post-industrial cities to create an approach more appropriate than the development of a Creative Class approach as characterised by Florida.

Adoption of this approach in itself could be a distinctive marketing opportunity for the city.

6.4

_ POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR WOLVERHAMPTON

These recommendations are now being taken forward within Wolverhampton with the strategic partners who participated in the research process.

The immediate steps are to translate the key policy points into actions with agreed activities and this process is already under way. The networks are being considered and facilitator roles are under discussion. A key activity will be to connect to the Local Enterprise Partnership (LEP) plans for the city and surrounding towns in the Black Country. The EU which acted as a catalyst for this research will continue to be a source for new knowledge on strategies and best practice examples. The process of consultation with the Focus Group discussions has been in itself a positive process and has helped to develop momentum in the creative communities and with policy makers for change.

50_ KEA, UNCTAD (2008) – Creative and Cultural economy – the challenge of assessing the creative economy- towards informed policy making. http://www.keanet.eu/en/impactcreativityculture. html (Accessed 6/4/11) 51_ EC Green Paper COM (2010) 183 – Unlocking the potential of the Cultural and Creative Industries http://ec.europa.eu/culture/our-policy-development/ doc/GreenPaper_creative_industries_en.pdf (Accessed 6/4/11) 52_ Europe 2020 Flagship initiative – Innovation Union SEC (2010) 1161 http://ec.europa.eu/ research/innovation-union/pdf/innovation-unioncommunication_en.pdf (Accessed 6/4/11) 53_ Black Country Local Enterprise Partnership (LEP) links to growth sectors http://www.the-blackcountry.com/default. asp?PageID=286 (Accessed 6/4/11) 54_ Creative England – new structure for CCIs http://www.creativeengland.co.uk/faqs#_edn3 (Accessed 6/4/11) 55_ www.ecce-innovation.eu (Accessed 6/4/11) 56_ Black Country Social media Café http://bcsmc.wordpress.com/ (Accessed 6/4/11) 57_ European conference on coworking in Brussels 2010 http://coworkingeu.wordpress.com (Accessed 6/4/11) 58_ Betahaus www.betahaus.de La Cantine www.lacantine.org Moseley Exchange www.moseleyexchange.com (All accessed 6/4/11) 59_ Eurocities – http://www.eurocities.eu/main.php (Accessed 6/4/11) 60_ Creative Metropoles – http://www.creativemetropoles.eu/uploads/files/ report_cm_final_formatted_02.2010.pdf (Accessed 6/4/11)

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Wolverhampton Low Level Station

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