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The
CONTENTS ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Edit & Design: Alan Rutherford Published online by www.handoverfistpress.com Cover: Mayday: Dmitry Moor Photographs, words and artwork sourced from ‘found in the scrapbook of life’, no intentional copyright infringement intended, credited whenever possible, so, for treading on any toes ... apologies all round!
Photograph: Alan Rutherford
Deadline for submitting articles to be included in the next issue, will be the 15th day of the next month, in your dreams!
Opening 03 Dmitry Moor
04
The Crime of War
11
US Elections
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Chuggers 29
1
Chaos 37 Quarry Hill
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An American Tale
46
Chinese ...
55
Malick Sidibé
62
Wall Painting
65
Letters
69
Articles and all correspondence to: alanrutherford1@mac.com
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OPENING Blah-blahblah-blahblah––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
Hello,
Welcome to magazine number 10. A magazine produced freely to be read freely. Nobody got paid.
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May Day greetings!
Photograph: Alan Rutherford
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DMITRYMOOR
DMITRY MOOR BOLSHEVIK
Dmitry Stakhiyevich Moor (real surname was Orlov) was born on October 22 (on November 3), 1883 into the family of a mining engineer in Novocherkassk. In 1898 he moved with his parents to Moscow.
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Dmitry Moor did not get systematic art education; in 1910 he attended P.I. Kelin’s school studio. Originally he worked at Mamontov’s Printing House. From 1907 he had his caricatures published in print media, in particular in the liberal satirical magazine Budilnik. During his work in the Moscow magazine Budilnik the young artist took the pseudonym Moor, since Karl Moor – the main character of The Robbers by Friedrich Schiller – was akin to the creative temperament of the artist, so passionate and consecutive in his vehement aspirations for politically topical art that would extensively influence the viewers.
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The black-and-white ink drawing, which was often accentuated with sharp (usually red) colors, became his favourite technique. In his venomous satires Dmitry Moor conveyed the surrounding social disintegration and struggle against censorship: mini-comic book Humorist and Finger (that is Censorship finger), 1911; drawing the Russian Resorts – treatment by water and iron, – about Lensk execution, 1912.
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His posters of the revolution and Civil war period turned to be milestones of the epoch. The modernist style with its flexible and strong-willed “power lines” reached the peak of propaganda heat, which was effective in directing public emotions (in fact the satire itself here became a part of repressive political censorship). Such was, for example, the image of an emaciated old peasant appealing for help (see opposite) in the poster Help! Stuck near church entrances, it was dramatically convincing people about the justice of taking church finances under the slogan “help those starving in the Volga Region”. An essential element of Moor’s creativity was antireligious satire as such (the drawings created while being the art director of the Atheist at the Machine magazine, 1923-1928; a series of illustrations to G. Heine’s poem Debate, 1929). He also contributed for the central Pravda newspaper and (1920), and the popular satirical Crocodile magazine (from 1922) and other periodicals, as well as created film posters.
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In 1928-1932 he was a member of the October association. During the Great Patriotic War the artist drew posters revealing the cruelty of Nazi invaders. By the end of World War II Dmitry Moor created a cycle of epic illustrations (1944) to the Tale of Igor’s Campaign. They express the spirit of national romanticism in the “style of triumph”. From 1922 he was actively engaged in teaching - in the Higher Art and Technical Studios (aka VKhUTEMAS), Printing Institute and the Surikov Art Institute. Dmitry Moor died on October 24, 1946 in Moscow. His autobiographical report “I am a Bolshevik!” was posthumously published in 1967.
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The artist’s works are displayed in the Tretyakov Gallery, and V. V. Mayakovsky Museum.
Opposite: May Day 1920 Dmitry Moor
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book ExcERpt
THE CRIME OF WAR An excerpt – Wilfred Owen’s poem, Dulce et Decorum Est adapted by Jason Cobley, John Blake, Michael Brent and Greg Powell from The Graphic Canon, Volume 3, published by Seven Stories Press.
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September 2013 | coldtype 21
Wildred Owen fought in the field and in the trenches during World War I, and the poetry he wrote is widely regarded as the finest to have sprung from that maelstrom.
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THE POEM While recuperating from shell-shock (and from having his best friend blown to pieces right beside him, the young British poet turned-soldier began writing unflinching, unromantic verse about the realities of war. No visions of grand heroics here – just brutal reportage of young men sent into a slaughterhouse. (“I have suffered seventh hell,” he wrote to his mother.) After recovering for a year, during which he wrote most of his mature poems – including “Dulce et Decorum Est” and “Anthem For Doomed Youth” – Owen was sent back to the front. While taking part in an assault on German lines, he was killed exactly one week before the Armistice that ended the war. He was twenty-five.
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Only five of his poems were published during his lifetime, the vast majority arriving posthumously, including “Dulce Et Decorum Est,” written in 1917 but not published until 1920. Collections of his poems (and several biographies and studies) remain in print to this day, testifying to the unfortunate timelessness of the subject of war’s horrors. Adapter Jason Cobley, artist John Blake, colourist Michael Brent, and letterer Greg Powell put forth a team effort to provide this gruesome adaptation of Owen’s unsparing account of watching a comrade die horribly from an asphyxiating gas (most likely chlorine, which forms hydrochloric acid when coming into contact with moisture in the lungs and eyes.
Source: Hibberdi, Dominick. Wilfred Owen: A New Biography. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2003
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DMITRY Eugene Debs speaking to trade unionists as a socialist candidate in 1912 (Pic: Socialist Worker archive)
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EUGENE DEBS BOLSHEVIK
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US ELECTIONS: BEFORE BERNIE SANDERS CAME EUGENE DEBS Bernie Sanders is not the first person to define themselves as a socialist and make a big electoral impact in the US. Charlie Kimber looks at Eugene Debs and Upton Sinclair Eugene Debs, was jailed twice – once for leading a strike, once for speaking out against imperialist war. He was the most successful socialist to stand for US president, winning 6 percent of the national vote in 1912 and nearly a million votes in 1920 when he was in prison.
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Debs was a revolutionary who used elections to develop a political movement based on the struggles of working people. After the 1917 Russian Revolution he declared, “From the top of my head to the soles of my shoes, I am a Bolshevik.” Born in 1855 to migrant parents, he left school at 14 and worked on the railways. He was active in the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen union and became an official. In 1885 he was elected to the Indiana state assembly as a Democrat. Debs’ experience in 1888 of a bitter strike broken by scabbing and repression convinced him of the need for a union that reached out to “unskilled” workers.
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In 1893 he founded the American Railway Union that was soon involved in the great Pullman strike against the company that operated most of the country’s railroads. It soon became the biggest strike in US history at the time.
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The bosses used hired gunmen to intimidate strikers (13 were shot dead) and the government won an injunction to halt the strike. Debs was convicted of defying the injunction and jailed for six months. While inside he avidly consumed socialist literature, including Karl Marx’s Capital. Debs said Capital “set the wires humming in my system”.
this capitalist wilderness, you will stay right where you are. “I would not lead you into the promised land if I could, because if I led you in, someone else would lead you out.” His vision was that, “When I rise it will be with the ranks, and not from the ranks.” Debs spent most of his time organising and supporting struggle. He was one of the instigators of the militant Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union. But he did think elections, and political struggle more generally, could boost the battles in workplaces and localities. Against those who wanted to just build unions, Debs argued, “Some say politics means destruction to labour organisation but the reverse is the fact.”
He emerged from prison at the age of 40 as a revolutionary, and had broken forever from the Democrats. He helped to bring together groups of socialists and in Debs refused to make concessions to 1900 ran for president, gaining less than racism in order to win votes. He said, 1 percent of the vote. “The man who seeks to arouse prejudice among workingmen is not their friend. He didn’t believe that elections would He who advises the white wage worker to bring socialism, and later denounced look down upon the black wage-worker the “sewer socialists” who compromised is the enemy of both.” He would not to win local office and bring in minor speak to segregated audiences. reforms. He was also suspicious of leaders, saying, “I do not want you to follow me or anyone else. If you are looking for a Moses to lead you out of
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He ran again in 1904 (gaining 3 percent of the vote) and 1908 (3 percent again). Then came a great upsurge in struggle as major strikes swept the US from 1909 to 1913. The IWW led local general strikes in Lawrence and Patterson. Debs’ 1912 campaign was part of this movement. He campaigned across the country, drawing in huge crowds who would gladly listen to him speak for two hours. He won 6 percent of the vote, the highest figure ever for a socialist. His Socialist Party of America (SPA) had real roots. US labour historian Melvyn Dubofsky writes, “By 1914 the party had elected two members of Congress, and counted a membership of over 100,000. At various times between 1910 and 1916 the SPA controlled municipal governments in Schenectady, New York; Reading, Pennsylvania; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Dayton and Toledo, Ohio; Granite City, Illinois; Butte, Montana; Berkeley, California, and numerous other cities.”
As in every other part of the world, the First World War divided socialists. Debs was utterly against the slaughter and agitated against it. In 1918 he made a speech against the call-up for the military and was arrested on ten counts of sedition. He was sentenced to ten years in jail. After conviction he spoke from the dock. “I am opposing a social order in which it is possible for one man who does absolutely nothing that is useful to amass a fortune of hundreds of millions of dollars, while millions of men and women who work all the days of their lives secure barely enough for a wretched existence. Years ago I recognised my kinship with all living beings, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element, I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free.”
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From prison he secured nearly a million votes in the 1920 election, an extraordinary tribute to his popularity. But prison broke his health and he died in 1926.
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The challenge again is to build a movement and a party that are separate from what Debs denounced as “the Republican-Democratic party” which represents the capitalist class in the class struggle. As Debs said, “They are the political wings of the capitalist system and such differences as arise between them relate to spoils and not to principles.” How Upton Sinclair connected with a radicalising US in 1934
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Upton Sinclair was already a famous socialist writer when he ran to be California governor in 1934. His novel, The Jungle, exposed the appalling and dangerous conditions in the Chicago meat industry. Later books tore into Wall Street financiers, the oil industry and the idle rich. He supported Debs’ Socialist Party for a while and was hurled further into activity by the mass unemployment of the 1930s depression. “To me the remedy was obvious,” he wrote. “The factories were idle and the workers had no money. Let them be put to work on the state’s credit and produce
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goods for their own use, and set up a system of exchange by which the goods could be distributed.” Sinclair had run for governor of California as a socialist, and won small votes. His friends convinced him to run again – as a Democrat. He launched the End Poverty in California (EPIC) plan. It called on the state to put unemployed people to work in co-operatives dedicated to “production for use, not for profit”. It was not an openly socialist campaign but it was rooted in wide scale mobilisation and threatened to encroach on the wealth of the elite. The year 1934 saw three great strikes in Minneapolis, San Francisco and Toledo which electrified the working class. The US was radicalising. The establishment was terrified that someone who at least partially reflected the gathering anticapitalist fury could be elected. But Sinclair’s most dangerous opponents were the Democratic establishment. Fearful of being labelled as “reds”, they turned on him. Some did a deal with his opponent and some funded a liberal Progressive party to channel votes away from Sinclair.
Women garment workers on strike in New York in 1910
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Despite all this Sinclair nearly won, gaining 37 percent of the vote. Reeling from the attacks on him, Sinclair learned the wrong lessons. “The American people will take socialism, but they won’t take the label. Our enemies have succeeded in spreading the Big Lie. There is no use attacking it by a front attack, it is much better to out-flank them.”
In fact his campaign had shown the support for radical ideas, but that the Democratic party was a dead-end. Read more • Teamster Rebellion by Farrell Dobbs. Available from Bookmarks www.bookmarksbookshop.co.uk Article from Socialist Worker
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In collaboration with José Parlá, Leda Antonia Machado, Havana, Cuba, 2012 Photograph & Artwork: JR
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4 September 2011
28 ‘I could see he was trying to hide,’ explained Geoff. ‘As soon as I made eye contact he looked around wildly before pretending to be on the phone.’ Geoff then used the tactic of pretending to be approaching someone else, and switched to the fallen dictator at the last second. ‘Despite all the atrocities committed by his regime, not even Colonel Gaddafi could be so rude as to completely ignore me’ reported Geoff. ‘And the script is carefully scripted to keep you talking even if you are really keen to get away as he seemed to be.’ Gaddafi tried the classic move of offering a one-off donation, but this was rebutted by Geoff who explained that he wasn’t allowed to take cash. Before Gaddafi could escape he was signing up for monthly payments, which immediately alerted rebel security forces. Gaddafi had successfully evaded the Libyan rebels, as well as the air attacks of NATO forces, but it turned out that trying to avoid a charity canvasser with a clipboard was too much to expect.
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ARSEHOLES
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The secret life of a CHUGGER
is motivated by
MONEY
not charity
Anonymous
Fundraising is no different from sales, and the financial rewards can be huge. No wonder there’s a tacit acceptance of bad practice if we sign up enough donors I work for an organisation that specialises in running door-to-door fundraising campaigns on behalf of a number of major charities. My job is to sign up members of the public to a regular donation, less than the price of a cup of coffee each week, that could go towards finding a cure for cancer, stopping child abuse, or providing clean water for developing countries.
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That’s right. I’m a “chugger”, and I’m despicable. I’m the one who comes round late at night and wakes up the baby. I leave the gate open and let the dog out. I’m pushy, deceitful and I won’t leave you alone. I defended chuggers, until one turned up on my doorstep
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Fundraising has been widely criticised since the death of Olive Cooke, who was hounded by charities. Yet despite the moral backlash, people on the doorstep are broadly sympathetic. On the rare occasion that I’m greeted with hostility or verbal abuse, I try not to take it personally. You don’t know what’s going on behind that person’s door. On the whole, the people I meet are friendly. Sometimes a bit too friendly. Over the years, I’ve had hot meals, been given books and had all the Jaffa Cakes I can eat. I was even flashed at once and – more than a few times – propositioned.
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The interesting thing about my job is being allowed, however briefly, into people’s lives. For a moment, I’m a friend and confidante. I spoke to a lady recently who was in the middle of recovering from an operation on her stomach. She came to the door holding a carrier bag with a tube that disappeared up her jumper. Before I knew what was happening, she lifted it up and showed me her stomach which was being held in by a plastic sheet. She was scared of visiting her friends, she said, because she leaked and she had to sit on a plastic bag wherever she went. What’s more, the financial rewards are there to be had. I have known fundraisers to make £1,500 a week in bonuses. It’s obscene. But to put it in perspective, they will have raised
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over £15,000 that week (projected over three years, which is the average amount of time someone donates). This is one of the most effective ways there is for charities to raise the money they need. However, the job isn’t always easy, and the £7 hourly basic is scarcely enough to live on if I’m not earning any bonuses, especially when I get paid for only five hours of what can be a nine- or 10-hour day. The problem is being able to impress your positivity on people in a job that naturally elicits rejection. Essentially, fundraising is no different from sales. It’s all about being able to build relationships – people sign up not because they like the charity, but because they like you. Most fundraising organisations outwardly disassociate themselves from sales strategies, but they operate in the same way as any company selling something. The business model relies on acquiring a specific quantity of donors on behalf of the client, and so fundraising is necessarily results-focused. And in most cases, fundraisers are not motivated by the cause, but by their commission. The main reason I continue fundraising is because of the earning potential. These underlying truths often undermine the ethical integrity of the clients, the fundraising companies and the fundraisers themselves.
I’ve seen aggressive and deceitful fundraisers at work. I’ve heard every gimmick; it’s OK to cancel after the first month; this won’t start for six to eight weeks; this is a one-off donation; all your donations go to people in the local area. However, fundraising isn’t intrinsically aggressive, just as the majority of fundraisers aren’t intrinsically deceitful people. There are ways to get people excited about supporting a cause without deceit. Unfortunately, we sometimes get lazy, or desperate, and I understand how easy it is, in those circumstances, to cross the moral boundary. We are constantly presented with moral dilemmas. Can this person afford it? Does this person understand what they are signing up to? It’s easy to make the wrong call or be forceful, especially when we’re having a bad day. It’s a thin ethical line we tread. So what are the consequences for deviating from codes of best practice? It all depends on the values of the fundraiser. There is an underlying sense that, if my number of sign-ups is high enough, bad practice will be overlooked, not only by the fundraising bosses, but also by the charities themselves. This tacit acceptance only reinforces a culture of unethical fundraising.
As for oversaturation, a lady recently remarked: “We have people knocking two or three times a week! Is it because we live on a council estate?” It is universally acknowledged that there are areas which are better to work in than others. It seems counterintuitive to mine the poorest for donations, but it is from the most deprived communities that we see the best response. Fundraisers rub their hands when they see a council estate. They don’t see scarcity. They see sign-ups. We are constantly presented with moral dilemmas. Can this person afford it? Do they understand what they're agreeing to? People here tend to be easier to talk to and act with readier impulse. And so we go back to the same areas over and over again. We even avoid more affluent districts, where people don’t mind giving but hate being approached and the responses are, if not hostile, condescending. Here, we’re never far off being reported to the police (these areas aren’t used to seeing fundraisers), which is time-consuming if we’re stopped and sends the wrong impression to the neighbours.
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City centre apartments are the only exception to that rule. They’re filled with impressionable twenty-somethings with plenty of disposable income. But knocking apartments is a risky strategy. It’s a race against time before I’m forcibly removed by the concierge.
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There are other occupational hazards which are more tangible, like sub-zero temperatures, heatwaves, persistent rain, blistered feet and hungry dogs. I may not always be welcome and I have to make questionable judgments when the pressure is on, but there’s a shred of vindication I can cherish in moments of crisis – it’s all for a good cause (my arse!).
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Although I do admire the efforts of some individuals who step in to help others ... thats a human response! I am most offended by the greedy nature of corporate CHARITIES
Tap-tap tappety-tap SHEEP IN THE ROAD : NUMBER TEN
Excuse me mate, can you spare a minute or two to help save an austere government from ever having to care ?
I think the State in any civilised society should be for a provision to the whole population, so that all are nurtured, supported and cared for, however a capitalist state shrinks from this obligation. It fails miserably by negating its responsibility for those it sees as lame ducks, leaving it to opportunist ‘charities’ to squabble over this provision. This leaves us with ‘charities’ taking on the role of the State, where truly natural human instincts, that is, caring and sharing, has hardpressed working people duplicitously exploited into ‘donating’ away chunks of their earnings because they do care passionately about the plight of those less fortunate than themselves ... while the comfortably wealthy are allowed to sit on their hands, the fuckers!
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Broken Promises, 1980, South Bronx, New York Artwork: John Fekner
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WHAT IF?
–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
CHAOS THEORY
Chaos theory is an area of mathematics that studies how small differences in initial conditions within comples dynamic systems can result in widely different outcomes. Chaos theory has been applied to systems in a ranges of fields, including meteorology, biology and physics. Although such systems are deterministic, with no random elements, the apparently chaotic way that they behave makes prediction very difficult.
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An early pioneer of chaos theory was the American mathematician and meteorologist Edward Lorenz. In 1961 Lorenz was using a computer model to predict the weather. He started inputting data relating to such interdependent variables as temperature, humidity, air pressure and the strength and direction of the wind. The first time he ran the programme, he typed in a figure of .506127 for one of the variables. Then, when he ran the programme again, he took a short cut, typing in the rounded down figure of .506. The weather scenario that resulted the second time was completely different from the first. The tiny disparity of .000127 had had a huge effect.
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In 1963 one of Lorenz’s colleagues remarked that if he was right, ‘one flap of a seagull’s wings would be enough to alter the weather forever’. In 1972, in the title of a paper, Lorenz asked ‘Does the flap of a butterfly’s wings in Brazil set off a tornado in Texas?’ Thus chaos theory found its popular name: the butterfly effect. Of course, the flap of a single butterfly’s wings does not cause the tornado on its own – numerous other factors play their part. But that one flap can be (to change the metaphor) the straw that breaks the camel’s back.
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Despite its name, chaos theory is rigorously mathematical and has helped to elucidate the hidden order that underlies a host of apparently random systems – from the factors precipitating epileptic fits to the air turbulence that causes drag in moving vehicles, and from fluctuations in wild animal populations to the flow of traffic on congested city streets.
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Chaos theory can also usefully explain mood, effect and actions in societies, possibly even one day correctly predicting revolutinary situations. So far any investigation in this area seems only to provide cause/effect reasons for change in hindsight, however already history is able to suggest favourable conditions for positive or negative change, and once crucial variables are properly identified, who knows? In the meantime ... the struggle continues!
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SOCIAL
EXPERIMENT IN LEEDS –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
QUARRY HILL FLATS
Leeds was infamous for the squalor of it’s slum housing after World War1. The insincerity of Homes Fit For Heroes from local Tory politicians led the Rev Charles Jenkinson, a friend of the ‘Red Vicar’ Conrad Noel, to stand as a labour candidate and produce a paper on slum clearance.
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Things began to change when Jenkinson, the Vicar of Holbeck, was elected as a labour member of the council in 1930. He became chairman of the Housing Committee in 1933, and by 1935, 14,000 slum dwellings had been demolished, and by 1937 over 15,000 council houses had been built, and there were 24 new council estates. Photograph: Peter Mitchell
Jenkinson introduced a new differential system of paying rents. Tenants with sufficient income paid the full rate. Those who could not afford to pay were given rent
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relief; some paid nothing. Over 34,000 people were re-housed between 1933 and 1940. ‘Garden suburbs’ were created on the outskirts of the town. These were lowdensity housing estates, where each house had a garden with hedges and one tree. The first one was built at Gipton in 1934, followed by Seacroft, Sandford, Halton Moor, and Belle Isle. Jenkinson was keen that houses should match the individual needs of the tenants. Each estate had a mixture of 2, 3 4 and 5 bedroom houses, flats for the elderly and ‘sunshine houses’ for those with special medical needs.
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The means test brought in by Labour in 1934 ruthlessly exposed the pressures on the council tenants. It tore apart their pretence at a shared sense of identity and class. Their resistance in the 1934 Leeds rent strike can be seen as a last ditch attempt to create a shared class consciousness among a rapidly disintegrating working class. Despite the improvement in housing and living conditions, the residents of the new estates missed the close-knit communities of the slums. They missed being near the pubs, clubs, cinemas, and shops of the city centre, and resented having to pay for transport to their place of work
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To bring working class housing back to the city centre the Housing Department built Quarry Hill Flats. Quarry Hill Flats were perceived to be one answer and the Director of Housing R A Livett and C Jenkinson visited France and Vienna to inspect workers flats including the massive Karl Marx Hof a massive block of flats in Vienna. These flats contained facilities for tenants, such as laundries, shops, kindergartens, courtyards, playgrounds and gardens. Another delegation including Livett was sent to look at an estate in Drancy in France to look at a revolutionary new construction technique designed by Eugene Mopin, who was commissioned to come up with a plan for a structural design for Quarry Hill flats. The technique comprised of a steel frame encased in pre-cast concrete units and were then filled with concrete. All this was to be made at the Quarry Hill site in a purpose built factory. Originally the plan was to have eight hundred dwellings, but the flats were increased in height and the dwellings to nine hundred and thirty eight consisting of between one and five bedrooms. The original design included a community hall able to accommodate five hundred and twenty people and included a stage.
Other inclusions were to have been two swimming pools, one indoors and one outdoors and also a wading pool. There were to have been playgrounds and lawns. The original plan was changed slightly and the pools were replaced by a bowling green and tennis courts, but never built. There was of course a communal laundry including driers. Waste disposal also had to be considered and after Livett had visited France it was decided to employ the ‘Garchey’ system of disposal. The waste was stored in a receptacle under the kitchen sink and when there was a convenient amount it was flushed with the water from the sink and into the waste stack and then onto a central processing plant where it was dried and then burnt in an incinerator. The idea was to use this to heat the swimming pools but this was never put in place. The system also had its negative side, there was fracturing in the stacks and this caused bad smells and also difficulty in cleaning problems under sinks. However, on a positive note, the Karl Marx Hof flats in Vienna did not have lifts, but Quarry Hill flats would have eighty-eight lifts each capable of carrying two passengers and obviously an improvement on Vienna’s flats.
At last, in 1938 people started to move into the flats. Life was so different and better now for those who had been living in unsanitary and unacceptable conditions. These brand new homes had the benefit of spacious living with areas for the children to play in. Other benefits were shops, and also nearby was ‘Tommy’ Tomasso’s shop. People might also remember Emmet’s fish and chip shop too. There was a heavy blow about to be announced to the tenants in the 1970s. It was discovered that the steel frame within the flats was decaying and the decision was made to demolish them. This happened in 1978 despite campaigns from tenants for them to be renovated, but due to social problems and poor maintenance, the Quarry Hill Flats were demolished in 1978.
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A book by the photographer Peter Mitchell captures the demolition of this great social experiment, and by inclusion also tells the story of the Quarry Hill Flats development, the book is available from RRB Publishing, which is a division of RRB Photobooks Ltd. Bristol, UK www.rrbphotobooks.com www.rrbpublishing.com
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‘What is so interesting about this book is that it catches the pathos, almost tragedy, of a failed or crumbled utopian vision’. Preface by Bernard Crick Quarry Hill Flats was a large housing estate, built on continental lines and peculiar to Leeds. The largest and most modern of their kind in Europe, housing around 3,000 people, the Flats were constructed during the 1930s as part of a ‘great social experiment’ to accommodate an entire urban community. But soon the daring vision for the future began to crumble – literally – and by the 1950s the Flats were infamous. During the 1970s the decision was made to demolish the ‘stone jungle’, and Peter Mitchell arrived in Leeds in time to record the passing of this great estate.
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This is not merely a record of demolition but a tribute to the power of photography, to those who engineered and built the Flats, to the people who lived and died in the Flats and to the city of Leeds itself. Using archive material – much of it private and unpublished – Memento Mori details the ideas behind the Flats, their construction, and their eventual demise. Why did it fall? Was it some flaw in the grand design, or a combination of factors? And what did the inhabitants themselves actually feel about their surroundings? Memento Mori offers answers to some of these questions, but poses many more. Peter Mitchell says: ‘I photograph dying buildings and Quarry Hill was terminal by the time I got to it. Times change and I know there was no point in keeping Quarry Hill Flats. But what it stood for might have been worth remembering’. MEMENTO MORI first published 1990 new edition by RRB Publishers, May 2016
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MEMENTO MORI
MEMENTO MORI THE FLATS AT QUARRY HILL, LEEDS
Peter Mitchell RRB
Peter Mitchell
IRONICALLY
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A TRULY
AMERICAN
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TALE
The Brief Origins of May Day Edited from article by Eric Chase
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Most people living in the United States know little about the International Workers’ Day of May Day. In other countries there is an assumption that it is a holiday celebrated in state communist countries like Cuba or the former Soviet Union. Most Americans don’t realize that May Day has its origins there and that it is as “American” as baseball and apple pie, and stemmed from the preChristian holiday of Beltane, a celebration of rebirth and fertility. In the late nineteenth century, in industrial nations the working class was in constant struggle to gain the 8-hour work day. Working conditions were severe and it was quite common to work 10 to 16 hour days in unsafe conditions. Death and injury were commonplace at many work places and inspired such books as Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle and Jack London’s The Iron Heel. As early as the 1860’s, working people agitated to shorten the workday without a cut in pay, but it wasn’t until the late 1880’s that organized labour was able to garner enough strength to declare the 8-hour workday. This proclamation was without consent of employers, yet demanded by many of the working class.
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At this time, socialism was a new and attractive idea to working people, many of whom were drawn to its ideology of working class control over the production and distribution of all goods and services. Workers had seen first-hand that Capitalism benefited only their bosses, trading workers’ lives for profit. Thousands of men, women and children were dying needlessly every year in the workplace, with life expectancy as low as their early twenties in some industries, and little hope but death of rising out of their destitution. Socialism offered another option.
An estimated quarter million workers in the Chicago area became directly involved in the crusade to implement the eight hour work day, including the Trades and Labor Assembly, the Socialistic Labor Party and local Knights of Labor. There grew a sense of a greater social revolution beyond the more immediate gains of shortened hours, but a drastic change in the economic structure of capitalism.
A variety of socialist organizations sprung up throughout the later half of the 19th century and, in the USA, both anarchist and socialist ideas flourished with organised labour ... but it is inaccurate to say that labour unions were “taken over” by anarchists and socialists, rather anarchists and socialist made up the labour unions.
Workingmen to Arms! War to the Palace, Peace to the Cottage, and Death to LUXURIOUS IDLENESS.
In the USA, at its national convention in Chicago, held in 1884, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (which later became the American Federation of Labor), proclaimed that “eight hours shall constitute a legal day’s labor from and after 1 May 1886.”
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In a proclamation printed just before 1 May 1886, one publisher appealed to working people with this plea:
The wage system is the only cause of the World’s misery. It is supported by the rich classes, and to destroy it, they must be either made to work or DIE. One pound of DYNAMITE is better than a bushel of BALLOTS! MAKE YOUR DEMAND FOR EIGHT HOURS with weapons in your hands to meet the capitalistic bloodhounds, police, and militia in proper manner.
Not surprisingly the entire city was prepared for mass bloodshed, reminiscent of the railroad strike a decade earlier when police and soldiers gunned down hundreds of striking workers. On 1 May 1886, more than 300,000 workers in 13,000 businesses across the United States walked off their jobs in the first May Day celebration in history. In Chicago, the epicenter for the 8-hour day agitators, 40,000 went out on strike with the anarchists in the forefront of the public’s eye. With their fiery speeches and revolutionary ideology of direct action, anarchists and anarchism became respected and embraced by the working people and despised by the capitalists. The names of many – Albert Parsons, Johann Most, August Spies and Louis Lingg – became household words in Chicago and throughout the country. Parades, bands and tens of thousands of demonstrators in the streets exemplified the workers’ strength and unity, yet didn’t become violent as the newspapers and authorities predicted. More and more workers continued to walk off their jobs until the numbers swelled to nearly 100,000, yet peace prevailed. It was not until two days later, on 3 May 1886, that violence broke out at the McCormick Reaper Works between police and strikers.
For six months, armed Pinkerton agents and the police harassed and beat lockedout steelworkers as they picketed. Most of these workers belonged to the “anarchistdominated” Metal Workers’ Union. During a speech near the McCormick plant, some two hundred demonstrators joined the steelworkers on the picket line. Beatings with police clubs escalated into rock throwing by the strikers which the police responded to with gunfire. At least two strikers were killed and an unknown number were wounded. Full of rage, a public meeting was called by some of the anarchists for the following day in Haymarket Square to discuss the police brutality. Due to bad weather and short notice, only about 3,000 of the tens of thousands of people showed up from the day before. This affair included families with children and the mayor of Chicago himself. Later, the mayor would testify that the crowd remained calm and orderly and that speaker August Spies made “no suggestion ... for immediate use of force or violence toward any person ...”
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As the speech wound down, two detectives rushed to the main body of police, reporting that a speaker was using inflammatory language, inciting the police to march on the speakers’ wagon. As the police began to disperse the already thinning crowd, a
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bomb was thrown into the police ranks. No one knows who threw the bomb, but speculations varied from blaming any one of the anarchists, to an agent provocateur working for the police.
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Enraged, the police fired into the crowd. The exact number of civilians killed or wounded was never determined, but an estimated seven or eight civilians died, and up to forty were wounded. One officer died immediately and another seven died in the following weeks. Later evidence indicated that only one of the police deaths could be attributed to the bomb and that all the other police fatalities had or could have had been due to their own indiscriminate gun fire. Aside from the bomb thrower, who was never identified, it was the police, not the anarchists, who perpetrated the violence. Eight anarchists – Albert Parsons, August Spies, Samuel Fielden, Oscar Neebe, Michael Schwab, George Engel, Adolph Fischer and Louis Lingg – were arrested and convicted of murder, though only three were even present at Haymarket and those three were in full view of all when the bombing occurred. The jury in their trial was comprised of business leaders in a gross mockery of justice similar to the Sacco-Vanzetti case thirty years later, or the trials of AIM and Black Panther members
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in the seventies. The entire world watched as these eight organizers were convicted, not for their actions, of which all of were innocent, but for their political and social beliefs. On 11 November 1887, after many failed appeals, Parsons, Spies, Engel and Fisher were hung to death. Louis Lingg, in his final protest of the state’s claim of authority and punishment, took his own life the night before with an explosive device in his mouth. The remaining organizers, Fielden, Neebe and Schwab, were pardoned six years later by Governor Altgeld, who publicly lambasted the judge on a travesty of justice. Immediately after the Haymarket Massacre, big business and government conducted what some say was the very first “Red Scare” in this country. Spun by mainstream media, anarchism became synonymous with bomb throwing and socialism became un-American. The common image of an anarchist became a bearded, eastern European immigrant with a bomb in one hand and a dagger in the other.
Today we see tens of thousands of activists embracing the ideals of the Haymarket Martyrs and those who established May Day as an International Workers’ Day. Ironically, May Day is an official holiday in 66 countries and unofficially celebrated in many more, but rarely is it recognized in the country where it began, the USA.
Words stronger than any I could write are engraved on the Haymarket Monument:
THE DAY WILL COME WHEN OUR SILENCE WILL BE MORE POWERFUL THAN THE VOICES YOU ARE THROTTLING TODAY. Truly, history has a lot to teach us One hundred and thirty years have passed about the roots of our radicalism. since that first May Day. In the earlier part of When we remember that people were the 20th century, the US government tried to shot so we could have the 8-hour day; curb the celebration and further wipe it from if we acknowledge that homes with the public’s memory by establishing “Law families in them were burned to the and Order Day” on May 1. We can draw ground so we could have Saturday many parallels between the events of 1886 and today. The struggle continues! as part of the weekend; when we recall 8-year old victims of industrial accidents who marched in the streets protesting working conditions and child labor only to be beat down by the police and company thugs, we understand that our current condition cannot be taken for granted – people fought for the rights and dignities we enjoy today, and there is still a lot more to fight for. The sacrifices of so many people can not be forgotten or we’ll end up fighting for those same gains all over again. This is why we celebrate May Day.
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Artwork: Vhils Moscow, Russia
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REVIEW –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
CHINESE
RESOLUTION
‘It is Right to Rebel’ song and dance
‘Red-Color New Soldier’ is the literal translation of the four Chineses characters printed on the armband first given to Li Zhensheng and his rebel group in Beijing at the end of 1966, eight months after the launch of the Great Proleterian Cultural Revolution. There are other, more fluent RED-COLOR NEWS SOLDIER translations, but none retains the musicality a photobook by of the four character words brought together.
Li Zhensheng Published by Phaidon Press : 2003
Photograph: Li Zhensheng
As an introduction and review to this book I have re-keyed The Preface & an exerpt
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For a long time in the Western world, Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution were perceived with amazement and fascination; only very rarely with horror. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, rioting students around the world were inspired by the fingure-pointing, slogan-shouting style of the Red Guards, and andy Warhol in New York was producing his renowned silk-screen paintings of Mao, the ‘Great Helmsman’. Even today, all the chaos of that period can seem somewhat romantic and idealistic in comparison with the contemporary Chinese society we see and hear about.
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With this in mind, it was necessary to produce a clearer and more truthful image of the turmoil that turned China upsidedown during the Cultural Revolution. Li Zhensheng was the one person who, through his exceptional photographic legacy, could convey this truth on the printed page. A few guidelines were established up-front with Li’s agreement: none of the photographs would be cropped; the images would be presented in the most accurate chronological order possible so as to best depict the historical process; and precise captions would accompany the images, with facts verified through additional research and double-checked against the archives of the Heilongjiang Daily, where Li worked for eighteen years. Over a period of several years, Li delivered to the offices of Contact Press Images in New York approximately thirty-thousand small brown paper envelopes bound together with rubber bands in groups according to chronology, location, type of film, or other criteria that changed over time. Each envelope contained a single negative inside a glassine pouch. Some of these had not been removed since Li had cut them from their original negative strips and hidden them away thirty-five years earlier. On each envelope Li had written detailed captions in delicate Chinese calligraphy. Communes
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and counties, people’s names, official titles, and specific events were all carefully noted. Yet as Li’s written account clearly demonstrates, his memory of the period is still clear and detailed. For three years, from 2000 to 2003, a small group including Li, translator Rong Jiang, writer Jacques Menasche, and I met nearly every Sunday to collectively piece together this history of a largely unknown era. In these exhausting and, at times, animated sessions, we pored over a variety of archival and scholarly documents, conducted interviews, reviewed images, and even listened to Li sing revolutionary songs of the time. During the period of the Cultural Revolution the whole of China became a theatre in which the audience was increasingly part of the play – from the poorest peasant attending a ‘struggle session’ to the ‘class enemy’ forced to bow at the waist in humiliation; from the rarely seen leader waving from a jeep to the denounced and the denouncers; from the rebels to the counter-revolutionaries, the Red Guards and the old guard all played their roles. With armbands and flags, banners and big character posters, and Little Red Books turned into props, the stage was dominated by the inaccessible star, surrounded by millions of extras, some shouting, some silenced.
A particularly infamous case in Harbin at the end of 1968 involved the son of the former first Party secretary of Heilongjiang. Preceding the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution, Ouyang Qin was the most powerful man in the province and therefore the number-one target of the Red Guards. Denounced, he was spared the full wrath of the guards when Premier Zhou Enlai, with whom he had been friendly since the 1920s when they both studied in France, had him transferred to a military hospital in Beijing for his protection in the summer of 1966. His son, however, would be less fortunate.
Photograph: Li Zhensheng
Ouyang Xiang’s crime was writing an anonymous letter to the provincial revolutionary committee professing his father’s total support of Mao. Deemed by Pan Fusheng a serious counter-reolutionary case needing to be cracked, within days Ouyang’s handwriting was identified, and he was arrested. On 30 November 1968, a public rally was held in front of Harbin’s North Plaza Hotel. Labeled a counter-revolutionary, Ouyang Xiang was made to wear a placard around his neck detailing his crime and the date of his letter. When he tried to shout, ‘Long live Chairman Mao,’ his mouth was stuffed with a dirty glove. Several days later he was pushed out of a third-story window of the office building where he was being held. The official report called his death a suicide.
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Thanks to Li, seemingly anonymous faces and places take on names and identities. Li shows the surreal events to be all too real. Through his lens, these people and occurrences from so far away are made at once personal and universal, and all too familiar, reminding us of events in Chile, Rwanda, Bosnia, Afghanistan, and Iraq. The Cultural Revolution unleashed the frustration and anger of a new generation eager to change the world, but the force was harnessed and used by those in power for a decidedly different purpose: its own complete domination. In the late 1960s, student riots erupted in other cities on other continents, but they never resulted in the same premeditated violence initiated by those at the helm of the Chinese state. We will be forever grateful to Li for having risked so much to doggedly preserve the images in this book at a time when most of his colleagues agreed to allow their negatives to be destroyed. Li was a young man in search of himself, as seen in his many self-portraits in this volume, who wished to leave behind a trace of his own existance as well as his dreams of individuality and a better world. History is indeed Li Zhensheng’s paramount concern and this book’s main purpose: to remember and revisit those haunting and tragic events that were the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Robert Pledge
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An exerpt ... Li writes: Three months after our wedding, on 5 April 1968, I photographed an execution of seven men and one woman. Six – including the woman and her lover, who had murdered her husband – were ‘ordinary’ criminals. The other two men were technicians at the Harbin Electric Meter Factory who had published a flyer entitled ‘Looking North,’ which the authorities interpreted as ‘looking northward toward Soviet revisionism.’ They were condemned as counter-revolutionaries. One was named Wu Bingyuan, and when he heard the sentence, he looked into the sky and murmured, ‘This world is too dark’; then he closed his eyes and never in this life reopened them. All eight were put on the backs of trucks in pairs, driven through town, then out to the countryside northwest of Harbin. There, on the barren grounds of the Huang Shan Cemetry, they were lined up, hands tied behind their backs, and forced to kneel. They were all shot in the back of the head. No one asked me to take close-ups of the bodies, but that’s waht I did, and because I had only a 35mm wide-angle lens, I had to get very close, so close I could smell the fishy smell of blood and brains.
Wu Bingyuan (eyes closed) with Wang Yongzeng
Photograph: Li Zhensheng
59 For the next six months, I couldn’t get their faces out of my mind. At that time, Yingxia and I still hadn’t been provided with an apartment and lived separately in the dorm. The toilet was at the end of a long corridor, and whenever I woke up at night needing to go to the bathroom, I would walk with my eyes closed, trying not to bump into the shoes and small stoves left outside the doors on both sides of the hallway and trying not to think of the dead. When I ate in the cafeteria and they served a local dish like blood tofu, which was red and gelatinous, I felt like vomiting.
As I enlarged the photographs of these executed people in the dim red light of the darkroom, I quietly spoke to them. I told them, ‘If your souls are haunted, please don’t haunt me, too. I’m only tring to help. I’m making your pictures because I want to record history. I want people to know that you were wronged.’ And until this day – even when I printed the images for this book in New York – I always say that.
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28 Millimétres, Women Are Heroes, Action dans la Flavela Morro Da Providência, Linda Marinho De Oliveira, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 2008 Paper on speakers: Artwork: JR
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MALICK SIDIBÉ 1936-2016
The Malian photographer’s pictures captured a nation on the move Toute la famille en moto, 1962. Photograph: © Malick Sidibé Courtesy Galerie MAGNIN-A, Paris.
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WRITING –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––
WALL
PAINTING Ivan Vladislavić
On the pavement outside No. 10 Blenheim: a tall man whose splattered overall and abstracted demeanour spoke of long experience in house-painting. He had spread a strip of plastic at the foot of the garden wall, beneath our Ndebele mural, and was stirring a tin of painwith a stick. The mural must have been two or three years old by then. He’s touching up the cracks, I told myself hopefully, although it was obvious what he was really doing. As I drew near, he laid the stick across the top of the tin and went to stand on the other side of the street. Like a woodsman sizing up a tree, just before he chopped it down.
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Artwork: Esther Mahlangu, 2002
I couldn’t watch. I went on to the Gem to fetch the paper. Coming home, I nearly made a detour along Albemarle Street to avoid the scene entirely, but it had to be faced.
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He had started on the left. He was hacking into the pattern, obliterating it with extravagent swipes of the roller. Standing back, from time to time, to admire his handiwork. As if there was anything to be seen but an act of vandalism. The man must be a brute, I thought. It would be a man, too, the very antithesis of the woman who had painted the mural. I tried to remember her, but she had faded in my memory. I saw a middle-aged woman with a blanket knotted about her, wearing neck rings and a beaded headdress – but this was Esther Mahlangu, the painter of the BMW, whose photograph had been in the newspapers many times! In any event, they were not opposites. She was not an artist and he was not a vandal. They were simply people employed by the owners of a suburban house to perform a task. What the one had been employed to do, the other had now been employed to undo. I was unthinkable that the same person could have commanded both tasks. The house had been on the market for some time, and my theory was that it had finally changed hands. The new owner was remaking the place in his own style. Ndebele murals are an acquired taste, after all.
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Branko had a less charitable interpretation. They haven’t found a buyer, he said, and its no bloody wonder. they’re finally taking the estate agent’s advice: paint it white. It’s a dictum. Matches every lounge suite. However, they did not paint it white. They painted it a lemony yellow with green trim, a petrol-station colour scheme. It took a couple of coats: after the first one, you could still see the African geometry developing, like a Polaroid image, as the paint dried. Having missed the opportunity to document the birth of the mural through a lack of foresight, I now lacked the inclination to document its demise. This would make a wonderful film, I said to myself. But I did not call my friends the film-makers. I did not rush home to fetch a camera. I did not even take out a pad and pencil like a cub reporter. I just stood on the other side of the street and watched for a while, as the design vanished stroke by stroke, and then I went home with a heavy heart.
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WAFFLE LETTERS
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Dear Editor ... Absolutely damaged but still awake, I say again, well yes, again, because the letters page is so much of a hopeless failure ... Words fail me, what is the use of words when the person you are saying them to is unable to grasp your, and their, meaning? Worryingly, we are still heading down that irrational road, the one where stupidity reigns, and where basic facts and knowledge acquired over time are being replaced by entrenched banal myths, hearsay and superstition. The probability that this shit-faced fudge of complacency and mad spouters will be defended to the death before reason can be accepted again (if ever) is utterly terrifying. For evidence of this I direct your (giggling still) attention to Donald Trump and his campaign to become US President. As Britain’s government is a happy satellite of US mischief in the world ... and a blindly loyal follower of US foreign policy, what will our Cameron/Osborne/Johnson government do if Trump suceeds and begins his Term of Ignorance?
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Whilst I remain optimistic about the future I am absolute in my scepticism about whether the Euro (pro and sceptic)-business-arses and their sycophantic political stooges – or the US presidential circus and their flunkies – will come up with anything remotely of benefit to anyone other than the rampantly corrupt ruling class wankers intent on fucking us all.
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MAGAZINE
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SHEEP IN THE ROAD Issue 9
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April 2016
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February: 2016
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Sheep in the Road as a magazine has writing, photography, cartoons and odd assemblages of ideas, rants and reviews ... eminating from a socialist and thoughtful core. Contributors included: Brian Rutherford, Rudi Thoemmes, Joe Jenkins, Robert Arnott, Cam Rutherford, Steve Ashley, Lizzie Boyle, Chris Dillow, Chris Hoare, Joanna Rutherford, West Midland Hunt Saboteurs, Chris Bessant, Craig Atkinson, Martin Taylor A pleasure to produce ... thank you
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