The Georgetown Voice, 9/24/2021 by The Georgetown Voice

Contents

September 24, 2021 Volume 54 | Issue 3 Editor-In-Chief Annemarie Cuccia Managing Editor Sarah Watson

editorials

internal resources

Justice for D.C. means statehood now

news

D.C.’s new approach to public spaces leaves out encampment residents

Georgetown Explained: Getting around D.C. MARGARET HARTIGAN AND MEGAN O’MALLEY

features

news Could a Georgetown Metro D.C. announces station finally school vaccination become a reality? mandate, other RIVER HARPER measures to curb spread of COVID-19

halftime sports

Paul James Caroline Hamilton Annabella Hoge Ethan Greer, Sophie Tafazzoli, Nora Scully

opinion

The federal eviction ban is over. Here’s what that means for D.C. residents.

The Voice’s guide to D.C. theaters and concert venues

news

leisure

JOHN WOOLLEY

↑

A dive into the D.C. sports scene

Paul James Roman Peregrino

Executive Editor Annette Hasnas Voices Editor Sarina Dev Assistant Voices Editors Sarah Craig, James Garrow, Kulsum Gulamhusein Editorial Board Chair Darren Jian Editorial Board Annemarie Cuccia, William Hammond, Annabella Hoge, Paul James, Darren Jian, Allison O’Donnell, Sarah Watson, John Woolley, Max Zhang

NORA SCULLY

Max Zhang Allison Grace O’Donnell

news

Executive Editor Features Editor News Editor Assistant News Editors

ANNEMARIE CUCCIA AND SARAH WATSON

news

Executive Editor for RDI Editor for Sexual Violence Coverage Service Chair Social Chair

MAYA CASSADY, LUCY COOK, ANNEMARIE CUCCIA, OLIVIA MARTIN

Executive Editor Leisure Editor Assistant Editors Halftime Editor Assistant Halftime Editors

Abby Webster Olivia Martin Orly Salik, Anna Savo Lucy Cook Chetan Dokku, Gokul Sivakumar, Abby Smith

sports

Executive Editor Sports Editor Assistant Editors Halftime Editor Assistant Halftime Editors

Jakob Levin Roman Peregrino Hayley Salvatore, Tim Tan Alex Brady Langston Lee, Natalia Porras, Carlos Rueda

design

Executive Editor Spread Editors Cover Editor Assistant Design Editors

ALEX BRADY

Deborah Han Josh Klein, Allison DeRose Insha Momin Max Zhang, Alex Giorno, Anela Ramos

copy

Copy Chief Maya Knepp Assistant Copy Editors Maya Kominsky, Kenny Boggess, Julia Rahimzadeh Editor Alene Hanson

“Over 34,500 adults in D.C. are behind on their rent as of Aug. 30.” PG. 13

multimedia

Executive Editor Podcast Editor Assistant Podcast Editor Photo Editor

John Woolley Jillian Seitz Alexes Merritt Nathan Posner

online

on the cover

Website Editor Assistant Website Editor Social Media Editor Assistant Social Media Editor

Anna Pogrebivsky Tyler Salensky Emma Chuck Margaret Hartigan

business

General Manager Alice Gao Assistant Manager of Megan O’Malley Accounts & Sales Assistant Manager of Abigail Keating Alumni Outreach

support

The opinions expressed in The Georgetown Voice do not necessarily represent the views of the administration, faculty, or students of Georgetown University, unless specifically stated. Columns, advertisements, cartoons, and opinion pieces do not necessarily reflect the views of the Editorial Board or the General Board of The Georgetown Voice. The university subscribes to the principle of responsible freedom of expression of its student editors. All materials copyright The Georgetown Voice, unless otherwise indicated.

graphic by sean ye

THE GEORGETOWN VOICE

editor@georgetownvoice.com Leavey 424 Box 571066 Georgetown University 3700 O St. NW Washington, DC 20057

“d.c. street” INSHA MOMIN

Associate Editors Samantha Tritt, Sky Coffey, Amanda Chu Staff Writers Nathan Barber, Maya Cassady, Natalie Chaudhuri, Erin Ducharme, Blythe Dujardin, Arshan Goudarzi, Andrea Ho, Abigail Keating, Julia Kelly, Steven Kingkiner, Lily Kissinger, Bella McGlone, Anna Sofia Neil, Adam Pack, John Picker, Hayley Salvatore, Amelia Wanamaker, Sarah Weber, Alec Weiker, Katie Woodhouse

Page 3

An eclectic collection of jokes, puns, doodles, playlists, and news clips from the collective mind of the Voice staff. → JOIN THE VOICE !

cartoon by advait arun; recruitment graphic by deborah han; story by max haseman; turtle by anela ramos

→ ADVAIT’S CARTOON

Hoya Jacksa

→ ANELA’S ANIMAL DOODLE

The rising sun is just beginning to peak out behind the clouds on a crisp fall morning. I go meet up with Jack, watching his stumpy tail wag as I help him put on his leash. We make our way to campus leisurely, stopping frequently to smell the smells. As we enter Copley Lawn, I feel the eyes of students all around me turning toward Jack. Several students approach us, greeting Jack as an old friend. “Is this Jack?” a new student asks me. Jack agrees to take some photos with his fans and soon we’re on our way again, padding along the brick Georgetown steps. Jack seems a little tired, so we stop for a bit in front of the Healy clock tower. As the Healy clock tower rings, I see him smile. I ask him what’s so funny, but he doesn’t respond, only stares out ahead at the students passing through the front gates. I think he’s just happy to be home. So am I.

→ OVERHEARD AT GEORGETOWN

“This university is literally so sue-able”

album cover from wikimedia commons

→ PLAYLIST

Songs to listen to while throwing up from salmonella 1. Salmonella Urinals 2. hope ur ok Olivia Rodrigo 3. Spoil My Night Post Malone 4. Sicko Mode Travis Scott 5. Motion Sickness Phoebe Bridgers 6. Liability Lorde 7. Egg Man Beastie Boys 8. Shit Show Peter McPoland 9. Chicken Fried Zack Brown Band 10. DEAD RIGHT NOW Lil Nas X

SEPTEMBER 24, 2021

EDITORIALS

Justice for D.C. means statehood now

emocracy means the people have a say. If you’re one of 717,000 people who live in Washington, you don’t have that. Congress took it from you. D.C., a majority-minority city, is home to 315,000 Black residents from whom Congress openly and systematically denies statehood, federal representation, and equal citizenship. No voting member of Congress represents the District. D.C. residents contribute more per-capita federal income tax than any state in the country, yet its people have no say in how it is spent. The Senate, which is 89 percent white, disproportionately empowers whiter states, some with smaller populations than D.C., and prolongs the District’s disenfranchisement. In other words, a ruling white political class is yet again depriving Black and brown citizens of democratic representation.

D.C. has always been disenfranchised Since the District was first officially organized, its residents have been disenfranchised. When D.C. received its first iteration of home rule via a municipal charter, Congress empowered white-only voters to popularly

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elect their own city legislature and, soon after, their own mayorship. Come 1871, just a year after the Fifteenth Amendment conferred suffrage to Black men, democratic choice for D.C. was, uncoincidentally, drastically curtailed. The people lost the mayorship, which was supplanted by an appointed governor, and soon afterwards Congress discontinued the elected council. D.C. would not have a locally elected government again until 1973. Political freedom for D.C. was always a matter of race. Congress considered at least six different bills to grant D.C. home rule between 1948 and 1967. All six times, democracy died in committee. There was an understanding that a conservative coalition of Democrats and Republicans would object to the measure, which would be blocked by the filibuster just as civil rights legislation had been for nearly a century. Does this sound familiar? It’s the exact same problem D.C. statehood runs up against today. Despite statehood legislation passing the House earlier this year, the measure will likely die in the Senate, blocked by the undemocratic filibuster rule. Today, a minority of just 41 senators, who represent as few as 75 million of almost 330 million Americans, can thwart any substantial legislation from the remaining 59 senators, D.C. statehood included. Democracy, dying in the halls of Congress. Washington’s lack of home rule was the product of white supremacist paternalism—the insistence by empowered racists that the District’s Black population couldn’t and shouldn’t be trusted to run their own government. D.C.’s continued lack of statehood is a product of that same instinct.

Statehood means racial and economic justice D.C.’s lack of political freedom cripples its leaders’ ability to equitably support its own population. Every year, D.C.’s mayor must submit the District’s budget to Congress for approval—something no other municipality in the country is required to do. Not only does the federal government force the District to live under congressional stewardship, Congress has often neglected that responsibility. In 1995, after a recession and as a consequence of inadequate federal support, D.C. fell into a steep deficit. Private financiers prevented the city from borrowing more money to pay salaries or deliver even basic services, and congressionally imposed budget and tax limitations severely restricted D.C.’s ability to respond. To solve the problem it had helped create, Congress appointed a Financial Control Board for the District in 1995. The appointed controllers exercised dictatorial power over the District for five years. In a furious attempt to “balance the budget,” they unilaterally rejected D.C. Council expenditures that contributed even minimally to the city deficit, cut welfare programs, privatized social services, stopped Council legislation, fired mayoral appointees, and even seized control of the D.C. Public School system. Though the controllers pushed Congress to forgive some of D.C.’s debts, Congress preserved limitations on revenue collection and increased federal oversight. When mayoral control resumed in 2001, D.C. leadership was effectively gutted of its ability to uplift impoverished communities.

To prevent federally imposed fiscal austerity from happening again, successive mayors and Councils have engaged in fiscal austerity themselves. But making sure D.C. doesn’t “step out of line” makes the city a worse place to live for its poorer and otherwise disadvantaged residents. Due to racist political disenfranchisement, D.C. residents are also deprived of economic freedom to choose how to raise money and deploy city resources. In turn, these constraints prevent D.C. from adequately responding to poverty and inequality, oppressive policing, gun violence, public health disparities, crumbling infrastructure, inadequate social services, and poor public education. And make no mistake: Black D.C. residents suffer the most from these disparities. Statehood would grant these residents not just a chance at political justice but also a shot at economic justice. Racial justice is inadequate without either.

Criminal justice, LGTBQ+ rights, healthcare, and marijuana legalization Federal power flows through every part of the D.C. criminal justice system, from judicial appointments to federal prosecutors—who handle many local criminal cases—to where incarcerated people serve their prison terms and apply for parole. Federal prisons in other states house D.C. convicts, and Mayor Muriel Bowser lacks the powers of clemency vested in state officials. The result: D.C. residents face severe hurdles at each stage of the justice infrastructure. They are at the mercy of sentencing patterns that make clemency nearimpossible for non-federal offenses. Between 1989 and 2016, for instance, a single person convicted of a D.C. Code offense received clemency, which required presidential approval. Despite its high law enforcement budget—in 2021, the city budgeted $545.7 million for its police—D.C. has also seen a spike in gun violence in the last year, which disproportionately affects Black populations. Residents have no recourse to vote for federal gun legislation while weapons from neighboring states flow freely across the territory. The District repeatedly suffers federal interference when it tries to implement progressive policies. Despite the passage of D.C.’s 1992 bill providing health benefits for same-sex partnerships, Congress blocked its funding until 2002. Congress also regularly passes legislation to limit residents’ reproductive agency by prohibiting the use of Medicaid funding for abortion procedures. With a third of D.C. residents covered under Medicaid, the financial stranglehold has widespread implications. Another budget rider, called the Dornan Amendment, ensures that no local D.C. funds will be used to pay for abortion procedures, which can cost hundreds, or even thousands, of dollars. The District suffers from the highest maternal mortality rate in the nation, and three-quarters of those who die are Black women, according to 2016 data. The explanation is a lack of investment in prenatal and maternal care across the city, one of the many types of “deserts” to which D.C. is home. Even in commercial activity, the federal legislature stilts progress and valuable income for the area. Although marijuana became legal in D.C., federal law continues to prohibit its sale, leading to grey-area practices of gifting the substance along with other purchases. The drug’s

legacy in the city also includes a history of policymakers and justice system officials disproportionately arresting and punishing people of color for possession, distribution, and public consumption.

Common counterarguments to D.C. statehood An oft-cited issue is the constitutional provision that the seat of the federal government be in a neutral district. But opponents miss that D.C. statehood can coexist with this framing, mainly by reducing the size of the neutral territory to include only the non-residential halls of federal power—primarily Capitol Hill and the National Mall. The surrounding area, home to hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens, could become a full-fledged member of the Union, especially as there is no constitutional provision requiring the seat of government to comprise a specific land area. The Republican side of the aisle tends to oppose statehood on the grounds that the left-leaning District would add power to the Democratic contingent in Congress. The right to enfranchisement, however, should never be left to a political party’s power-hungry calculus. Our nation’s history has shown us how this belief sustained the institution of enslavement for 250 years and Jim Crow for 100 years thereafter. The notion that a territory should not be enfranchised due to its residents’ political preferences is by definition undemocratic, but it can also be flawed. Similar calculus applied to the two most recent entrants to the United States, Hawai’i and Alaska, predicted a Republican and Democratic bent, respectively. The two states, however, have traded political allegiance; partisanship is a fluid characteristic, but enfranchisement is permanent. Opponents of statehood also suggest retroceding or annexing the District to rejoin Maryland. The governments and residents of both territories, however, have repeatedly opposed retrocession, suggesting that the only motive to combine D.C.’s and Maryland’s substantial Black populations is to consolidate their voice and voting power so it poses a lesser threat to the traditionally powerful. Most importantly, over the course of 230 years, D.C. has developed its own unique culture distinct from surrounding states. A center of art, music and history known not just on the Eastern seaboard but worldwide, the city is home to vital cultural touchstones, such as go-go music, that arose in its specific context and population. Forcibly assimilating the District’s residents into another state disregards their identity and agency.

Georgetown’s role Though the question of statehood is one of vital importance to everyone in the D.C. community, one group with sizable influence, Georgetown students, has remained largely silent on the subject. Apart from the efforts of the campus’ Students for D.C. Statehood chapter, many in the Georgetown community spend their years on the Hilltop without engaging on the issue and fail to see themselves as stakeholders in the effort. From the first weeks on campus, students hear about the so-called Georgetown Bubble, an invisible and self-enforced

boundary between campus and the rest of the city, including the immediate neighborhood. To an extent, the separation is understandable: busy schedules, the lack of a Georgetown Metro stop, and the number of stores and restaurants in the vicinity likely factor into many students’ proclivity not to wander far. But there are also greater issues at work, including biased perceptions about which parts of the city are unsafe or less appealing than the majority-white, gentrified Georgetown area, fed by media reports and institutional habit. Chronic underinvestment in certain wards, as well as the aforementioned gentrification of historically Black areas such as Georgetown, creates the circumstances for these perceptions. As members of a predominantly white institution with its own racist history, Georgetown students must put effort into unlearning these patterns, understand the geographic and historical context of the city in which they live, and reframe themselves as engaged community members rather than academic tourists. During the time students study on campus, Washington, D.C. is more their home than anywhere else. But for all that, the majority of students seem unconcerned with what happens in their own backyard, or for that matter their complicity in carving out this elite enclave from the rest of the city. Students native to other states enjoy a privilege denied to District residents: being able to speak with their voting representatives and senators. To become better citizens of this home away from home, students can use that unique power to make the concerns of their 717,000 neighbors heard. Hoyas consistently demonstrate a deep empathy and interest for national and international issues, organizing and advocating for any number of critical causes. D.C. statehood both rises to the level of a national issue and holds massive local importance; Georgetown students who care to educate themselves must put the same vigor applied to other issues behind supporting the movement for statehood. It’s only right. G

illustrations by akshadha lagisetti; spread by max zhang

SEPTEMBER 24, 2021

NEWS

Georgetown Explained: Getting around D.C. BY MARGARET HARTIGAN AND MEGAN O’MALLEY

ashington, D.C. is reopening. Ready to explore it? You could walk or take an Uber, or you could try getting around like a real Washingtonian. Equipped with D.C.’s range of transit options, you can get around the District quickly, easily, and affordably. Buying a SmarTrip card is a prerequisite for using the city’s public transit, especially as most modes of transportation only accept exact change. They are available at kiosks in every Metro station as well as CVS. For $10, you will get a plastic card with $8 of preloaded value to spend on Metro or bus trips. (For now, buying a card and fare is essential. By next academic year, Georgetown may begin participation in U-Pass, making a discounted public transit plan part of tuition.) Download the SmarTrip app to your phone to easily manage and reload your card, or upload the card to Apple Wallet and ditch the plastic altogether. Buses The closest transportation option to the Hilltop is the bus system. The Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority (WMATA) is responsible for both the Metrobus and the Metrorail systems. Metrobuses are identifiable by their gray and red design, and fare is typically $2.00. Note that while fare evasion is decriminalized, meaning that it’s no longer an arrestable offense, avoiding fare is still illegal. Tap your card or phone at the front of the bus and take a seat. The nearest Metrobus line is the G2, which runs from the front gates of campus, goes down P Street, and drops off at Howard University. Lines 31 and 33 toward Friendship Heights provide easy transport up and down Wisconsin Avenue. The Circulator system is another, more affordable, option for taking the bus. While the city eliminated the fare from Circulator buses before the COVID-19 pandemic, its original $1 fare will be reinstated as of Sept. 30. While the Metrobus routes travel throughout the DMV, the Circulator’s six lines are clustered in the downtown area and some adjacent neighborhoods. Although there are fewer lines and stops, these bright red and yellow buses can still take you to numerous D.C. landmarks. The university also operates the Georgetown University Transportation System (GUTS) bus as a free shuttle for students, staff, and faculty. The Rosslyn and Dupont Circle GUTS routes will drop you conveniently at their respective Metrorail stations, with additional lines

THE GEORGETOWN VOICE

running to Arlington, university offices on Wisconsin Avenue, and the Law Center. All five GUTS bus routes leave from a corral outside McDonough Gymnasium. GUTS is not without its limitations, however, as the buses only run on weekdays from 5 a.m. to midnight. Metrorail Metrorail is D.C.’s primarily underground train system, also referred to as the “Metro.” It’s one of the fastest forms of public transportation and reaches 91 stops across the DMV. Georgetown has long lacked a Metro stop, so most students use Arlington’s Rosslyn Station, which is a mile from campus across Key Bridge. Rosslyn serves the Blue, Orange, and Silver Lines and is accessible by GUTS bus. The cost of Metrorail rides scales depending on distance and time of day, ranging from $2 to $6, again payable via your SmarTrip card. Stations have kiosks to load extra credit onto your card, as well as route

pandemic, they have all since reopened. Trains have also returned to their prepandemic service schedules. Scooters and Bikeshare The District also has a number of options for individual transportation, including bikeshare stations and electric scooters. These are great options if you’re looking for some fresh air, or to navigate somewhere public transportation doesn’t reach. The closest bikeshare station is just outside the front gates, on the corner of 37th and O streets. There’s also one across the street from Falafel, Inc. on the corner of Potomac and M streets, and additional stations are located all across the city. Google Maps and the Capital Bikeshare app also show bikeshare stations and available bikes. A Capital Bikeshare membership costs $25 per year for Georgetown students, and each ride is free for the first 30 minutes (but costs $1.50 for up to an hour, an additional $3 for up to 90 minutes, and an additional $6 for every 30 minutes after that).

maps on platforms and in cars to show each stop the train makes. If your destination is on a different line, just switch trains at any transfer station—Metro Center for the Red Line, or L’Enfant Plaza for the Yellow and Green Lines. While some Metro stations were closed due to a lack of ridership during the

To unlock a bike, sign up for a bikeshare account using a Georgetown email, then download the app, and use it to scan the station’s QR code. When you’re done riding, just return the bike to any station and wait for the dock light to turn green. If you’d prefer to scooter, it should be pretty easy to find one. Each company—

illustration by sarina shaffer; spread by graham krewinghaus

Lime, Jump, Spin, and Bird, to name a few—requires you to download its own app to unlock a ride. Scooters generally cost $1 to start, and are then between $0.15 and $0.40 for each additional minute, depending on which brand you choose. To borrow a scooter, download the app (Lime is convenient because you can reserve through the Uber app). Then use the app to scan the QR code located on the scooter to unlock it, and when you’re done, don’t forget to end the ride through the app as well. Be sure to use caution when scootering; they’re designed to be ridden in the street, not the sidewalk (especially in areas with high pedestrian traffic). Carsharing If there aren’t any buses or trains going to your destination, and it’s too far to bike, walk, or scooter, carsharing is another (but more expensive) option. In D.C., Zipcar or Free2Move are the primary rental car brands. Georgetown has eight Zipcars on campus: five of them parked between Harbin Hall and SW quad, and the other three in the lot behind Lauinger Library. Zipcar charges a $35 annual fee if you sign up with your Georgetown email address, and then an additional $9.50 per hour or $79 per day while using the car. Keep in mind that each mile you drive over 180 miles costs $0.58. Remember, you do need a driver’s license to drive a car. For Zipcar, first sign up on their website using a Georgetown email address and submit a photo of your driver’s license. After the account is verified, pick a car, schedule a timeframe, and unlock it through the app. After you’re done driving, take the car back to where you got it and end the ride in the app. Free2Move cars can be found throughout the D.C. area and Georgetown neighborhood. Rentals cost $0.45 per minute, $21 for the first hour ($16 per hour after that), or $106 per day. The unlocking process is similar to Zipcar’s: download the app, submit your license, and reserve a car to unlock it. When you’re done driving, park anywhere on the street in D.C. ( just make sure you don’t leave it in a lot that charges fees) and end your drive in the app. D.C. is a big city, but getting around can be both easy and affordable. Make the most of your time on campus and “pop” the Georgetown bubble by exploring the District via bus, rail, bike, scooter, or car! G

LEISURE NEWS

Could a Georgetown Metro station finally become a reality? BY RIVER HARPER

early 45 years after the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority (WMATA) welcomed riders aboard its first trains, plans are now being discussed to bring a long-neglected region into the mix: Georgetown. Residents’ reluctance to develop a Georgetown station stems from concerns about the project’s feasibility, a historic lack of desire to complete it, and a legacy of racist policies and attitudes toward connecting the white neighborhood with the rest of the historically Black city. As traffic and Metro congestion worsens, the idea and potential alternatives are gaining steam. The D.C. Council has set aside $10 million to purchase the site of the old Exxon gas station near the Exorcist steps in its 2022 budget. The land would be used to create a long-discussed aerial gondola system between Rosslyn and Georgetown or, eventually, a Metro station that would connect Georgetown with the rest of the D.C. area. The news coincides with the release of a two-year study by WMATA to examine ways to reduce congestion and delays in the tunnel between Foggy Bottom and Rosslyn on the Blue, Orange, and Silver lines. Of the six solutions proposed, four include building a second tunnel under the Potomac River to separate the Blue line from the Orange and Silver lines, which would also create a new station in Georgetown. The proposed gondola, on the other hand, would follow the Key Bridge across the Potomac River, connecting the Rosslyn Metro station and Georgetown. The ride would take about four minutes and serve about 6,500 passengers a day, according to a 2016 feasibility study. The gondola would serve as a temporary way to

improve transportation in Georgetown’s overcrowded streets while plans for a potential Metro station move forward. Discussions about whether to build a Metro stop in Georgetown date back to the 1960s, when the first Metrorail routes were being drawn. Since then, many theories have been floated as to why Georgetown still does not have a Metro stop of its own, including one rooted in a racist desire to keep people of color and lowincome residents away. In the years leading up to the Great Depression, Georgetown was a predominantly Black neighborhood that thrived economically and culturally. But amid the implementation of New Deal programs in the 1930s, white people increasingly moved to the area, resulting in gentrification and the displacement of Black residents. By 1960, just six years before the National Capital Transportation Agency began planning the District’s public transit system, only 4 percent of Georgetown residents were Black. “Leave us the hell alone,” Eva Hinton, a white Georgetown resident and thenvice president of the Citizens Association of Georgetown said in a 1977 interview with the Washington Post, in response to efforts to bring a Metro station to the neighborhood. “It would just be the end of Georgetown as we know it,” another resident was quoted as saying. Logistical obstacles have also contributed to the government’s hesitancy to build a Georgetown Metro station. According to Zachary Schrag, author of The Great Society Subway: A History of the Washington Metro, Metro planners in the 1960s did not think the cost of a Georgetown station could be rationalized. “A Georgetown station was considered in the mid-1960s, and the planners I talked to who had been working then explained to me that they did not think the cost of the station would be justified,” Schrag said in an interview with the Voice. “It’s a very spreadout area. You don’t have apartment towers, you don’t have office towers, you don’t have parking, and those were the kinds of things that planners were trying to serve.”

According to Schrag, extra work would also need to be done to protect Georgetown’s historic buildings from collapsing if tunnels are built underneath. “Where there was a very compelling reason to put Metro by a historic building, such as Gallery Place, WMATA did a lot of work to make sure that building wouldn’t collapse,” he said. “But they didn’t want to do that more than they had to, and Georgetown did not present such a compelling reason.” Although Schrag believes practical considerations were the main reason a Georgetown Metro station was never built, he also acknowledges that residents initially resisted the idea. “There certainly was opposition in Georgetown in the 1960s and since,” he said. “That’s unsurprising, since there was opposition in every residential neighborhood that has been served by Metro, either because people didn’t want Metro itself, or they did not want the parking, automobile traffic, or bus traffic Metro would bring.” Today, the Georgetown area’s growth and changing transportation needs have made residents more receptive to the idea, according to Joe Sternlieb, president and CEO of the Georgetown Business Improvement District (BID), a non-profit dedicated to preserving and maximizing the accessibility, attractiveness, and appeal of Georgetown’s commercial businesses. “In the last seven or eight years, the Citizens Association of Georgetown, the Advisory Commission, the BID, the university, everybody has weighed in in favor of bringing the Metro to Georgetown,” Sternlieb said. “It’s a clear community consensus that the neighborhood wants Metro.” For Sternlieb, the focus has now shifted from assessing community sentiment to making the project a reality. Although influential neighborhood leaders are now on board, a Georgetown station would still take anywhere between 25 to 45 years to plan and build. Despite this long timeline, Sternlieb is already envisioning how a Metro station would fit into the neighborhood. One concern is that Georgetown is not sufficiently condensed into one area like many other neighborhoods in D.C., which would make it difficult to have just one Metro station

adequately serve the entire community. In the long term, Sternlieb anticipates solving this problem by having two Metro stations in the Georgetown area. “Two would be better: one on the east side and one on the west side,” Sternlieb said. “The Exxon station is one possibility to place a site, or somewhere in that area of the west side of Georgetown.” The biggest obstacle to these ambitions, Sternlieb predicts, will be the price tag. “It’s enormously expensive to do any type of these transit projects,” Sternlieb said. “If we had all the money in the world, we would build it tomorrow.” According to Sternlieb, estimates for a new Blue line between Rosslyn and Union Station, which would include a stop in Georgetown, range from $13 to $20 billion. The WMATA study says the preferred option, which would see the redesigned Blue line go all the way to National Harbor, would cost between $20 and $25 billion. Because a Georgetown Metro station would be about 25 years away at the earliest, local leaders are turning to the gondola as a more immediate way to connect the neighborhood to the Metro system while the lengthier process of creating a station plays out. “Our feeling is that the gondola would be a really terrific interim solution,” Sternlieb said. “Instead of waiting 25 to 45 years for a Metro station, you could at least have the gondola doing point-to-point service between the Metro system and the west side of Georgetown within the next five years.” Sternlieb estimates that the gondola would take four years to be approved and then another 18 months to build. According to the feasibility study, the gondola would also cost much less, between $80 and $90 million. WMATA’s board of directors is expected to decide next year which proposal outlined in the study should be implemented. In Schrag’s view, this complex process is indicative not only of the challenge that transit planners will face but also of the importance of their work. “It’s a tough job to be a transit planner, to try and predict what cities are going to be like in 30 and 50 years,” he said. “It’s very hard. But without investment in infrastructure, we cannot provide for future generations.” G SEPTEMBER 24, 2021

D.C.’s new approach to public spaces leaves out encampment residents BY ANNEMARIE CUCCIA AND SARAH WATSON

“A

re you here to help with housing?” Al asked the question hopefully, approaching a Voice reporting team. At a negative answer, he looked downcast. “I am really looking for housing,” he repeated. Al is a resident of the L St. NE underpass in D.C.’s Ward 6 NoMa neighborhood, at least for the next few weeks. Afterward, the city will force him to permanently pack his belongings and move to another encampment, unless he can secure assistance from the city. This is a result of the District’s decision to permanently close three encampments as part of a pilot program that aims to rehouse encampment residents in conjunction with the sites’ closure. While this goal sounds promising, its creation of no-tent zones is likely to further criminalize homelessness, making it literally illegal to live in some public spaces. D.C.’s Office of the Deputy Mayor for Health and Human Services (DMHHS) announced the approaching permanent closure of NoMa’s M and L St. underpass, New Jersey Av. and O St. NW, and E and 20th St. NW encampments, banning the repitching of any tents in the area after their fall closure dates. An upcoming closure of Franklin Park, another common location for encampments, has also been announced without an effective date. The city’s attempts to close the encampments foreground a question the city has argued over for years: Who gets to use D.C.’s public spaces? Encampments are groups of tents or shelters set up in public places, often parks and underpasses, that serve as refuge for homeless populations. There are approximately 119 encampments in the District, of which NoMa is one of the largest. Because housing insecurity can be caused by structural poverty and rising traditional housing costs

without sufficient policy solutions, residents might live in encampments for years, and the groups can become communities, often with known neighbors and mutuallyagreed-upon rules. While less than 10 percent of those experiencing homelessness in D.C. live in encampments, the sites make homelessness, poverty, and racial disparities visible, and thus often draw criticism. Encampment “cleanups,” run by DMHHS, respond to this criticism with regular tent site visits to clean the areas. Encampment cleanups range from trash-only to full, where residents are required to remove all their belongings from a posted area. If residents do not clear the area, city workers accompanied by DMHHS staff and law enforcement throw their belongings away. To prevent spreading COVID-19 and displacing residents, as per the Center for Disease Control (CDC) guidelines, encampment cleanups were all trash-only during the pandemic. This summer, however, full cleanups resumed. These cleanups, even if temporary, are frustrating for encampment residents. For Leon, a resident at the E St. and 20th encampment, the cleanups are stressful. “It’s emotionally challenging, physically challenging. Once you’ve got your stuff laid out again, you feel good,” Leon said. Under the new program, moving one’s belongings back to the site would be illegal. The NoMa encampment is scheduled to permanently close on Sept. 27; the other two encampments are expected to close by early November. DMHHS’s pilot program is paired with attempts to move residents into permanent supportive housing (PSH), which offers individuals experiencing homelessness housing without an expiration date. The program, however, relies on housing vouchers, and their supply is limited due to funding.

graphic by sean ye; spread by anela ramos

THE GEORGETOWN VOICE

For Al, the city’s decision means he needs to find a new place to live—and fast. While he has watched various residents of the NoMa encampment move into PSH, he and the remaining neighbors are still waiting. “This area was jam-packed,” Al said, noting that many of his former neighbors had already moved. Sam is one of those neighbors still residing in the NoMa encampment. According to him, city officials and police came by the encampment to announce the closure. “They’re trying to get vouchers for people,” Sam said. He, like Al, is waiting for a voucher in order to secure PSH once the encampment is closed. According to an information sheet circulated by Mayor Muriel Bowser’s office, the pilot program will involve creating lists of residents at each location, increasing outreach, and aiding residents in completing housing voucher applications. At a Sept. 9 Advisory Neighborhood Commission (ANC) meeting, Deputy Chief of Staff for DMHHS Jessica Smith said more than 90 percent of encampment residents will be eligible for PSH. Increased resources flowing to the Department of Behavioral Health will make accelerating PSH possible. The initial program will cost about $4 million. “Our hope that is all of the residents who are living in the encampments take us up on the offer,” Wayne Turnage, D.C.’s deputy mayor of Health and Human Services, told News4. Some residents, however, like Al and Sam, have yet to secure PSH. According to Reginald Black, a constituent representative for the Interagency Council on Homelessness, there is already high demand for housing vouchers from the Pandemic Emergency Program for Medically Vulnerable (PEP-V) residents,

medically vulnerable individuals experiencing homelessness who are sheltering in hotels during the pandemic. As of Aug. 18, PEP-V hotels still housed 522 people who need to move into PSH before funding ends Nov. 30. Emergency housing vouchers would not provide for the entire PEP-V community, let alone residents in closing encampments. “We know that combined with the PEP-V population, we are going to basically exhaust our emergency housing vouchers,” Black said. Though placement normally takes up to nine months, the city aimed to place residents of the NoMa encampments in PSH by Sept. 20, and residents of the two other encampments before they close in November. “I just don’t understand what is new about this process that would quickly house people,” Black said. “I hope they’re not selling dreams,” Sam said in regards to the program’s plan to pair residents with PSH. Even if PSH is an option, not all residents of encampments are looking to move. Tim, who has lived at the E St. encampment for five years, is familiar with PSH— he has even toured apartments before—but didn’t feel comfortable leaving his tent site. “They showed me two places. I don’t want to live there,” Tim said. Though the plan states that officials will help relocate residents like Tim who aren’t seeking or eligible for PSH, it’s unclear what that will look like, and this relocation will disrupt the tight-knit communities already formed in some encampments. If he has to leave, Tim said, “I’ll just go back to the way I was doing it.” Encampments have always been a source of conflict. Visible homelessness is stigmatized, and wealthy residents across the U.S. often object to the evidence of inequality, pushing the government to force those experiencing homelessness out of sight. This inequality is also racialized, with people of color experiencing homelessness at far higher rates than white people due to centuries of systemic discrimination in education, housing policy, and health care that leave families of color with a far weaker safety net. When residents living in public spaces are predominantly people of color, especially Black residents in predominantly white neighborhoods, criticisms of the encampments are often not just reactions to visible poverty, but visible Blackness. 2020 marked the first time since data collection on the homeless population began that more people experiencing homelessness were unsheltered—sleeping in encampments, doorways, or parks—than sheltered. COVID-19 played a part, making shelters dangerous places to be: according to the D.C. Department of Human Services, 587 people living in shelters have tested positive for COVID-19, and at least 25 people experiencing homelessness have died from it. Now, the city has begun testing permanent closures. In August, two parks in Northwest D.C. were closed for “rehabilitation,” clearing the encampments located there. In June, the city almost cleared an encampment to make more space for a “streatery.” Encampment cleanups have also increased in the last year. At the E St. encampment, where closure was scheduled to begin Sept. 20, neighbors are exchanging uncertain information about the permanent closure of the encampment. As of Sept. 17, no signs around the encampment indicated a date for permanent closure, and no residents interviewed by the Voice had been directly approached by city officials.

According to Leon, a city official informed some residents at the encampment of the closure. “For a minute I felt shaken. I’ve only been back two weeks. Before I was here 12 or 18 months. I guess it’s just like they say—roll with the punches,” Leon said. In January 2020, the District cleared a NoMa K St. encampment, declaring the sidewalks were “pedestrian passageways” that could not be blocked. Smith, from DMHHS, explained in a Sept. 9 ANC meeting that the newly announced closures are due to “risk” the encampments pose to residents and passers-by. While DMHHS cites public health and safety concerns as the reason for the closure, Freedom of Information Requests (FOIAs) point to a more complicated story of neighborhood aversion to encampments. Emails to D.C. Councilmember Charles Allen and ANC commissioners in the area of Allen Park, one of the three sites being closed this month, reveal that housed residents had been complaining about the encampment since December 2019. Neighborhood residents were adamant that “something should be done” about allegations of petty theft, drugs, and trash in the encampment. According to the emails, an encampment response team engaged the site this spring, connecting residents to services and cleaning up biohazards and propane tanks. The FOIA request also revealed that residents of other D.C. neighborhoods report new encampments in their areas, often asking for their removal. Government officials generally responded by engaging the encampment and sending updates to housed residents, though they did not promise removal. The DMMHS’s page on encampments explicitly encourages residents to report new groups of tents to the government. Sam, a resident at the NoMa encampment, felt that the encampment closure was probably due to people’s unhappiness with the tents. “It’s an eyesore, and I understand: People paying taxes don’t want to see it.” According to Black, though, the zoned-off pedestrian passageways cited as the reason for the K St. closure are unnecessary. Black pointed out that none of the members of the Fairness Coalition have had to walk in the street while offering PPE gear to encampment residents. “There is no clear definition of what [a pedestrian passageway] is. There is no legislation, there are no regulations.” Black thinks it is less of an issue of pedestrian safety, and more a judgement of people experiencing homelessness. “I think they are moving to close these encampments because some neighbors feel uncomfortable about having to traverse a walkway in front of people who obviously are poor.” ANC and D.C. Council representatives for each encampment did not respond to requests for comment. There is also often a racial disparity between those living in encampments and those who live around them. While D.C. is 47 percent Black, Black people make up 87 percent of those experiencing homelessness, due to a range of factors that cause structural poverty, including a lack of generational wealth and discrimination in home ownership. In what was previously the most gentrified city in the nation, Black residents are also being pushed out by higher prices at a much faster rate, even as gentrification worsens. NoMa and Foggy Bottom, where the encampments being closed are located, are both whiter on average than the rest of the city. The pilot program is paired with “a significantly higher level of trash collection and restorative cleaning at the pilot sites.” This aspect criminalizes homelessness by making tents, which are the only shelter for many

residents experiencing homelessness, illegal. Dan Brown, a resident at the E St. and 20th encampment, explained that the land he lives on is public space. While people might not want the tents there, he wonders where they would suggest residents go. “They’re making mandates without offering solutions. They’re just going to push it out of the District into Maryland or Virginia,” he said. “Everyone wants to push the issue further out.” “The criticism comes in because of the level of public notice,” Black said. “A lot of this pushback comes because people are scared, they don’t know what’s going on. And when you try to calmly get some information, you don’t get any.” While Black acknowledges that encampments are not ideal living situations, the alternative if people cannot access housing is often worse. “It’s apparent that the way the system works now, when you close an encampment down, even outside of a pandemic, you destabilize the community support network and safety net that that person has,” he said. Leon shared a similar sentiment. “I like being in Foggy Bottom—I get to know it more intimately. It’s heartfelt. I get to do it myself. Maybe it’s like this,” he said, gesturing towards the encampment, “but I get to do it too.” While he’s not opposed to PSH, he made it clear that moving his tent anywhere else would be like leaving home. For many residents, PSH is an imperfect substitute for a permanent solution—affordable housing. “It’s the cost of living. Prices have been going up the last 20 years,” Brown said. D.C. residents need to make around $130,000 a year to comfortably afford a two-bedroom apartment (with an average rent of $3,100 a month) without being “costburdened” by rent. Households who spend more than 30 percent of their income on housing are classified as costburdened, while those who spend more than 50 percent of their income on housing are severely cost-burdened. The problem is clear: The median household income for the District is $91,414, but only $46,201 and $83,170 for Black and Latino residents, respectively. At any of those incomes, a median family looking to rent a two-bedroom apartment would be cost-burdened by rent, and severely cost-burdened if Black. About a quarter of households don’t make enough to cover average rent at all, bringing in under $36,000 a year. This is why, Brown said, some people are choosing to stay in encampments, knowing they have some money to spend, rather than dedicating a whole paycheck towards housing. “Homelessness is an independent issue. People assume all homelessness is drug, alcohol addiction. That’s just not true,” Brown said. “People assume so much about homelessness,” Brown continued. He pointed to structural barriers that keep him and his neighbors in their tents: struggles to access government-issued IDs, gain employment without an address, and secure proper mental health care without insurance. Up against those daily fights, assumptions about why encampments are taking up public space range from misguided to hurtful. “People need to be less judgmental and more compassionate,” Brown said. “People don’t ask themselves what if they lost everything, and they’re not prepared for it.” G

SEPTEMBER UPDATE PUB 24,DATE 2021

SPORTS

A dive into the D.C. sports scene BY ALEX BRADY

ou might not think of sports when you think of D.C.— but you should.

Sure, Washington, D.C. is a city full of dazzling museums, restaurants, universities, and other attractions that make it a vibrant place to explore and experience. Thankfully for sports fans, D.C. also has a great deal of sports teams to follow and impressive stadiums to attend. Keep reading for the area’s sports teams, including where they play, their distance from Georgetown, cost estimates, and other pertinent facts to get you fully acquainted with sports in D.C.

Washington Football Team Yes, the district’s football team is in fact called the Washington Football Team (WFT), but don’t let that distract you from the fact that the club made the playoffs last year. The team has the potential to be an enticing getaway for students wanting to watch the most competitive live 10

THE GEORGETOWN VOICE

football anywhere in the city. Coming off a season where they improbably won the NFC East division after finishing 7-9, the WFT has intriguing young talents in wide receiver Terry McLaurin, running back Antonio Gibson, and last year’s Defensive Rookie of the Year, defensive end Chase Young. Hopefully last season’s playoff experience—fluke or not—will provide the team’s young core with experience that can translate into sustained future success. The Football Team plays a little farther away than most of the other local teams, as their home stadium, FedEx Field, is actually located in Greater Landover, Maryland. Traveling there from campus is about a half hour by car, but there are longer (over an hour) and more affordable routes which combine bus and Metro transport with a bit of walking to get to the stadium. And taking advantage of the Capital Bikeshare program, which has stations to pick up bikes throughout D.C. and the surrounding area, even by FedEx Field, is always an option. Riding over to the stadium would be an extended trip, but likely cost no more than $8 and you’d get some great exercise along the way! Football is one of the more expensive sports to attend, so tickets tend to range from $50 to $80 per person, but if your home team is coming to town, or you’re already a big fan of the WFT, the price may be worth it to experience the electric atmosphere that comes with watching live NFL football.

illustration by ryan samway; spread by deborah hanㅇ

Washington Nationals One of the most successful MLB franchises of the past decade, the Nationals are only two seasons removed from winning their first World Series championship in 2019. This pattern of success has unfortunately come to a halt during the current season, as the Nats sit in last place in the NL East as of Sept. 22. The team recently began a rebuild by trading star players in pitcher Max Scherzer and shortstop Trea Turner. On the surface, this news isn’t great for those seeking out competitive baseball to watch, but it does have its perks. First off, tickets are cheaper. With the Nats no longer contending for the playoffs and offloading most of their star talent, ticket prices have declined prodigiously. There is also a much lower turnout at games now, which means lots of empty seats. That means a cheap seat in the nosebleeds can turn into a front row viewing by the end of the 7th inning for the astute fan. A closer view is especially rewarding because the team didn’t get rid of one of the most talented young players in baseball, Juan Soto, who was selected to his first all-star game this year and has now been an MVP candidate for three consecutive seasons. All

of this combines to make attending a Nats game quite the bargain for students seeking cheap entertainment. In terms of traveling to the creatively titled Nationals Park, it’s located in the Navy Yard, which is just under a 20 minute drive from campus. Another option, which avoids gametime parking, is traveling to Dupont Circle via GUTS bus and then taking the Metro to the Park, which takes just under an hour if you’re traveling on a dime. Using the Capital Bikeshare program will also get you to the stadium in about a half hour for around $5. As mentioned earlier, tickets are CHEAP. At this very moment, there are tickets being sold for less than $10 and if you wait until two hours before opening pitch the stadium begins selling $5 tickets at the box office if available (rarely a concern for most September contests). There’s nothing bad to say about a cheap MLB game, so with just over a week before their final home game, you should definitely attend a game at Nats Park before their regular season comes to a close.

neat idea to go watch the United play. The club plays in the brand new Audi Field, which is quite the stunner. The stadium was opened in 2018 and is an altogether incredible sight. Audi Field is only a couple blocks away from Nationals Park, so it’s about the same distance from campus as the latter (about a 20 minute drive with longer options for bus/train). Tickets for United games tend to range from $15 to $30, so nothing crazy in terms of pricing. However, there is only around a month remaining in the team’s regular season, so if you hope to attend you have to get on it soon.

The Spirit are unique from the other teams on this list, as they don’t have a set stadium, but rather vary their schedule across Audi Field (home of D.C. United), Segra Field, and Maryland SoccerPlex. Audi Field, as mentioned, is accessible by car, public transit, or bike. Segra Field is located in Loudoun County, Virginia and is a distant 40 minute drive with no real options for other forms of transportation. Lastly, the Maryland SoccerPlex is located in Montgomery County, Maryland and is around the same distance from campus as Segra Field. Tickets to Spirit games are typically around $30, which when combined with transport makes heading to a game one of the more expensive teams in the bunch to watch. Nonetheless, for avid soccer fans it’s a great opportunity to see the pros, including national team members, play.

Washington Wizards

Washington Capitals The Capitals have been the district’s most consistently competitive pro sports team for the past decade and a half, and continue to be one of the NHL’s top teams. The Caps have only missed the playoffs once in their last 14 seasons, and even won their first ever Stanley Cup Final in the 201718 season. Coming off three straight seasons of losing in the first round of the playoffs, team captain and three time Hart Trophy winner Alex Ovechkin will look to lead his team back to the promised land in this coming season. The Caps play at the same venue as the Georgetown Men’s Basketball Team, Capital One Arena, located right in Chinatown, so it’s likely a familiar spot for many students on campus. The Arena is around a 15 minute drive from campus, but as usual there are also Metro routes that can get you there for a longer (albeit cheaper) trip. Utilizing Capital Bikeshare is another good option, as it is appealingly affordable and will get you to the stadium in around 20 minutes. Caps tickets usually range from $30 to $40 and the team is known for their outstanding and loyal fanbase, so seeing the team live is sure to be a memorable experience.

Oh, the Wizards. One of the humbler franchises on this list, the Wizards haven’t won a championship since 1978, back when they were still called the Washington Bullets. However, there is still excitement surrounding the team led by All-Star shooting guard Bradley Beal, who finished second in the NBA in points per game (31.3) en route to the team making the playoffs last season as the Eastern Conference’s eight seed. The Wizards’s playoff run last year was quite unexpected. Even after trading star point guard Russell Westbrook this offseason, players including forwards Rui Hachimura and Kyle Kuzma, as well as guards Spencer Dinwiddie and rookie Corey Kispert, could surprise people yet again and help the team sneak into the playoffs. Just like the Capitals and our very own Georgetown Men’s Basketball team, the Wizards play at Capital One Arena. As mentioned, the stadium is located in Chinatown. Transport is around a 15 minute drive from campus, with the option of longer but cheaper Metro routes and the Capital Bikeshare program. Wizards tickets are on the cheaper side, with most games offering tickets in the $20 to $30 range. If you just want to see your hometown team play the Wizards or are a Wiz fan yourself, heading over to watch a live game is definitely worth the price.

Washington Spirit

D.C. United For soccer fans, D.C. is also home to the MLS team D.C. United. The club has a storied history, but recently hit a rough stretch as their last really successful season was all the way back in 2014. The team has actually played quite well this year, and if the season ended today the club would qualify for the playoffs. For budding soccer fans drawn in by Georgetown soccer’s immense success, it is definitely a

Also among the many pro teams that represent Washington, D.C. is the Washington Spirit, the district’s professional women’s soccer team. Established in 2012, the Spirit was one of the inaugural teams of the National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL), which currently hosts 10 professional teams. The Spirit historically haven’t been an amazing club, with their highest finish in the league coming in 2016 when they lost in the league final, and this season hasn’t been much different in terms of success. Though the Spirit would be a back-end playoff team if the season ended today, the team is in a tight spot in the standings, and even one loss could cost them a playoff berth.

Washington Mystics Last, but very much not least, are the Washington Mystics, D.C.’s pro women’s basketball team. The Mystics are playing pretty poorly in the current WNBA season, but had a great run from 2017-2019 which included two WNBA Finals appearances and a championship run in 2019, the franchise’s first championship and best season to date. Much of this success was led by two-time WNBA MVP Elena Delle Donne, who has been one of the league’s top scorers in the past decades. Unfortunately, Delle Donne has been dealing with injuries this season, which is a crucial contributor to the team’s poor play. The Mystics play at the Entertainment and Sports Arena, which is located in Southeast D.C., about a 20 minute drive from campus. The Metro can also get you to the stadium, but will take around an hour, with the Bikeshare program taking around the same time. Heading to a Mystics game costs around $30, but with the WNBA season coming to a close it may be a bit late to snag tickets. In the future, going to see the Mystics is an awesome experience, especially if Delle Donne is suiting up. D.C. is an amazing place to live and go to school, and we shouldn’t take the plethora of opportunities that surround us for granted. Whether it’s exploring the monuments, seeking out great food, or—as outlined here—going to see local sports teams, it’s in everyone’s best interest to make the most of the city. There are professional teams for practically every sport, catering to a wide array of sports fans. Even for the teams currently struggling, there’s still great reasons to attend games in the area if you’re a general sports fan, want to become acclimated with certain teams or sports, or would just like to see your hometown team when they come to town. Regardless, heading out to support one of the many teams in the area is an enjoyable way to spend an afternoon or evening with some friends and will very rarely break the bank. And who knows? You’d be surprised how quickly you can become a superfan of the local squads. G

SEPTEMBER 24, 2021

NEWS

D.C. struggles with COVID-19 surge amid university students’ return BY NORA SCULLY

t a press conference Monday afternoon, D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser announced that teachers and other adults employed by schools and childcare centers will be required to be vaccinated against COVID-19 by Nov. 1. Students over the age of 12 must be vaccinated to participate in school-based extracurriculars starting the same day. The mandate is the city’s latest attempt to curb an uptick in COVID-19 cases that began this summer. Though cases throughout Washington, D.C. have fallen in the last week, public health experts are concerned about the continued spread of the Delta variant. The approaching winter could undo progress made since Bowser reinstated the indoor mask mandate on July 29. Between the District’s stalled vaccination rates and the arrival of the Delta variant, the uptick in cases and hospitalizations poses a concern for universities and the city at large with several thousand students back on D.C. campuses. For their part, D.C.’s universities are adopting a variety of approaches to keep case numbers low. Of the city’s 20 colleges, Georgetown, American University, Gallaudet University, George Washington University, Howard University, Trinity Washington University, and University of the District of Columbia are all requiring vaccinations. Colleges have implemented shifting sets of policies related to vaccination exemption, masking, and other health guidelines. As of Sept. 22, almost four weeks after students were brought back to Georgetown’s campus, the District has reported 5,483 positive cases according to the last update provided by the university. Georgetown has experienced a 0.52 percent increase in the weekly percentage of positive cases as of Sept. 12-18. At Georgetown, an early outbreak of influenza has served as an unwelcome reminder of other persistent public health concerns. With 46 reported cases of Influenza A within the first month of school, health officials are encouraging students, faculty, and staff to get vaccinated as soon as possible. As D.C. scrambles to account for the early flu season, the city has already vaccinated nearly 69 percent of residents against COVID-19, with approximately 58 percent of them fully, rather than partially, vaccinated as of Sept. 22. The District’s data also shows that more than 130,000 non-residents have been vaccinated, a key statistic for a city where many commute for healthcare or

other essential work. Those vaccinated represent nearly 80 percent of the eligible population. However, the rate of vaccination has plateaued since early July at nearly 1,000 vaccine doses per day. The District rates above average against the rest of the states with the 43rd most confirmed cases per capita, and the 7-day average of daily new cases per 100,000 people has declined by 20 percent since the previous week, as of Sept. 22. D.C. is also adjusting their policies to account for the groups most likely to contract COVID-19 during this wave. At the start of the pandemic, higher-risk groups included the elderly and those with pre-existing conditions. According to the Center for Disease Control (CDC) Director Rochelle Walensky, the Delta variant and the increase in cases now represent a “pandemic of the unvaccinated.” Since January, unvaccinated residents have represented almost 89 percent of D.C.’s COVID-19 cases. While breakthrough cases have risen significantly following students’ return to campus in August, those who have been fully vaccinated represent only three percent of total deaths since the same date. No one fully vaccinated for COVID-19 in D.C. has died in the last week. In the District, hospitals run by Adventist HealthCare have seen fewer senior citizens in their beds and more young people—often those too young to be vaccinated. With a significantly higher transmission rate (nearly 50 to 60 percent more transmissible than the previous Alpha variant), the Delta variant has the potential to impact the nearly 70 percent of children that are eligible for the vaccine but have yet to receive it. While the racial disparity is narrower than other COVID-19 statistics, D.C.’s vaccination rate is unevenly distributed across the city’s demographics. Almost 38 percent of D.C.’s white population, 43 percent of its Asian

design by allison derose

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or Pacific Islander population, and 32 percent of its Black population have been vaccinated—these numbers include residents who are currently ineligible to receive the vaccine. However, Wards 7 and 8, which are predominantly Black and low-income, have significantly lower vaccination rates than other wards. Lawmakers like Kenyan R. McDuffie (D-Ward 5) say the disparity reflects a historic lack of investment in public healthcare for D.C.’s communities of color. Early vaccine efforts also targeted older age groups, the wealthier of which tend to have better access to information and the internet; as a result, white seniors from Ward 2 outnumbered those from Ward 8 by 2,500 seniors to 94, respectively. The city’s positive cases reflect a similar racial divide. Black communities still represent a majority of COVID-19 cases, at 52 percent, while the white positivity rate stands at 25 percent. As the pandemic’s waves have swept through the District, despite representing 46 percent of the population, the Black community has accounted for nearly 75 percent of COVID-19 deaths. To combat varying rates of vaccinations in the District, the city has begun undertaking initiatives to encourage residents to get the vaccine, especially among more at-risk communities. D.C.’s Department of Human Services is running a peer educator program to inform and educate those experiencing homelessness on COVID-19 and encourage higher vaccination rates. New clinical trials could assist with D.C.’s efforts to boost its vaccination rate, especially among communities that are at-risk. Following Pfizer’s recent successful clinical trials, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) announced on Sept. 20 that it plans to approve the Pfizer vaccine for children ages 5 to 11 by the end of October, paving the way for younger D.C. children to receive vaccinations in the near future. G

illions of people are at risk of losing shelter after the Supreme Court halted the Biden administration’s nationwide eviction ban on Aug. 26, over a month before its scheduled end date. In the absence of a federal moratorium, D.C. will proceed with its plan to reintroduce evictions in stages through the end of the year. Despite the federal moratorium’s abrupt end, District residents are still partially protected by emergency legislation passed by the D.C. Council in July. The plan, enacted one day before D.C.’s own local moratorium was set to expire, laid out a schedule by which tenants and landlords could expect different kinds of eviction cases to resume. Most notably, the legislation bars the filing of any new evictions relating to nonpayment of rent until Oct. 12. Nonpayment evictions were at risk of spiking following the economic downturn induced by COVID-19, and have been moratoriums’ primary targets throughout the pandemic. Other forms of evictions have varying starting dates. While “public safety” and “property damage” exception cases may already move forward, other lease violation cases will not proceed until the start of next year. In addition to staggering evictions over time, the legislation also includes a provision requiring landlords to apply for rental assistance through the city before evicting tenants for nonpayment. The stipulation is unlikely to stop most D.C. landlords from evicting, however, as most District renters behind on payment owe more than is covered by the program. Moreover, both tenants and landlords have reported difficulty actually accessing the $352 million of assistance funds from the District government, despite being eligible. While the District’s wind-down plan still temporarily pauses new evictions from being filed, families who faced eviction prior to the pandemic had their cases resume starting Aug. 26. Per the DCist, at least 290 households are scheduled to be evicted between Sep. 13 and the end of October. In response to the looming crisis, the Georgetown University Law and Medical Centers announced plans on Aug. 30 to help at-risk families remain housed by accessing rental and utilities assistance.

design by connor martin; layout by josh klein

The vast majority of D.C. evictions are filed by a small number of landlords who own a disproportionate share of the city’s rental units. According to a Georgetown University study, just 10 landlords, owning 16 percent of all rental units in Washington, filed over 37 percent of eviction cases in 2018. The same study found that 71 percent of all evictions filed that year could be traced to 100 landlords, who collectively owned just under 40 percent of the city’s rental units. Both the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and local D.C. government have used eviction moratoriums to protect vulnerable renters from needing to move or risk homelessness during the pandemic. Over 34,500 adults in D.C. are behind on their rent as of Aug. 30, according to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey. Approximately half of those adults reported that they and their families are likely to leave their homes due to eviction within the next two months. Over 90 percent identified as Black, Latino, or both. Black and Latino people make up a higher share of eviction filings relative to their share of renters nationwide, and per the CDC, both demographics are disproportionately likely to contract and die of COVID-19. Black Americans have twice the death rate of white Americans, while Latino Americans’s mortality rate from COVID-19 is 2.3 times greater. Disparities in both housing and health outcomes are evidence of racial segregation’s lasting legacy in the District. From its founding through to the 1950s, the Federal Housing Administration explicitly incorporated race when mapping the future housing value in D.C.’s metro area. One redlined map, drafted in 1937, heavily devalued zones with higher concentrations of Black residents: “A-grade” zones had 0.6 percent nonwhite occupancy, while “H-grade” zones had 63.2 percent residents of color. This historical zoning guided investments over the following century, denying Black residents the benefits of generational property ownership. Today, per the same Georgetown study, Wards 7 and 8 (together, 92 percent Black) experience a significantly higher eviction rate than Ward 2 (69 percent white).

Until this summer, the CDC’s federal eviction moratorium stood mostly uninterrupted since it began in September 2020. Each time protections were set to end, the CDC pushed back the expiration date. Days after an extension of the CDC moratorium from June to the end of July, however, the Supreme Court intervened to limit further extensions. The court’s conservative majority, minus Chief Justice John Roberts, ruled the CDC had exceeded its authority in prolonging the moratorium. Although the July extension was permitted to continue, Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote on the majority’s behalf that any further extensions would require explicit congressional approval. This new court requirement came to a head at the end of July, when the CDC moratorium was allowed to lapse after lawmakers failed to grant their approval. House Republicans objected in a unanimous vote, while the Democratic majority chose not to delay the chamber’s August vacation. In response, progressive Reps. Ayanna Pressley, Ilhan Omar, and Cori Bush, who previously experienced homelessness along with her two children, protested the inaction by sleeping on the Capitol steps for five days straight. Despite the Biden administration insisting up until the day prior that it lacked the legal authority to declare a new eviction moratorium, on Aug. 3 federal officials announced a temporary ban set to expire on Oct. 3. That new moratorium, as signaled in Kavanaugh’s June opinion, was challenged and terminated by the Supreme Court’s conservative majority on Aug. 26, with all three liberals on the bench dissenting. While another federal eviction moratorium is unlikely, local provisions provide renters some temporary protections in areas that have them. Still, the vast majority of states do not have their own local moratorium, meaning tenants are once again subject to eviction across most of the country. For thousands of D.C. renters, most of them Black and brown, time is ticking as the city potentially lurches into a widespread eviction crisis.G SEPTEMBER 24, 2021

LEISURE

The Voice's guide to D.C. theaters

BY THE LEISURE STAFF

Woolly Mammoth Theatre Company Signature Theater

Address: 641 D St. NW How to get there: Take the GUTS bus to Dupont, then the Red line to Gallery Place. From there, walk about five minutes down 7th Street and turn left on D Street. Price: $20 tickets for anyone under 30 years old; some nights are “Pay-What-You-Will-Nights” (you pay what you can for the performance). COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination or negative COVID-19 PCR test within 72 hours of the performance required; wear a mask at all times and practice social distancing in the lobby.

Address: 4200 Campbell Ave., Arlington, VA How to get there: Take the GUTS bus to Rosslyn, the Blue line to Pentagon, and the 7Y bus to Shirlington Station. Or take an Uber if the low ticket prices make it worth it! Price: $5 for students for any Signature Features production; you have to reserve over the phone: (703) 820-9771 COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination or a negative COVID test within 72 hours of the performance needed, as well as a temperature check and screening; masks required at all times. Performers and staff are required to be vaccinated and to test regularly.

Woolly Mammoth Theatre Company emphasizes new work, seeing theater as a catalyst for social change and equity. It’s a space that centers diversity and considers itself “radically inclusive”—an important part of its mission is to practice anti-racism and work to dismantle systems of oppression. The company uses a unique sort of venue, a 265-seat courtyardstyle theater, offering an intimate and present setting. Now in its 42nd season, the company is putting on a full slate of innovative and exciting in-person performances. Standouts include Teenage Dick (a Richard III retelling set in high school that runs through Oct. 17), the 2020 Pulitzer Prize-winning A Strange Loop (running Nov. 22 through Jan. 2), and a fullystaged operatic retelling of Octavia Butler’s Parable of the Sower (running in 2022).

Signature is one of the best professional theaters in the area, focusing on contemporary works and reimaginings of classics. They often are able to put on performances featuring some of the actors who debuted the roles, and their technical expertise is nearly unmatched. During the pandemic, they put on one of the best virtual shows, Midnight at the Never Get, a haunting exploration of love and reality for two queer artists in the 1960s. If you’re craving a classic theater experience with a small twist, this is a perfect place to look. This season, they’ll be putting on Rent, Daphne’s Dive, and She Loves Me. They’re sure to go back in person with a bang, so be on the lookout for tickets!

— OLIVIA MARTIN

Anacostia Playhouse

Address: 2020 Shannon Pl. SE How to get there: Take the GUTS bus to Rosslyn, the Blue, Silver, or Orange line to L’Enfant Plaza, and the Green line to Anacostia OR take the GUTS bus to Dupont, the Red line to Gallery Place, and the Green line to Anacostia Price: Varies, about $25 for students COVID-19 Protocol: Patrons are required to be fully vaccinated with certain exemptions (but those people must give proof of a negative COVID-19 test within 48 hours); masks required at all times, unless you are eating or drinking. Vaccinations required for performers and staff. The Anacostia Playhouse—formerly the H Street Playhouse—is one of the only theaters in Ward 8, which is 90 percent Black and critically underserved in both art and essential services. Through partnerships with local schools, renting out space to community artists and performers, and their own productions, the theater aims to highlight the stories of those who live around it. Recent productions include Black Nativity and Africa-Dabra, which explores the stories of famous Black magicians through live magic. Audiences can also get a behind-the-scenes view of shows the Playhouse is considering putting on by attending readings from their “First Look” series. After COVID-19, the theater is reopening with a block party Sept. 24-26 featuring live readings, performances, and community building. Though it’s a bit further from campus, Anacostia Playhouse is one of the few theaters actively highlighting community artists, which makes the trip worthwhile. — ANNEMARIE CUCCIA 14

THE GEORGETOWN VOICE

— ANNEMARIE CUCCIA

Shakespeare Theatre Company

Address: Sidney Harman Hall is located at 610 F St. NW; Michael R. Klein Theatre is located two blocks away at 450 7th St. NW How to get there: Take the GUTS bus to Dupont, then take the Red line towards Glenmont to Gallery Place. Walk two or three blocks down 7th Street (depending on which theatre you are attending). Price: The STC offers $35 tickets to patrons under 35 years of age, there are also often discounted tickets available for $20, AND there are Free For All and Free Will performances at low or no cost! COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination or a negative COVID test within 48 hours of the performance needed; masks required when not actively eating or drinking. Performers and staff are required to be vaccinated. Originating from the Folger Shakespeare Library (you know, the one that produces probably every copy of Shakespeare you’ve ever had to buy for AP Lit), the Shakespeare Theatre Company (STC) is one of the premier classical theatres in the nation. The theatre focuses on interpreting the plays of Shakespeare for the contemporary American audience, while still retaining the profound feeling and lyricism of the original works. If you’re an established Shakespeare fan, anything produced by the STC is sure to stir your heart and satisfy your cravings. If you’re more of a Shakespeare skeptic, like I am, the STC may change your mind. The direction is unique and lively, and the production is somehow both crisply highquality and lushly immersive. In recent years, the STC has broadened their horizons. While there are still classics—

art by amelia myre; spread by alex giorno

the likes of Aeschylus, Molière, and (in a more modern vein) Stoppard—more and more new, original works have been produced. This fall, Remember This: The Lesson of Jan Karski, co-written and directed by Georgetown’s own director of the Theatre & Performance Studies Program Derek Goldman, tells the story of a former Georgetown professor who sought to alert the U.S. government to Nazi atrocities during the Holocaust (Karski might be familiar to you as the statue next to White Gravenor of the man playing chess). The STC seeks to produce high-quality performances, reflecting the universality of human experience in classic theatre and the modern world. — LUCY COOK

...and venues you want to see a smaller D.C. band while you’re at it, the venue is known for inviting local musicians to open for their headliners. While Songbyrd was previously located in the heart of Adams Morgan, they have recently moved to the Union Market district of D.C. to be near their record store, Byrdland. The 200-person capacity ensures that every show will be packed with music lovers in an intimate and immersive musical experience. This new venue features a full bar with a more formal concert experience similar to that of Union Stage or other small- to mid-sized venues as opposed to their previous venue’s DIY basement feeling. Though there are no more basement shows at the old restaurant-turned-venue, the core values of Songbyrd still remain: accessible, independent music for the masses. Upcoming artists playing Songbyrd this semester include Indigo De Souza, Half Waif, Tai Verdes, Tasha, Chiiild, and Slow Pulp. — MAYA CASSADY

DC9

Address: 1940 9th St. NW How to get there: Take the G2 bus from the front gates toward Ledroit Park-Howard University. Get off at 4th St. NW & T St. NW. DC9 is a 10 minute walk from the stop! Ticket Price: Tickets are generally around $15 (+/- $5) COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination or 48-hour proof of negative test

Songbyrd

Address: 540 Penn St. NE (Union Market) How to get there: Take the GUTS Bus to Dupont, hop on the Red line to Glenmont and get off at the NOMAGallaudet stop. The venue is about a 10 minute walk from there, directly above Union Market. Ticket Price: Tickets are generally around $15 (+/- $5) in advance and $20 to $25 day of show COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination or 72-hour proof of negative test, must wear masks at all times. Mandatory vaccination policy for staff. Songbyrd is the perfect venue for seeing indie, rock, or rap artists before they get big. If, on the other hand,

DC9 is a multifaceted three-level nightclub located in the U Street area. While each floor offers individual bars and music, together they create a full experiential effect. The first floor primarily offers a sit-down environment with a full bar and booths—the perfect place to grab a bite to eat before a show. The third floor doubles as a rooftop deck with mostly standing room and sports a beautiful view of D.C. When you’re ready for the show to start, walk down the narrow stairs to the second floor to experience the performance space, reserved for live bands, DJs, or dance nights. Similar to Songbyrd, DC9 hosts the newest emerging artists in the indie and rap music scene, making it the perfect combination of small performance space and nightclub. The venue itself is cozy and welcoming with multiple disco balls and snare drum lights hanging from the ceiling. Whichever level you’re on, the space is always filled with people ready to socialize and chat about anything and everything D.C. Upcoming events at DC9 this semester include a 2000s Dance Party, Anjimile, Vagabon, Skullcrusher, Dead Horses, and Runnner. — MAYA CASSADY

9:30 Club

Address: 815 V St. NW How to get there: Take the GUTS bus to Dupont Circle, take the Red line train toward Glenmont, transfer to the

Green line at Gallery Place, and get off at Shaw-Howard University. General price range: $20 to $35 COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination 9:30 Club is the D.C. nightclub. It’s been named the best nightclub in the nation by Rolling Stone more than any other venue, and it’s the most attended club of its size in the world. This is partially due to the incredible acts that the venue pulls (The Smashing Pumpkins performed the first show in 1996 when they opened up the new location in Shaw), and partially due to the atmosphere 9:30 creates. The concert space’s wheeled stage can make any capacity feel like a full and intimate crowd, and its lights and energy can make a performance feel like a dream. Even Fall Out Boy’s Patrick Stump noted that 9:30 Club had “so much character, you wonder if the locals know how lucky they are.” While the venue has gained competition in larger and flashier venues like The Anthem, it remains the go-to for artists of all sizes and genres due to its legacy and irreplaceable vibes. Upcoming acts include: Tokimonsta, Tinashe, Alec Benjamin, bbno$, JPEGMAFIA, 100 gecs, The Wombats, Courtney Barnett, and many, many, others. — LUCY COOK

Black Cat

Address: 1811 14th St. NW How to get there: Take the G2 bus towards Ledroit Park-Howard U from the front gates. Get off at P & 14th streets and walk north up 14th until you get to Black Cat. General price range: $15 to $20 COVID-19 Protocol: Proof of vaccination or a negative test from at maximum 72 hours prior to the event If you’re looking for a venue that hosts cloaked artists who worship a dismembered deer head, crowdsurfing skeletons, witchy folk bands, and up-andcoming scream-pop outfits, the Black Cat is the place for you. With origins in D.C.’s rock and punk scene, the Black Cat has expanded to welcome all forms of indie artists into its dark and intimate bowels. Cofounded by Dave Grohl of Nirvana and Foo Fighters fame, the Black Cat has seen hundreds of incredible artists perform in its incredibly small and friendly main stage (the famous Red Room is now defunct). The club has hosted classics like The New York Dolls, Le Tigre, and Bikini Kill and modern acts like Donald Glover, Radiohead, Sufjan Stevens, and so many more. No other venue in D.C. compares in terms of oddity, quality, and sheer enjoyability. Upcoming acts include: Vundabar, Lewis del Mar, Mod Sun, TV Girl, Dead Sara, Indigo de Souza, Wavves — LUCY COOK SEPTEMBER 24, 2021