Nongqai Vol 15 No4 Vroue /Ladies

APRIL 2024 NONGQAI

GEBED VIR APRIL

Via Sarie van Niekerk

Here, ons Here

Hoe wonderbaar is U naam oor die ganse aarde!

Ons aanbid u in hierdie maand as Christus Triomfator!

U het die dood oorwin op Golgota,

U het die Satansmag gebreek.

Die graf is leeg! U het waarlik opgestaan!

Laat die hemele u roem verkondig!

Dankie dat U tot in die dood toe gehoorsaam was; dat u deur God tot die hoogste eer verhef is; dat u aan die regterhand van God sit en vir my intree.

Dankie dat U my saamneem op u triomftog

Deur tyd en ewigheid.

Ek weet vir seker dat, omdat U uit die dood opgestaan het,

Ek ook uit die dood van die sonde kan opstaan

Tot ’n nuwe lewe.

Omdat U die Opstanding en die Lewe is, sal ek in die ewige

Tuiste woon wat U gegaan het om te berei.

Laat my nooit u lewende teenwoordigheid vergeet nie:

Verseker my opnuut dat daar niks en niémand is

Wat my óóit van u liefde kan skei nie.

Vergewe my, genadige Here Jesus, as ek soms lewe

Asof U dood is.

Ek leef elke dag van hierdie maand,

En van my ganse lewe, in die troos van u belofte:

“Kyk, Ek is by julle…”

Ek bid dit in die Naam van Jesus die oorwinnaar!

Amen

KINGDOM OF GOD: THE EKKLESIA

Past. Frieda MacBride Müller

Matt 16:15-19 (NKJ): He said to them, “But who do you say I am?” Simon Peter answered and said, “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God.” Jesus answered and said to him, “Blessed are you, Simon Bar-Jonah, for flesh and blood has not revealed this to you, but My Father who is in heaven. And I also say to you that you are Peter, and on this rock, I will build My church, and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against it. And I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth will be bound in heaven and whatever you loose on earth will be loosed in heaven.”

Matt 16:15-19 TPT “But you – who do you say I am?” Jesus asked. Simon Peter spoke up and said, “You are the Anointed One, the Son of the living God!” Jesus replied, “You are favoured and privileged Simeon, son of Jonah! For you didn’t discover this on your own, but My Father in heaven has supernaturally revealed it to you. I give you the name Peter, a stone. And this truth of who I am will be the bedrock foundation on which I will build My church – My legislative assembly, and the power of death will not be able to overpower it. I will give you the keys of heaven’s kingdom realm to forbid on earth that which is forbidden in heaven, and to release on earth that which is released in heaven.”

Church – Strong’s – Greek 1577 – Ekklēsia – a calling out.

From 1537 – ĕk – origin (the point from where motion or action proceeds), from, out (of a place, time, or cause).

From 2564 – kalĕō – to call, bid, call forth.

The word “Ecclesia” is not a religious term. It is a governmental term that embodies the idea of a bidding or calling out certain selected individuals from a system or cause. It refers to officials of a legislative assembly that are summoned to govern the affairs of a city or a kingdom.

The word “church” originates from the Latin word, “circulus”, which is the diminutive of Latin “circus”, meaning a circle or ring. The early Ecclesia that met from house to house sat in a circle.

From thence the word was taken into Old English as “cir(i)ce” and into Medieval Greek as “kurikon” and was eventually translated into Scottish as “kirk”, Dutch as “kerk”, and English as “church”.

Ecclesia, the word which Jesus used, refers to His purpose for coming to the earth, namely, to take back the Kingdom of God and its government from satan. It does not refer to a “renovated” Judaism, or to a “new” religion, but to the establishment of

2. God’s government on earth as it is in heaven – it is a political and governmental term. Thus, He was saying that He would call out the selected ones from the old “place” and old “cause” to establish His chosen legislative assembly to govern the affairs of the Kingdom of God on earth.

Keys – Greek – 2807 – klĕis – a key (as shutting a lock).

A small piece of shaped metal, which is inserted into a lock and turned to open or close it. Also – of crucial importance, essential, fundamental, principal, important.

To govern the affairs of the Kingdom of God on earth, Jesus gives His called-out ones (Ecclesia) the keys of the Kingdom, that is the essential, fundamental and principal keys of governmental authority, in order that His Ecclesia can bring God’s will to pass on earth as it is in heaven.

Jesus’ use of the word “Ecclesia” showed His disciples that He was not referring to the Temple in Jerusalem or any synagogue. The word “Ecclesia” was not and is not religious in nature or connotation at all. When Jesus used the word, it had already been in use for centuries in both Greek and Roman (Latin) languages and everybody knew it referred to a secular institution operating in the public square (marketplace) in a governmental capacity.

In the New Testament Jesus only used the word “ecclesia” translated as “church” three times and only in the gospel of Matthew. Matthew is the gospel that deals primarily with the Kingdom of God, the King, His kingship, and sovereignty.

We have already looked at the word “Ecclesia” in Matthew 16:15-19. Let’s look at it in Matthew chapter 18.

Note that Matthew chapter 18 refers to the Disciplinary Principles of the Kingdom of God.

Matt 18:15-17 AMPC: If your brother wrongs you, go and show him his fault, between you and him privately. If he listens to you, you have won back your brother. But if he does not listen, take along with you one or two others, so that every word may be confirmed and upheld by the testimony of two or three witnesses. If he pays no attention to them [refusing to listen and obey] tell it to the church; and if he refuses to listen even to the church, let him be to you as a pagan and a tax collector.

From the context of the above scripture verses it is quite clear that the word “church” refers to people, namely the Ecclesia, who are the selected ones with the judicial key (authority) to administer corrective discipline to an unrepentant citizen of the Kingdom of God.

3. The New Testament examples of the functioning of the Ecclesia differs vastly from the church of the Dark Ages through to the contemporary church of our day. In Jesus’ day the Ecclesia always referred to people and never to a building, denomination, or organization where people met intermittently.

The Ecclesia of Jesus’day was made up of individuals that went from house to house and functioned all over the villages, towns, and cities on a 24/7 basis as a living organism (Body of Christ) with the objective to establish the Kingdom of God and transform people into the image of Christ, in all spheres of society.

It is interesting to note that Jesus said, ‘I shall build My Ecclesia’ and not ‘I shall build My Temple’ or ‘My Synagogue’, these being the two main Jewish religious institutions and the centre of Jewish life.

However, from the Temple, Jesus did keep the revelation that God wanted to dwell amidst His people. We are now living stones built up to be a holy habitation for God, thus His indwelling presence becomes the reality of that which the Temple foreshadowed. (Eph 2:20-22). And from the synagogue, the importance of the study of God’s Word and the assembling together of the Ecclesia (2 Tim 2:15, Heb 10:24-25).

Please reread Matthew 18:18-20.

The footnote in The Passion Translation on verse 18 reads as follows –“That which you forbid on earth must be that which is already forbidden in heaven, and that which you permit on earth must be that which is already permitted in heaven.”

Verse 20. For wherever two or three are gathered (drawn together as My followers) in (into) My name, there I AM in the midst of them.

Roman law provided for a Judicial Assembly consisting of two or three Roman citizens, anywhere in the Roman Empire (kingdom). When two or three such Roman citizens gathered together, the power and presence of Rome was present in their midst, and the laws and protection of the Roman Emperor were in full play, as if the Judicial Assembly was convening in Rome itself.

Please read Acts 16:16 – 24, 35 – 40, and Acts 22: 22-29. These are two examples of the Judicial Assembly of Rome in operation. In both cases, the Roman officials panicked because they had punished or were about to punish Roman citizens without due course of law. However, the point here is that the Jews of the time of Jesus were familiar with the workings of the Roman Judicial Assemblies and thus, well understood what Jesus was referring to in the verse quoted above. He was speaking in governmental terms which they understood, and not in religious terms.

4. Jesus made His authority (keys) available to His Ecclesia for their use in governing the Kingdom of God.

The rapid growth of the Ecclesia after the outpouring of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost was due to the fact that new followers of Christ were welcome in the homes of the first converts in Jerusalem. These members of the Ecclesia went from house to house continually, for fellowship, the breaking of bread (meals including the Supper of the Lord), and to devote themselves to the teachings of Christ through the Apostles, and to study the Old Testament Scriptures. This was very different from attending the Temple and going to a synagogue.

The Temple and synagogues were exclusive forums in as much as only the Priests, Levites and synagogue rulers could take an active part in any religious activities. In contrast, the homes of the Ecclesia were inclusive, where everyone – believers, unbelievers, and strangers – were welcome. Mealtimes turned tables into platforms where everyone could take part in the discussions around the Kingdom, and homes became the judicial assembly places where kingdom business was transacted, and unbelievers were evangelized. Thus, the kingdom of God permeated into everyday secular life instead of being isolated from it.

Jesus did not confine the gathering of His Ecclesia to certain buildings or places, nor did He subject them to rigid programs and timetables. He meant them to gather anywhere and all the time, since where two or three gathered in His name, He was in the midst of them. Thus, the leaven of the Kingdom of God was inserted into the dough of society, so that people, cities, and eventually nations became part of the Kingdom of God.

Sarie van Niekerk : Redakteur – Vroue/Female

Hier staan ons al weer amper aan die einde van die vierde maand van 2024. Dit voel werklik waar of die winter sy kloue reeds stewig ingeslaan het. Ons is ook net vyf weke weg van seker een van die belangrikste verkiesings in ons land se geskiedenis, indien nie die belangrikste nie. Ons moet nuwe leiers kies om ons land verder te ly uit ‘n baie donker tydperk in ons geskiedenis.

Hierdie maand se Nongqai is weer propvol baie interessante stories, artikels en foto’s. Daar is ‘n groot verskeidenheid van lekker lees artikels.

Dit is altyd lekker om aan die einde wanneer die Nongqai opgemaak word, dankie te sê aan almal wat meegewerk het om dit in die kuber ruim te kry. Glo my daar is so baie mense wat meewerk. Maar onthou net ek het altyd artikels en foto’s nodig om vir julle net die beste eindproduk te kan gee. So aan almal van julle as julle op ‘n interessante artikel of foto afkom wat ek kan gebruik, stuur dit asseblief vir my.

Onthou die Nongqai is nie net oor die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie se doen en late nie, maar oor al die Suid-Afrikaanse Magte, maar natuurlik veral oor die vroue wat deesdae ‘n baie groot deel van die onderskeie magte uitmaak. Daar is altyd ook plek vir ‘n lekker lees storie weg van die Magte af soos julle dan ook in hierdie uitgawe sal sien.

Ek stel julle hierdie maand voor aan dr. Jane Buys. Sy is ook ‘n voormalige polisie dame wat nadat sy uit die polisiediens bedank het haar kennis beskikbaar gestel het, en steeds doen, in veral die landbou om veral boere en ander instansies in die landbou te help en te ondersteun met beveiliging en bekamping van misdaad. Jane het haar doktorale verhandeling gedoen oor “Transformation of the South African Police Service from a paramilitary force to a service delivery organization.” Sy het ingestem dat ons maandeliks haar verhandeling in ons tydskrif gebruik. Wat ‘n formidabele mens is sy tog nie. Ek wonder maar net hoe kon die polisiediens so iemand in hierdie geweldsgeteisterde tyd deur hulle vingers laat glip het.

Julle sal sien in hierdie uitgawe plaas ons ‘n advertensie of liewers inligtingstuk waarin ons as die Nongqai Trust vra vir donasies om die Trust te help. Ons vier wat elke maand sorg dat die Nongqai uitkom werk nie vir geld nie maar daar is mense wat deur die trust gehelp word en elke bydrae, hoe klein ook al gaan help. Onthou, dit is ons mense wat uit die Trust gehelp word.

Vir die wat nog nie weet nie, ons spannetjie van vier bestaan uit brig. (afgetree) Hennie Heymans as die hoofredakteur, dr. Willem Steenkamp wat daar vanuit Gautemala sy tyd ook gratis aan ons afstaan. Hy is die persoon wat al die ontwerp van dinge en vele meer doen, dan is daar Henning van Aswegen, nie alleen help Henning skryf nie, hy moet ook help met borge en fondsinsameling en dan natuurlik die uwe as redakteur van die Nongqai Vroue/Female.

Teen die tyd dat die volgende Nongqai die lig sien, gaan ons (DV) slegs dae of ‘n week of wat weg wees van die verkiesing. Om te stem vir jou leiers is jou geboorte reg. Ons weet almal dat dinge nie uitgewerk het soos wat daar 30 jaar terug gehoop is nie. Onthou julle nog op 27 April 1994 was die eerste demokratiese verkiesing gewees.

Brig. (afgetree) Fanie Bouwer, en ek het saamgespan om bietjie in die verlede van die stormagtige sowat 15 tot 20 jaar voor die verkiesing ‘n paar voorvalle te gaan uitkrap wat gebeur wat hierdie land van ons beïnvloed het. Dan het ons ook gekyk na die 30 jaar vanaf 1994 tot nou. Nogal ‘n donker prentjie.

Wel kollegas, ek dink ek het genoeg geklets. Julle moet maar warm aantrek en bly veilig totdat ons weer. in die volgende uitgawe (Mei maand) gesels. Alles wat mooi en goed is vir julle en onthou “niks kom by die krag van gebed nie”. SHALOM!!

VERSOEK OM DONASIES

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DOODSKIET VAN POLISIEMANNE EN GEWAPENDE VERDAGTES.

Brig. (afgetree) Fanie Bouwer

In die onlangse verlede was talle polisiemanne deur kriminele doodgeskiet. Ek onthou een jaar het 50+ lede só gesterf. Party aan diens, party terwyl van diens. Dit het amper die 'nuwe normaal' geword.

So sleg het dit gegaan dat polisieminister Bheki Cele by lede se begrafnisse hulle aangemoedig het om ter selfverdediging met hulle vuurwapens terug te veg. En dit wil vir my al voorkom asof hulle dit ter harte geneem het.

Die polisie in KwaZulu-Natal het meer as 80 vermeende misdadigers tussen April 2023 en April 2024 doodgeskiet. Ek het nie syfers vir die ander provinsies nie, maar gesamentlik dink ek is dit 'n skrikwekkende syfer.

Daar is gewilde steun vir sogenaamde. 'buite-geregtelike teregstellings'.

Terwyl plaaslike gemeenskappe polisiewerk vier - veral op sosiale media - het ontleders begin waarsku oor die 'wetlike raamwerk' van sulke skietgevegte.

Dit is juis oor die 'wetlike raamwerk' waaroor ek wil skryf.

Van die sogenaamde ontleders daar vanuit hulle ivoortorings sal 'n skiet situasie verbeel, dan een ellelange akademiese artikel daaroor skryf, met vermelding van hofuitsprake en so aan.

Die belewenis van die polisiemanne op die grond en betrokke by 'n skiet situasie, verskil natuurlik hemelsbreed. Hier is byvoorbeeld een baie belangrike aspek wat hulle byvoorbeeld nie in ag neem nie of selfs dalknie eers bewus van is nie: en dit is die feitdat van die gewapende kriminele partykeer vol bravade is omdat hulle kort vantevore 'n sangoma besoek het wie hulle oortuig het dat die polisie se geweerkoeëls in water sal verander. Hierdie misdadigers onderwerp hulself dus nie aan wetstoepassing nie - hulle kies om die wetstoepassers te beveg.

Dit is regtig moeilik vir goeie polisiemanne om bose misdadigers vas te trek en te sien hoe hulle bevry word danksy spoggerige wet voetwerk. Ontleders, ander sagmoediges en die menseregtekenners buig partykeer te veel oor na die gewelddadige beskuldigdes se kant.

So het ek ook die grondwethof se ellelange 2002-uitspraak geskryf deur oudregter Johan Kriegler gaan lees wat handel oor die gebruik van dodelike geweld tydens arrestasie en andersins. Artikel 49 van die SPW, die 'reg op lewe' en al daardie mooi dinge van die grondwet en handves van menseregte word hierin ontleed en bespreek.

• Uittreksel uit die grondwet. Oor selfverdediging spesifiek (wat die polisie seker meesal as verdediging sal voorhou) word in para. 53 die volgende daarvan gesê:

"[53] The point of departure is the value our Constitution places on human life; and the judgments aim to protect the life and physical integrity of fleeing suspects against the threat of excessive force. It is in that regard alone that the judgments bring about a change. There is no change as regards the respect for and protection of the lives or safety of anybody other than the fleeing suspect. Neither

the restricted meaning given to section 49(1), nor the striking down of subsection (2) waters down the right to defend oneself or others. The extent of this right remains as expressed unequivocally and clearly on behalf of this Court by Chaskalson P in his leading judgment in Makwanyane’ s case:6[5]

“Self-defence is recognized by all legal systems. Where a choice has to be made between the lives of two or more people, the life of the innocent is given preference over the life of the aggressor. This is consistent with s 33(1). [The equivalent of section 36 of the (final) Constitution.] To deny the innocent person the right to act in self-defence would deny to that individual his or her right to life. The same is true where lethal force is used against a hostage taker who threatens the life of the hostage. It is permissible to kill the hostage taker to save the life of the innocent hostage. But only if the hostage is in real danger. The law solves problems such as these through the doctrine of proportionality, balancing the rights of the aggressor against the rights of the victim, and favouring the life or lives of innocents over the life or lives of the guilty.6[6] But there are strict limits to the taking of life, even in the circumstances that have been described, and the law insists upon these limits being adhered to.”

As ons almal aanvaar dat ons 'n grondwetlike staat is wat gegrond is op die oppergesag van die reg; dan moet ons ook aanvaar dat 'n aanval op polisie of ander wetstoepassers 'n aanval op die Grondwet en sy oppergesag is.

Ons regsorde in die algemeen en ons strafregstelsel in die besonder kan net werk as almal, insluitend die polisie en misdadigers, dit respekteer. Die gelykheid klousule is ook van toepassing op die reg op lewe. En alle lewens, insluitend dié van polisie en misdadigers, maak saak.

Die polisie het nie 'n vrye lisensie om dood te maak nie, maar hulle moet lewens verdedig, insluitend hulle eie, en die Grondwet.

Ons almal is met reg bekommerd oor die vlakke van moord, geweld en misdaad in Suid-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe waaruit hierdie boewe opereer, weet wie hulle is, maar is verstaanbaar vreesbevange om uit te praat. Dan wanneer die polisie ingryp en daar 'n skietgeveg is, speel van hulle skielik Moeder Theresa.

Brig. (afgetree) Fanie Bouwer... South Africa’s massive police problem

The South African Police Service’s (SAPS) 2024/25 'Annual Performance Plan' shows that despite massive budgetary increases (now R110-billion), the law enforcement body is still struggling to get a grip on the country’s surging crime rates.

One of the biggest problems the SAPS faces is an increasing population that new police recruitments simply cannot keep up with.

According to the report, some of its other most pressing internal challenges include:

Low morale of members;

Increased workloads; SAPS members involved in crime;

Ageing, inadequate infrastructure;

Insufficient resources;

Need for modernization; and “reduced budget allocations.”

Boots on the ground problem

According to the 2014 and 2024 budget, SAPS has seen an over R50 billion budgetary increase over the past 10 years, with much of the focus on the recruitment of more officers.

“The SAPS has for a number of years faced the prospect of an ever-increasing population versus a steadily declining staff establishment,” said the report.

“This has several negative effects on the organization as it struggles to keep pace with the increasing demand for policing services, an increasing crime rate and the effects of an over-stretched policing capability,” it added.

The country’s population increased from an estimated 54 million in 2014 to 62 million in 2022, while the actual SAPS workforce deployed to the frontline declined from 152,977 in 2014 to 145,256 in 2023.

(Laasgenoemde. syfer is eintlik 190 000+)

This means that the police to population ratio has risen from approximately 1:353 in 2014, to 1:427 in 2023. The United Nations recommends a ratio of one police officer for every 220 people.

In hopes of countering this, government recently allocated R8.7 billion in the 2022/23 financial year, to “extend and rejuvenate SAPS’ staff establishment through the recruitment of 12,000 (changed to 10,000) additional personnel members.”

However, the report shows that this multi-billion-rand intervention only saw a “marginal increase in the SAPS’ workforce, particularly that element of the workforce that serves the people of the country directly.”

A total of 10,000 new enlistments were added – but 5,000 were lost.

The number of total personnel (including administrative staff) is expected to increase marginally to 186,538 in 2026/27 – around 5,000 more than 2023/24.

Additionally, the report said that 16,230 out of 18,753 (86.55%) of SAPS vehicles are currently operational.

Impact on the Detective Service

“The Detective Service has not been immune to decreases in the workforce and increased workloads,” said the report.

The number of docket-carrying detectives has reduced from 18,963, at the start of 2022, to 17,614 (minus 1,349) at the start of 2023.

This has ultimately impacted detection rates.

Kommentaar: die artikel is maar redelik oppervlakkig. Die werklike redes vir die wanprestasie van die SAPD is oral onder te vinde.

https://businesstech.co.za/.../south-africas-massive.../

Gen. F Masomela Police Commissioner.

‘n EKSTRA GELDJIE IS MOS ALTYD WELKOM!

(en sommer CASH, at that!)

Ontmoet ons top-klas adverteerders

Dr Willem Steenkamp

ABSTRACT: Many of us have memorabilia from our time in the Forces stashed away at home. Uniforms, other kit, perhaps even medals and awards. Stuff that the kids may not be interested in, or simply not have space for, or perhaps they live too far away to eventually get it to them in a costeffective manner. Do we simply throw it away, or flog it at a flea market? Isn’t there a way of ensuring that it will be put to good use, still as heritage assets, and even bring in good money? Indeed, there is. John Morgan will buy it from you, off your WhatsApp photos, for cash, arrange for it to be picked up, and then rent it to film crews and TV producers. So that it will definitely not end up on the rubbish dump but continue to serve as reminders of a proud past. As an antiques dealer he is also interested in historical collections, which he buys complete as set, without cherry-picking. This article tells more about the man and his passion.

KEYWORDS: War memorabilia, historical collections, John Morgan Hiring Company

AUTHOR: Dr Willem Steenkamp

NOTE: The first third of this article is in Afrikaans, then followed by English. Baie van ons het ‘n trommel of wat, agter op ‘n rak in die stoorkamer. Memorabilia vanuit die dae toe ons in diens gestaan het van ons vaderland. Goed met sentimentele waarde. Uniforms, of dele daarvan. Uitrusting, of selfs medaljes en dekorasies. Goed wat mens nie sommer net wil weggooi of aan die pandjieswinkel wil verkoop nie.

Miskien gedag dat die kinders dit graag sou wou hê, maar nou woon hulle dalk vêr oor die water. Of het nie spasie nie. Of stel gewoon net nie belang nie. So, wat gemaak?

Een van Nongqai se mees gereelde adverteerders het ons as redaksie se oë oopgemaak vir ‘n opsie wat enersyds ‘n geldjie inbring, en andersyds toesien dat dié stukkies herinnering nie sommer net maar op die ashoop eindig nie – dat dit steeds in diens van erfenis-bewaring bly staan.

Ek het meer hieromtrent uitgevind van John Morgan, ‘n Brit wat sy offisier-opleiding by die befaamde Sandhurst deurloop het en nou in Durban woon. Want sien, hy is getroud met ‘n Afrikaanse dame, juis van daar (sy’s ‘n nooi Mariane van Straaten). Mariane het self ook haar militêre opleiding by Sandhurst ontvang het (kragtens die Gemenebes-skema). ‘n Dubbel-door dienste-agtergrond dus, met Durban die plek waar oupa en ouma bly. En daarom is John en Mariane ook nou daar, sodat die grootouers en kinders kleintyd darem na aan mekaar kan wees.

Die kollekteer van dienste-memorabilia is duidelik by John ‘n passie, wat hy met sake-vernuf tot ‘n enorme internasionale onderneming uitgebou het. Sy eie agtergrond in die Britse Magte maak dat hy gemaklik kan kommunikeer met Suid-Afrikaners wat in uniform was (hy is alom ‘n baie aangename, gemoedelike en ook interessante mens, en hy benadruk dat sy advies heeltemal gratis is vir diegene wat daarom vra).

Die op-koop van ou klere / uniforms is iets wat van sy jong dae in Engeland kom. Die verhuur daarvan aan film-spanne en TV-produksies het vir hom sukses gebring, met onder andere gróót flieks soos Gladiator, die Harry Potter-reeks en Out of Africa op sy kerfstok. Hy weet dus wat hy doen en waarvan hy praat.

Hier is hy aan die woord, in ‘n een minuut video, vanuit sy privaat militêre museum in Engeland (kliek op die beeld om die kort YouTube video te sien):

John Morgan, versamelaar van memorabilia, getroud met Mariane van Straaten van Durban John is bepaald egter nie net ‘n voorsiener aan die film-bedryf, of net enkel gefokus op militêre aandenkings nie.

Hy is in eie reg ook ‘n oudheid-deskundige en versamelaar in die breë. Wat hom anders maak as meeste ander aankopers van oudhede en memorabilia, is dat hy nie net maar die kersies van die koek af probeer bekom nie. Wanneer hy met ‘n potensiële verkoper te doen het wat dalk van als en nog wat vergaar het – waardevol sowel as minder só, maak hy ‘n aanbod vir die geheel. Veral in die geval van bestorwe boedels. Want hy weet dat die verkoper nie moet oorbly met stukke wat hy gaan sukkel om heenkome voor te vind nie (John se maatskappy beskik oor ‘n groot en kundige restourasie-afdeling, sodat hulle ook items wat al bietjie afgeleef mag vertoon, sal inkoop).

John se tipiese werkswyse is om ‘n verkoper wat hom skakel (gewoonlik op WhatsApp) te vra om foto’s te neem van alles wat hy of sy te koop aanbied, en dit dan per WhatsApp aan John te stuur. Hy maak dan ‘n vaste aanbod, so van die foto’s af. As die verkoper dit aanvaar, dan reël John vir ‘n koerier om die pakket by die verkoper te kom oplaai, en ‘n oorplasing van fondse word gelyklopend na die verkoper se bankrekening gemaak.

Dis hoe John self sy werkswyse beskryf het aan my:

I make firm offers from basic WhatsApp photos!

I have been spending my time between Durban and London since 2018 and will return with my family permanently to England in 2026, for my children's secondary education.

Apart from buying general antiques (works of art, watches, jewellery and silver), I have spent decades focusing on the purchase of grand old French luggage, rare sporting equipment, taxidermy and militaria.

My buying of military items from Zimbabwe & SA has been prolific, and I have secured the purchase of several entire lifelong collections. Everything from Victorian swords, medals and uniforms, through to Boer War and Great War items, WW2 German & Allied gear and kit as recent as Border War & Bush War veterans' camouflaged clothing, helmets, boots and general effects.

I also buy 1970s & '80s LP records for my music bar in England!

SHAFTESBURY COACHING AND MILITARY MUSEUM

One can get a good idea of the size and scope of John’s operations, just from his private Coaching and Military Museum in Shaftesbury, England.

Click on the image below, to be taken to the impressive and informative website of John’s hire company.

So, who is John Morgan? Here’s his interesting life story, in his own words. In the early 1980s whilst at the all-boys' Merchant Taylors' School (founded 1620) near Liverpool, I began supplying second-hand clothing to fellow pupils who were influenced (like me) by the fashions of the New Romantic music culture in general and the stylish TV adaptation of Brideshead Revisited in particular. There was a good alternative arts scene at the school, and Tony Barrow, the Beatles' press officer, had attended in the late '50s.

Living in the once-grand Victorian seaside resort of Southport, I frequented the ten or so charity / thrift shops and persuaded the charming elderly volunteers to keep certain things back for my weekly visits. Usually, these were on Saturday afternoons, having finished school at lunchtime. Jumble sales were also happy hunting grounds, and I learnt quickly the merits of spotting old clothes and uniforms of the right quality, size, and condition from distance.

Top of my wish-list was tweed. Harris Tweed jackets were very popular, and I bought all that were available. Tweed suits were the holy grail, especially bespoke tailored varieties with waistcoats and shooting breeches / plus fours.

Soon, the tailoring hierarchy became clear and provided an insight into the British class system.

Bottom of the pile were off-the-peg outfitters' clothing. Burton, Moss Bros., Hardy Amies, John Collier, Daks Simpson all come to mind. Cheap and easy to buy, more difficult to sell.

Luckily when pop videos such as Gold by Spandau Ballet and Golden Brown by The Stranglers came onto our screens a new wave of less discerning boys became easily talked into investing in vintage (a phrase that my cohort group used liberally at the time!).

I was delighted when an old overcoat I provided was worn by Neil Tennant in a Pet Shop Boys video.

The men's clothes in the films Casablanca, Rebecca, and Brief Encounter provided further awe and inspiration.

Next in the order of precedence were garments from the more prestigious provincial outfitters for gentlemen. In the case of the North-west of England, which had been enormously prosperous during the 19th and most of the 20th centuries were Watson Prickard along with Mander & Allender of Liverpool

These places had provided the mercantile and professional classes of the region their city suits, shirts and accessories for the working week, tweed and corduroy clothing for wearing at the golf club and formal (white tie) & semi-formal (black tie) attire for the many social events that were the networking glue of the time.

These were clothes from the days of the three-hour boozy lunch with one's bank manager or stockbroker who would certainly sport a bespoke (completely hand-made to order after several fittings) pinstripe suit from one of the local area's very accomplished tailors.

Many of these craftsmen had worked and perfected their skills in London and set up small businesses wherever gaps existed. Their customers generally remained loyal and could enjoy a decades long acquaintance with their tailor.

At the undisputed pinnacle of global sartorial elegance, and therefore keenly sought after by dealers such as myself were Savile Row (always bespoke) tailored jackets & suits. The grandest and richest of men would wear these works of art and discovering tweed shooting suits from this famous area (not just 'The Row' itself) with the hidden labels inside was (and still is) a true delight.

The ever so slightly wonky stitching on the sumptuous lapels, the discreet working cuff buttons, and always impeccable cut of the trousers mark these suits out from the ordinary to this day.

As the eighties progressed, so did my accidental business. I had planned on joining the regular army but was already an officer in the Reserves by 1985 and grew used to doing my own thing.

My 37-year part-time military career took me, after Sandhurst, to jungles, deserts, and mountains, including two operational tours as a Forward Air Controller. I commanded an armoured squadron, before becoming regimental second-in-command. Seven years were spent with a UKSF(R) unit, and my expertise in militaria enabled me to organise the regiment's museum (including artefacts from its founding in 1941).

When returning from a year hitchhiking around Australia and the States in 1987 I continued to supply an extraordinarily elegant shop called Blax on Sicilian Avenue in Holborn, London. Looking back over the years dealing at the top end of vintage menswear, Blax was certainly the best I have ever seen. Sparse rails of the most carefully chosen and dry-cleaned 1930s and 1940s town & country suits and accessories, many with the wartime CC41 utility mark inside. The owners, Rosamund (English) and Oliver (Italian), were dead cool.

This year, I began supplying Hackett, the very successful firm that now enjoys global success. At this time, they had a few small shops in the Chelsea / Fulham area and majored on second-hand tweeds and formal wear. Each week, I drove down from Liverpool with my old MG Midget full of kit. Much of the revenue was soon spent in London on the night of the deal!

Also, at this time, as the result of an introduction to Polo Ralph Lauren by a co-founder of Hackett, I began supplying mountains of old luggage and riding boots for window & shop displays. Additionally, their creative design department hoovered up old cricket jerseys, sporting blazers, and particularly tweed overcoats to act as 'inspiration' for future seasons' ranges.

My suppliers by the late '80s were all over Scotland and the North of England and I voraciously bought industrial quantities of 'colonial leftovers' and delivered it weekly ( by the van-load now ) to my London clients.

By the end of the decade, I was based between Oxford and Bermondsey Market in south-east London, where I shared a Friday morning 4-9 (yes, A.M.) shop with two other dealers who were mates as well as rivals. Full English breakfasts washed down with best ale in traditional pubs at 9 in the morning was the Capital's life at its best.

My advertising for stock in various publications was paying off and by the nineties I was buying privately from the very best of British country houses and buying up deceased estates' effects.

The entire wardrobe of a former equerry to HM King Edward VIII yielded extraordinary treasures. The result of attempting to keep up with one of the best-dressed men in history must have resulted in bankruptcy for the late officer concerned.

Capitalising on my military contacts, I began dealing in old uniforms and related objects. As a point of interest, the dark blue trousers with thin red stripe worn by guardsmen of the British Army are called 'tweeds'.

The ready market providing props to the film & television industries has proved lucrative and I have provided luggage for the Harry Potter films' railway platform scenes as well as general props for Downton Abbey, Out of Africa, Gladiator, Entrapment, and many other productions.

By 2000 I had begun dealing online, disposing of worn-out props. This proved an overwhelming success, and I shifted the focus of the business to supply this demand for gentlemen's high-end second-hand clothing.

My personal love of tweed endures, and I have enjoyed deerstalking in the Highlands of Scotland and driven-game shooting in Southern England clad in the stuff on wild winter days. The smell of decent tweed is gorgeous, and a man would do well to test this on any potential partner. If they don't agree, then the relationship will not flourish!

Onwards....

John Morgan

www.johnmorganco.com

REDAKTEUR: NONGAAI VROUE/FEMALE

Op 27 April 2024, was dit presies 30 jaar gelede dat die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in SuidAfrika plaasgevind het. 30 Jaar gelede dat die “Nuwe Suid-Afrika” tot stand gekom het toe dit die eerste keer in die geskiedenis van ons land was dat alle etniese groepe die voorreg gehad het om hul kruisie op ‘n stembrief te trek vir die party wat hulle graag sou wou hê om die land te regeer. Die spanning het feitlik breekpunt bereik, maar genadiglik het die stemmery, wat oor drie dae plaasgevind het, baie goed en sonder voorvalle klaargemaak. Mense van alle rasse het in hul duisende opgeruk stembus toe. Wat sou die toekoms vir ons land inhou. Om hierdie gedenkwaardige dag te gedenk het brig. (afgetree) Fanie Bouwer en myself so bietjie die pad teruggeloop tot daardie dag, en ook die op bou na die stembus toe, om bietjie ons weergawes te gee van hoe ons dit ervaar het. Ongelukkig weet ons darem seker vandag almal dat die verwagtinge te hoog was en dinge nie verloop het soos wat dit veronderstel was nie.

27 APRIL 1994: SUID-AFRIKA WAS HIERNA NOOIT WEER DIESELFDE NIE.

Sarie van Niekerk

Teen die tyd wanneer hierdie Nongqai verskyn, is dit al 30 jaar gelede toe die sogenaamde “Nuwe

Suid-Afrika” aangebreek het. Want sien, op 27 April 1994 het die dag aangebreek waarop almal in Suid-Afrika, wit, bruin, swart en Indiër saam na die stembusse gestroom het om vir die eerste keer hul kruisie te trek agter die naam van die kandidaat wat hulle as die land se volgende leier wou hê.

Die uitslag van hierdie verkiesing was baie duidelik nog lank voor die eerste kruisie eers getrek is. Mandela en sy ANC-geaffilieerde party het as oorweldigende wenners uit die stryd getree.

Suid-Afrika sou nooit weer dieselfde wees nie.

Kom ons draai die horlosie so ongeveer 40 jaar terug dan kyk ons bietjie na dinge wat gebeur het tot die aanloop van die historiese verkiesing wat oor drie dae plaasgevind het. ‘n Verkiesing wat almal gesien het as die grootste waterskeiding nog in Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis. ‘n Verkiesing wat aan almal in hierdie land ‘n beter lewe en beter geleenthede sou bied, waarna ons almal by die poskantoor in dieselfde ry sal staan en daar geen bordjies van “slegs blankes” te sien sal wees nie. ‘n Verkiesing wat die geboorte van die “Reënboognasie” aangekondig het. (Of so het ons almal gehoop en gedink dit sou wees”.)

Dit wat uiteindelik op die verkiesing op 27 April 1994 uitgeloop het, het alles begin met wyle pres. FW de Klerk se parlementsopeningsrede op 2 Februarie 1990. Hy het sy toespraak as volg begin:

“Speaker, Members of Parlement”.

Hierdie aankondiging van FW de Klerk het gevolg na jare se gewelddadige aanslae van die ANC en ander terreur organisasies in Suid-Afrika. Die land was geïsoleer deur eers sport boikotte en later boikotte op alle ander gebiede.

Die terreurveldtog het al hoe erger geword. Die land is veral geruk deur bomaanvalle deur die ANC en die SAKP. Ons kan dink aan die ontploffing by die Magoo’s Bar in Durban, by die St. Andrews kerk in Kaapstad, bomaanvalle by byvoorbeeld die landdroskantoor in Johannesburg waar etlike mense gedood en vermink is. Die aanvalle op die Wimpy kosplekke in verskillende dele van die land.

Ons dink aan die Kerkstraaat-bom op 20 Mei 1980 by die lugmag hoofkantoor in Kerkstraat, Pretoria, toe ‘n kragtige bom die gebou geruk het feitlik net met huis toe gaan tyd die middag. Die bomplanter is ook self in die ontploffing dood.

Beseerdes word behandel op die toneel in Schubartstraat, Pretoria. Patrick Kuzwayo dra steeds die letsels van die Kerkstraatbom. Neville Clarence, wat sy oë verloor het in die Kerkstraatbom, vertel hoe moeilik dit vir hom is om die toneel wat hy nooit gesien het nie te probeer visualiseer. Christo Barnardo is deesdae 'n dominee in die Kaap. Hy is van die mense wat die ergste beseer is in die Kerkstraatbom. Die ramptoneel op 20 Mei 1983.

DIT BLY EEN VAN DIE GROOTSTE TERREUR-AANVALLE IN SUID-AFRIKA. OP 20 MEI 1983 IS 19 MENSE DOOD EN MEER AS 200 BESEER TOE 'N MOTORBOM MET SOWAT 40 KG PLOFSTOF VOOR DIE LUGMAGHOOFKWARTIER IN KERKSTRAAT, PRETORIA, ONTPLOF HET.

Sanlam-Sentrum Amanzimtoti 23 Desember 1985

Ons dink aan die ontploffing op 23 Desember 1985, by die Sanlam-winkelsentrum op Amanzimtoti waar talle beseer en vyf mense dood is. Een van die oorledenes was die 16-jarige Sharon Bothma van Benoni wat volgens inligting op ‘n vullis drom buite by die ingang van die gebou vir haar mense gesit en wag het. Toevallig die asdrom waarin die bom geplant was. Nog vier ander mense is ook dood.. (Beeld 27 Desember 1985.)

Hier volg uittreksels uit FW se toespraak daardie dag.

“Speaker, Members of Parliament”,

“The general election on 6 September 1989, placed our country irrevocably on the road of drastic change. Underlying this is the growing realization by an increasing number of South Africans that only a negotiated understanding among the representative leaders of the entire population can ensure lasting peace.

The alternative is escalating violence, tension and conflict, which is unacceptable and in nobody’s interest. The well-being of all in this country is linked inextricably to the ability of the leaders to come to terms with one another on a new dispensation. No-one can escape this simple truth.

On its part, the Government will accord the process of negotiation the highest priority. The aim is a totally new and just constitutional dispensation in which every inhabitant will enjoy equal rights, treatment and opportunity in every sphere of endeavour – constitutional, social and economic”. Lede van die parlement en gaste wat die dag teenwoordig was, het klaar begin regop sit in hulle stoele. Wat gaan die president vandag sê, want vooraf is daar al gesê hy gaan ‘n baie belangrike aankondiging maak.

Hy het gepraat oor die stand van die land se ekonomie wat, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die hoë goudprys baie goed herstel het na die terugslae met die olie krisisse in die sewentiger jare, baie goed herstel het en danksy die harde werk van die Reserwe Bank stabiel was.

Hy het oor nog vele ander dinge met betrekking tot die toestand in die land gepraat. En toe kom die “groot aankondiging” waarvan daar gepraat is hy die aand sal maak.

Hy het gepraat oor die politieke druk wat die land van oor die wêreld kry oor ons beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling en gesê dat daaroor onderhandel sal moet word, om verdere bloedvergieting en verwoesting in die land stop te sit wat deur veral die ANC, SAKP, Poqo en ander vryheidsvegters groepe groot skade aan die land se ekonomie en sy mense veroorsaak. Die land is wêreld wyd verstoot en bande met lande op alle terreine verbreek.

Hy het verwys na veral die aanhouding van Nelson Mandela en die volgende gesê: ‘In this connection Mr. Nelson Mandela could play an important part. The Government has noted that he has declared himselfto be willing to make a constructive contribution to the peaceful politicalprocess in South Africa.

I wish to put it plainly that the Government has taken a firm decision to release Mr. Mandela unconditionally. I am serious about bringing this matter to finality without delay. The Government will take a decision soon on the date of his release. Unfortunately, a further short passage of time is unavoidable.

Normally there is a certain passage of time between the decision to release and the actual release because of logistical and administrative requirements. In the case of Mr. Mandela there are factors in the way of his immediate release, of which his personal circumstances and safety are not the least. He has not been an ordinary prisoner for quite some time. Because of that, his case requires particular circum-spection.

Today’s announcements, in particular, go to the heart of what Black leaders also Mr. Mandela have been advancing over the years as their reason for having resorted to violence. The allegation has been that the Government did not wish to talk to them and that they were deprived of their right to normal political activity by the prohibition of their organizations. Without conceding that violence has ever been justified, I wish to say today to those who argued in this manner: The Government wishes to talk to all leaders who seek peace. The unconditional lifting of the prohibition on the said organizations places everybody in a position to pursue politics freely. The justification for violence, which was always advanced, no longer exists. These facts place everybody in South Africa before a fait accompli. On the basis of numerous previous statements there is no longer any reasonable excuse for the continuation of violence. The time for talking has arrived and whoever still makes excuses does not really wish to talk.

Therefore, I repeat my invitation with greater conviction than ever:

Walk through the open door, take your place at the negotiating table together with the Government and other leaders who have important power bases inside and outside of Parliament. Henceforth, everybody’s political points of view will be tested against their realism, their workability and their fairness. The time for negotiation has arrived.

To those political leaders who have always resisted violence i say thank you for your principled stands. This includes all the leaders of parliamentary parties, leaders of important organizations and movements, such as Chief Minister Buthelezi, all of the other Chief Ministers and urban community leaders.

Through their participation and discussion, they have made an important contribution to this moment in which the process of free political participation is able to be restored. Their places in the negotiating process are assured.

In this connection Mr. Nelson Mandela could play an important part. The Government has noted that he has declared himself to be willing to make a constructive contribution to the peaceful political process in South Africa.

I wish to put it plainly that the Government has taken a firm decision to release Mr Mandela unconditionally. I am serious about bringing this matter to finality without delay. The Government will take a decision soon on the date of his release. Unfortunately, a further short passage of time is unavoidable.

Normally there is a certain passage of time between the decision to release and the actual release because of logistical and administrative requirements. In the case of Mr Mandela there are factors in the way of his immediate release, of which his personal circumstances and safety are not the least. He has not been an ordinary prisoner for quite some time. Because of that, his case requires particular circum-spection.

Today’s announcements, in particular, go to the heart of what Black leaders also Mr. Mandela have been advancing over the years as their reason for having resorted to violence. The allegation has been that the Government did not wish to talk to them and that they were deprived of their right to normal political activity by the prohibition of their organizations.

Without conceding that violence has ever been justified, I wish to say today to those who argued in this manner: The Government wishes to talk to all leaders who seek peace. The unconditional lifting of the prohibition on the said organizations places everybody in a position to pursue politics freely. The justification for violence, which was always advanced, no longer exists. These facts place everybody in South Africa before a fait accompli. On the basis of numerous previous statements there is no longer any reasonable excuse for the continuation of violence. The time for talking has arrived and whoever still makes excuses does not really wish to talk. Therefore, I repeat my invitation with greater conviction than ever:

Walk through the open door, take your place at the negotiating table together with the Government and other leaders who have important power bases inside and outside of Parliament. Henceforth, everybody’s political points of view will be tested against their realism, their workability and their fairness. The time for negotiation has arrived.

To those political leaders who have always resisted violence i say thank you for your principled stands. This includes all the leaders of parliamentary parties, leaders of important organizations and movements, such as Chief Minister Buthelezi, all of the other Chief Ministers and urban community leaders.

Through their participation and discussion, they have made an important contribution to this moment in which the process of free political participation is able to be restored. Their places in the negotiating process are assured.

Hy het ook aangekondig dat alle vryheidsvegters organisasies wat reeds vir jare lank geweld as hul wapens gebruik het die regering omvêr te gooi en dood en verwoesting in die land gesaai het, wat jare gelede verbied is om hul bedrywighede wettig in Suid-Afrika te bedryf, weer toegelaat word om hulle weer wettig in die land te vestig.

Hy het sy openingsrede afgesluit met die volgende:

“The eyes of responsible governments across the world are focused on us. The hopes of millions of South Africans are centred around us. The future of Southern Africa depends on us. We dare not falter or fail.” This is where we stand:

I ask of Parliament to assist me on the road ahead. There is much to be done.

I call on the international community to re-evaluate its position and to adopt a positive attitude towards the dynamic evolution which is taking place in South Africa. I pray that the Almighty Lord will guide and sustain us on our course through unchartered water and will bless your labours and deliberations.

Mr. Speaker, Members of Parliament, I now declare this second Session of the Ninth Parliament of the Republic of South Africa to be duly opened”.

Nelson Mandela is op 11 Februarie 1990 onder groot toejuiging uit die Victor Verster-gevangenes vrygelaat. Hy het saam met sy destydse vrou Winnie Madikizela Mandela uit die gebou uitgestap gekom.

Op papier en uit die mond van politieke ondersteuners het dit billik en reg geklink en geklink asof alles baie goed gaan verloop. Hoewel daar ook teenstand was, was volgens die president, die oorgrote meerderheid van Suid-Afrika ten gunste van hierdie aankondiging.

So eenvoudig sou dit egter nie wees nie. Daar sou nog baie waters in die see loop en nog baie bloed en trane gestort word voordat daar uiteindelik op 27 April 1994 tot stemming vir ‘n demokratiese regering oorgegaan is.

Ek gaan hier net ‘n paar van die groot hekkies wat oorkom moes word, uitlig en kortliks bespreek.

Eugene Terre’Blanche op sy beste.

Die regses onder leiding van die AWB van Eugene Terre’Blanche en sy Stormjaers het ook hulle teenkanting teen die onderhandelings baie duidelik gemaak. Hulle het gesê hulle sal enigiets doen om die onderhandelinge te ontwrig. Hulle het ook. Nog voor die onderhandelinge eers begin het, het die sogenaamde “Slag van Ventersdorp” plaasgevind toe AWB ondersteuners op 9 Augustus 1991 in hul honderdtalle op die dorp (Eugene Terre’Blanche se woonplek) toegesak het om te verhoed dat FW te Klerk die aand ‘n toespraak in die stadsaal kon hou.

Duisende ondersteuners en AWB-Stormtroepe, wat nie toestemming gehad het vir enige optrede die aand in Ventersdorp, het reeds van vroeg af by die stadsaal begin saamtrek. Daar het hulle vleis gebraai, gesing en gepraat, hard gepraat, soos lt.genl. Adriaan de la Rosa, later dié aand beskryf het. Die drank het waarskynlik ook vrylik gevloei en teen 17:00 het die skare al behoorlik begin saamtrek en was hulle ongelooflik opgesweep.

AWB-ondersteuners en die polisie konfronteer mekaar op Ventersdorp.

Omstreeks 18:00, die tyd wat almal verwag het dat FW. Daar sou aanland met ‘n Njala voertuig van die polisie het die mense in die strate begin marsjeer, in afwagting op sy aankoms maar FW. Was egter reeds veilig in die saal.

Dit was omtrent senutergend om te beleef. Die spul het losgebars soos net hulle kan. Hulle het met honde, bofbalkolwe en enigiets wat hulle kon kry op die saal en die polisielede toegesak. Hulle het Zeb in die polisiehonde se oë gespuit. Hulle het die dorp se ligte afgeskakel. FW het egter geen benul gehad van wat buite aangaan nie, hy het rustig voortgegaan met sy vergadering. Dinge het so erg geraak dat daar besluit is om die vergadering te stop en hom uit die dorp te verwyder. Hy is uit die saal gesmokkel en onder begeleiding van lyfwagte en polisielede per helikopter na Potchefstroom gevlieg.

Die volgende voorval van politieke geweld voor die verkiesing was op 7 September 1992 met die inval van Bisho in die destydse Ciskei waar ANC/SAKP ondersteuners in hulle duisende opgeruk het om die regering van brig. Oupa Gqozo in ‘n bloedige slagting om ver te werp. Mense soos Chris Hani, Ronnie Kasrils en Steve Tshwete, almal senior lede van die ANC/SAKP was aan die voorpunt. 28 mense en een soldaat is die dag doodgeskiet.

Die eerste onderhandeling sessie vir die oorgang na ‘n demokratiese Suid-Afrika (CODESA) het op 20 Desember 1991 in die World Trade Centre by Kempton Park begin. Die doel van hierdie eerste onderhandelinge was om ‘n weg te vind om ‘n einde aan apartheid te maak en hoe om ‘n gladde oorgang na demokrasie te maak, te bespreek. Hierdie onderhandelinge het aangehou tot in 1993, een jaar voor die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in die land..

Die onderhandelinge en ander debatte het toe nie so vlot verloop nie. Die land was gewond, emosies het hoog geloop en daar was geweldig baie dinge wat bespreek moes word. Een hiervan was om ‘n tussentydse regering daar te stel tot na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing.

In Mei 1992, tydens CODESA 2, het die onderhandelinge egter ‘n dooie punt bereik. Grootskaalse geweld het landwyd uitgebreek, soos byvoorbeeld die slagting in Junie 1992 by Boipatong, naby Vanderbijlpark. 46 mense is hier gedood en baie ander beseer toe ondersteuners van die Inkatha Vryheid Party (IVP) ondersteuners van die ANC aangeval het.

Hierdie gebeure het daartoe gely dat die ANC hulle aan die CODESA2 onderhandelinge onttrek het met Nelson Mandela wat FW. De Klerk en sy regering daarvan beskuldig het dat hulle by die aanvalle betrokke was. CODESA2 het dus onsuksesvol geëindig.

Hierna het die ANC weer met groot massa aksies begin wat uiteindelik gely het tot die tragedie op 7 September 1992 by Bisho in die destydse Ciskei, in die Oos-Kaap waar die weermag van Ciskei protes optoggangers van die ANC wat na die munisipale kantore wou opruk om te betoog dat hulle dorp weer by Suid-Afrika ingelyf moet word. 28 mense is daar dood wat net weer die noodsaaklikheid van die hervatting van die onderhandelinge beklemtoon het.

Die onderhandelinge by WTC is hervat nadat Roelf Meyer en Cyril Ramaphosa tussen hulle weer ooreengekom het oor hoe die onderhandelinge voortgesit moet word. Dit het gely tot ‘n Veelparty Onderhandelings Forum waarmee daar op 1 April 1993 begin is.

Kort na hierdie hervatting van die onderhandelings het daar weer iets gebeur wat weer gedreig het om die land in totale chaos te dompel.

Die moord op 10 April 1993 op Chris Hani, die destydse sekretaris-generaal van die Kommunistiese Party, het gelei tot grootskaalse woede in die land wat tot meer opstande, protesoptogte en vernietiging van eiendom gely het. Die onderhandelinge is onderbreek. Die land was op ‘n brandpunt van chaos en verwoestende honderd duisende ondersteuners het in hul massas opgeruk en was onkeerbaar. Die woede het die land behoorlik op ‘n mes puntjie laat wankel.

In die meer as ‘n week na die moord tot met die begrafnis was Suid-Afrika “aan die brand”. Onluste het oral uitgebreek. Massas het saamgetrek om teen die moord op Hani te protesteer. Die dag met die eerste verskyning van die twee beskuldigdes, Clive Derby-Lewis en Jannus Walus in die landdroskantoor in Boksburg, in die landdroskantoor gebou in Adderleystraat soos ‘n ford beskerm. Honderde polisiemanne was aan diens. Op die dak van die landdroskantoor en omliggende kantore het skerpskutters met aanvalsgewere wag gehou. Strate is blokke ver van die gebou afgesper. Slegs landdros personeel, geakrediteerde media en die regspanne betrokke by die saak en die twee beskuldigdes is in die gebou toegelaat. Duisende mense het in die stad se sentrale gebied saamgedrom met dreunsang en oorlogskrete

Was dit nie vir die optrede van Nelson Mandela, wat ingetree en in ‘n toespraak ‘n oproep tot kalmte gedoen het nie weet niemand wat die einde sou wees nie. Dit het die gewenste uitwerking gehad

So het die gelyk die dag met Chris Hani se begrafnis.

Dinge het weer na normaal begin terugkeer. Veral die feit dat die man wat die sneller getrek het toe Hani vroeg die Saterdagoggend by sy huis doodgeskiet is, binne ure na die voorval reeds in hegtenis geneem is. Die moord op Hani het gedreig om die komende verkiesing van 27 April 1994 totaal te laat skipbreuk ly.

Sporadiese bom voorvalle het steeds voorgekom, van die linker- sowel as die regterkant. Die AWB het self nie teruggestaan met hulle terreuraanvalle nie. In Germiston onthou ek goed was daar een

Die vinnige inhegtenisneming Hanie se moordenaars het gehelp om gemoedere te laat bedaar. Links is Jannus Walus (die skieter) en regs Clive-Derby Lewis. Die oggend vroeg was daar ‘n ontploffing gewees waar ‘n Beeld koerant verkoper met sy bondel koerante en al die lug ingeblaas is toe die ontploffing plaasgevind het net mooi waar hy elke dag gesit het. Dit is later deur die polisie gesê was ‘n ontploffing deur regses. Ook by die ingang van die destydse Jan Smuts Lughawe ‘n halfhartige ontploffing by die hoof ingang van die vertrek saal was vermoedelik ‘n regse poging gewees.

Aanhoudende, gewelddadige botsings tussen die ondersteuners van die Inkatha Vryheid Party en die ANC in KwaZulu Natal het daartoe gely dat Nelson Mandela van ‘n oorsese vakansie af terug gevlieg het na Suid-Afrika en daarop aangedring het dat die onderhandelingsproses versnel moet word.

Maar toe, op 25 Junie 1993, minder as ‘n jaar voor die verkiesing, slaag die AWB weer daarin om verdere onderhandelinge so byna-byna te laat skipbreuk ly. Op die dag het die onderhandelinge tussen die destydse regering en die ANC feitlik die finale stadium bereik. Maar die AWB het weer ander planne gehad. Weereens sou hulle tot die uiterste toe gaan om die onderhandelinge te ontwrig.

• Die dag toe die AWB met ‘n pantsermotor deur die glas deur van die World Trade Centre gery het.

Daar is vooraf deur die AWB en ondersteuners gewaarsku dat die ondertekening wat die dag moes plaas vind nie gaan gebeur nie. Honderde polisiemanne is ontplooi en alle moontlike veiligheidsmaatreëls is in plek gestel vir die dag se gebeure.

Ons media is reeds die vorige dag aangesê om vir ons eie veiligheid van die agterste hek by die World Trade Centre (WTC) op Kempton Park, gebruik te maak wanneer ons daar aankom. Ek was reeds vroegoggend op pad na die WTC. Ek het myself oortuig hoe vroeër ek daar is hoe

veiliger dit sal wees. Hoe verkeerd was ek tog nie gewees nie! Met my aankoms op pad na die hek waar ons moes in ry was dit ‘n see van AWB-vlae en AWB- ondersteuners. Ek moes stadig tussen die skare deur beweeg, behoorlik teen ‘n slakkegang. Daar was duisende van hulle.

Eugene Terre’Blanche by die World Trade Center saam met lede van sy Stormjaers. Voor die hek was daar totale chaos. My motor is voorgekeer en tot stillstand gedwing. My probleme het egter begin toe hulle ‘n plakker van Beeld teen my motor se voorruit raaksien. Die spul wat soos barbare tekere gegaan het, het my motor letterlik opgetel met my daarin en wou dit omgooi. Hulle het dit heen-en-weer geskud. Ek het regtig vir my lewe gevrees. Ek kon hoor en sien hoe van die mense met skerp instrumente die verf van my motor afkrap.

Dankie tog, die volgende oomblik het hulle my motor weer op die grond neergesit en my toegelaat om deur die hek te ry. Ek het eers trane afgevee en my grimering reggemaak voordat ek in die parkeerarea my motor tussen duisende ander gaan parkeer het.

Iets wat my dadelik getref het in die parkeerarea, was die rye en rye blompotte elkeen met ‘n rooi malva daarin geplant. Dit het eintlik so vrolik gelyk. Die dag was egter alles behalwe vrolik wees.

Dit het gou duidelik begin raak dat die polisie nie van plan was om die skare deur die splinternuwe hek te laat gaan nie, en hulle het met mag en mening begin beur en stoot. Hulle het gesing en die refrein “AWB” het weerklink bo die geraas van die vliegtuie wat oor die gebied gevlieg het.

Die skare met hul swaaiende vlae en opruiende slagspreuke het vining aangegroei. Voor die WTC was dit ‘n see van AWB-ondersteuners. Ek het reg voor teen die glaspanele gaan staan. Skielik het genl. Constand Viljoen langs my kom staan en ons het begin gesels. Ons het natuurlik die dreigende skare bespreek en genl. Viljoen het nog vir my gesê “moenie bang wees nie, hulle het my die versekering gegee dat hulle nie moeilikheid gaan maak nie, net gaan betoog en raas.”

Die skare het al nader en nader aan die glas muur beweeg en ek het geweet ‘hier kom ‘n ding.’ Volgens van die ondersteuners daar was die boodskap vir die dag baie duidelik “julle moet vir die wêreld wys dat hierdie volk nie onderdruk kan word nie. Julle moet rerig groot lawaai maak.”

Geraas was nie al wat hulle gedoen het nie. Dit was baie duidelik dat die desperate pogings van die honderde polisiemanne hulle nie kon stuit nie. Hulle het gillend en juigend op die onderhandeling sentrum afgepyl. Vooraan, op ‘n pantsermotor,omring deur sy Stormjaers in swart klere wasEugene Terre’Blanche, AWB-leier. Onder die geskreeu van die skare het hulle vorentoe beweeg soos ‘n voortstuwende watermassa wat alles uit sy pad vee.

Hulle het met ‘n donderende lawaai op die swaar glaspanele afgestorm en gestoot en gebeur met die glas wat dreig om mee te gee. ’n Dawerende gejuig het opgegaan toe Terre’Blanche se pantsermotor nader aan die glas kom. Onder die luide aanmoediging van die skare het hulle vorentoe beweeg totdat die dik glas in duisende stukke gespat het en die pantsermotor deurgery het. Soos wilde bokke wat verskrik uit ’n vang tonnel uitstorm, het die skare die gebou binne gestorm.

Onder volg ‘n artikel uit Beeld gedateer 26 Junie 1993 waarin ek so bietjie van my ervaring van die dag beskryf het. Genl. Viljoen en ek het verslae die gebeure gestaan en dophou. ‘n Glas reën het oor ons neergedaal die oomblik toe die pantsermotor deur die glaspanele gebars het’

Die generaal het net sy kop laat sak, sy hande voor sy oë gedruk en gesê: ”O my *o*, daar doen hulle dit toe wragtig.”

In die konferensiesaal het verskrikte onderhandelaars vinnig begin skuiling soek. Party het onder die tafels ingeduik, onderhandelaars is uit die konferensiesaal na veiligheid geneem en in kantore toegesluit toe die massa groep ondersteuners in die konferensiesentrum ingestorm het.

Die onderhandelinge is uiteindelik afgehandel en die ‘Nuwe Suid-Afrika was ‘n werklikheid.

Teen laat middag is die toestand onder beheer gebring en die dag se onderhandelinge kon afgehandel word.

Toe ek baie later die middag na my motor stap het die tragedie van die dag eers werklik ingesink toe ek merk daar staan slegs een blompot met ‘n enkele rooi malva daarin nog in die parkeer ruimte. In die oorvol parkeerarea was dit nog net motor wat daar gestaan het.

Maar die stemdag het uiteindelik aangebreek en die euforie van die afgelope maande het die dag ‘n hoogtepunt bereik. Miljoene mense het die dag na die stembusse opgeruk om hul kruisies te trek. Vir die oorgrote meerderheid was die die eerste keer.

As alles tog maar net so kon voortgaan, maar vandag 30 jaar later het bitter min oorgebly.

Brig. (afgetree) Fanie Bouwer

Om hierdie onderwerp behoorlik onder die loep te neem, moet mens dit noodwendig in twee dele doen - eerstens die aanvanklike euforie tot en met die aanloop van 24 April 1994 en dan, tweedens, die verdere verloop tot en met die 30ste herdenking hierdie jaar

Deesdae verwys ons na dié dag as Vryheidsdag.

My gedagtes gaan dan dus eers weer terug na die aanloop tot 1994.

Die realiteite van wat aan die kom was destyds in die eerste helfte van die 90's, het stadig maar seker vir ons begin deurskemer.

Op ‘n stadium het generaals uit Pretoria ons senior offisiere in die Terry Terblanche-ontspanningsaal in Pinelands kom toespreek.

Tydens hierdie toesprake het ek die gevoel gekry dat ons sielkundig bearbei moes word om die verandering van regering wat ongetwyfeld op pad was, te aanvaar.

Vandag wonder ek hoeveel van hulle werklik uit die hart gepraat het? Ek glo natuurlik van nee, niemand het.

Een van hulle (Beukes van die veiligheidstak, wat ook die beste spreker was. Moet hom nie verwar met die een wat dieselfde van gehad het en later in 1995 as provinsiale kommissaris aangestel was nie) het, onder andere, verwys na die veranderinge van regering wat in daardie eeu in Suid-Afrika plaasgevind het en dat die amptenary bloot net voortgegaan het met hulle werk.

Selfs ék het dit geweet, maar dit was nie oorgange van een wit na ‘n ander wit regering nie . Hierdie keer was dit ‘n oorgang na ‘n swart regering - ‘n hengse verskil.

Ek was dus nie veel gerus gestel nie. Daar was ‘n diep gevoel van ongemak hier binne-in my.

Talle vrae maal deur jou kop - vrae waarop jy op daardie oomblik geen antwoorde op het nie. Jy kan dinge dink, maar die feit is jy kan nie die toekoms kyk nie.

Nelson Mandela word die eerste president na die 1994-verkiesing.

En juis oor hierdie onsekerhede het mense oraloor blikkies kos, beskuit, ammunisie en wat ook al voor die tyd begin opgaar. Wat het hulle gedink en wat het hulle verwag? Ek het begrip daarvoor gehad. Ons is van Afrika.

Dit is vandag weer die 27ste April, maar ek sal die aanbreek van 1994 en daardie dag se verkiesing nie maklik vergeet nie.

Dit was lotsbepalend vir my, in die sin dat my loopbaan nie lank daarna nie tot ‘n einde gekom het so in my laat 40’s. Dit is 'n storie vir 'n anderdag.

Op 27 April 1994 was ek in my kantoor onmiddellik langs afdeling binnelandse stabiliteit (ABS) se ops-kamer. Ek het al van baie vroeg af kort-kort tussen dié twee kantore beweeg daar op die sesde vloer van die Thomas Boydell-gebou in Kaapstad.

Lede van die Vredes komitees, monitors, oorsese polisie-offisiere, lede van NRO’s en andere het ook in die operasionele kamer van afdeling binnelandse stabiliteit (ABS) gesit en luister na die

situasieverslae (SITRAPS) wat kort-kort van oral in die Wes-Kaap oor die telefone, radios en faksmasjiene ingekom het. Ons het nog nie internet gehad nie.

Hierdie waarnemers was bloot hier van 'bo' toegelaat omdat niemand ons kamma vertrou het nie.

‘n Duidelike gevoel van opgewondenheid het by meeste geheers, maar nie almal nie.

Thabo Mbeki het Mandela opgevolg.

Party van hierdie ouens het skootrekenaars by hulle gehad en energiek sekere inligting oor die verloop van die dag se gebeure daarop ingetik.

Ek het op ‘n stadium die operasionele kamer vir ‘n wyle verlaat en ‘n paar vinnige draaie in die townships gaan ry en hier en daar met enkele swart kiesers gepraat.

Die mense het oral oor geduldig in baie lang toue gestaan vir ‘n geleentheid om hulle kruisies vir die eerste maal in hulle lewens te trek.

En oral elders sien jy vir baas, miesies, tuinjong, baba-oppaster, bediende, geletterdes, ongeletterdes, kapitaliste, kommuniste, die bourgeois (middelstand), die ploteriaat (werkers) - swart, wit, bruin en geel - in lang, kronkelende toue en al geselsende, hulle beurt afwag om daardie geskiedkundige kruise te maak.

Die sielkundige impak wat die aanbreek van hierdie geskiedkundige dag op die mense gehad het, was eenvoudig ongelooflik.

Waar daar nog die vorige dag onderlinge spanninge was, het ek die gevoel gekry dat daar ‘n algemene kalmte oor alles en almal gekom het.

Kgaleme Mutanthu volg Mbeki op

Dit was skielik asof die onmiddellike verlede heeltemal vergeet is en almal mekaar vergewe het. Die reënboognasie is gebore.

Die impak wat dit op almal gehad het, was nogtans interessant om te aanskou en te ervaar - die lang rye kiesers wat rustig daar hulle beurt afgewag het terwyl hulle vriendelik met mekaar gesels het, was miskien inderdaad ‘n verbasende ding as ek dink aan die geweld wat ons nog kort vantevore moes hanteer in die townships.

Ek het toe terug gery na my kantoor en vir 'n ruk daar gaan sit met 'n mate van trepanasie in my gemoed en onsekerheid oor ons toekoms.

Dit is vanjaar 30 jaar later. En ongelukkig het dinge toe nié ten goede verloop nie.

Vandag is Suid-Afrika in die midde van die ruïnes van nuwe bewindhebbers se treurige bewind met implikasies rondom die ineenstorting van ons stede, dorpe, staatsdepartemente, weghol misdaad en vele ander kwessies.

Hier is die ironiese ding: enigiemand wat deur die euforie van onmiddellik vóór en ná 27 April 1994 geleef het, moet vandag sekerlik met verwondering terugdink aan daardie era.

Ons leef nou met die teenoorgestelde - 'n groot gevoel van teleurstelling, mislukking en moedeloosheid.

In hierdie nuwe werklikheid is dit onmoontlik om dieselfde gevoelens van hoop, vertroue en entoesiasme vir die nuwe era te ervaar.

Jacob Zuma as die vierde president Meer en meer mense, veral swart mense, wil nie eers meer die moeite doen om te stem nie en voel selfs dat demokrasie 'n valse dagbreek was. Dit is asof bevryding, demokrasie ensovoorts toe nie 'n nuwe era was nie, maar bloot 'n mooi droom wat uiteindelik skeef geloop het. Die reënboog het net eenvoudig vinnig weggetrek.

By elke saamtrek en feesviering wil ANC-sprekers graag stilstaan by die gruwels van apartheid om te beklemtoon hoeveel beter dinge is sedert bevryding, maar dit werk nie regtig nie. Het meer mense toe werk gehad? Ja. Was daar minder misdaad? Ja. Minder korrupsie? Ja. Het ons toe kragonderbrekings gehad? Geen.

Cyril Ramaphosa vyfde en huidige president.

Dit is maklik om die bewindhebbers van die nuwe demokrasie se talle mislukkings op te noem. Ek wil dit nie alles herhaal nie; almal met 'n bietjie verstand, weet dit. Tydperke - eras - van die geskiedenis word altyd deur 'n ander een vervang. My boodskap is dus dat hoop nie beskaam nie. Dalk lê die 'beloofde land' om die draai.

JARELANGE VRIENDE SAAM BY MAMA MIA.

Mariette van der Riel

Ons vier dames is reeds vir jare vriendinne. Kapt Van der Riel en lt. kol Moller is reeds beste vriendinne vanaf graad agt en het saam ons loopbaan in Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiediens begin in 1987. Ons is na dieselfde stasie naamlik Kuilsrivier uitgeplaas na ons opleiding waar ek daarvandaan verplaas is na radiobeheer en ons paaie het geskei maar nooit ons vriendskap nie Ek het as offisier op ‘n jong ouderdom van 23 na Woodstock gegaan waar lt. kol Wheeler toe ‘n paar jaar later ook by Woodstock begin werk het en ‘n paar jaar daarna het brig. Barnes daar aangekom het as stasiekommissaris waar ons mekaar ondersteun het deur dik en dun. Dis nou reeds meer as 25 jaar later wat hulle vriendinne van my en lt. kol Moller is.

Foto links na regs is: lt kol Louisa Wheeler, kapt. Mariette Van Der Riel, brig Lynette Barnes en lt. kol Louise Moller. Hier het die vier vriendinne ‘n opvoering van die gewilde Mama Mia bygewoon, op 3 April 2023. By die Arts Cape, Kaapstad.

Lt. kol Moller is verlede jaar met graad vier pankreas kanker gediagnoseer en sedertdien gryp ons alle geleenthede aan om saam te kuier

Brig. Barnes is al ‘n paar jaar gelede met vervroegde pensioen afgetree. lt. kol Wheeler is nog in die diens en ek het September 2023 klaargemaak.

So dis die lank en kort van ons vriendskap

Groete

Mariette van der Riel.

SUID-AFRIKAANSE

Analien van Staden

PELOTON 112, SEMESTER 2, HEIDE HOF WES, 1986

Via Paula Joanne Olivier

BRING SKILLIE HOME: ANDRIES (SKILLIE) HUMAN

Mike McWilliams (Parabat Veterans Organisation) via Henning van Aswegen.

Andries (Skillie) Human. Missing in Action

Andries “Skillie” Human was last seen alive exiting the side-door of a Hercules aircraft at 500ft over the fortified military base Cassinga, 150kms over the border into Angola, on 4 May 1978. Skillie was only found to be Missing in Action that evening when the Parabats returned to base in SWA.

Speculation that he had landed in the Culonga River alongside the camp, was the most probable cause of his disappearance.

Rfn. Mike McWilliams 500 ft over Cassinga. Photo: Sgt. Des Steenkamp

Over the years, every tour group that visited the battlefields of Angola was asked to enquire as to Skillie’s whereabouts.

In 2011 a rumor spread that Skillie had been found and buried by a local tribesman and this spurred the Parabat Veterans Organization (PVO) to plan a trip to search for the grave. Detailed estimates of Skillie’s landing site were made taking into account the aircraft run-in speed and the location of the landing positions of his stick. The expedition anticipated using Below-Ground Radar and metal detectors to sweep the banks of the river. Found

While planning proceeded, a windfall came our way. A Namibian Historian visited Cassinga and enquired about Skillie. The historian was taken to a nearby village where he met the man who had found Skillies body and buried him.

Skillie had indeed fallen into the river and drowned. A few days after the battle, his body floated to the surface and was retrieved by the headman and buried in a waist-deep grave next to the river.

Skillie’s unmarked grave alongside he Culonga River Cassinga

The old man took the historian to the grave site and showed him the indentation in the ground where the body lay.

A detailed GPS reading was taken at the site and photographs. The grave site is within 100m of the estimated landing area established by dead reckoning. The plans for the expedition were immediately put into high gear and the Ebo Trust was contacted to help with the governmental interaction. The Trust had previously brought three SADF bodies back from Ebo near Luanda and had experience in this kind of project.

Fund Raising

General Opperman of the Ebo Trust estimated that a sum of R350 000 would be needed to launch a successful expedition. This was based on the amount used to execute the retrieval of the Ebo remains. The PVO launched a multi-function fundraising effort in October 2016 and now, just over a year later, we have about R300 000 in the bank.

The bank details for donations to the project: an 18A Tax exempt certificate can be issued if a POP is made, with the donor’s full name, sent to Willoughby Brits, Chairman PVO at willoughby.brits@parabat.org.za

Parabat Veteran Organisation

Nedbank

Somerset Wes

Acc No 1131959035

Strange Bedfellows

During the fundraising effort, Mike McWilliams of the PVO was approached by Eeben Barlow, the founder of Executive Outcomes, the famous private security force. Eeben told of a friend of his, an MK soldier who had retrieved remains of dead ANC cadres from Angolan camps. This man had close relationships with both the SA and Angolan governments and was willing to help with the Skillie project.

One of the great difficulties the EBO Trust encountered while in Angola was a lack of cooperation with most government bodies there. This cause big delays and made things more expensive than what they should have been and the PVO was very keen to try to establish a better relationship with the Angolan government.

Another soldier MIA

The Angolan Ambassador to Sa was contacted and asked to help in smoothing the path of the expedition.

She was very happy to do so, and asked whether we could help her in turn. Naturally, the PVO offered any help she may need.

A woman in her embassy in Pretoria was the wife of a FAPLA Captain, Jeonimo, who had gone MIA in 1981 during action against the SADF. Naturally, everyone was keen to find out what had happened to him. The Angolans believed he had been taken prisoner, but had never been repatriated at the end of hostilities.

Despite government-to-government enquiries and the intervention of the Red Cross, no trace was found of Capt. Jeronimo, dead or alive.

The Angolans knew the date when Capt. Jeronimo went missing and they also knew that he was a tank commander and where he was last seen, Xangongo.

After months of exhaustive investigation, the PVO came to the conclusion that he had not been a POW.

Found

Col. Blahz Rieketts (MK) with Capt. Jeronimo’s (MPLA) T34 tank

Eventually we tracked down the man who had shot out the only tank to be shot out alongside the Kunene River near Xangongo on that particular day.

The Soviet T34 had been shot out by a Ratel with a HEAT round. The T34 driver and gunner had managed to exit the tank; but died alongside it. The tank commander who took the full force of the HEAT round was killed in the turret.

The tank was driven away by a SADF tanker as a captured weapon with the body of the commander still in the turret.

On interviewing the tanker, he told of extracting the body from the turret the next morning and burying it where the tank had laid up overnight, somewhere in the trackless bush of Angola. This series of events explained why the body was never found and the captured T43 had been taken back to Pretoria and is now on display at the Army College. The Angolans are very happy to have an answer to their mystery and are very well disposed to help with the Skillie Project.

Expedition Date

We would very much like to Bring Skillie Home in June this year. It will have been exactly forty six years since he went missing and his widow, Rachel Human would really like to get closure as soon as possible. May is the time when the rains stop in Angola, so it is the ideal time to launch the expedition. This means that we need to get the balance of R50 000 between now and then, to enable us to bring Skillie home and inter his remains at the Voortrekker Monument among all the other soldiers who lost their lives during the bush war.

Mike McWilliams

Parabat Veterans Organization mmcwilliams@geminicarbon.com 073 164 3278

SUID-AFRIKAANSE POLISIEHOND HOU WÊRELDREKORD

Via Marcia du Pont

‘n Guinness Wêreldrekord word steeds gehou deur Sauer, ‘n Dobermann-Pinscher vanaf 1925. Sauer was ‘n polisie hond in die vroeë 1900's. Hy was amper uit die Hondeskool geskop as dit nie was die speurder, sers. Herbert Kruger nie. Saam het hulle wyd oor die Karoo en omgewing kriminele vasgetrek.

Die een waarvoor Sauer internasionale bekendheid het verwerf en in die Guinness Wêreldrekords op geteken is, is toe Sauer in 1925, die spoor gehou het van ‘n veedief vir 160 km deur die warm Karoo.

Die veedief was uiteindelik gevang. Die rekord is vir die langste spoor gesny deur net reuk sintuig te gebruik. Die rekord staan vandag steeds.

Die enigste foto van Sauer was op Facebook maar dis bietjie ‘n dowwe foto.

Die foto was ingestuur deur ‘n Jenny Wolfaardt, kleinkind van sers. Herbert Kruger.

Marcia du Pont

ENGELE OM ONS…

Via Marlien Horn

Vanoggend was ek op pad kerk toe en skielik is daar ‘n slag en die reuk van rubber, ek trek af en sien dis ‘n pap band.

Dit alles net na die Buccleugh-wisselaar op die N1 in Johannesburg, om ‘n draai op die pad wat glo die besigste pad in Suid-Afrika is!

Die motor is wel in die noodbaan maar om daar ‘n wiel te ruil, veral regs voor, bly maar gevaarlik.

Ek dink aan vriende wat naby die volgende afrit bly en bel hulle en Edrich Linde se woorde: ek trek gou aan, stuur ‘n pin asseblief!

Ek sit net die foon neer en sien ‘n groot wit BMW van voor af kom, in trurat. Dit is toe sers. Mogoboya van SAPS Gauteng Highway Patrol, so behulpsaam en vriendelik. Binne minute is die wiel geruil, alles weggepak en aanwysings gegee na die naaste motorhawe, en na hy die een baan gedeeltelik geblok het sodat ons maklik kan invloei in die verkeer is ons weer op die pad!

Daar is Engele om ons, elke dag!

Dankie sers. Mogoboya, Edrich en Candice Linde dat julle vandag engele op ons pad was.

Dis die klein dinge wat tel en wys watter mooi omgeemense ons in hierdie mooi land het.

“Be Kind”

Pierre Jordaan

Baie dankie sers. Mogoboya vir jou diens, ons salueer jou!! Redakteur: Nongqai Vroue/Female

Pierre Jordaan en die “engel” wat hom langs die pad gehelp het, sers. Mogoboya

Sers. Mogoboya ruil toe sommer maar die band om!

BEVELVOERDER EN PERSONEEL BROOKLYN SA POLISIE

Via Paula Joanne Olivier

SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE SERVICE AT RAND SHOW

Rosalinde Erasmus

The Rand Show patrons continue to flood the #SAPSExhibitions. Among the units exhibiting, Forensic Services Division is one of the favourites. The components under this division that are exhibiting this year are Criminal Record and Crime Scene Management (CR and CSM) and Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL).

The sections under CR and CSM are Crime Scene Investigation (LCRC) and Explosives which comprise of Bomb Disposal with Inspectors of explosives.

The LCRC investigates crime scenes for fingerprints, photography, collection of exhibits before Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL) takes over.

The FSL component comprises of Questioned Documents, Biology, Chemistry, Ballistics, Scientific Analysis and Victim Identification Centre sections. Questioned Documents focuses on document analysis and chemical analysis.

Ballistics section deals with Ballistic Analysis, Integrated Ballistics Identification System (IBIS), Case Management and Engineering. This section analyses exhibits from crime scenes that are engineering related.

Scientific Analysis section offers various services such Primer Residue, Image analysis, Polygraph, Trace and Material analysis as well as Precious Metals analysis among others.

Chemistry section handles drug analysis, toxicology and fire investigation. Lastly, Victim Identification Centre deals with identification of #missing persons, unidentified bodies and disaster victims.

#RandShow2024

#MyRandShow

A female police officer explains an exhibition at the Rand Show to a few young ladies

Forensic Science had an exhibition at The Rand Show.

How to investigates a crime scene. Rand Show

Hierdie is die tweede aflewering in ons nuwe reeks ook misdaad en die ondersoek van misdaad. Vandag bespreek lt.kol. (afgetree) die misdaadtoneel en die toneel benader moet word sodat belangrike forensiese bewysstukke nie vertrap en verlore raak nie (Redakteur: Nongqai Vroue/Female, Sarie van Niekerk)

DOCUMENTING THE CRIME SCENE

Kotie Geldenhuys. Servamus, in cooperation with Lt. Col. (ret) Frans van der Merwe. Via Lettie Stander

Recording the crime scene is a skill that involves creating a precise replica of the crime scene, for the benefit of the court or aiding in an investigation. This process is crucial for solving a case and the successful conviction of offenders. Accuracy is paramount, as the effectiveness of an investigation hinges on the thorough and meticulous processing of the crime scene.

Forensics team arrives at crime scene.

Numerous administrative protocols are implemented during the processing of a crime scene, encompassing tasks such as recording the location of evidence through sketches and photographs, identifying physical evidence, collecting, marking, and packaging items, as well as ensuring the maintenance of a clear chain of evidence or control throughout all stages of handling (Swanson, Chamelin, Territon, and Taylor, 2012). This month, our focus will be on the crucial process of

Documenting the crime scene.

Following the proper securing of the crime scene, the next crucial action involves documenting the scene, as this process permanently captures both the crime scene and its physical evidence. It is imperative to conduct documentation promptly, as the scene and its evidence are susceptible to alterations over time. Last month, we focused on the initial documentation method, which is crime scene photography. However, there are a variety of other methods which are used when documenting a crime scene. These methods will briefly be mentioned in this article.

Photographing crime scene.

Documenting a crime scene is a crucial aspect of any investigation and often consumes a significant amount of time. The crime scene technician must ensure that the crime scene is recorded to provide a visual representation of the scene. Lt.Col. (ret) Frans van der Merwe emphasised the singular opportunity to document an undisturbed crime scene, highlighting the necessity for meticulous planning and attention to detail. The collection of comprehensive information becomes paramount, with a focus on determining what needs to be proven in a court of law. Understanding all the elements of the specific crime under investigation plays a vital role in this process.

He make it clear that the crime scene technician must documented the crime scene before it is altered in any way. The original position of all physical evidence must be meticulously recorded, and the overall condition of the scene must be documented after the investigative process concludes.

Thorough documentation plays a crucial role. The purpose of documenting the crime scene is to capture and safeguard the spatial arrangement and connections among identified evidence, along with the state of the crime scene as observed by the crime scene technician and investigator. Effectively recording and documenting the crime scene serves not only as a memory aid for investigators in recalling events during future testimony in court but also provides the court with a concise and accurate representation of the crime scene's conditions in a manageable format (Singh, 2018 and Jobela, 2019).

Various methods for documenting a crime scene

The crime scene can be recorded by means of photographs and video recordings (as discussed last month), written logs, voice recording, sketches and computer-generated virtual reconstruction. None of these approaches holds superiority over the others. When executed accurately, each method bears equal significance as evidence in both the case and the trial (Lochner, Horne and Zinn, 2020).

With regard to sketches, it is important to note that the intricacy of the sketch is determined by the nature of the crime scene. This can range from a fundamental two-dimensional preliminary sketch outlining the location and placement of evidence to an intricately detailed 3D point cloud-generated scale plan. In the latter, precise measurements are crucial for conducting analyses such as ballistic and bloodstain pattern analysis, enabling the determination of bullet trajectories and areas affected by impact spatter bloodstains. Although the initial rough sketch is not drawn to scale, all measurements must be accurate and presented in the appropriate context. The ultimate crime scene sketch is meticulously prepared for submission as evidence in court (Geldenhuys, 2021).

Crime scene sketches must align with and complement the accompanying crime scene photographs. It must be noted that the sketch serves as the earliest documentation of the crime scene, offering a visual representation of its initial condition (Lochner and Zinn, 2015).

Searching for evidence on crime scene

Generating comprehensive and precise notes is crucial as it offers a thorough account of the crime scene, including details about the evidence and the procedures employed for identification, protection and collection of it. These notes serve as a written documentation of all the observations made within and around the crime scene. Taking notes is the most straightforward and expedient method for documenting the crime scene and the ensuing actions. While making notes the “who, what, when, why and how”, must be taken into consideration. Since each crime scene is unique, maintaining a notebook or pocketbook proves to be one of the most efficient means of staying organised. It is advisable to document too many details rather than too few, as there is no opportunity for a second attempt to accurately capture the events that transpired at the crime scene (Lochner, Horne and Zinn, 2020).

Information that is recorded in notes include:

• Notification information which encompasses the date, time, notification method, and the information received.

• Arrival details which include the mode of transportation and information about people at the scene, to name a few.

• Scene description which comprises information about the weather, location details, condition, significant structures, clothing, furniture and the presence of any weapons.

• Victim description which involves the body's position, injuries, clothing, accessories and identification (Science Doze, 2022).

Searching for and photographing evidence on crime scene is important. When engaging in voice recording, it is crucial to recognise that it cannot serve as a sole replacement for other crime scene documentation methods. While particularly valuable under time constraints, a voice recording functions as a supportive tool for investigators, offering a reference that enhances the overall richness of data alongside other recording techniques (Zinn and Dintwe, 2015).

Another approach that can be employed involves the use of computer-generated virtual reconstruction. As mentioned earlier in this article, documenting crime scenes is a challenging task, given the limited time to gather evidence, logistical complexities of coordinating multiple personnel on-site, and the necessity to promptly identify pertinent information for a trial that may occur months or even years later. While traditional forensic tools such as cameras and notebooks are used, the integration of geospatial technology into forensic practices has expanded the investigator's toolkit to include unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs or “drones”), photogrammetric analysis, total stations, GNSS systems, and, more recently, 3D laser scanners. Particularly, 3D scanning systems have the capability to present a crime scene in the courtroom through the creation of photorealistic 3D models, employing systematic and scientific methodologies. These scanners enable analysts to capture precise dimensions, record evidence, and document features for subsequent analysis. With the ability to rapidly acquire substantial amounts of data, 3D scanners

empower investigators to generate a comprehensive 360-degree representation of a scene within a few minutes (Kowbuz, 2020).

Additional duties involved in the documentation of a crime scene

Lt-Col (ret) Van der Merwe said that the crime scene technician also plays a crucial role in crime scene documentation by overseeing the coordination of information collection for event reconstruction. They are also responsible for facilitating communication between the investigation and processing teams, with the crime scene manager acting as an intermediary. The technician must meticulously ensure the proper completion of all reports, address any identified supplementary tasks relevant to the processing team, make decisions regarding the procedures for handling evidence post-initial investigation, acquire an access log copy to determine individuals required to provide fingerprints and other elimination samples, and guarantee the timely completion and submission of the crime scene technician report to the crime scene manager.

List of references

• Geldenhuys, K. 2021. “Crime scene investigation - Collecting evidence to put the puzzle together.” SERVAMUS Safety and Security Magazine. August. Vol 114. Issue 8. SARPPublishers. Pretoria.

• Jobela, N K. 2019. “The significance of efficient murder crime scene processing.” Pretoria: Unisa.

• Kowbuz, D. 2020. “How 3D scanning rebuilds crime scenes for courtrooms - Capturing crucial evidence to aid justice.” GIM International. 13 May. Accessed at www.giminternational.com/content/article/how-3d-scanning-rebuilds-crime-scenes-for-courtrooms on 7 March 2024

• Lochner, H T; Horne, J S and Zinn, R J. 2020. “Investigation - A comprehensive guide to the basic principles, procedures and forensic processes.” Cape Town: Juta.

• Lochner, H and Zinn, R. 2015. “Crime scene investigation.” Cape Town: Juta.

• Science Doze. 2022. “Documentation of the crime scene: Step by step.” Science Doze. 12 June. Accessed at www.sciencedoze.com/2022/06/documentation-of-crime-scene.html on 7 March 2024.

• Singh, S. 2018. “An evaluation of the role of forensic science in crime scene reconstruction.” Pretoria: Unisa.

• Swanson, C R; Chamelin, N C; Territon, L and Taylor, R W. 2012. “Criminal investigation.” 11th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill. In Jobela, N K. 2019. “The significance of efficient murder crime scene processing.” Pretoria: Unisa.

• Zinn, R and Dintwe, S. 2015. “Forensic investigation – Legislative principles and investigative practice.” Cape Town: Juta.

VAN POLISIE BEAMPTE TOT VEILIGHEID ANALIS

Dr. Jane Buys

Ek is gebore en het groot geword op Postmasburg in die NoordKaap. My pa was ‘n grondverskuiwings vervoer kontrakteur wat paaie gebou het. Ek het skoolgegaan in Postmasburg Laerskool en Sideon Laerskool in Kuruman. In my hoërskooljare het my pa ‘n plaas in die Koopmansfontein area, Noord-Kaap gekoop en was ek op skool te Delportshoop Hoërskool. Dit is gedurende hierdie jare en deur middel van my suster, wat met ‘n boer van Daniëlskuil getroud is, wat ek in kontak gekom het met boerdery in die algemeen.

My eerste studiejaar was by Stellenbosch Universiteit waar ek BSc. gestudeer het, waarvan ek niks gehou het nie. Ek het opgeskop in die middel van die jaar. Ek het die volgende jaar BA. graad met geskiedenis, politieke wetenskap en sielkunde as hoofvakke by die Universiteit van die Vrystaat (Kovsies) begin studeer.

Na die voltooiing van my BA. graad het ‘n honneursgraad in geskiedenis gedoen en ‘n deeltydse pos as ‘n assistent-navorser by die Instituut vir Eietydse Geskiedenis (INEG) gehad. Ek het toe aansoek gedoen om polisie en weermag toe te gaan, waarop ek die polisie gekies het.

Gedurende die eerste kwartaal van 1990 was ek deel van ‘n verkorte kursus opleiding (gegradueerdes) by die polisiekollege in Pretoria-Wes. Na die voltooiing daarvan, was ek uitgeplaas (op versoek) na die veiligheidstak in die Vrystaat. Gedurende die jare 1990 tot einde 1993, het ek verskeie administratiewe en analitiese funksies verrig.

Ek is in 1993 getroud met Robert Buys, ‘n vlieënier in die Suid-Afrikaanse Lugmag waarop hy einde 1993 verplaas is na 17 Eskader, Swartkops, Pretoria as helikopter vlieënier. My dogter Carissa is in 1993 gebore. Ek is toe verplaas na veiligheidstak hoofkwartier in Pretoria en was daar werksaam tot en met einde 1998. Gedurende hierdie tyd was ek blootgestel aan verskeie lessenaars rakende die opstel van analises, bedreigings, ontledings en opleiding. My seun Reinhard is in die tyd gebore. Ek het in die tyd my MA. graad in geskiedenis voltooi aan Kovsies onder leiding van prof Leo Barnard.

Einde 1998 is my eggenote verplaas na die lugmag vliegskool te Langebaanweg waar hy die instrukteurs kursus voltooi het en ook opleiding gegee het op die Pilatus PC7 vliegtuig. Ek was

toegedeel aan die speurtak te Vredenburg, Wes-Kaap waar ek vir twee jaar werksaam was en ongelooflik baie geleer het rakende die Jane en haar man, Robert ondersoek van misdaad. Ek was ook die skakelbeampte tussen die SAPD Vredenburg en die Nasionale Vervolging Gesag (NVG).

Jane, haar man Robert en hul twee kinders, Reinhard en Carissa

Einde 2000 is my eggenoot verplaas na Lugmagbasis Bloemspruit as ‘n instrukteur op helikopters, naamlik Oryx, Augusta en Alhouette helikopters. Ek was verplaas na misdaad intelligensie se provinsiale kantoor in Bloemfontein, waar ek ‘n jaar later aangestel is om nuwe analiste wat gegradueerdes was, op te lei en toe te rus ten einde alle soorte analises en ontledings te kan doen, met verwysing na die Crime Information and Analysis Course (CIMAC). Ek het dit vir ‘n periode van

vyf jaar gedoen waartydens baie navorsing en ontledings gedoen was oor die aanleidende oorsake van misdade en was ek ook betrokke by projek gedrewe ondersoeke.

In 2003 het ek ingeskryf vir my PhD te Kovsies onder die leiding van Prof Leo Barnard as studieleier. Ek het my tesis ingehandig einde 2007 met die titel: “Transformation of the South African Police Service from a paramilitary force to a service delivery organization.” Die tesis het grootliks gefokus op die transformasie van die afdeling binnelandse stabiliteit (ABS) en die veiligheidstak na misdaad intelligensie (MI) toe.

Ek het aan die begin van 2008 aansoek gedoen om oorgeplaas te word as ‘n analis na die Nasionale Intelligensie Diens (NIA). Ek was werksaam daar tot en met Mei 2011 waarna ek bedank het. Ek was gedurende die 2010 Sokker Wêreldbeker die hoof analis in die Vrystaat, dit was ‘n groot gebeurtenis en gedurende hierdie tydperk was ek ook betrokke by projek gedrewe ondersoeke.

Ek het in die tydperk 2012 tot en met die einde van 2013 ‘n vriendin se besigheid oorgeneem as ‘n Honey spanleier (juwele) in direkte bemarking. Dit was ‘n heeltemal ander bedryf waaruit ek baie geleer het oor hoe om in ‘n span saam te werk ten einde sekere teikens te behaal.

Ek is in 2014 aangestel saam met Gernie Botha was veiligheid risiko analis by Vrystaat Landbou (VL). Ek is sedertdien nog by Vrystaat Landbou in dieselfde hoedanigheid. My eggenote het

intussen bevelvoerder van 16 Eskader geword (Rooivalk) en het hy instruksies aan studente in die verband gegee.

My pligte en werksaamhede as ‘n veiligheid risiko analis sluit primêr misdaad analises en ontledings in. Die fokus is op plaasaanvalle en of -moorde asook alle eiendomsverwante misdade wat die landbousektor nadelig beïnvloed, binne die Nasionale Landelike Beveiliging Strategie (NLBS).

Jane saam met nog ‘n voormalige polisiebeampte wat veg om boere te help met voorkoming en bekamping van misdaad, Isabel Kruger

rakende die impak en omvang van misdade wat die landbousektor negatief raak, word ook gedoen en beskikbaar gestel aan ‘n verskeidenheid van rolspelers. Ongelukkigheid met polisie se dienslewering asook die van die NVG word op ‘n daaglikse en weeklikse basis vanaf boerdery gemeenskappe ontvang, waarop dit aan die nodige rolspelers en hooggeplaastes in sekere departemente deurgegee, met die versoek dat intervensie vergaderings gehou word ten einde met die nodige oplossings vorendag te kom.

Tesame met bogenoemde het Vrystaat Landbou begin met die bemagtiging/opleiding van boerdery gemeenskappe waar boere, hul vrouens en selfs kinders opgelei word om na hul eie veiligheid om te sien (huis-en-haard beskerming). Daar is 15 modules wat in die kursus ingesluit is, asook ‘n sektor leiers kursus oor hoe om te aktiveer wanneer ‘n plaasaanval plaasvind. Hier is bewaring van misdaad tonele belangrik en die arrestasie van oortreders.

Verder het Vrystaat Landbou ook begin om Private Security Industry Regulator of South Africa (PSIRA) geregistreerde privaat ondersoekers op veediefstal op te lei ten einde boerdery gemeenskappe van hulp te wees. Hier is samewerking met die polisie se veediefstal eenhede (VDE) belangrik. Die diens word tans uitgebrei na verskeie boerdery gemeenskappe in die Vrystaat.

Vrystaat Landbou het ook die AIMS (“Animal Identification and Movement System”) stelsel in Maart 2024 geïmplementeer, wat fokus op diere identifikasie en beweging van vee, wat gebaseer is op die LITS (“Livestock Identification and Traceability System”) stelsel.

Dit bly ‘n eer en voorreg om boerdery gemeenskappe in die Vrystaat by te staan rakende aspekte verbandhoudend met veiligheid en misdade. Daar word grotendeels gepoog om ‘n voorkomende misdaad omgewing daar te stel. Die voortbestaan van landbou ten einde voedselsekerheid daar te stel is van kardinale belang ten einde Suid-Afrika se populasie te voed.

TRANSFORMATION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE SERVICE FROM A PARAMILITARY FORCE TO A SERVICE DELIVERY ORGANIZATION

Dr. Jane Buys het haar doktorale verhandeling gedoen oor “Transformation of the South African Police Service from a paramilitary force to a service delivery organization”.

Sy het ingewillig dat ons oor die volgende maande haar verhandeling in Nongqai Vroue/Female kan publiseer. Hier is die eerste aflewering.

INTRODUCTION

The research and historical assessment of the transformation and restructuring of the South African Police Service (SAPS) became necessary due to the fact that limited research had been conducted on this transformation process. Every country in the world has its own policing agency, and much research and secondary sources on policing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America have extensively been published. However, very few secondary sources have been published on the South African Police Force and the SAPS in South Africa. Some non-governmental organizations such as the Institute for Security Studies publish on matters concerning crime, but less on the historical value of the transformation of the Police Force. It thus became necessary to

conduct research on the transformation and restructuring of the SAPS before and after democratization.

It had already been stated that less secondary sources are available on the transformation and restructuring of the South African Police Force. Due to this, the most important source was to analyze files in possession of the SAPS. All the letters and correspondence concerning the restructuring and transformation of the Police Force to that of a service were documented in these files. Over 400 files were assessed in order to determine the historical process of transformation of the Police Force to the Police Service. It should be kept in mind that the Police Force and the later Police Service consist of a decentralized file system. All files, especially with relation to policies, procedures, Standing Orders, prescriptions are available in all the provinces and are not only restricted to Head Office. Therefore, file reference numbers are therefore the same at Head Office and all the provinces and all correspondences that are in files at Head Office will automatically be in files at Provincial offices. It became therefore easier to access files on Provincial level. The Police Service is such a huge organization and to research all the restructuring and transformation that took place, was not possible. The topic was thus too broad and is a huge subject to research. Only certain facets that focussed on the transformation and restructuring of the Police Force were therefore described but in less detail than had originally been intended because of the vastness of the study.

Thus, the emphasis concerning transformation and restructuring was mainly placed on two wellknown components in the South African Police Force, namely that of the former Security Branch and the Riot Control Units, later to be known as the Internal Stability Unit. More information was available on the Riot Control Units than that of the former Security Branch due to its secret functioning. With the less availability of information on the Security Branch, more interviews had to be conducted with former senior and middle managers of this branch, some police officers of which are still in the Police Service. In this regard the study focussed on the oral history of the former Security Branch. Articles in periodicals, especially the Journal for Contemporary History and that of the Institute for Security Studies and newspaper clippings became important sources to document the historical transformation and restructuring of the Police Service.

The foremost description of a police officer is offered by August Vollmer, as quoted in a modern textbook of police management, who said that we expect the police officer “to have the wisdom of Solomon, the courage of David, the patience of Job, and leadership of Moses, the kindness of the Good Samaritan, the strategy of Alexander, the faith of Daniel, the diplomacy of Lincoln, the

tolerance of the Carpenter of Nazareth, and finally, an intimate knowledge of every branch of the natural, biological and social sciences.”

Policing is a universal phenomenon and every country in the world has its own police agency. Whether it is called an agency, a service or a force, that agency had to provide the necessary functions in order to arrive at a just, fair and acceptable level of order. Viano thus stated: “We are foolish indeed if we choose to ignore the fact that in every age, men have been confronted by the same great problems of survival and of social order, the same difficulties in arriving at a just and happy life.” The whole focus of the issue of transformation in South Africa was on transforming the state institutions from something not as good to something better. To transform actually means making it better. The transformation of the Police Force to that of a service delivery agency had to be investigated in order to determine if the transformation that took place achieved just that, namely to make the Police Service a better institution for everyone, those it has to serve and also those working in it. Throughout the assessment the transformation of the Police Force was equally referred to as either that of an organization or an agency which had equal status in this document. In some references the word agency was used but in the majority of cases the transformation of the police was referred to as that of an organization. The research on the transformation of the Police Service became necessary because democratization became a reality, and therefore the SAPS had to be transformed into this new political dispensation

During the period 1960 to the end of the 1980s the South African Police Force had four main functions to fulfil in terms of the South African Police Act, Act No. 58 of 1958. These functions were the maintenance of law and order, the perseverance of the internal security of the country, the investigation of crime and the protection of the inhabitants of the country. The introduction and creation of the policy of apartheid under the National Party government since 1948, contributed to increased criminalization under the apartheid policy. This had the effect that the Police Force had to become continuously and increasingly involved in the execution of government policy. By executing the policy of government, they were labelled as enforcers of the National Party policy. The question that needs to be asked is whether the Police Force or Service in any political system, as the executive arm of the state, can function independently from the governing party who holds the power. A clear distinction between what is regarded as the government and the state needs to be found because this influenced the perceptions that existed in South African society as well as inside the Police Force themselves. Did the Police Force operate in a constitutional system ordispensation where they served the interest of the state, or did they operate to serve the interest of a political party?

The system of apartheid that was enforced on the African population as a social ordering process, attracted very negative responses from that population, in so far that the ANC, PAC and SACP as liberation organizations were banned due to their actions instituted against the National Party government. The orchestrated escalation of unrest, mobilization and guerilla attacks that took place from the 1960s to the end of the 1980s made it very difficult for the Police Force to maintain law and order. The government increasingly introduced security legislation to secure and ensure the safety of the state against the onslaught from the liberation movements. The security legislation specifically was enforced by the South African Police Force and in particular a specific component, namely the Security Branch, or also called the Special Branch. It needs to be assessed whether it was really justified for the government to introduce such strict legislation and to provide such wide powers to the Security Branch in order to curb the attacks on it. The Special Branch could not work alone in curbing the escalation of violence, unrest and attacks on the government and the state as a whole. Other departments such as the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and the South African Defence Force (SADF) itself and their intelligence department, namely the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI), worked together as part of the State Security Council (SSC) to curb the internal ‘communist’ threat against the RSA. The SSC that was formed at the beginning of the 1970s played a huge role in the emphasis on total control over the whole society. The NP government saw black nationalism against the background of the Cold War as a manifestation of the so-called worldwide communist threat in order to mobilize the overall white population in South Africa. This was also done to get recognition and sympathy from the Western world. However, did the influence and control that the SSC exercised over South African society also affect the paramilitary character of the Police Force? Were all these organs of state power successful and how did they achieve the combating of the internal threats in the country?

The South African Police Force was since its inception and after South Africa had become a Republic in 1961, generally described as a paramilitary or semi-military organization. It is however of crucial importance to determine whether the Police Force was indeed a paramilitary organization. To do so the history of the Police Force will be investigated in order to determine what contributed to their so-called paramilitary role and character. The issues concerning discipline, military doctrine such as standing orders, also called force orders, the authoritarian type of command and control, the specific training that the police members underwent and the type of equipment that they used in their operations, had to be assessed. In this regard the operations of the Riot Control Units, later restructured to become the Internal Stability Units (ISU) and still later the Public Order Policing Units (POPS), need specific reference.

From the 1970s up to the middle of the 1990s much unrest and violence occurred in South Africa. The forms this unrest and violence took on were school boycotts, protest marches, strikes, people’s courts and street committees that were attached to the issue of liberation. These situations had to be controlled by the Police Force because it could easily negatively affect the public order and the maintenance of the security of the state and its inhabitants in the country. The Riot Control Units to a large extent became the focus point and the most visible manifestation of the South African Police Force in that era. The focus was on the control of crowds by the Riot Control Units and later the ISU. Complaints and allegations were continuously made that these units operated brutally and were responsible for gross human rights violations. It is therefore important to assess whether these units indeed operated in that way in South Africa.

The militarization that took place in the 1970s and 1980s with the ‘securocrats’ in control of the National Party government, had a tremendous impact on the internal functioning of the Police Force in the country. The military expansion, especially under the auspices of the SSC, did influence the overall operational utilization of the Police Force. During the states of emergency in the middle of the 1980s the Police Force and the SADF, which assisted the Police Force, became known as the security forces. It is also necessary to determine whether there was a clear distinction between the mandates of these two state departments. Were there clear differences in the ‘modus operandi’, equipment and training that they utilized? Could the co-operation and assistance of the Defence Force with the Police Force enhance the paramilitary character of the Police Force? The focus of the research falls on the Police Force and therefore no primary sources such as files of the Defence Force were consulted.

The South African Police Force was sent to Rhodesia in 1966 to assist the Smith government with problems they experienced regarding terrorist insurgents from their northern borders. The government’s decision was partly due to the fact that many terrorists were of South African origin. It was the first time that the South African Police Force was sent into another country and thus utilized externally to assist with specific tasks. The focus here was to counter the insurgents from entering former Rhodesia, thus the name counterinsurgency In 1967 the Police Force was also sent to former South West Africa to assist in curbing terrorist insurgency in the northern part of the border near Angola. These two incidents marked the beginning of an era in which counterinsurgency and external utilization of the Police Force occurred. Needless to say, serious adjustments had to be made concerning training courses for Police Force members to equip them with the necessary skills and equipment to conduct counter-insurgency operations. The role that Koevoet, a counterinsurgency unit of the Police Force, played in the former South West African war needs to be investigated. Allegations were made of intense brutality by Koevoet, and it should be investigated

if it was true and if it was necessary to institute such non-conventional methods to counter the threat of insurgency. It also needs to be determined whether the external role that the Police Force played in the military operations of the bush war, contributed to them becoming more military in nature and character.

The escalation in violence in the country leading to the states of emergency in the 1980s, the escalating violence used by the liberation organizations in order to obtain ‘people’s power’ in South Africa, the increasing infiltration of armed terrorists and escalating ‘anarchy’ in terms of bomb explosions, all contributed to the perception that South Africa was in a state of war. The liberation organizations committed atrocities and the South African Police Force as enforcer of the state policy and legislation also committed gross human rights abuses, due to the fact that a situation of war existed in South Africa. When looking at the extent and amount of violence and abuses that occurred in the South African Police Force, the question is whether it can be justified taking the circumstances of that era into consideration. The escalation of political violence between the ANC and Inkatha, the allegations of the existence of the so-called ‘Third Force’ and the much debated report of the Goldstone Commission, implicating seniormanagers of the Police Force in the violence, created the image that the Police Force was an instigator of the conflict in South Africa, had no control over their members and that they were totally brutal in their operations. This era also saw the increased attacks on and murders of members of the Police Force. What contributed to this phenomenon? Could it be connected to the fact that the Police Force was seen by the black population as the enemy of the state against which they had to take serious actions? Or could it be associated with a brutalization of South African society as alleged by certain writers who stated that the methods and operations of the South African Police Force brutalized South African society?

When taking the historical developments of the past 30 years into consideration, South Africa arrived at a transitional period at the start of 1990 with the release of Nelson Mandela. It became clear that South Africa was on road to a democratic dispensation with much negotiations that took place between the then government and the former liberation organizations. The negotiations between the National Party government and the ANC started and eventually resulted eventually in CODESA and a multiparty conference where the Interim Constitution was written and Government of National Unity (GNU) was formed. However, at the beginning of the 1990s it had already become clear that the ANC as the main negotiator demanded to see a transformation of the South African society at large. Transformation of the Public Service became very important. The Police Force, that was part of the Public Service, inevitably had to reform as well. The militaristic character of the Police Force was not acceptable to the ANC as a future government. The Police Force was pressurized from everywhere, for example by politicians, experts on policing and some huge segments of the public,

to demilitarize. The focus on the transformation of the Public Service needs to be assessed because it impacted on and guided the transformation of the Police Force. What was most important regarding the transformation of the Public Service was that it should become more effective in delivering a service to the communities. That was the focus of transformation. The Police Force had to demilitarize and had to become more effective as a demilitarized organization. When demilitarizing attention was given to discipline, the issue of uniforms, ranks, insignia, standing orders, utilization of force and firearms and acceptability. When taking into consideration all the aspects pertaining to demilitarization, it needs to be determined whether the transformed Police Force, called the new Police Service really became more effective after demilitarization and did the Police Force really demilitarize after democratization?

With demilitarization the issue of the trade unions had to be addressed. With the coming of democracy under a new ANC/SACP/COSATU government the rights of workers in a new South African society became important. The emphasis was placed on the accommodation of employees and workers in work places. The Labour Relations Act of 1993 specifically focussed on the rights of the workers. The Police Service was an organization that provided employment to a large number of people and the principles of employment had to be adhered to. This act also made provision for the establishment of official and recognized trade unions for the Police Force. In due time three official recognized trade unions of the Police Force were registered and police officials had to become a member of one of them. These unions were the South African Police Union (SAPU), the Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union (POPCRU) and the Public Servants Association (PSA). The whole idea of the officially recognized trade unions was to negotiate better working conditions and remuneration for police officials. But did it all stay there? Did the trade unions also become involved in matters in which they should not and did they do what was expected of them? It is also necessary to determine how the trade union representatives became involved in representing individual police members in cases of misconduct and grievances against commanders or managers. In this regard it should be determined whether the coming of the trade unions affected the discipline in the Police Service negatively.

The transformation and restructuring of the Police Force also addressed a very central issue namely that the Police Force was not representative of the South African population. In order to deliver an effective service to the communities it had to become more representative of the communities it had to serve. Together with the issue of representivity, affirmative action and the equity principles have to be discussed in order to show how it affected the functioning of the Police Force in a new democracy. What was the composition of the Police Force before democracy and at the beginning of the 1990s? This contributed to the increasing requests for more representivity by the former

liberation organizations. Did the Police Force introduced specific programmes to make it more representative and address the issue of affirmative action? Did this also affect the service delivery of the Police Service? The reason for transformation was explicitly stated in the Public Service Commission on Transforming the Public Service: it was necessary to be changed into an institution that would deliver effective services to the communities.

The transformation of the Police Force cannot be discussed without the mention of the amalgamation processes involved. The first one was the amalgamation of the police agencies of the former TBVC countries and self-governing states with the Police Force. The situation after amalgamation needs to be critically assessed. Did the amalgamation of the eleven police agencies into one Police Service make it more efficient and effective? It was initially thought that amalgamation would be completed within one year. How long did it take to be realized? Connected to this amalgamation was the incorporation of the former Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) and Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA) members into the Police Force. From the start, the perception, request and feeling of the ANC as the main negotiator were that after the general election of 1994 former liberation fighters should be incorporated into the security forces, namely the Police Force and the Defence Force. Was it only payback time to incorporate these members or could they contribute to make the Police Force more effective by delivering better services to the communities?

The Police Force operated according to extensive security legislation since its existence. Some of the legislation was repealed; however, the criminal and criminal procedure laws remained almost intact. During the negotiations, the primary aim was to compile an interim constitution that would pave the way to a democracy in South Africa. The Interim Constitution and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa in 1996 introduced some changes in the Police Force by means of specific legislation. The Constitution focussed on human rights due to past abuses of police power and infringements on basic human rights. The Bill of Rights which guaranteed specific freedoms for all became quite central in the Constitution. The SAPS Act changed the name of the South African Police Force to that of a service. In the new democratized dispensation, with the emphasis on being a ‘service’ rather than a ‘force’, a shift towards the protection and guarantee of people’s human rights had to take place. The perception was instilled in the general public and the Police Service that police members did not know how to operate in terms of a Bill of Human Rights. Police members had to be taught to respect every person’s basic human rights, so a human rights culture had to be created in the Police Service. The belief was that police members in the new Police Service would have more respect for basic human rights and therefore also for society. A situation would develop in which the public would also become more trustful and respectful towards police officials in general. Did this actually occur in the period after democracy? With the emphasis on

human rights, did it impact on the performance of the Police Service in terms of the combating of crime in general?

The issue of human rights is also central to two things. The first one is the issue of police brutality, also called ‘blue collar’ crime or police criminality. The perception existed that police members would increasingly become more protective of people’s human rights, thus respectful towards people and society in general. They would no longer abuse people’s human rights and torture or assault them as it happened in the era of the Police Force. The questions that remain to be answered is whether there is less police misconduct in the new democracy, which implies less police brutality or did police brutality cease to exist in a democratic dispensation? Did members guarantee people’s human rights and become more respectful towards them?

With this issue of police brutality came the establishment of the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD). The establishment of the ICD had already been requested in the transition period. The perception existed that the Police Force always favoured their members in misconduct and transgressions. When criminal charges were brought against members it had to be investigated by detectives - thus police officials had to investigate the cases against other police officials. This implied that police investigators were biased, partial and subjective in their investigations. The ICD would make the Police Service more accountable to the communities it had to serve. The ICD would then investigate all serious misconduct by police officials and also focus on escapes from lawful custody. Was the ICD equipped to handle all police investigation against police officials? Did the ICD become successful in making the Police Service more accountable?

The Constitution and the Police Service Act both mentioned more accountability and transparency in the Police Force. The introduction of the Secretariat for Safety and Security, the ICD and the establishment of Community Police Forums (CPFs) also aimed at improving and enhancing the civilian oversight of the Police Service by making it more accountable to the communities. An historical assessment of the role that the Secretariat for Safety and Security played needs to be conducted. Did the Secretariat achieve its aim in making the Police Service more accountable and transparent? Another issue that needs clarification is that the Police Force was branded as politically accountable to the ruling party of the past, thus the National Party government. With the coming of democracy and the change to a Police Service, it needs to be asked whether the Police Service is also politically accountable to the new ANC government.

The Police Force was transformed from being a paramilitary organization to that of a service rendering agency. The main focus was on community policing. The concept provided a shift from

state policing to that of self-policing and also of the communities’ involvement in the prevention of crime. This implied a partnership approach between the communities and the Police Service in order to address crime effectively. It also implied more community involvement in the policing arena. The SAPS Act of 1995 stipulated that CPFs should be established at all police stations in the country. The CPFs were established to get the communities more involved in preventing crime, but not to interfere in actual police management issues. Were CPFs established at all police stations in the country and did these forums really function effectively? The second question that needs to be asked is whether the CPFs were successful in addressing the issues of crime jointly with the Police Service.

When speaking about CPFs and community policing, the whole idea was that the Police Service should deliver a better service to the communities by means of these two concepts and structures. Service delivery and good service delivery however, cannot be explained without some crucial components, namely that of the morale of police officials and that of stress. An effective and efficient service can only be delivered by happy and ‘contented’ police officials. Is the morale of police officials better in being a service-orientated agency than being that of a Police Force, and are they really delivering an effective service to the communities? What contributed to the increase in stress levels amongst police officials in a new democracy?

With these, the issue of corruption needs assessment, because it affects the delivery of services by the Police Service to the communities. Police agencies all over the world are experiencing the same problem, namely police corruption. There was police corruption in the days of the Police Force, however, reports in the media after democratization indicated that police corruption increased. It needs to be determined if it actually did increase or were there better methods in the past to curb this phenomenon, or was it not reported that much? If there is more corruption, what contributed to corruption in the Police Service? A code of conduct was drafted for all police officials as members of the new SAPS. Did the code of conduct have a meaningful influence on the behaviour and conduct of police officials in the new Police Service?

The role of the Police Service cannot be assessed without mentioning their role in fighting crime. With the new era in policing with its community policing came another important change in police operations, namely that of the prevention of crime. The focus on crime investigation, thus reactive policing, shifted to that of proactive policing, thus the prevention rather than the investigation of crime. With the establishment of a formal Crime Prevention Division came the issue of social crime prevention. This implied that the root causes of crime should be addressed. In order to accomplish this task it was acknowledged that the Police Service cannot address the root causes

of crime alone and that it should be done in conjunction and co-operation with other government departments. The Justice, Correctional Services, Police and Social Services Cluster (JCPS) was established in order to jointly address the issue of crime. The strategy implemented to do that was by means of the National Crime Prevention Strategy (NCPS). Could the JCPS and the NCPS effectively address the root causes of crime in South Africa? Together with this came the partnership between the Police Service and the business community, called the Business Against Crime (BAC) initiatives. What meaningful role did these initiatives play in addressing crime?

The Police Service introduced strategic planning in which policing priorities to address the escalation in crime levels in the country were stipulated. Strategic and also operational planning were introduced to address specific priority crimes on the short and long term. In this regard reference will be made to the annual police plan and strategic planning for the Police Service.

The measuring instrument of crime statistics was introduced by means of which the increases and decreases of crime could be scientifically explained. The figures of crime increases play a huge role in how the public perceives the Police Service. The Police Service appointed lateral academics to assist with the interpretation and analysis of crime statistics and the root causes of crime. In the days of the Police Force, just the figures of crimes were mentioned and not the interpretation or contributing factors that gave rise to those crimes. With the focus on reliable and accurate crime statistics, it should be assessed whether the crime statistics provided by the Police Service were indeed what they supposed to be. When speaking about crime it should be clearly understood what crime really is. Were South Africans becoming more afraid of falling victim to serious and violent crimes? Is the issue of crime statistics a workable tool and is it justifiable to measure the report rate of crime? A very important contention matter is whether the Police Service alone is responsible for the increase in crime levels in the country and are they solely to be blamed for it?

The era of policing in South African under discussion cannot be concluded without reference to the role that the media played in portraying a specific image of both the Police Force and the Police Service. It is also important to refer to the overall perceptions of the public concerning the Police Force and the Police Service. How did the general public experience the Police Force in the past era? Is the new SAPS more acceptable to the general public? Lastly, is the general public satisfied with the services that the Police Service deliver? The existence of a working relationship between the media and the Police Service needs discussion. In the era of the Police Force the media was quite restricted in their role as watchdog and carrier of information to the public. Is there a better working relationship between the media and the Police Service, and more openness and transparency?

The study concerns the process of transformation of the Police Force that took place in the period under discussion in South Africa. In the period from 1960 to 1990, specific politicians and personalities played an important role in the transformation of the Police Force and the South African society at large. Reference will only be made to these politicians and personalities, but no in depth analysis of their specific contribution will be discussed. The period for the transformation of the Police Service will end at 1998. The reasons for this is that National Commissioner F.G. Fivaz handed over the leadership of the Police Service in the beginning of 1999 to a new commissioner and huge restructuring and transformation of divisions and components took place during 1998. Interviews with middle to top managers that played a significant role in the transformation and restructuring of the Police Force to that of a Police Service, namely that of POPS and the former Security Branch were conducted. It should be kept in mind that transformation had at heart the issue of representivity and that the majority of high-ranking officers in these divisions a that time were not representative of the South African population in terms of race and colour. Towards the end of the century the Police Service became more representative in that regard. The majority of more representative members and officers of these divisions were mostly junior officers and therefore interviews were not conducted with them.

The magnitude of the Police agency in South Africa makes it problematic to assess and investigate it. Specific focus areas were identified and discussed regarding transformation and restructuring that have an impact on specific issues. The most central issue is whether the Police Force really transformed from a paramilitary organization to that of a service delivery agency.

Intelligensiekunde se Latynse stamwoord is ’Intellegere Ons vermoë om te verstaan. Henning van Aswegen

DIE ONTWIKKELING VAN ‘N EIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INTELLIGENSIEKUNDE (8).

Die Staatsveiligheidsadvieskomitee (SVAK)

Henning van Aswegen

Kort na brig. P.M. Retief se aanstelling as direkteur van militêre inligting in 1963, het hy die behoefte gevoel en in ’n geheime memorandum verwoord om ‘n sentrale intelligensie-organisasie voor te stel.

Aanvanklik was daar op kabinetsvlak nie geesdriftige steun vir sy voorstel nie, maar eindelik het daar tog ’n organisasie tot stand gekom wat op ’n manier inligting sou koördineer, naamlik die Staatsveiligheidskomitee. Die SVK, soos wat hy kortweg genoem is (nog nie “advieskomitee” nie), het uit kabinetslede bestaan met ’n werkkomitee wat “inligting wat op staatsveiligheid betrekking het, versamel.” Die werkkomitee moes die inligting “sif en verwerk,” voordat dit aan die SVK voorgelê is vir oorweging. Sou die inligting ‘n besluit nodig gehad het, is die relevante, verwerkte inligting aan die hele kabinet voorgehou. Die SVK kon ook inligting evalueer en vertolk, en waar nodig na slegs een minister verwys vir besluitneming. Na twee jaar is gevind dat die bestaande organisasie nie doeltreffend funksioneer nie, vanweë die afwesigheid van ‘n permanente liggaam wat ononderbroke aandag aan die versameling en evaluasie van veiligheidsinligting kon gee. Die werkkomitee is toe vervang deur ’n Inligtingskoördineringskomitee (IKK), wat bygestaan is deur ’n sekretariaat, bestaande uit twee gesekondeerde beamptes van elk van die betrokke departemente wat lede was van die intelligensiegemeenskap. Hierdie organisasie het insgelyks nie na behore gefunksioneer nie, omdat die staatsveiligheidskomitee nie gereeld en dikwels genoeg vergader het nie.

Die intelligensiegemeenskap het in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel volgens ‘n patroon wat baie duidelik in ander demokratiese lande te bespeur was. Die intelligensiegemeenskappe in demokratiese lande het ontstaan uit departementele inligtingsbehoeftes, wat aanleiding gegee het tot die totstandkoming van departementele intelligensie-organisasies. In die Suid-Afrikaanse wordingsproses het koördinasie van inligting ontbreek, en namate die onderskeie staatsdepartemente begin het met intelligensiewerk, het die probleme en bedreigings wat hulle veronderstel was om te identifiseer, al hoe meer uitgekring omdat hulle op mekaar se tone getrap het. Die inligting wat die regering en kabinet bereik het, was nie nasionale veiligheidsinligting nie, maar departementele inligting wat hoofsaaklik afkomstig was van die polisie en die weermag. Elke departement het die inligting wat hy ingesamel het, uit sy eie oogpunt gesien. Die twee organisasies en staatsdepartemente het nie oor dieselfde stel feite beskik nie, en hulle het nie dieselfde klem op dieselfde feite waaroor hulle wel beskik het, gelê nie.

Aangesien dit bekend was dat state soos die VSA, die Bondsrepubliek Duitsland, Brittanje, Frankryk en Nederland sentrale intelligensie-organisasies in die lewe geroep het, het die behoefte aan sentralisering in 1962–1963 al hoe sterker in Suid-Afrika op die voorgrond begin tree.

Die behoefte aan ’n sentrale inligtingsorganisasie oortuig die regering om in 1963 ’n staatsveiligheidsadvieskomitee met sy eie werkkomitee in die lewe te roep. Die staatsveiligheidsadvieskomitee funksioneer egter nie na wense nie, omdat dit nie ’n permanente liggaam is wat voltydse aandag aan die insameling en verwerking van inligting kon gee nie. Die werkkomitee is toe vervang met ’n Inligtingskoördineringskomitee wat ook nie heeltemal suksesvol was nie, omdat die staatsveiligheidsadvieskomitee nie gereeld vergader het nie.

“Adv. John Vorster se aanstelling as nuwe Minister van Justisie gedurende ’n moeilike tyd het natuurlik ook ’n positiewe invloed op Hendrik van den Bergh se loopbaan gehad,” skryf Hannelie van Straaten in Hennie Heymans se manuskrip oor genl. Mike Geldenhuys. Geldenhuys, Van den Bergh, Keevy en die hoof van die veiligheidstak Witwatersrand, kol. Att Spengler, het onder Vorster se leierskap ’n gedugte viermanskap gevorm as teenwig vir die ANC/SAKP en PAC se sabotasieveldtog wat aan die einde van 1961 van sporadiese voorvalle na landwye insidente oorgegaan het. Vanaf Desember 1961 het die ANC-SAKP se terreuraanvalle en bomaanslae op sowel openbare as privaatondernemingsteikens beduidend toegeneem, so ook die openbare meningsdruk op die regering om iets aan die saak te doen.

RIVONIA

Die identifisering en onthulling van die senusentrum van die ANC/SAKP se gewapende aanslag teen die staat in 1963 het wêreldwye reaksie uitgelok, veral in die internasionale nuusmedia. Na die Sharpeville-voorval in 1960 is toenemende ondergrondse pogings deur die ANC, PAC en SAKP aangewend om die ordelike staatsbestuur deur middel van ’n gewapende stryd en georganiseerde insurreksie te ondermyn. Die rolspelers in hierdie opspraakwekkende sameloop van omstandighede het hulself jare voor die tyd ideologies geposisioneer vir die kop-aan-kop-belangebotsing wat op die plasie Lilliesleaf in Rivonia sou plaasvind.

Rivonia beteken tussen twee riviere, in hierdie geval die Sandspruit en die Braamfonteinspruit wat langs die Rietfonteinpad buite Johannesburg in mekaar vloei. ’n Eiendomsagent in Rivonia, mev. Watermeyer wat plase, kleinhoewes en huise in die omgewing verkoop het, het die polisie later meegedeel dat sy in Julie 1961 deur ’n “vreemde mannetjie” ene meneer Jacobsen genader is wat ’n kleinhoewe “names sy swaer, Vivian Ezra” wou koop. Ná etlike dae van rondry, besluit “Jacobsen,” wat eintlik Michael Harmel was, dat die kleinhoewe Lilliesleaf ideaal vir sy “swaer” sou wees en hy onderteken op 21 Augustus 1961 ’n koopaanbod van R25 000 met mev. Watermeyer. Hierdie R25 000 (in 1961 ’n aansienlike bedrag geld), is deur Julius First aan Vivian Ezra voorgeskiet. Ezra was die enigste direkteur en aandeelhouer van die firma Navian Limited wat sy nuutaangeskafde eiendom onmiddellik teen R100 per maand aan die argitek en binneversierder Arthur Goldreich, verhuur. Joe Slovo, Bram Fischer en Michael Harmel (al drie lede van die SAKP se sentrale komitee), se plan om ’n geheime nuwe hoofkwartier vir homself, die ANC en Umkhonto we Sizwe binne die grense van Suid-Afrika te vestig, was hiermee suksesvol volvoer. Fischer, Slovo en Harmel se plan was dat die opperbevel van Umkhonto we Sizwe, bestaande uit Nelson Mandela, Joe Slovo, Govan Mbeki en Jack Hodgson, hul plan van aksie, bestaande uit (1) sabotasie, (2) guerrilla-oorlogvoering, (3) ’n vryheidstryd en (4) revolusie vanaf Lilliesleaf-kleinhoewe sou bestuur en bedryf. Die eerste opperbevelvoerder van Umkhonto we Sizwe, Nelson Mandela, alias David Matsamayi, neem in Oktober 1961 sy intrek in Lilliesleaf, so ook Arthur en Hazel Goldreich en hul

twee kinders. Arthur Goldreich was sedert 1953 met die verbanning van die Kommunistiese Party van Suid-Afrika ’n lid van die Congress of Democrats, maar was nie openlik ’n kommunis of as kommunistiese simpatiseerder bekend nie. Hy en sy eggenote Hazel het altwee vaste werk gehad en daagliks hul kinders na ’n skool in Johannesburg geneem – die ideale dekkingstorie vir ’n middelklas gesin wat vreedsaam en gelukkig op ’n stil kleinhoewe in Rivonia woon.

Bram Fischer was in 1962 die voorsitter van die sentrale komitee van die SAKP en terselfdertyd ook tesourier. Hilda (Watts) Bernstein was heeltyds sekretaresse van die SAKP, bygestaan deur Ruth First wat slegs een keer by Lilliesleaf besoek afgelê het. Bram Fischer en Joe Slovo was gereelde besoekers en Fischer het partykeer tot twee keer per dag by die weggesteekte plasie aangedoen. Drie ANC-lede, wat later (in Junie 1963) op aanklagte van sabotasie deur die veiligheidspolisie in hegtenis geneem is, Bartholomew Hpapane, Patrick Mthembu en Brian Samona het op Lilliesleaf ingewoon. Fischer en die sentrale komitee van die SAKP publiseer in 1962 die dokument, ‘The Road to Freedom,’ waarin hulle verklaar “our first task is to transform the old machinery of the state as a matter crucial to the National Democratic Revolution. This will place the motive forces of the revolution at the helm of the state and ensure that is these classes which yielded real power.”

In sy hart was Hendrik van den Bergh ’n boer en ’n speurder; aan die einde van 1962 word hy deur ’n versekeringsmaatskappy ’n aanloklike pos buite die polisie aangebied. Die pas-aangestelde Minister van Justisie, John Vorster, kom daarvan te hore en vra Van den Bergh om hoof van die eiligheidstak en inspekteur-generaal van die SAP te word. Polisiekommissaris John Keevy keur verskeie veranderinge aan die struktuur van die veiligheidspolisie goed en daarmee begin lt.kol.

Van den Bergh op 13 Januarie 1963 sy nuwe pos. Die naam van die veiligheidstak verander ook op dieselfde dag na veiligheidspolisie. Van den Bergh stel sy taakopdrag as veiligheidshoof self so:

“In Januarie 1963 bevind ek myself op die bedreigingsfront, ten midde van die uitvoering van ’n sameswering om die staat, die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, te vernietig met subversie, sabotasie en terrorisme. Ek het ’n minister van polisie gehad wat presies geweet het hoe ernstig die bedreiging vir Suid-Afrika was en hy was bereid om my die wapens te gee om die rewolusie mee te beveg. Ons het geveg teen ’n rewolusie. Dit was oorlog en so het ek dit beskou: die keuse het gelê tussen rewolusie, bloedvergieting en geweld aan die een kant en die regsoewereiniteit aan die ander kant.”

Die veiligheidspolisie se bedreigingsanaliese en insamelingsprofiel moes vinnig en deeglik kennis neem van Suid-Afrika se verslegtende politieke posisie. Hiervan was Suid-Afrika se gedwonge ontslag uit die Statebond en toenemende veroordeling vanuit die VVO en die internasionale stategemeenskap en pogings tot ’n binnelandse opstand deur die ANC/SAKP rooi vlae.

Vooraanstaande kommuniste, met insluiting van Brian Bunting, Helen Joseph, Michael Harmel, Walter Sisulu, Jack Hodgson, Govan Mbeki, Dennis Goldbergh, Eli Weinberg en Moses Kotane was

ingevolge die Wet op die Onderdrukking van Kommunisme, wat tien jaar tevore deur die parlement goedgekeur was, ingeperk of onder huisarres, maar dit het nie terreurdade en sabotasie in die land stopgesit nie. Lede van die veiligheidstak soos lt. W.P.J. (Willem) van Wyk, Hennie Weyers en radiotegnikus Jack van Heerden was hard op soek na die ligging van die ondergrondse radiostasie, Radio Freedom. Die radiostasie en sy hoofspreker, Walter Sisulu, het tydens sy daaglikse uitsendings die bevolking aangehits om met geweld teen die blanke regering in opstand te kom.

Die PAC en Poqo laat nie op hulle wag nie en pleeg veral in die Oos-Kaap net soveel terreurdade en moorde as die ANC. Die PAC en Poqo was na afloop van die Sharpeville-voorval in 1960 duidelik die ANC/SAKP se vernaamste mededinger as vryheidsbeweging en daar was in hierdie tyd ’n gedurige en venynige woordewisseling tussen die twee groepe. ’n PAC-geïnspireerde massaopstand word op 8 April 1963 deur die veiligheidstak ondervang met die inhegtenisname van Pogolede wat na Potlako Laballo se ontvlugting na Lesotho, in Suid-Afrika agtergebly het. Hierdie massaopstand en gepaardgaande brandstigtery was ’n aanduiding vir die regering dat die PAC net soveel gevaar as die ANC en SAKP ingehou het.

Van den Bergh het Republikeinse Intelligensie (RI) bedryf as ’n geheime afdeling binne die veiligheidstak van die SAP om spesifiek op teenspioenasie-operasies in Suid-Afrika te fokus. “Van den Bergh initially informed only two members of the Security Branch of the existence of the Republican Intelligence Service and gave strict instructions to the embryo staff, consisting of Att Spengler and Terry Terblanche, that nothing must be said and nothing must be put on paper about RI, its targets or its operations.” RI se eerste, byna armsalige kantoortjie was op die derde verdieping

van His Majesty’s-gebou in Commissionerstraat, Johannesburg. Slegs Hendrik van den Bergh, Att Spengler, Terri Terblanche en Johann Coetzee (later hoof van die SAP-VT en kommissaris) was van hierdie kantoor bewus, omdat die veiligheidspolisie se belangrikste penetrasie-agent, Gerard Ludi, hiervandaan hanteer is.

* In DIE BURO: Genl. Lang Hendrik van den Bergh en die Buro vir Staatsveiligheid, wat deur Imprimatur Uitgewers gepubliseer word, is daar ware Suid-Afrikaanse spioenasie verhale wat die waarde van agente en spioene illustreer, en ook die enorme skade wat hulle somtyds aanrig, onder die soeklig plaas. Die enigste werklike meetinstrument van die sukses van ’n spioenasiediens is die mate waarop hy of sy die geskiedenis beïnvloed het, of nie. Die Buro vir Staatsveiligheid het ’n invloed op die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis gehad en verdien om onthou te word. Indien enige van ons lesers oor relevante inligting oor die ontwikkeling van spioenasie in Suid-Afrika, beskik, word u hartlik uitgenooi om enige inligting en foto’s aan henningvanaswegen55@gmail.com., te stuur.

* Die artikelreeks Intelegere bevat 982 bronverwysings en voetnotas, wat op aanvraag van die skrywer bekom kan word.

* Word in die volgende Nongqai vervolg.

* Voorafbestellings vir DIE BURO kan by Imprimatur Uitgewers geplaas word.

Danie Lotter.

Via brig. (afgetree) Hennie Heymans

In ons leeftyd het ons ook maar baie skaam gekry vir polisiekommissarisse.

Ná die tyd van rêrige ou gentleman-generaals soos Johann Coetzee, Hennie de Witt en Johan van der Merwe, het kommissarisse soos Jackie Selebi (wat agter tralies beland het) en Bheki Cele net ‘n ou polisieman laat skaam kry.

Hulle streke ten spyte was selfs nie een van hulle so ongewild soos die heel eerste kommissaris van die polisie, kol. sir Theodore Truter nie.

Die Polisiewet, wat die vestiging van die ou Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiemag in 1913 deur die Parlement gevoer het, het kol. sir

Theodore Truter aangestel as die eerste kommissaris – suiwer op politieke gronde.

Die ou was ‘n Bloedsap wat in die Boere-Oorlog aan Britse kant geveg het en dik maats was met Louis Botha.

Sir Truter was ‘n Suid-Kapenaar van geboorte, van George se kontrei.

Na Uniewording in 1910 het hy aangebly in die Unie Verdedigingsmag met die rang van Kolonel. Die eerste plek waar hy, behalwe vir sy oorlog rekord, swaarde met die meer behoudende

Afrikanerdom gekruis het, was toe hy in 1914 die voorsittende beampte was van die Krygshof wat Jopie Fourie ter dood veroordeel het.

Daaroor is hy en Jan Smuts ewe veel verkwalik.

Toe hy derhalwe in 1913 kommissaris van polisie word, was daar nie juis ‘n koor van vreugde psalms nie.

Sir Truter was in elk geval ‘n kortgebakerde, ongeskikte ou man met sy weglêsnor, sy stokkie onder die arm en sy beneukste geaardheid.

Nou moet ‘n mens billik wees en erken dat sy jare as kommissaris ook nie die maklikste jare was nie.

Sommer agt maande na sy aanstelling begin die Rebellie en ‘n klomp van sy manne sluit aan by die Rebelle.

Dieselfde tyd sit hy met die Foster-bende se avonture in Johannesburg en op die polities mees sensitiewe moment denkbaar skiet ‘n Engelssprekende polisiebeampte vir genl. Koos de la Rey dood in ‘n padblokkade en moet ou sir Truter dit as ‘n ongelukkige ongeluk probeer verkoop – ‘n storie wat baie mense tot hierdie dag nie glo nie.

In sy tyd moes hy die 1922 mynwerkerstaking, die staking van polisiemanne in November 1917 en die Bulhoek-rebellie van 1921 die hoof probeer bied.

Na 36 jaar diens in die staatsdiens tree sir Theodorus Truter in November 1926 af en maak plek vir genl. Isaac Pierre (Iep) de Villiers.

Maar sir Truter se werk is nog nie klaar nie, want toe die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939 uitbreek en die Ossewabrandwag se Stormjaer korps begin met ‘n binnelandse terreurveldtog in ‘n poging om te verhoed dat Suid-Afrikaanse soldate na die oorlogsfront in die Noorde gestuur word om aan Britse kant te veg, begin die tweede konsentrasiekamp tydperk in ons geskiedenis.

By Ganspan en Leeukop en veral Koffiefontein word interneringskampe aangelê waar mense, wat slegs verdink word daarvan dat hulle teen die regering se oorlogspoging gekant is, sonder verhoor opgesluit word.

Onder krygswet was dit heel moontlik en onder die manne wat daar opgesluit was, was mense soos adv. John Vorster en sy broer, Koot, die latere moderator van die NG Kerk en genl. Langhendrik van den Berg, die eerste hoof van die nasionale intelligensiediens. En ‘n horde ander.

En wie word aangestel as die hoof van interneringskampe? Kol. Sir Theodorus Truter!

Uit sy kantoor naby die Uniegebou sit hy soos ‘n spinnekop wyfie in die middel van ‘n spinnerak en maak klikstories bymekaar om mense mee te interneer. Die anti-oorlogsgesinde konserwatiewe Afrikaners kan hom nie verdra nie!

Dr. Hans van Rensburg, die leier van die OB, skryf oor hom: “In South Africa, during the war years, the official attitude (and also that of the government’s supporters) was that the Chief Security Officer (Truter), like the King, could do no wrong. Whom he ordered to be arrested and interned on the evidence of some anonymous informer, was arrested…and that was that.”

Geen wonder dus dat Sir Truter selfs meer ongewild was as Jan Smuts self nie!

Maar die Stormjaers het tot op die laaste vir die ou ‘n verrassing gebêre.

Op die aand na die oorgawe van Duitsland, toe daar dwarsoor die wêreld in die strate van stede, insluitend Pretoria en Johannesburg, fees gevier word, oorrompel ‘n groep Stormjaers die wagte by Sir Truter se kantoor, bind hulle vas en breek die agterdeur oop. En toe steel hulle die lêers uit die liasseerkabinette. Daarin is al die inligting oor wie hulle kamerade in die interneringskampe verraai het en wie stories by die speurders aangedra het oor bure en familie.

Dit was ‘n seer hou vir die regering van Smuts en ‘n seer hou vir baie mense.

So laat as die jare 60 was daar ‘n Nasionale Party kandidaat in ‘n verkiesing in ‘n sterk NP setel wat skaars 10 stemme getrek het nadat dit bekend geword het dat sy naam as informant in Sir Truter se lêers was.

Uiteindelik het die inligting in daardie lêers vir ‘n hele klomp manne wat nou voorbokke in die Nasionale Party, die NG Kerk en die Broederbond was problematies begin raak en het dr. Van

Rensburg, die man wat altyd eers na ‘n vreedsame uitweg gesoek het, opdrag gegee dat die lêers uit hulle wegsteekplek geneem en almal verbrand word. Dit sou wragtig interessant gewees het om te sien watter name almal daarin verskyn het!

Sir Truter was tot die dag van sy dood boos oor die verlies van daardie lêers.

Hy is op 11 April 1949 in Pretoria oorlede. Die polisie begrafnis vir die eerste kommissaris was ‘n luisterryke geleentheid – met opvallend min van die afgetredenes wat opgedaag het!

(Deur Daniel Lötter)

Kol. T.G. Truter, eerste kommissaris van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiemag 111 jaar gelede.

HAIL! CHIEF

Nongqai December 1910

Sarie van Niekerk

Op 1 April vanjaar (2024) was dit presies 111-jaar gelede dat die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiemag tot stand gekom het.

Dit was moeilike, amper stormagtige jare, en daar moes toe besluit word wie as die beste kommissaris van hierdie eerste polisiemag aan te stel. Die keuse kol. T.G. Truter. ‘n Oud-soldaat wat na sy ampstermyn nie alleen lid van die Verenigde Party was nie, maar ook Hoofinterneringsbeampte tydens die storm en drang jare van die Unie van Suid-Afrika gewees het.

Hier volg uittreksels uit ‘n uitgawe van Nongqai van November 1910, wat deur brig, (afgetree) Hennie Heymans opgespoor is, waarin ons meer leer omtrent hierdie man met die weglêsnor op wie se skouers die taak van eerste kommissaris van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiemag geval het.

INLEIDING: SIR THEODORE TRUTER

Brig. HB Heymans

Deur die jare het ek baie navorsing oor ons polisiegeskiedenis gedoen. In UNISA se argief het ek baie oor Sir Theodore Truter se tydperk as senior lid van die Verenigde Party, sy rol as Hoofinternering beampte tydens die storm en drang jare van die Unie van Suid-Afrika, alles wat met betrekking tot sy amp gedurende die tweede wêreldoorlog plaasgevind het, gelees. Kom ek sê dit: Soos ek geskiedenis verstaan moet sy rol as staatsamptenaar beoordeel word teen die konteks en agtergrond van heersende omstandighede.

Hy het uit die staanspoor ‘n moeilike taak gehad en moes reeds tydens die 1914-Rebellie optree en hy het kmdt. Jopie Fourie tydens ‘n veld krygsraad ter dood veroordeel. Ja, hy was lojaal teenoor die regering van die dag. Hy was ‘n natuurlik ‘n Smuts-man, lojaal teenoor die oorlog en veroordelend teenoor die Afrikaners wat om verskeie redes nie teen Duitsland die wapen wou opneem nie. Ja, hy het baie mense ten regte en ten onregte geïnterneer. Hy het nie oor agterna wysheid beskik nie. Hy was miskien nie gewild nie, maar hy was ‘n getroue en lojale amptenaar van die staat.

Daar was verskeie kommissarisse wat die beleid van die Verenigde Party gesteun het en die draaipunt het gekom met mense soos genls. Rademeyer en Keevy.

CURRICULUM VITAE: SIR T.G TRUTER

Bron onbekend

Sir Theodoras Gustaff Truter (*George, 13.10.1873 – + Pretoria, 11.4.1949), soldaat en eerste Kommissaris van Polisie van die Unie van Suid-Afrika, was een van dertien kinders van Johannes Christoffel Truter, 'n gesiene inwoner van George, en sy vrou, Isobel Margaret Boswell. Truter het sy onderrig op George, aan die “Normal College” (Kaapstad) en aan die Diocesan College (Rondebosch) ontvang en deur private studie in die regseksamen vir die staatsdiens geslaag. Op 1.12.1892 het hy in die rekeninge-afdeling van die kantoor van die Koloniale Sekretaris in Kaapstad begin werk waar hy uiteindelik tot hoof-rekening kontroleur bevorder is. Met die uitbreek van die Tweede Anglo-Boereoorlog in 1899 het hy hom as manskap by die 2nd Light Horse Regiment aangesluit en is te velde tot offisier bevorder. Op 16.3.1901 is hy egter as hoofklerk in die Transvaalse staatsdiens aangestel en is mettertyd tot assistent-magistraat van Pretoria bevorder. Hy het ook lid van die Spesiale Kriminele Hof geword en op 1.12.1904 is hy

aangestel as resident magistraat van Ermelo. In dieselfde hoedanigheid is hy op 1.4.1908 na Standerton verplaas.

Kort na Uniewording het Truter drie maande lank waargeneem as sekretaris van die Administrateur van Transvaal (Julie - Oktober 1910) en het daarna Kommissaris van Polisie in Transvaal geword. Voortaan het hy hom beywer vir die amalgamering van die polisiemagte in die vier provinsies en sy ideaal is verwesenlik met die promulgering van die Polisiewet (No. 14 van 1912), waarna die Suid-

Afrikaanse Polisie op 1.4.1913 tot stand gekom het, met Truter as die eerste Kommissaris van Polisie van die Unie van Suid-Afrika. Spoedig sou verskeie gebeurtenisse in die land 'n groot las op sy skouers plaas: met die stakings van sowel 1913 as 1914 was hy beherende beampte van No. 1gebied (Transvaal) en na die uitbreek van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in 1914 het hy kommissaris van vyandelike onderdane geword. Toe die Rebellie kort hierna 'n werklikheid word, is die militêre beheer van alle gewapende magte in en om Pretoria aan hom opgedra. In die hoedanigheid was hy onder meer lid van die krygsraad wat kmdt. Jozef Johannes (Jopie) Fourie* op 19.12.1914 in Pretoria verhoor het.

Truter het ook 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die onderdrukking van sowel die Bulhoekopstand (1921) as die Randse staking van 1922. Op 30.11.1928 het hy as Kommissaris van Polisie afgetree, maar gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-45) is daar weer van sy dienste gebruik gemaak as hoof beheerbeampte van die administrasie van Suid-Afrikaanse interneringskampe.

Hy was 'n veelsydige sportman wat onder meer aan rugby, perdesport en roei deelgeneem het. Hy het ook belang gestel in die Padvinderbeweging en was president van die organisasie in Pretoria.

Hy was lank president van die Pretoriase Landboutentoonstelling en ook lid van die Pretoriase Publisiteitsvereniging.

Truter het hom onderskei as die grondlegger van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie. In alle opsigte het hy die groot organisasie opgebou en die feit dat meer as 9 000 rekrute in sy termyn as polisiemanne opgelei is, is afdoende bewys van sy toewyding en ywer.

Op 31.12.1917 is die C.M.G. aan hom toegeken, terwyl hy op 3.6.1924 tot K.B.E. verhef is.

Hy is op 25.5.1902 in Pretoria met Henrietta Martina Wagner getroud en twee seuns en 'n dogter is uit die huwelik gebore.

• J PLOEGER

• UNION OF S.A., Official year book of the Union, No. 4-1921. Pretoria., 1921;

• S.A.W.W., 1925-26;

• Nongqai, The Des. 1928; Mei 1949;

• J.M. DE WET, Jopie Fourie. Kaapstad., 1946;

• Die Brandwag, 18.2.1972;

• S.A. Polisie: Diensstaat van Truter.

DR DF MALAN SE SIENING VAN KOL T.G TRUTER

J Steinmeyer

“Dit was genoeg. Aan die dreigemente om Die Burger-gebou af te brand, het dit nie ontbreek nie. Offisiële waarskuwings het nie uitgebly nie, om van anonieme dreigbriewe nie eens te praat nie. In die feesnommer van Die Burger by geleentheid van sy 25-jarige bestaan het dr. D. F. Malan as eerste redakteur enkele persoonlike herinnerings geskryf. Hieraan is die volgende ontleen :

“Onder my verdere herinnerings neem die pogings om ons dood te druk 'n vername plek in. Omdat ek, behalwe my redakteurskap, ook nog 'n prominente aandeel moes neem in die politieke stryd, was die aanvalle meestal op my persoonlik gerig, maar dit was ook 'n treffende bewys dat Die Burger 'n krag was waarmee rekening gehou moes word. Ons vyande het instinkmatig gevoel dat as die Afrikanerdom daardie slapende reus - eenmaal ten volle wakker sou word, dit met hul heerskappy klaar sou wees. Vir hulle was die stryd teen Die Burger daarom 'n stryd op lewe en dood.

Daar was eers die langdurige advertensie-boikot om ons finansieel dood te wurg. Die getrouheid van ons lesers was die rots waarop dit gebreek het.

Daar was die pogings tot intimidasie. Eers die verskyning in my kantoor van die Kommissaris van Polisie in eie lewende persoon, deftig ge-uniform, gestewel, gespoor en gesabel, met 'n geskrewe waarskuwing, wat hy my staande en plegtig kom voorlees het, maar wat tot sy spyt alleen 'n geamuseerde glimlag by my opgewek het, omdat ek nie seker was wat die meneer self as die imposantste beskou het nie - sy minister agter hom, sy eie persoon of sy mondering.

In ieder geval, die inleidingskolomme van Die Burger het voortgegaan net soos tevore, sonder dat iets teruggetrek of verander is. Daar was die tallose dreigemente, soms selfs met die dood, maar altyd in naamlose briewe, wat so 'n normale verskynsel was, dat ek bepaald onrustig begin voel het as dit ophou”.

[Bladsye 171 – 172; J Steinmeyer: Spykers met Koppe, Nasionale Pers, 1946.

1910–1928: KOL. SIR T.G. TRUTER, KBE, CMG

Brig HB Heymans

Theodorus Gustaff Truter: Hy word allerweë as die grondlegger van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie beskou. Sy agtergrond:

1. Het gedien as soldaat en later as offisier in die Second Regiment of Light Horse tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog.

2. Slaag laer die staatsdienseksamen in die regte en word later magistraat (landdros).

3. Is reeds in 1910 aangestel as die eerste hoof-polisiekommissaris van die Unie van SuidAfrika.

4. Was lid van die krygsraad wat kmdt. Jozef Johannes (Jopie) Fourie op 19 Desember 1914 in Pretoria verhoor en laat teregstel het.

5. Het 'n belangrike rol in die onderdrukking van sowel die Bulhoekopstand (1921) as die Randse staking van 1922 gespeel.

6. Hy het ná aftrede, gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-45), as hoofbeheerbeampte van die administrasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse interneringskampe diens gedoen.

7. Hy was 'n veelsydige sportman wat onder meer aan rugby, perdesport en roei deelgeneem het.

8. Het ook belang gestel in die Padvinderbeweging en was president van die organisasie in Pretoria. Hy was lank president van die Pretoriase Landboutentoonstelling en ook lid van die Pretoriase Publisiteitsvereniging.

9. Gedurende 1917 het hy die CMG. ontvang, terwyl hy op 3 Junie 1924 tot KBE. verhef is. Hy het die ererang van generaal-majoor geweier.

Bron: Gloriejare van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiemag.

Col Sir TG Truter

SOUTH AFRICAN SOLDIERS SURRENDER TO M23 IN THE DRC AND ARE TAKEN AS PRISONERS

Via Marcia du Pont.

SANDF

Senior East-African government sources have told NSN that several South African soldiers, deployed by the ANC Government into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) as part of an ill equipped and ill prepared force, surrendered to M23 rebels during the first week in April. The soldiers are now being held as hostages by M23, according to these sources.

The soldiers are part of a South African National Defence Force (SANDF) deployed to attack the M23 rebels specifically in the east of the DRC. This follows the withdrawal of an East African Regional Security Force that was led by Kenya that avoided a confrontation with M23.

Source: SANDF

President Ramaphosa undertook to replace the East African Community’s peacekeeping deployment in the eastern DRC with the deployment of 2,900 soldiers from the SANDF.

Although eastern DRC is ravaged by more than 90 different rebel groups, including the extremist Islamic State (ISIS), Ramaphosa tasked the SANDF deployment with a mission to destroy M23, the battle hardened Tutsi insurgent group that has long been a security buffer between Rwanda and the Forces Democratiques du Liberation du Congo (FDLR). The FDLR are the remnants of the

genocidal Hutu army that fled into the eastern DRC in 2004 after the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda with some 2 million participants in the brutal genocide of Rwanda’s Tutsis. The FDLR’s mission as stated in its name- the “liberation of Rwanda”- is the overthrow and destruction of the Kagame Government in Kigali that saved Rwanda from the genocide and since have rebuilt a modern country from its ashes.

M23 was formed after the Rwandan genocide as a local Defence Force in the eastern DRC to protect the Tutsi communities in the DRC and Rwanda against ongoing attacks from the FDLR that has the continued genocide of the Tutsis as its sole political and military objective.

Source: SANDF

M23 has operated in the eastern DRC area for many years, knows the terrain, and are integrated with sections of the local population. The lessons learned from the SADC/Monusco Force Intervention Brigade and it’s successor the East African Regional peacekeeping force show that any new intervention force in the DRC must be sizeable to succeed in a peacekeeping mission. From an initial strength of around 19,815 troops, the MONUSCO uniformed personnel decreased to about 16,316 personnel, including a maximum authorized strength of 14,000 military personnel (including contingent troops, expert on mission and staff officers), 660 military observers, 591 police officer and 1,050 formed police units’ personnel. These staff come from more than 50 countries around the world.

It’s successor the East African Regional Security Force ranged between 6,500 and 12,000 troops.

The SANDF by contrast so far only managed to deploy a few hundred soldiers with a target of 2,900.

Other lessons from Monusco’s deployment include the necessity of extensive air cover as well as transport and air elements. An intervention force must also have special forces capabilities, and mobility in very difficult terrain. Also required are tactical and operational intelligence and enough firepower.

The SANDF has only one C-130 functioning plane for heavy airlifts. It has virtually no air power to deploy. It has only a few helicopters available for all domestic and international missions – five Oryx, out of an initial 39, and three Rooivalk, out of 11

The SANDF is taking heavy casualties. The SANDF so far reported that two of its soldiers had been killed in a mortar strike near the eastern city of Goma. The SANDF said that three more soldiers were injured in the attack. More casualties are likely every week and beyond that looms the spectre of a disastrous and costly strategic defeat of the South African forces.

This past week the crisis around the SANDF deployment in the eastern DRC escalated dramatically. The SANDF took more casualties when attacking M23 formations. During the combat several South African soldiers reportedly surrendered to M23 and were reportedly taken prisoner by M23 along with soldiers from Malawi.

With the capture of the South African soldiers by M23, questions arise as to why President Ramaphosa rushed to deploy a small, ill prepared South African force without the required air cover

against M23 in dangerous terrain? Why would Ramaphosa attack Rwanda’s security interests on its border with the DRC by aligning the SANDF as a potential unwitting ally of the genocidal FDLR? Although Rwanda is a small country it is a formidable military adversary. Rwanda punches far above its weight in peacekeeping missions. Despite being a small country with 33,000 armed forces, it is the 4th largest contributor to UN peacekeeping missions worldwide. Rwanda has become the only alternative and credible security force that is able to provide effective military assistance bilaterally against Islamist extremists to other members of the Africa Union (AU). It was only Rwanda’s urgent intervention in Mozambique that stopped the march of ISIS in the northern province of Cabo Delgado after ISIS defeated the mercenaries from Russia’s Wagner Group.

Rwanda is the closest security ally in Africa of several Western countries including the US, UK, France and Poland. The UK signed the UK Migration and Economic Development Partnership with Rwanda in December 2023. The US and Rwanda has a Status of Forces Agreement that enables the US to deploy personnel in Rwanda. France has worked hard to normalize relations with Rwanda under President Macron signing several new bilateral agreements. Poland and Rwanda recently entered into a defence procurement agreement following a visit by the President of Poland. Israel works closely with Rwanda over many years as two countries whose peoples both both suffered the trauma of genocide.

This week is the 30th anniversary of the genocide perpetrated by the FDLR and its leaders against Rwanda in 1994. This commemorates one of the most brutal genocides in modern history. President Ramaphosa is scheduled to attend the commemoration in Kigali. This would be a good opportunity to open talks with Kigali about the immediate withdrawal of the SANDF deployment in the DRC.

Brig. (afgetree) Fanie Bouwer

Ek lees vandag 'n pos waar lede nog in diens van die SAPD, as't ware gal braak oor hulle werksomstandighede.

Een vroue-offisier sê: "Kyk Polisie is my passie/roeping...... maar die afgelope jaar...... ek wil net waai al kan ek nie. Dis nie meer dieselfde nie. Alles oor statistiek – f** polisie werk".

Oor die statistieke-kwessie is die afgelope jare heelwat geskryf - nie net waar sake op 'n bedrieglike wyse geregistreer word nie ( byvoorbeeld. opsetlike saak beskadiging in plaas van huisbraak), maar ook hoe baie slagoffers van misdaad dit nie meer rapporteer nie, bloot omdat hulle hul geloof in die polisie verloor het.

Vir bevelvoerders en offisiere om te fokus op die statistiek speletjie (dit is wat dit is), is bloot uit onkundigheid en 'n gebrek aan bestuurservaring. Die redes vir laasgenoemde. is legio en is die volle detail hiervan al telkemale hier op hierdie blad uitgewys.

Baie polisie-offisiere van ons tyd het die voorreg gehad om op distriks- en provinsiale vlakke as't ware oorhoofs na die misdaadstatistieke te kyk en dit ontleed.

Hierdie offisiere het nie net daar gesit en briewe teken nie. Kwessies soos strategiese beplanning rondom misdaad was die fokus en primêre doel. Daar is nie gewag vir 'iets' om te gebeur en dan halsoorkop te reageer nie. Of om oor die statistieke dan te sit en mor nie.

Wat is gedoen in die praktyk?

Misdaadvoorkoming planne vir mediumtermyn - een jaar - met haalbare doelwitte (byvoorbeeld vermindering van huisbraaksake met 5%) ten opsigte van die ernstige misdade is vir die provinsie, areas, distrikte en stasies opgestel. Elke stasie wyk moes elke maand aksies loods ten opsigte van misdaadvoorkoming en maandeliks implementeer en terugvoering aan die areas se bevelvoerende offisier gee. Laasgenoemde. het byvoorbeeld. kwartaalliks aan die provinsiale kommissaris verslag gedoen.

Ek was self op provinsiale vlak betrokke met die bymekaarbring en ontleding van die syfers, of statistieke dan nou. Dit was 'n groot taak.

Die 'prentjie' wat hierdie syfers gegee het, is ook gebruik vir die plasing van lede en voertuie in verhouding met die misdaadsyfers.

Waar onverwagte dinge skielik kop uitsteek, soos 'n taxi-oorlog (wat wyd voorkom en moeilik hanteerbaar is) of 'n PAGAD-kampanje, sal vinnige korttermyn strategiese planne met al die rolspelers geïmplementeer word. Ek het so kortliks nou die dag hierna verwys. Vergelyk dít met die polisie in KZN en elders in Julie-2021se geweld wat eerder iewers elders onsigbaar gaan laag lê het.

Om af te sluit.

Dit was in die kommissieverslag van Khayelitsha so 'n paar jare gelede genoem dat die polisie blindelings te werk gaan ("policing by chance") en dat misdaadintelligensie ook nie eintlik bestaan nie. Toe het dit vir my al geblyk dat daar geen geordende planne ten opsigte van misdaadvoorkoming meer is nie.

Daar was wel in 2018 'n hoë-digtheid stabilisering-ingrypingsplan met groot fanfare deur die polisieminister aangekondig ("Cele, Sitole reclaiming the authority of the State from the inside out"), maar ook dit het gou-gou dood geloop.

"Back to basics" is dalk die antwoord.

MAN FAKES OWN DEATH TO AVOID MANTENANCE

Via Marcia du Pont

Man fakes his own death to avoid child maintenance payments.

Here's somebody who puts the dead into deadbeat Dad! I can't imagine somebody putting this huge amount of effort into avoiding providing for his own children. But, here it is.

A man (for want of a better word) from Kentucky in the United States faked his own death to avoid child maintenance payments. The man owed over USD100k (about R2m) in outstanding child maintenance payments. He hacked his way into the death registry system and got himself listed as "deceased". He was found guilty of aggravated identify theft and computer fraud.

A Kentucky man admitted to faking his own death to avoid paying over $100,000 in outstanding child support to his ex-wife, according to a plea agreement filed in federal court late last month.

Jesse E. Kipf, 39, pleaded guilty to one count of aggravated identity theft and one count of computer fraud in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky on March 29. According to the plea agreement, Kipf accessed the Hawaii death registry system in January 2023 using the details of a doctor living in another state and created a case for own death. He then “assigned himself as the medical certifier for the case and certified that case,” which resulted in Kipf being listed as deceased in many government databases.

“The defendant also infiltrated other states’ death registry systems using credentials he stole from other real people,” the plea agreement states. “The defendant faked his own death, in part, in order to avoid his outstanding child support obligations to his ex-wife.”

In addition, Kipf admitted to hacking into private business, governmental and corporate networks with information he stole from others and attempted to sell the access to the networks to buyers online, the court document states.

His attorney, Thomas Miceli, did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Kipf’s crimes resulted in more than $195,000 in estimated damages, including more than $79,000 in losses to governmental and corporate networks and more than $116,000 in losses suffered by his ex-wife. He has agreed to pay restitution to all parties he wronged, according to the plea agreement.

Kipf was initially indicted by a federal grand jury in November 2023 on five counts of computer fraud and three counts of aggravated identity theft, according to a news release. He was accused of illegally accessing state websites for Arizona, Hawaii and Vermont, as well as businesses GuestTek Interactive Entertainment Ltd. and Milestone Inc.

Kipf was also indicted on two counts of making false statements on applications in connection with federally insured financial institutions for allegedly opening two credit accounts in 2020 and 2023 with a false Social Security number, according to the indictment.

These initial charges carried a prison sentence of over 30 years. After taking a plea deal, Kipf faces a maximum of seven years in prison and up to $500,000 in fines, per court records.

His sentencing hearing is scheduled for the afternoon of April 12, 2024.

Redakteur Nongqai Vroue: Hierdie het nié by ons gebeur nie maar daar is waarskynlik honderd duisende vroue op eie bodem wat hulle met hierdie voorval kan vereenselwig.

Gebeur dit nie maar hier ook dat manne (of vroue) enigiets sal doen om tog net nie vir hul kinders onderhoud te betaal nie.

HUMOR: DURBAN VEILIGHEIDSTAK: MAAK HULLE LUS ...

Hennie Heymans

Dit was die jaar 1970 en ek was ‘n AO verbonde aan die veiligheidstak in Durban. Ons was die aand na werk na die Lyric-teater waar ons ‘n Afrikaanse toneelopvoering bygewoon het. Ons het so na 22:30 by die huis gekom. Ek was net reg vir die bed toe die foon lui. Ek moet by ons kantoor gaan aanmeld vir spesiale diens, aldus die diensoffisier.

By die werk aangekom word ons voorgelig deur die bevelvoerder. Die buro vir staatsveiligheid het vanuit Londen inligting ontvang dat ‘n verbode organisasie daardie nag by ‘n Barclays Bank in Durban gaan inbreek en dan die bank se geld steel. Ons moet die nag alle Barclays Banke besoek en indien moontlik die booswigte aankeer. Ons word voorsien van ‘n lys van die bank se takke.

Ek word afgedeel saam met S/A/O Daan Wessels. Oom Daan is ‘n deurwinterde speurder voordat hy na die veiligheidstak oorgeplaas is. Hy kom van die plaas “Kiesbeen” (sou dit ‘n ander naam vir kakebeen wees?) Kiesbeen is by Swinburne naby Van Reenen. Generaal Pat Dillon en sy broer Mickey Dillon (ook ‘n oud-lid van die SAP en goeie vegter) se geboorteplaas was ook daar naby. Oupa Heymans het op Van Reenen gebly en hulle het mekaar geken.

Ek bestuur en soos gewoonlik gesels mens maar land en sand om die nag interessant te maak, Ons het nie privaat radio’s in ons polisievoertuie gehad nie – ook nie polisie-radio’s nie. Ons gesels oor allerhande dinge en besoek die verskillende takke deur die nag. Daar is ook ander lede wat dieselfde doen.

Die son was besig om op te kom, toe ons in “Point Road” stadig afry. Die straat is die berugte straat in Durban. Die bekende “Smugglers Inn” was daar naby geleë. (Dit was “Out-of-Bounds” vir polisiemanne en soldate. Dit was as ‘n ongewenste plek geklassifiseer.) Ek is op my hoede en wag dat iets moet gebeur. Toe sien ons haar met twee lelike Koreane die straat af stap. Mens herken die Koreane aan hul stokkies-hare en liggaamsbou.

“Hou stil!” beveel Oom Daan. Ek maak so. Hy laat die ruit sak en vriendelik groet hy en sê: “Maak hulle lus – maar gee hulle niks!” Dis sesuur in die more en ek is al bietjie vaak. “Ry” sê Oom Daan. Die twee lelike Koreane lyk skuldig en hul gesigte is vol plooie en die dame is stom geslaan. Om die petalje te beskou was vreeslik snaaks! Ek vertrek – en daar bars ek uit van die lag! Wa-wyd wakker.

Na lekker lag is ons kantoor toe. Almal het ‘n “nul” opgawe ingedien en ons het ander klere gaan aantrek en weer 08:00 vir diens aangemeld. (Ons het destyds van 08:00 tot 17:00 gewerk.) So was ons! Getrou aan die eise van die Mag en die aan Tyd waarin ons gelewe het....

O DIE DONKIE ...

Brig. Fanie Bouwer (afgetree)

'n Donkie is 'n wonderlike ding, het oom Chris Blignaut destyds gesing. Inderdaad. As plaasjapie wat sy eie twee donkies - Dusky en Rory - gehad het, sou ek hierdie dierasies eerder as 'snaaks', 'eiesoortig', meesal lui en met nukke beskryf as hy die dag in 'n slegte bui is. En een wat jou partykeer kan verras.

Ek en my broer, twee jaar ouer as ek, het ook as't ware van baie kleins op donkies se rûens groot geword.

Party dae was ek en my broer lus vir perdry; ander dae weer het ons besluit dis donkie-dag.

Die plaas was teen die Transkeise grens. Bo teen die grens, so vyf kilometer weg reg langs die grondpad van Mnyolo was 'n winkel - wat ook 'n 'handelstasie' ("trading station") genoem was. 'n Klein blikkie kondensmelk het toe 'n tiekie gekos en die standaard grootte 'n sjieling. Dit was nog 'n jaar of wat voor die rand-sent tyd.

Ons het partykeer met die donkies soontoe gery, want die winkelier het 2 dogters van ons ouderdom gehad by wie ons sommer gekuier het.

Twee swart outjies van die plaas het dan saam gegaan, elkeen ook op 'n donkie. Hulle werk by die winkel was om die donkies op te pas sodat hulle nie wegdwaal terwyl ons kuier nie. Ons het vir hulle 'n paar swart “niekerballs” vir hulle moeite gekoop. Vir die swartetjie wat my Gecado-27 windbuks heen en weer op sy donkie moes dra, het ek 'n paar ekstra toffies gekoop. As ek op pad 'n tortelduif geskiet het, het ek dit ook vir hom gegee om later by sy hut te gaan braai.

Op pad na die winkel kon jy (partykeer) die steeks donkies sovêr kry om darem net te trippel. Hulle sou slegs op galop gaan as ons later die roete weer terug huis toe neem. Ek kon hierdie gedrag nooit verstaan nie

As jou donkie die dag nukkerig, of in 'n slegte bui was, het hy jou af en toe verras deur sy kop vinnig en baie laag te laat sak en in die rondte te draai. Af en toe as jy nie waaksaam was nie, het jy afgeval. Ander kere het jy bo gebly, want ons was redelik rats en behendig.

Donkies het ons altyd bloots gery, met ander woorde sonder saal en toom. Elkeen van ons het 'n stok gehad, waarmee jy die donkie so liggies links of regs teen kop getik het sodat dit in 'n rigting gaan wat jy verlang.

My broer het eenkeer so effens regs voor my beweeg toe ek my stok onder sy donkie se stert steek. Sy donkie was nie beïndruk en skop my teen die regterknie. Ek het aan die anderkant afgegly en my knie eers sit en vryf en sy donkie 'n paar gevleuelde woorde toegevoeg. Ek het dit nooit weer gedoen nie.

'n Donkie maak net 'n sprongbeweging (in isiXhosa: iahlokova) - soos op die foto's - as jy agter naby sy stertkant gaan sit of jou voete in sy lieste steek. Hy gee nie om hoe lank julle al pelle is nie. Dit is dan uiters moeilik om bo te bly - die meeste kere maak jy hard met die grond kennis.

Ek en my broer was erg kompeterend teenoor mekaar. Ons het partykeer na 'n pas geploegde land gegaan om te kyk wie van ons twee die langste op 'n donkie kan bly as ons dit laat spring soos hierbo beskryf.

As dorpsjapies by ons kom kuier het, het ons vir hulle 'n riem om die donkie gebind waaraan hulle dan kon vashou. Party het egter geweier om op 'n donkie se rug te klim.

Ons lekker lees storie vir die maand is nie sommer ‘n verbeelding storie nie, dit is iets wat werklik gebeur het.

WAS DIT NET TOEVALLIG?

J.S.M. Henning SC via Sarie van Niekerk

Ons het een aand mismoedig op die trappies van ‘n gebou in Kagiso se begraafplaas gesit. Toe gebeur daar iets wat ons hopelose situasie in ‘n oogwink ten goede verander het.

Dit wat daar gebeur het, was of ‘n verstommende toevalligheid, of ‘n bonatuurlike verskynsel.

Selfs wetenskaplikes en filosowe het al met die vraagstuk rondom die toevalligheid van gebeure geworstel.

Jan Henning lê die tuig by die Nasionale Vervolgingsgesag neer.

Het die eerste lewe bloot toevallig ontstaan? Is ons almal net die produk van ‘n gelukskoot? Hoekom het ‘n kameelperd se nek so lank geword.

Staatsaanklaers word dikwels met soortgelyke vrae gekonfronteer. Het iets toevallig so gebeur of moet die gebeurtenis aan iets anders as toeval toegeskryf word

Die gebeurtenis in Kagiso se begraafplaas was een van vele kere wat die vraag in my gedagtes opgekom het. Ek moet net ‘n paar ander voorbeelde noem voordat ons oor Kagiso gesels.

ADRIAN EAGER EN DIE DOPPIES.

Terwyl ons die Orphanou-saak voorberei het, het iemand een aand op ene Paul Simpson geskiet. Hy was ‘n staatsgetuie in die saak.

Die voorval het op 27 April 1985 in Berylstraat, Cyrildene plaasgevind.

Ons het op die toneel na afgevuurde doppies gaan soek ten einde die skote met ‘n spesifieke pistool te verbind.

Die doppies moes êrens op die boomryke sypaadjie vanwaar gevuur is, gelê het. Dit kon op enige plek oor ‘n afstand van ongeveer 50 meter gewees het, verskeie skote is vanaf verskillende punte in die donker gevuur.

Die sypaadjie was egter heeltemal bedek met hope herfsblare wat van die groot bome afgeval het. Om doppies daar te soek, was soos om die spreekwoordelike naald in een van verskeie hooimiedens te soek.

Klaus Von Lieres, die destydse prokureur-generaal, het toe gereël dat ‘n weermageenheid ons met metaalverklikkers kom help. Die straat is afgekordon, en die weermag het met kenmerkende militêre presiesheid die sypaadjie begin fynkam vir die doppies.

Kol. Adrian Eager

Kol. Adrian Eager, destyds nog ‘n majoor, en ek het op ‘n tuinmuurtjie gesit en die operasie dopgehou.

Metaal proppe van bottels, blikkies en koper munte is gevind, maar geen koeël doppies nie.

Toe ons naderhand verveeld begin raak het, het Eager opgestaan en na een van die baie hopie blare gestap. Hy het op sy hurke gaan sit, tussen die blare begin krap en binne ‘n paar minute die doppies uitgehaal.

Die weermaglede het hulle koppe in verbasing en ongeloof geskud.

Was dit bloot ‘n toevallige gelukskoot dat Eager met sy eerste probeerslag reguit na die regte plek gestap het, en sy hand op die regte plek in die blare gesteek het?

Ek dink nie dit was toevallig nie. Eager het ‘n buitengewone aanvoeling, noem dit ‘n sesde sintuig, gehad wat hom na die doppies gelei het.

DIE SOEKTOG NA DIE GRAF IN KAGISO.

Soms raak ‘n staatsaanklaer paniekerig omdat dit voel asof ‘n goeie saak besig is om te disintegreer. Dan gebeur daar toevallig iets wat weer lewe in dit blaas.

Ons het dit beleef toe twyfel oor die getuienis rondom Ezekiel Esau Mvula en Michael Fourie se beserings ontstaan het, lank nadat hulle al begrawe was.

Toe die verhoor begin het, het alles so duidelik gelyk, maar toe skielik was ons nie meer seker watter wonde ingang wonde en watter uitgang wonde was nie.

‘n Spotprent van Jan Henning (regs) en Danie Dörfling saam as aanklaers.

Ons was nie eers seker of die distrikgeneesheer al die wonde raakgesien het nie. Daar was dalk nog koeëlpunte wat nooit uit die liggame gehaal is nie.

Billy het skote geskiet wat later soveel verwarring geskep het. Ek noem hom Billy omdat hy in sy jeugdige voortvarendheid sulke onbesonne dinge aangevang het, dat sy naam nie vandag uitgebasuin behoort te word nie.

Billy was maar ‘n agtienjarige konstabel toe hy sy eerste moord gepleeg het. Twee jaar later het hy ‘n tweede moord gepleeg.

Die soek na die koeël doppies. Hier is dit deur kol. Adrian Eager gevind.

Toe hy die moorde gepleeg, het hy my herinner aan ‘n gesette speurder wat so haastig was om te skiet.

Klaus Van Lieres, destydse prokureur-generaal, het by geleentheid op die gesette speurder se groot maag getik en gesê dat hy met so ‘n lyf mos nooit ‘n skelm sou kon inhardloop nie. Die speurder het toe op sy pistool aan sy heup getik en gesê: “Meneer, niemand kan vinniger hardloop as ‘n 9 mm koeël nie.”

Billy was nie so groot en vet nie, maar hy het soos y gesette kollega ook eerder op die spoed van ‘n koeël as op die vaart van sy bene staatgemaak.

Dit het veroorsaak dat hy in 1988 deur regter Vermooten skuldig bevind is aan twee aanklagte van moord.

Hier is maar twee vertellings uit die boek Stories agter die toga. Deur wyle adv. Jan Henning wat oor baie jare een van ons land se voorste staatsaanklaers in die kantoor van die prokureur-generaal in Pretoria was. Hy het ‘n uitmergelende stryd teen kanker verloor. Redakteur: Nongqai Vroue/Female, Sarie van Niekerk

JOANIE IS OORLEDE

Sone Jordaan van Dyk

Hello almal my hartije is baie seer ek en Mariska Muller het maatjies gemaak met Joani op die chemo lazy boys en besef haar kanker is ver en te laat ontdek, sy het jare pyne gehad maar deur die pyne pligsgetrou gaan werk elke dag. Ek het vir Mariska gesê kom ons stig 'n groepie met ons drie en dra en ondersteun en lief Joanie en ons het ‘n piekniek begin maak van elke chemo sessie elkeen bring iets anders saam, om te kommunikeer en gesels en snack terwyl daai giffies in loop in ons are...

Een sessie maak Mariska stokkies met uie worsie en kaas en vir my net worsie en kaas want toe brand my mond van alles Mariska is weg en los daai bakkie vir my en Joané. Jitte my drip is nog nie op nie en daar kyk Joané na my nadat sy paar stokkies hap en sê sy kry nie asem nie en ek sien die benoude boude en nie een van die twee nurse hoor haar nie ek moer een van die nurse op die boude met plat hand en sê help haar sy kry nie asem nie dadelik gee al twee aandag sit bloeddruk masjien op en haar suurstof level was te laag ek vlieg op en gaan sit op poendoes en vryf haar bobeen en wys haar om saam met my asem te haal blaas in en uit drie dokters volg en monitor haar eventually is sy OK.

Dit was so groot skrik vir my nie net die groot oë nie maar toe ek haar bobeen voel so klein wat haar klere wegsteek. Ek het haar man gaan roep en hy het ‘n ruk by haar gesit maar sy was 'n yster nooit ophou baklei teen kanker nie en so positief sy was op tik tok (dis ek Joanie) Pragtigste mensie. Ek het 'n vorige chemo sessie haar op die voorkop gaan soen toe sê sy Neee en vryf haar hoedjie vir lipstick en ek sê vir haar ek sal nie jou wit hoedjie vol lipstick smeer nie dit kom nie af nie en sy hak af jaaaa jy sal toe weet ek die girl sien my presies wie ek is

Slotsom baie, baie hartseer Joanie het 14 Maart laas op groep gesê ons moet sterk wees sy het twee tot drie maande oor sy het baie minder tyd oor gehad sy is veilig in Liewe Jesus se arms dis beter maar erg vir die mense en veral die kinders wat agterbly Ons moet ons oë oopmaak en besef jy kan more die lewe verlaat leef, leef, leef gee jou alles dis tydelik elke sekonde tel.... Amen.

EULOGEY: MIKE KUHN†

(by Dr. Tony Turton, former colleague)

Via Henning van Aswegen

Mike Kuhn delivering a speech at a medal parade, as a Chief Director in the National Intelligence Service (NIS).

Today I learned of the passing of Mike Kuhn, at the age of 79, a few days before his 80th birthday. He is unknown to most, for that was the nature of his service. He was the founding leader of the Chief Directorate Covert Operations within the National Intelligence Service, from its inception after the Pretoria Car Bomb became our own 9/11, until Amalgamation with the Secret Service in 1995.

Originally trained as a detective in the SAP, he had a skill set ideally suited to the execution of highimpact deep penetration operations, executed with surgical precision, and without collateral damage. With many strategically significant operations under his overall command, his biggest achievement was the creation of the intelligence platform needed to accurately assess the implications of the ending of the Cold War in 1989. His operational staff was ahead of the curve: and was able to launch several secret operations, executed at times of extreme uncertainty, which collectively brought a negotiated end to the Armed Struggle.

This created the enabling condition for CODESA to be launched; and revived after it was derailed by violence inside SA. Special operations under his overall leadership, brought stability at a time of mistrust and uncertainty. After the Harms Commission of Enquiry, the SAP and SADF were hollowed out and ineffective, which was the very time when the operational capability he had created could effectively fill the void. Building trust with all parties, CODESA delivered a new constitution and the hope of a better future for all South Africans.

Mike Kuhn played a major role, out of the glare of public scrutiny, in silence and secrecy. It is fitting that when the TRC was convened, none of his operational members were involved in activities that required amnesty.

I thank Mike Kuhn for his service to his country.

Researched and written by Dr Anthony Turton

• Environmental Advisor | Speaker | Author

• Nick Steele Memorial Award (South African Environmentalist of the Year) 2010

• Green Globe Award (Environmental Activist of the Year) 2012

• WESSA Award (Lifetime Conservation Achiever) 2016

• Professor: Centre for Environmental Management, University of Free State

• Editor (Africa): Water Policy, the official journal of the World Water Council

• Director: Janigraph (Pty) Ltd. Registration No. 2012/152555/07

• Director: Nanodyn Systems (Pty) Ltd. https://www.linkedin.com/company/nanodyn-systemspty-ltd/ and https://nanodyn.co.za/landing

• Founding Member & Director: Water Business Chamber (NPC). Registration No. K2019326031

UITNODIGING

Ds. Innes Benade

Onthou jy nog die opwindende dae van koevertjie-uitnodigings na kinderpartytjies?

(En die alleenstaan-verwerping as jy nie een ontvang nie?)

Was daar al ook by jou verwagtings van gelade tafels vol kos en kleur - maar ook diepe teleurstellings?

(En, as jyself die gasheer is, genooides wat nie opdaag vir jou partytjie nie?)

In Matteus 11:28-30 nooi JESUS ons onvoorwaardelik uit .... '28. Kom na My toe, almal wat vermoeid en belas is, en Ek sal julle rus gee.

29. Neem my juk op julle en leer van My, want Ek is sagmoedig en nederig van hart, en julle sal rus vind vir julle siele; 30. want my juk is sag en my las is lig.'

Mens vergeet dat JESUS te midde van SY kort bestaan op aarde ook 'n beroep beklee het.

TIMMERMAN.

Daar word vertel, dat die jukke wat HY gemaak het, met uitsonderlike presiesheid en vernuf met liefde gekerf is ...

Stel jou voorbokant SY en SY vader Josef se winkel staan geskrywe'SAGTE JUKKE - met LIGTE LAS'

(Ek sou waarskynlik my osse of donkies by hulle laat meet en toerus. En elke dier sou sy eie, pasgemaakte een kry met sy naam op!)

Tydens Paasfees vier baie gemeentes die sakrament van die heilige NAGMAAL. 'n FENOMENALE ervaring!

Niks anders as 'n GODDELIKE UITNODIGING om te kom deel hê aan tafels van GENADE nie! Wyn en Brood.

(Rooi soos bloed en blank soos meel.)

Ons toegangskaartjies na rus en vrede. Vergifnis en verlossing.

ALS VERNIET.

As jy dalk kleintyd oorgeslaan is by die uitdeel van uitnodigingskaartjies is daar vir jou vanmôre 'n spesiale uitnodiging wat wag.

Een wat lees:

'My geliefde kind.

EK ken jou pyn.

EK verstaan jou eensaamheid, jou vrees, jou gevoel van verwerping...

En EK nooi jóú na MY tafel van vergifnis en verlossing.

Kom raak nou rustig by MY.

EK dek vir jóú genoeg. Tot versadiging en vervulling toe.

'n EWIGE VERWAGTING.

KOM - NEEM DIE UITNODIGING AAN.

Gooi jou laste van jou skouers af.

EK het 'n pasgemaakte juk vir jou.

SAG en LIG.