The University of Mississippi Student Reflections: Race, Religion, and Reconciliation by Deborah Freeland

Trent Lott leadership institute at the university of mississippi

student reflections

race, religion, and reconciliation programs 2006-2009 Editor: Vanessa Cook

Assistant Editor: Carlien Jooste

Photo Editor and Designer: D.J. Freeland

Printed by The University of Mississippi Printing Services Set in Copperplate and Helvetica Neue. Copyright ÂŠ 2010 by The University of Mississippi, USA Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, South Africa The University of Ulster, Northern Ireland All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Student reflections : race, religion, and reconciliation programs 2006-2009... LC Control No.: 2010923228 LCCN Permalink: http://lccn.loc.gov/2010923228 Type of Material: Book Main Title: Student reflections : race, religion, and reconciliation programs 2006-2009 / [edited by] Editor: Vanessa Cook, Assistant Editor: Carlien Jooste, Photo Editor and Designer: D.J. Freeland. Published/Created: University, MS : University of Mississippi Division of Outreach, 2010. Description: p. cm. Projected Publication Date: 1003 ISBN: 9780615356426 (alk. paper)

The original Trent Lott Leadership Institute Exchange Programs were grant-funded summer programs that brought students from two or more countries together during a the summer to discuss international diplomacy. The goal of the programs was to introduce future leaders from international universities to each other to share a learning journey across nations. The programs were initiated in Summer 2006 through a partnership between The University of Mississippi and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. The University of Ulster also participated in the 2008 Graduate Exchange. The final program in the exchange series was completed in Summer 2009. Contained in this volume are reflections from students who participated in the 20062009 programs. While the programs have ended and the students have moved on in their individual academic programs, it is our hope that the reflections here are a small sign of the learning experience that these students will carry into future endeavors.

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Enlightenedâ&#x20AC;Ś The Trent Lott Leadership Program was incredibly educational and I could see how it is that we are intertwined as people through our history. The visits to the Civil Rights Museum, the Holocaust Museum and the Apartheid Museum further emphasized this notion in that all three museums demonstrated that the pain and suffering that people had to endure to fight for freedom should never be forgotten. I realized that we have a responsibility as social human beings to ensure that history never repeats itself. I feel that I grew from the experience and that the Program contributed toward my enlightenment.

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- Zanele Nondzimba, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan student, 2006

Table of reflections lott leadership exchange inaugural program 2006

lott leadership exchange program 2008

lott leadership exchange program 2009

Undergraduate Program | 10 Reflections by: Zanele Nondzimba | 4 Carlien Jooste | 12-14 UM Studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Journals | 15- 23

table of reflections | 5

nelson mandela metropolitan university, south africa

6 | nelson mandela metropolitan university

university of ulster, northern ireland

university of ulster | 7

the university of mississippi, usa

8 | the university of mississippi

Trent Lott leadership institute at the university of mississippi

student reflections inaugural program 2006

the inaugural lott leadership exchange program 2006 The inaugural Lott Leadership Exchange Program paired 17 University of Mississippi and 15 Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University undergraduate students for five weeks during Summer 2006. The South African students first traveled to Mississippi, where they met their UM counterparts and were paired as roommates. During the groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s time in the United States they traveled throughout the South and Washington, D.C. Besides visiting the Holocaust Museum in D.C., and the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee, the group also spent time at the William J. Clinton Presidential Library and Museum in Little Rock, Arkansas, as well as the Jimmy Carter Library and Museum in Atlanta, Georgia. Other stops included time in the Mississippi Delta at after school programs and juke joints, and talks from executives of companies such as Coca-Cola and FedEx. In Washington, D.C., the group visited with public officials in the Senate and House of Representatives, as well as the South African Embassy. After two weeks in the United States, the group flew to South Africa for similar experiences. In South Africa they visited various organizations related to racial reconcilia-

At the foot of the Voortrekker Monument, Pretoria, South Africa, stands a bronze sculpture of a woman and her two children, paying homage to the strength and courage of the Voortrekker women.

Korean War Memorial, Washington, D.C.,USA., honors members of the U.S. Armed Forces who served in the Korean War, particularly those who were killed in action, are still missing inaction, or were held as prisoners of war.

tion including the Desmond Tutu Foundation and the Apartheid Museum. There was also a visit to the U.S. Consulate in Cape Town and stops at various other sites of cultural, historical, and environmental importance.

The South African students wrote reflection pieces at the end of their journey. One of those essays follows. The U.S. students were asked to keep journals throughout the program. Excerpts from some of their journal entries have been included.

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staff and students chosen for the 2006 lott leadership program

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walk a day in someone else’s shoes by carlien jooste Three years have passed since those glorious five weeks. Faces and places now start to fade. But on a sunny, humid day in Port Elizabeth, I still remember the anticipation, the exhilaration… and the heart-wrenching days I experienced on the first Trent Lott Leadership Programme in conjunction with the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. The words of then-president Thabo Mbeki echoed in the heart of every South African participant: “I owe my being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face or our native land. In my veins courses the blood of the Malay slaves who came from the East. Their proud dignity informs my bearing, their culture a part of my essence. The stripes they bore on their bodies from the lash of the slave master are a reminder embossed on my consciousness of what should not be done. I am the grandchild of the warrior men and women that Hintsa and Sekhukhune led, the patriots that Cetshwayo and Mphephu took to battle, the soldiers Moshoeshoe and Ngungunyane taught never to dishonor the cause of freedom.

Victoria and Alfred Waterfront, Cape Town, South Africa

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I am the grandchild who lays fresh flowers on the Boer graves at St. Helena and the Bahamas, who sees in the mind’s eye and suffers the suffering of a simple peasant folk, death, concentration camps, destroyed homesteads, a dream in ruins. Being part of all these people, and in the knowledge that none dare contest that assertion, I shall claim that – I AM AN AFRICAN.” (Speech given at the Constitutional Assembly in the adoption of the “Republic of South Africa Constitutional Bill 1996”) Bursting with pride that we were indeed all Africans, we “trekked” on to Oxford. As a group, we soon bonded, ready to experience all this Lott Leadership Programme had to offer. And we indeed experienced it all! From a range of emotions to a tapestry of places, we glimpse favorite American and South African pastimes like baseball and rugby, felt the raw emotions at war memorials in Washington, D.C., and in Pretoria. We were given fleeting opportunities to experience as much of each other’s culture as possible, and it was invigorating … and exhausting. Faces of people start to fade … but the memories and life lessons remain. R-E-S-P-E-C-T I have always been in awe of the United

States of America. But since the Leadership Programme, I have further gained a respect for this country and its people — even if it has, like most other countries, some racial issues that need attending to. I came across it quite unexpectedly. On a flight from Atlanta to Memphis, tired and cranky after numerous flights and even more airports, I was ready to get to Memphis and then take the bus to Oxford. As we took off, the pilot announced that we had some soldiers on two-weeks’ leave onboard. This caught my attention. I’ve seen U.S. soldiers on CNN, in movies, but never up close, never in “real life.” Somehow, South African soldiers just never hold the same mystery as U.S. ones. I saw two men and a woman take their seats. Heads bowed, their familiar “army” clothes tidy, they seemed pretty normal. However, what surprised me was the response from the passengers. Without coercion, everyone around me stood up and spontaneously started clapping. A whole minute passed before they sat down again. Once we landed in Memphis, everyone waited until the three soldiers got off the plane. A sign of respect. That day I learned that respect comes in all forms, and I wished that we in South Africa had that kind of respect for the people that fight the fight on a daily basis to keep our country safe.

NMMU undergraduate Carlien Jooste Always Remember Another thing I took away from the Programme is that history — especially family history — is important and that we, as the

nelson mandela metropolitan university 2006 | 13

leaders of tomorrow, need to know where we came from and learn from it. Being an Afrikaner and a proud descendant of a Boer family, I was ashamed to realize that I knew little of my own heritage. At the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria, I learned anew that when the Boer War erupted, the Afrikaner took up arms against the invading British and fought for their country and their people. The women who stayed behind

on the farms became these soldiers’ lifeline. They took in travelling soldiers, fed them, gave them medical help and supplies, but they also successfully looked after the farms. Soon the British realized their importance, and so started their campaign of pillaging. They burnt down the farms, killed all the animals, arrested the women and children, and put them in concentration camps. After the War ended, 200,000 Boer women and children had died in these camps. Being an Afrikaner in South Africa can be tricky. But I realized then that even though Afrikaner leaders were responsible for the Apartheid atrocities, I could not be ashamed of my heritage and my family history. I was, after all, a proud great-grandchild of a man who fought for South Africa’s independence from the British.

Monument to the Boer Wars fought between the British and the descendants of the Dutch settlers (Boers) in South Africa.

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This sense of remembering was

echoed when we visited the Holocaust Museum in Washington, D.C. After seeing how Hitler and his henchmen tried to wipe an entire race off the face of the earth, I was struck by the words of a holocaust survivor that I met in the museum’s bookshop, Mr. Henry Parens. He said that he would always remember what happened to him during the Holocaust, but by writing his book Renewal of Life, he can have some peace of mind in knowing that he contributed to the fight to ensure that something like the Holocaust never happens again. I found myself hoping with him. And I found myself wondering: If we could stand in the shoes of someone else for one day, would that not assist us in this fight? If Dr. Verwoerd could have experienced a day as a black schoolchild, would he have insisted on Bantu Education? If Adolf Hitler could have walked the streets of Germany as a Jewish man, would he have set his plan in motion? Would the plantation owner have insisted on keeping his slaves if he was a slave for a day? I realized then that remembering your past and who you are is not good enough. You need to make sure that people learn from the past, and ensure that something as deplorable as slavery, Apartheid, or the Holocaust never happens again.

journal entries by university of mississippi students June 18, 2006 — Oxford, MS Chrissy Bocek We went to Taylor Grocery and the South African students danced and sang in the middle of dinner. It was amazing and made me feel so empowered and happy. There’s something beautiful and comforting about everyone on one beat singing in deep chanting tones. I felt like I was already in South Africa. I really didn’t know what to expect from the South African students. I have to admit, with all the history we’ve talked about, I wasn’t sure if they would all be black and wear traditional clothing or blonde-haired, blue-eyed uberneusch Dutch people- very stereotypical ideas/images popped into my mind and I wondered if there would be any racial tension. I was definitely wrong. The students are a mixture of white, dark, and light-skinned Africans, just a group of normal-looking kids. There seemed to be very little apprehension among them and I assume they all knew each other and had been close friends for a while, but I was wrong, yet again. They had all met recently just like our group, and they seemed much more comfortable with race than any of us. To think that people from a country that only integrated in the 1990s seem more comfortable than students from the U.S. who integrated in the 1960s.

I admire them.

items and concepts that would have never occurred without this “international interaction”! Favorite Moments of My First Day 1) African dance in the middle of Taylor Grocery

2) Lisle’s fascination with the Wal-Mart shampoo aisle 3) Explaining Facebook to Travis Dell 4) Food differences … biscuits are cookies in South Africa! 5) Interaction between two cultures is interesting when discussing important issues like Katrina and race relations 6) Learning that the global community is getting a lot smaller — my political science teacher was right! June 18, 2006 — Oxford, MS Emily Ragland The first afternoon was filled with an illumination of differences and definite “lightbulb” moments! Walking around Wal-Mart was a jaw-dropping and awe-inspering trip for my roommate Lisle! Seeing her impression of all things American opened my eyes to view

7) Racial reconciliation is a definite theme of this trip and I can already see the workings of this idea. Being forced to interact with other groups that aren’t in my sorority, from my hometown, or in the Honors College has been the most rewarding experience thus far! I am excited to see the change in the next few weeks! the university of mississippi 2006 | 15

June 18, 2006 — Oxford, MS Veronika Rozmahelova I can’t ever write down all the moments and memories on paper but I know that I will remember them. Life is made of small moments and I already know that each moment on this trip will be amazing. I learn more from every person! I learn more about both cultures from different perspectives and most of all I learn about the people and their stories … June 19, 2006 — Oxford, MS Mariah Cole This thing is interesting. These people and this experience — I’m loving it. We started the Lott student Veronika Rozmahelova (far left) and other UM students discuss program events over lunch. program yesterday. Everyone met and I think we just really hit it off. There Today we started our talk on race, racism, June 19, 2006 — Oxford, MS are 17 American students and 15 South stereotypes, discrimination, slavery, etc. Golda Sharpe Africans … of all colors. My roommate America is about 140 years removed from Today we had a great discussion on racism is Jessica — a really sweet and interestslavery and about 40 years removed from and being a Southerner, etc. This classroom ing person. Her people (I think) are from the Civil Rights Movement but South Africa topic almost paralleled what was discussed England and they live in South Africa now. is about 12 years removed from Apartheid informally last night. Several issues were She’s from a small town, but I forgot the and seems so much more progressive than brought up and I think that is the only way name. She has a hundred questions evwe’ve been. What is up with us? What is our we will be able to do anything — talking. ery day and I just eat it up. All the girls are problem? I think Reconstruction didn’t do Talking will eventually lead to some type of cool — no outcasts, no weirdos, just cool. all that it was supposed to and South Africa action being taken. I want ACTION! This a Everything is new to them but they’re so has a chance to publicly grieve and cry topic I was very passionate about, yet I felt I average. Who ever thought South Africans together. I think we needed to do that also. still held my tongue. Still, I voiced my opinion watch Moesha and The Parkers? It’s funny. Now it’s just so daunting. but not to the full extent. I must work on that. 16 | the university of mississippi 2006

June 19, 2006 — Oxford, MS Derek Barham (First full day together) Overheard at McAllister’s over lunch: Nellys (South African student): “I feel like I’m getting sucked in. America is so wasteful, they just throw things away. I feel bad. I want to tell someone, ‘You want some of this?’” Ellen (South African student): “Yes, but here there are no beggars to give it to.” Hmmmm …. June 19, 2006 — Oxford, MS Chrissy Bocek Today I think a lot of comfort zones were pushed. We worked to define what a Southerner was and whether or not the South needs to be defined by the Mason-Dixon line and the Civil War. Many people didn’t think some of the Confederate States (i.e. Virginia) were Southern anymore. I personally think Texas is very Southern, but many people didn’t fill it in either. Sometimes people think of Southerners in very stereotypical, comical ways. They can be misrepresented as close-minded and reluctant to accept people that are from the North or who are foreign. This isn’t always true, especially in our educated setting and I felt horrible after drawing a Jeff Foxworthy version of a redneck when asked to draw a Southerner. I consider myself a Southerner (though I’ve lived all over) because my heart belongs here, specifically on the Gulf Coast

Left to right: Joey Brown, Travis Dell, and Derek Barham.

Below: Brittany Chapman

beach. Stereotypes can be funny, but they can also be hurtful and degrading. In the end we decided being a Southern is a frame of mind. June 20, 2006 — Oxford, MS Brittany Chapman Yesterday was the first day of classes. The comments made in class showed the diversity among opinions and backgrounds. When the topics of racism and slavery were addressed, I could feel the racial tension among the American students. As Americans, we still have a long way to go. Although it has the university of mississippi 2006 | 17

been 30 to 40 years since the “Civil Rights Era,” we have not healed our wounds. You can’t put a band-aid over a bullet hole. Issues such as these must be addressed and discussed openly and honestly if healing is to ever take place. I truly hope that this group can begin to make a difference in the lives of their peers and be a positive influence...

day what happens when everyone steps up for a common cause. June 21, 2006 — Oxford, MS Chrissy Bocek He [Travis] also said something that sort of caught me off guard because it would have been the last thing I would’ve drawn when asked to draw a Southerner. He said that the first Southerners were the Indians. I had no idea that we got grits from the Indians, and even the things I know are of Indian origin (i.e. the name of my home city, Biloxi) I have come to take for granted and I don’t even think about where they came from.

The exchange is going so well. Hopefully, as Americans, we will open our eyes to issues affecting the globe and not just those affecting us. The world is so much bigger than the USA. June 20, 2006 — Oxford, MS Emily Ragland When discussing our assigned topic on the planters outside, our small discussion group began to discuss the overcoming of our mutually painful heritages that we have experienced. I expressed a sentiment that I feel that we are slowly changing because no one generation wishes or even deserves to bear the brunt of racial reconciliation. Mzi made the point that we cannot wait for the next generation to force change to happen. The South African students are teaching us every 18 | the university of mississippi 2006

View of South Lamar from the steps of the Lafayette County Courthouse, Oxford, Mississippi.

Travis made a very interesting analogy that didn’t really upset me deeply, but it made me feel a slight sense of shame. He said that from afar America looks like a very perfect and pretty picture, but now that he has gotten to see it up close, it isn’t all one piece; it’s a jigsaw puzzle. We may seem to be racially melded to foreign countries but it is very apparent that there are those divisions and lines between race and class. We are an illusion. He said, “We are a country based upon differences.”

Southwest view of the historic town square, Oxford, Mississippi. June 21, 2006 — Oxford, MS Emily Ragland I think that today highlighted the problems that we are having within our group as well as society as a whole. The normal tension has been pushed under the rug — language was just another way to make the “pot boil over” in a way. I think that although everyone complains about the “other side” holding onto the past, every one of the Mississippians here is holding strongly onto the past.

But as a non-minority citizen, I feel that it is politically incorrect to have an opinion on minority issues. No one has made me feel like this but sometimes I see what many African-Americans are angry about — and I feel that I, as a white person, am seen as responsible for them. Although this might not be valid or how they perceive me, it serves as a force that makes me resent their anger. And, obviously, resentment is not getting us anywhere. So, I will take today as a learning day.

June 22, 2006 — Oxford, MS Emily Ragland When we went to the Coca-Cola headquarters today, we were definitely able to see the inner-workings of corporate America. The power of America’s corporate leadership was apparent within the boardroom — the chairs literally reeked of power! But I have to wonder if that is the leaders that the Lott Leadership Institute hopes to form. America is increasingly a money-driven society that needs leaders who simply desire the betterment the university of mississippi 2006 | 19

of their country at a premium. Here is my opinion: Instead of only turning out leaders who care about the difference made in society, we need leaders who want to do both! A strong economy is a needed backdrop for social change. So, this is my hope for the next hundred years (and this program): to produce leaders who want both the best for our country as well as the international community. June 24, 2006 — Memphis, TN Emily Ragland On a lighter note, Beale Street was awesome! Our group went to eat a late lunch/ early dinner on Beale Street — a needed break from the serious issues of the Civil Rights Museum! We were all on the dance floor of B.B. King’s restaurant (and we were making a difference in the opinions of the onlookers I have to believe). To see black and white teenagers on the dance floor having fun with dance line and singing along … cultural integration is an ongoing process. Despite the legal effects of integration within society, we as a society need to allow and accept this multiracial future. June 27, 2009 — Little Rock, AR Emily Ragland Surrounded by people that are so ambitious and forward-thinking as many of the other participants, I feel like I am grasping for profound goals for the rest of my life. But 20 | the university of mississippi 2006

World famous Beale Street, Memphis, TN. Home of the Blues and birthplace of rock and roll. we didn’t lose anything during the Jim Crow college is a changing point for me in terms times. Brittany made the point that while my of life goals and ambitions. grandparents were working and trying to save money for their children’s educations, As a society (especially in the Deep South), her family was less than two generations out we need to decide the legacy we are goof slavery. This was a point that I had never ing to allow slavery to have on our present considered. I have had discussions with my and future. Although I will never understand peers during AP History in my all-white high what it is like to be African-American, I still school and their biggest argument was that wish that our society could move on as a whole to improving what we have instead of African-Americans were holding onto their past too much. But I never considered that dwelling on what the past held. they don’t have the ability to create multigenerational family trees or have furniture But, all the while, I know that it is easy for that has been passed down for generations. me and white society to move on because

June 29, 2006 — Washington, D.C. Chrissy Bocek Top 10 Things About Being a Leader Life Advice from Shelby Coffey 1) Catch people doing things right 2) Don’t bear grudges. Settle it and move on. 3) Your moods are contagious so show them wisely. 4) Take the last few minutes of a meeting to assess who is supposed to accomplish what at which time and what has been agreed upon. 5) Be direct, especially in tough times; don’t paint pretty pictures. 6) Move to make each situation better quickly.

7) Learn from the best of your colleagues.

Students visited the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C.

8) Live the values you preach.

July 1, 2006 — Washington, D.C. Chrissy Bocek (Holocaust Memorial) The thing that stood out most in my mind was the white wall with the names of those who helped refugees escape. It was toward the end of the memorial and around it were different stories of the way ordinary people took great risks and tried to help Jewish people hide or make it to another country. It was beautiful to see that there were those heroes who were willing to reach out to

9) In a crisis, get cooler as it gets hotter. 10) Don’t define yourself by your job.

We concentrate well on the now, but we need to place our minds on a bigger plan.

their fellow people. I really admire their actions and I care a lot about the well-being of everyone, but I wonder if I would have the courage to risk my life. It’s easy to say “of course” now, but I’ve never been in a situation where I had to prove to myself that I would be the kind of person to stand up against what I thought was wrong when it could mean losing everything. I guess part of being a leader is being critical of self and sometimes it leads to doubting your abilities. the university of mississippi 2006 | 21

July 7, 2006 — Soweto, South Africa Chrissy Bocek We bought bags of oranges for 10 Rand, which is about $1.50, and we are going to give them to children in the squatter camps because it is winter and the vitamin C will be good for them.

July 7, 2006 — Soweto, South Africa Emily Ragland The general attitude of these people differed from the so-called middle class in Soweto … at that level, begging and handouts can become a way of life. But the utter humanity of the individuals stuck in this cycle The people in the camp have been living could be seen in one couple. They in makeshift shacks for months waiting came out of their shack to greet me for government housing. They were very and we attempted to overcome the happy to see us and took us on tours language barrier. They shook my hand of their homes for which we were to tip first thing — the man even wiped them. I felt curious and horrible at the the sticky residue and juice from the same time that these people supported orange onto his pants and this movethemselves in these conditions by being ment reminded me of something that a tourist attraction. We bought soccer anyone, high or low class, would do boots (as they call them) for their boys’ to greet their guest. They asked where soccer team because the kids normally I was from, what I was doing in South play barefoot. We gave their K-3 school Africa, what I thought of their country. money, too. It felt good to help, but it This was the biggest moment for me. Peeling oranges for the children in Soweto, South Africa also makes me wonder what the bigger They treated me as a guest in their problem is and how it can be fixed. The kids as what those children and that neighborhome, despite the fact that their home was were sweet and cute, covered in sticky or- hood need. People need to band together a shack. Bogani, our tour guide, gave us his ange and waiting to give out hugs. e-mail address to encourage us to move on and that’s not gonna happen if they aren’t any ideas we had on dealing with poverty. I educated and have jobs. If they are born July 7, 2006 — Soweto, South Africa cannot decide if today made me feel powerinto poverty, most likely they will stay in Golda Sharpe less or empowered … poverty. It is a continuous cycle and I will When we gave out the oranges to the chilbreak that cycle. Yes, it will take a long time dren in the neighborhood, sure we helped July, 2006 — Port Elizabeth, South Africa and there will be the nay-sayers, but one them for that day, but what about two Derek Barham day I will make a difference in those poor weeks from now and a month??? Who will The juxtaposition (or some other large intelcommunities with no hope for prosperity. feed them then? Yes, we did a good deed Someone has to help them and if it is to be, ligent word that deals with two things being but that was just the tip of the iceberg as far then it must start with me!! next to/across from each other) of today’s 22 | the university of mississippi 2006

event was unlikely. First, the mall. I went a bit overboard in the clothes, but I really enjoy the style over here. It’s so nice to have options other than “the Ole Miss uniform.” So, I spent a little bit on a lot of clothes I probably don’t need. Was feeling good. AIDS HAVEN. Wow. Talk about an experience. I was proud of our group’s awareness and respect. No one hesitated to play with the kids or treated them differently. Oh, the kids! They were amazing. I was sitting with two of them in my lap when it suddenly hit me what the matron had said, “Lucky if they reach 13.” July 17, 2006 — Port Elizabeth, South Africa Golda Sharpe I have noticed that I am very distant with people sometimes and constantly keep my guard up. I feel like my guard is becoming less important and that I am more welcoming to people with whom I come in contact. The people on this trip are very unique and I believe we were purposely put in this leadership program to test the limits and restraints we put on ourselves. My box has gotten so much larger and I am comfortable in a wide variety of settings. All it takes is one person to make the first move and put him/herself out there for more to be accomplished. In some instances I made the first move, and in other cases someone

Informal settlement in Soweto, South Africa else made the first move. Either way, I am happy that someone made a move and that brought us even closer. July 18, 2006 — Cape Town, South Africa Emily Ragland We flew into Cape Town and visited the Tutu Peace foundation. The program reminded me of the Lott Institute in a way. I can’t help but hope more for the future of our world. It seems as if so many people and groups are investing time and money in the “leaders of tomorrow.” I can only hope

that during my and my children’s generations life is free of the inequality of Apartheid or violence of the World Wars. I must wonder how our generation would handle conflicts in this millennium. My grandfather was a prisoner of war in a WWII German camp. Although he never talked about it, I can’t help but understand what they lost in WWII. To his dying day, he would never buy anything but American cars and wore a black POW cap around town. I want my generation to be capable of living up to that huge legacy left by their bravery. the university of mississippi 2006 | 23

trent lott leadership institute, university of mississippi

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Trent Lott leadership institute at the university of mississippi

student reflections undergraduate program 2007

undergraduate lott leadership program 2007 The second Lott Leadership Exchange Program paired 10 undergraduate students from The University of Mississippi with 10 undergraduate students from Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University for four weeks of travel across both countries. This experience began in Mississippi and followed a similar path as the Summer 2006 program. However, this group spent more time in Mississippi, visiting Jackson the state capital, and other cities representative of the struggle for Civil Rights in the United States. The group also spent time with volunteer organizations in the state to give back to the communities they visited. In South Africa the group spent time learning and reflecting on their experience. Additional time was devoted to historical study of the two nations, as well as personal reflection on how the nationsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; histories still determine the path of many citizens. Students also spent time outside their site visits discussing ways to further the idea of racial reconciliation in their own countries and communities.

Above: NMMU students display flags of countries participating in the program. Below: The Red Location Museum, Port Elizabeth, South Africa

In this section two South African students share their reflections on the experience, followed by short reflections from U.S. participants.

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students chosen for the 2007 lott leadership exchange program

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“

An Experience to Remember The Trent Lott Leadership Program is really an experience you cannot forget. I remember the Wednesday we were told we could expect a phone call to tell us who got in and who didn’t. I was in the bathroom brushing my teeth when the call came. Then the days, and activities, flew by in a bit of a blur — meeting the other people, research, getting the visa, team building, preparing a theme song, and practicing the National Anthem. Somehow, it still did not register that I was going to the USA for two weeks and then would return to experience my own country for two weeks. Finally, on 15 June 2007, we departed for an overwhelming experience.

Arriving in Memphis and buying chips … oh, sorry, french fries ... Wal-Mart 24/7, the subway (come on GAUTRAIN), and paying once for a soft drink and refill (that is free) … yho! Imagine this in the locations (townships). It was a lot to take in! The Programme challenged me to GROW, APPRECIATE, AND CARE. I am determined to be of service to my country after what I have experienced. Indeed, South Africa is ALIVE WITH POSSIBILITIES! – Lazola Momo, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan student 2007

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“

broadening my world view by andile gcakasi The Trent Lott Leadership Programme in June/July 2007 brought the most exciting and experiential learning I’ve ever had. It inexplicably broadened my world view. Before the Programme I would never have imagined I would be in the situation I was in, would have learned so much about South Africa and the United States of America (USA), and would experience more similarities than differences in the two countries. The personal relationships we built, and still maintain to this day, cannot be quantified. To have been part of such a diverse group with such different racial backgrounds and not experience any form of racial tension proves to me that if we can all find common ground, the color of our skin really means way less than what we all stand for and who we are. In the evenings, when the bright lights flickered on and shined at their brightest, everybody’s fun, wild side came out, and we let go of all worries and problems and partied like rock stars. To date, New Orleans’ Bourbon Street was the best party of my life. We’re not that different What had the most impact and meaning to me during the duration of the Programme was that the USA and South Africa are not that different. The divisions among classes and

Also in the United States, almost anything and everything is honored, some things I felt didn’t really need to be honored when there are so much more important things to focus on, but then again it’s the USA. It’s much bigger than South Africa and its values are different. The Programme also exposed me to my own country. It exposed me to the museums, the distant cultures, the hidden places, and most of all, it caused me to take a deeper look at the things I knew but have been ignoring (i.e. poverty). The experiences made me analyze the situation and ask myself how I fit in and how my presence makes a difference.

races are just as intense in the USA as they are in South Africa, though in Memphis extra efforts are made to make them much less visible.

I have always daydreamed about going to America and experiencing the culture of the States that I’ve seen on TV and heard through music. Being there in person symbolized to me that dreams do come true and that is exactly what the Trent Lott Leadership Programme did for me — one of my dreams was realized.

I was impressed by the Americans’ patriotism and cultural honor of music. Music is loved dearly in America and that got me thinking about how everyone enjoys the same music and how it flows like a unifying creed among Americans. This is something South Africans and the rest of the world can learn from.

Belonging Through the Programme, I learned what would have taken many years to learn by myself — and cost me a lot of money, for that matter. The personal and professional relationships I forged with my fellow 2007 ‘Lotters’, and external people who were

NMMU undergraduate Andile Gcaksi

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involved in the Programme, will last a very long time, if not for the rest of my life. The Programme gave me a sense of belonging to group of future leaders who will enjoy success in their lives. Being my first experience of such a grouping of people, my prejudiced thoughts were crushed as I learned more and more of the culture and lifestyles of others. Now I can confidently adapt in any situation Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m in and not be afraid to be myself and allow other people to learn from me, too.

Right: The National Assembly in South Africa Below: The Red Location Museum in South Africa

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a life-changing call to action by carmen rae musgrove Honestly, I didn’t know what to expect going on the exchange trip to South Africa, but I knew that I would have memories for a lifetime. What I received was far greater than just memories. I experienced a life-changing call to action. We saw the differences that made each country unique and yet saw the similarities that connected us even across the Atlantic Ocean. Now, I was not alive during the 1960s but going to some cities in South Africa after Apartheid showed me what it would have been like to live during those times in America of great change with racial

integration. I remember talking and dancing with one of my best guy friends who happened to be an African-American and seeing the disdain in others’ eyes that made me realize we still have a long way to go toward wiping out all racial discrimination and judgment. The people on the trip, both Americans and South Africans, shared a passion for changing our surroundings and helping others to see we are all equal and that everyone deserves an opportunity to succeed in life. Not only that, but we also realized the great importance of helping people gain the basic needs of food, water, shelter, and even an education. This trip changed the way I viewed the world. I now

don’t just think inside my little bubble in Mississippi. I have a global mindset now of trying to reach and help anyone and everyone across the globe. This trip was so powerful that I changed my major to Public Policy Leadership in order to create change in the world around us. I became active in relief programs and mission trips so that I could accomplish this dream of helping others. This is what the program is about. It’s creating opportunities for students and equipping them with the means to meet and work diligently with others who share the same passion for making a difference in this world for the better in order to truly help all people.

lott exchange to south africa by elizabeth joseph

What a way to start traveling the world! I loved the topics of the course — racial reconciliation, community service, and leadership — and the way they connected Mississippi and South Africa. We read J. M. Coetzee’s Nobel Prize winning novel Disgrace and discussed its representation of South Africa’s post-Apartheid racial struggles. As an English major, I was able to analyze the literary techniques of the text as well as connect the novel to the

themes of the course for the final paper. During this experience, my friendships with my fellow Ole Miss students grew while I gained new friendships with our South African colleagues. They were such a great group with whom we Mississippians immediately connected. Some of my fondest memories from the trip are from the oneon-one visits I had with my friends from South Africa, talking about how similar we are, how we are working hard to succeed in college, and how we share the same goals and dreams. The best part about these friendships is that we still stay in touch!

Every time I visit with prospective students to The University of Mississippi, I tell them about the immense opportunities afforded me during my time at Ole Miss. The Lott Leadership Exchange to South Africa is the first example of such an opportunity that I share with them. Because I was so impacted by this experience in South Africa, I have applied to study abroad in The Netherlands through the Fulbright Program following graduation. I am thankful to have been a part of this exchange, and I hope that for years to come students are able to learn and grow through similar programs. the university of mississippi 2007 | 31

lott retrospective by artair rogers When I reflect over the best trip of my life, I can’t help but smile. One month changed me for a lifetime. As a rising sophomore, I was about to embark on an adventure with 22 people that would help me learn more about myself, understand more about myself, and find a special camaraderie that I never knew. From an academic standpoint, I learned the importance of understanding, evaluating, and respecting others’ ideas. Coming from the United States, I realized that we had an innate pride towards the governmental system in place in our country. We were so quick to defend our country when the South Africans pointed out differences. However, we did the South Africans the same way when they defended their country’s policies while we were in South Africa. Professor Kenneth Townsend pushed all of us to explore academically and challenge one another; it is one of the few academic settings that emphasized attacking and supporting arguments. Being in Professor Townsend’s class helped me to better understand and better support arguments that I presented as truth. Before I went to South Africa, I thought that I wanted to be a physician. I always knew that I wanted to enter the health-care field, but I was so interested in the reasons contributing to disparities in health-care

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quality. After visiting a South African AIDS Haven, I realized that I wanted to work on health-care reform policies. Thus, I decided to become a public policy major, and as a graduating senior, I am looking to pursue a master’s in health-care administration. Seeing so much poverty during the exchange, I decided to commit my life to service. I try to serve in all aspects of my life, and I believe that I have been able to serve the University the most in the capacity that I hold today…. as student body president. I am so appreciative of the Lott Leadership Institute and the Exchange for impacting my life so tremendously. Above: South African citizens fill up containers of water to take back to their homes. Below: Artair Rogers (left) in South Africa

south african experience by margaret ross long When asked to write a reflection on our excursion to the beautiful country of South Africa, I was flooded with many wonderful memories. The first and perhaps most important memory: what a great time everyone involved with the Exchange had. We learned so much about South African culture, and also about our own unique culture in Mississippi that we so often overlook or fail to appreciate. One particular memory I will forever hold in my heart is the faces of the children living

in the squatter camps outside of Johannesburg, South Africa. We had just finished with our sack lunches that had been neatly packed for us, and arrived at a place of dirt and tin. Hundreds of homes built side-byside were comprised of dirt floors, with no electricity or running water. We had the privilege of giving each family several South African Rand for any of the needs they might have — food, clothing, any of the basic necessities we take for granted every day. To one child we were able to give an apple from our unfinished sack lunches. The boy’s face lit up, but also the mother’s.

The child would at least have something to eat for the day. My South African experience influenced me to increase campus involvement in many ways. First, I wanted to give back to the university that allowed me and eight others to experience firsthand the trials other people face. I also came back to Oxford with a drive for improvement only found after one sees the true struggles and trials others have no option but to face. Photo left: Margaret Ross Long at Table Mountain. The plateau, forms a dramatic backdrop to Cape Town, South Africa, and its Table Bay harbour. Below: Squatter housing in Soweto, a township outside of Johannesburg, South Africa.

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lott exchange with nmmu by chad armstrong

My experiences with the 2007 Lott Leadership Exchange Program with Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University truly broadened my vision of the world and how it works. The program gave me the opportunity to interact with people from different cultures and backgrounds. The dialogue that took place between the ten South Africans and ten Americans helped me to gain an appreciation for the way that they view the world and also allowed me to reflect on my own beliefs and look at them in a new light. One of the must sobering experiences of my life occurred when we visited Soweto

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and I saw firsthand what extreme poverty really looks like. A few weeks earlier we had visited the Mississippi Delta — one of the poorest sections of America — but nothing there compared to the tin shacks and tattered clothes that these South Africans lived with. It gave me such an appreciation for all of the opportunities that I have as an American. The program focused on racial reconciliation and compared the end of Apartheid in South Africa to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s in the United States. This study brought to light many of the similarities between the treatment of Africans and

African-Americans. The pasts of our countries showed me two things: the cruelty that man can inflict on others and the ability of man to change. These themes run through both America’s history and South Africa’s history, and both nations have made great strides toward overcoming their pasts. South Africa taught me to appreciate those that are different from me because those people usually have something invaluable that they can teach me if I am only willing to listen and learn. Background photo: Informal settlement (squatter housing) in Soweto, South Africa

a learning experience for all by aubrey beckham My experiences while participating in the Lott Leadership Exchange not only made a great impact on me then, but continue to affect me three years later. This exchange program is truly an opportunity unlike any other, and there is no way I could have anticipated how much I would grow as a person as a result of this experience. Having grown up in the Mississippi Delta, I thought I had a firm grasp on issues regarding race relations. However, the itinerary of this trip took us “to the source” of significant events in the Civil Rights Movement and shed a whole new light on our perspectives. I think the best aspect of the program is the significant amount of time that the students from the two schools spend together. In a classroom setting, there is a limited amount of genuine interaction that can take place. Spending the majority of every day with the South African students allowed us to make connections on a different level. We realized how similar we all were — in the concerns of college age-students such as future plans, relationships with friends and family, and the like. However, the most significant commonality was our motivation to make a change for the better. Numerous times, we came to the realization that it was our responsibility to make this change — not only by participating in organized efforts,

but by identifying and seizing opportunities in everyday life to bridge the gap between black and white. As this was such a learning experience for all involved, we became acquainted with each others’ strengths and weaknesses,

and have become encouragers of each other in all we do. Thanks to the Internet, we are able to keep in touch with our peers in South Africa and see that these friendships continue to grow. I am extremely grateful that I was chosen to participate in the Lott Leadership Exchange in South Africa.

Abandoned sharecropper housing in the Mississippi Delta.

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aerial view of the mississippi delta

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Trent Lott leadership institute at the university of mississippi

student reflections graduate program 2008

graduate lott leadership program 2008 In 2008, the Lott Leadership Exchange Program expanded to include different students and include the comparative theme of reconciliation. For this program each university selected eight students at the masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s or doctorate level of study. The Exchange also added one university, becoming a tri-lateral program between The University of Mississippi, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, and University of Ulster in Northern Ireland. The theme of the 2008 program was â&#x20AC;&#x153;Race, Religion, and Reconciliation.â&#x20AC;? The group spent time in each country learning about the various histories and political struggles that have shaped the modern social structures. Students were asked to reflect on not only the historical knowledge that they gained through this experience, but also how they viewed themselves within this context.

Oxford, Mississippi

The essays that follow detail what the group found most important and of the greatest impact on their journey.

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Port Elizabeth, South Africa

Belfast, Northern Ireland

staff and students chosen for the 2008 lott leadership program

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reflections by divinia pillay South Africa, a country inhabited by people hungry for reconciliation, freedom, peace, and prosperity now has the potential to be a country of united cultures and religions. It is because of this, and because of the completely contrasting past from which South Africa comes, that I applied for the Trent Lott Leadership Programme. The opportunity to learn from two countries of similarly chronicled antecedents piqued my interests in South Africa’s own historical background and the nation’s ability to reconcile. Don’t judge a book by its cover What I can say now, after my adventurous travels to two different worlds, is that I did learn an immeasurable amount about what reconciliation means in different situations and societies, and exactly what it entails. I should add, however, that what I expected to learn, and what I eventually did learn, is somewhat different. I realize now that when we departed for Mississippi, my perception of reconciliation in my own country was a bit on the far-fetched side. This explains my reactions to my experience with reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the US. When I reminisce now about my time in the Deep South as well as my time in Northern Ireland, I can recall distinct moments where

Township housing in South Africa. the celebration of learning, from certain methods — to bring about reconciliation among the community living in the postconflict area who have not yet been able to come to terms with the past completely — that are being implemented in these particular societies left me deliberating the possibility of this kind of implementation in my fatherland. However, I was also pleasantly surprised to find that South Africa has set precedents for various reconciliation projects.

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Encounters with reconciliation efforts My first encounter with examples being set by the USA in post-conflict circumstances was our visit with an assemblage called the National Fair Housing Alliance. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., and founded in 1988, the National Fair Housing Alliance (NFHA) is a consortium of over 220 private, non-profit fair housing organizations, state and local civil rights agencies, and individuals from throughout the United States of America. Through comprehensive educational programs and advocacy for fair housing, NFHA protects and promotes equal access to apartments, houses, mortgage loans, and insurance policies for all who inhabit the United States of America. In keeping with the theme of comparisons between countries’ post-conflict situations, I made an approximation between the NFHA and South Africa’s own situation in terms of housing. Being a country that dealt with blatant segregation of races and cultures, South Africa is today faced with similar issues when it comes to fair living conditions and housing affairs. I think that policies such as those worked on by the NFHA could be very useful in a place like South Africa, as opposed to the current policies (i.e. land redistribution or land expropriation being experimented with in South Africa) bringing about an added set of social problems.

With this learning empiricism came moments of criticism as well. There were a few occasions where I felt the portrayal of integration in the USA was that of something very shallow. The Independence Day Fair held on a pathway leading up to the Capitol was a showcase of cultures intended to bring together all Americans in celebration of America’s independence from British rule. However, even though the Fair showcased a variety of cultures, it was still very much separated at the same time. Each culture had a designated area, and no two cultures seemed to be interacting with each other, almost as if the representatives from each culture were restricted to the assigned designated area. I felt, as a South African, painfully disillusioned. Comparing this Fair to that of my fatherland’s own National Arts Festival — held annually in the small town of Grahamstown — I had an almost ‘high horse air’ about it. Shamefully, I might now admit that I expected to see similarities between what I saw at the Festival: performances of Zulu and Indian dancers portraying the need to reconcile with every culture present in South Africa. I failed to ask myself the question at that particular moment: What is reconciliation? I may not have known the answer right there and then, but maybe I would have realized that it’s not just the portrayal of integration at national festivities.

Belfast, Northern Ireland Northern Ireland My perception of the Orange Order Parade in Northern Island on the 12th of July was also a bit misconstrued as a result of my exaggerated perception of reconciliation in my own home country. The thought of one group conceding to another group’s felt

justification in commemorating and celebrating violence, disrespect and disregard towards the other group and their beliefs perturbed me when considering that in South Africa, one would not find members of former oppressors parading in the territory of the formerly oppressed, chanting racist

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aspersions. I did not, however, at that particular time, consider the possibility of that scenario playing out in South Africa, had it been conceded by one group or another. It was during our very auspicious address from Northern Ireland visionary and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate John Hume that I was humbled into realizing that this program was not designed, or ever intended, to compare one country’s strategy towards reconciliation as superior to that of the next. Discussing the Orange Order Parade that took place in Belfast, I realized that my perception of reconciliation on a global setting was changing throughout the program. It wasn’t until Mr. Hume, confronted by a student about the Orange Order Parade and the acceptance of it in the Good Friday Agreement, spoke about respect of differences that I realized Northern Ireland’s way of dealing with the past conflict is different from that of South Africa’s, but not necessarily wrong, as the two situations are somewhat different as well. Where South Africa suffered a conflict of differences regarding race, religion, and culture, Northern Ireland’s conflict is that of differences based on political belief systems and not necessarily about religion. I came to the conclusion that my perception of what reconciliation is, and how it should be brought about, was quite ubiquitous from the beginning up

until that point. From believing that South Africa had everything to learn from these other two post-conflict civilizations, to thinking that South Africa has come further than both of these societies in a shorter span of time, to realizing in Northern Ireland, and even more so in South Africa, that there is no single correct way of dealing with these issues. Coming home The South African leg of the Programme cemented this last lesson for me when I pondered on what reconciliation meant and what it entailed, and ended up concluding that reconciliation is not something that can come about easily in a short span of time. Professor Charles Wilson was the first person I had heard this from during the Mississippi leg of the Programme and it is one of the biggest, if not the biggest lesson to be learned from this Programme. Reconciliation is a process that needs to run its course. After watching the cinematic documentation of the life and death of Siphiwe Mthimkhulu, the final realization was that people definitely need time to deal with the past, some even more than others. Mr. Mthimkhulu’s son, Sikhombuzo Mthimkhulu, buried his father’s hair in a little box, because he was never able to find his father’s body. I knew then that some people will never be able to forget the hurt, pain

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and emotional trauma they suffered. The documentary reflected an emotional side of myself as well which I had been repressing in the name of reconciliation. Thinking about the anger that some still hold onto — and understandably so — I had to realize that reconciliation may not dawn on a nation as soon as it is a concept in postconflict times. This was visually evident for me when we watched the documentary, Between Joyce and Remembrance, by Mark Kaplan. Mr. Mthimkhulu’s son violently attacked his family’s perpetrator in an attempted apology. The film entrenched this ideology for me and also brought about the realization that my own country’s attempt to bring about reconciliation among a divided nation definitely did not dispell idiosyncrasy of those measures I had thus far seen. People need to be given enough time, as much time as needed actually, in order to deal with the atrocities that the past has inflicted on all three societies. A deadline cannot be envisioned in the reconciliation process, and there is no set formula to bring reconciliation about. However, encouraging respect for differences and working from there — which is commonplace in all three post-conflict societies — will pave the way for a future of reconciliation among all who reside in the formerly conflict-ridden arena.

the truth will set you free by adelina mbinjama The Trent Lott Leadership Programme opened doors of opportunities for me - a 23-yearold black female, born in Mozambique of Zambian origin and brought up in South Africa - to meet people, travel, and grow as a person. Above all, it enabled me to inform and educate the people about South Africa, and hopefully change preconceived ideas and leave those I met with positive impressions about our diverse culture. Coming from a sundry background has contributed to my miscellaneous ideologies. My experience of reconciliation in the three countries - Northern Ireland, USA, and South Africa - has left me curious about where we are in South Africa as a nation and where we are going. I believe that South Africa has attempted to reconcile racial and ethnic groups by restoring balance in communities through reparations and various kinds of memorialization. Experiencing the US of A I have seen that restorative justice is prevailing in all three countries, some more than others. The stories of the past are being told and small steps are being taken to respond to past conflicts and human rights abuses by seeking to repair the harm caused by illicit acts. What stood out for me is that ordinary people were making a difference

forget. Having the opportunity to meet with men and women who strive to build up their communities by reaching out to disadvantaged children was very poignant. In both these cases I saw people making an effort to reconcile communities despite racial or religious differences by trying to provide necessary facilities that will aid in the progression of the communities.

Informal settlement in Soweto, South Africa. in their communities. Although we met wonderful revolutionists like Judge Wingate and former Governor William Winter, I particularly enjoyed the visit to the National Fair Housing Alliance (NFHA) in Washington, D.C. This organization assists in providing housing facilities to minority groups. Seeing how people from different backgrounds work toward a common goal was very encouraging and motivating. Similarly, Tutwiler Community Education Center in Mississippi was also an experience that I will never

I believe reconciliation can not only be achieved if we understand reconciliation not only as a need to respect opposing opinions, but also to move toward forgiving one another and possibly building relationships with oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s opponents. Reconciliation needs a lot of time and patience. It is not something that can be achieved in a matter of an hour but is a process that requires one to â&#x20AC;&#x153;follow-upâ&#x20AC;? and investigate whether what was agreed upon or understood is still valid and applicable for the new season and time. Growth as a person One thing that I can hold authentically in participating in this Program is that I have grown as an individual. What I mean by growth is that my heart has been softened towards the dreadful issues facing our humanity at present. My mentality has developed to think more broadly and carefully on how to deal with conflicting issues which may arise and that I can encounter in my personal walk.

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Having to visit community centers, such as the ones mentioned above, I have seen the depth of what leadership really means: SERVICE. With that I realized that whoever calls themselves a leader should be prepared to accept change and be prepared to change as well. In fact, a good leader should never cause division but should seek to benefit the whole community and not his or her own agenda. During the Programme, I experienced some unsettling thoughts, which revisited my mind from time to time. I was dismayed by the one banner held up during the Orange Order Parade in Belfast that read “KAI” an abbreviation for Kill All Irish. It was also too much for me to understand how Ireland was divided into Northern Ireland and the Republic. Furthermore, it was astonishing to learn that they also use different c u r rencies — Northern Ireland using Pounds whereas the Republic uses Euros. I wondered if the situation was going to change and if people were willing to come to some concurrence and be united. At the same time it also came to mind that it is much easier to not deal with issues and just allow differences of opinions to loiter as long as there is no killing involved. Xenophobia: An attack on reconciliation Furthermore, I questioned whether South Africa is really reconciled, especially with

the recent xenophobic attacks that have tainted the nation’s efforts to rebuild the country. I personally view the sudden outbreak as a manifestation of what was not dealt with in the past. The indigenous people of this country were not fully satisfied and have unleashed their anger on foreigners. I believe that South Africa has still to reconcile their people because if we allow these issues to be brushed under the rug once again, we may find ourselves having to have another sequence of bloody events. South Africa is an example to the world for her allegiance to build national unity and to uphold human rights laws. The country has inspired many nations; photos of our prominent leaders are mounted on the walls of Civil Rights museums in both the USA and Northern Ireland. As much as one may be concerned about these issues, one must have the devotion to look positively and initiate reconciliation. My experience with the Lott Leadership Programme has influenced me to recognize what is the biggest threat in the reconciliation process: COMMUNICATION. We need to come to a place where we can be truthful and open with one another in order to reconcile, whether the result is great or small. We need to deal with facts, accept responsibility and have the will to not forget but to remember and continuously work on matters. What seem to be the problems that endanger the process of reconciliation globally are unemployment rates,

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HIV/AIDS, rising food prices, education, and all issues that still need work. It is clear to me that the signs of division in all these countries only illustrate that globally, we have a lot to do to achieve reconciliation. Since I study Communication and Culture, which is a cosmic area of study that includes society, media, and other environmental aspects which can contribute to a person’s developmental process or progress, it is my duty to share my feelings, ideas, and experiences with everyone with whom I come in contact. Talking about the issues that our country is facing is only the beginning. From there we need to educate our fellow humans to address the stereotypical ideas that they may have of other races and religions. By doing this we can establish a platform to challenge our pasts and look toward a future that is restorative in every area. Overall the Trent Lott Leadership Programme was an unforgettable experience filled with laughter, tears, and above all else, an internal conviction of wanting to become a better citizen, whether it is in my academic spheres or social groups. I truly am changed by what I read, saw, and heard. The truth has set me free and now I have the eyes of an eagle — I can soar beyond my limitations and break through seasonal winds.

youth power by zimbini ogle It was the young people. It will be the young people again. In South Africa, the United States and Northern Ireland, young people took a stand to initiate a change in their countries for the better. It is the young people who played a big role in changing our previously divided societies. Two years back, I had been planning to go to the United States and the United Kingdom for my own benefit; touring, shopping, and having fun. The trip would be solely for my benefit.

I had planned to make the trip in 2012, but before I knew it, I was in America, and in Northern Ireland for a Leadership programme on reconciliation for the benefit of our countries, for a benefit that would go beyond my own satisfaction and extend to all the citizens. And this is a goal we should strive to achieve for the benefit of our nations. A diverse group of young people who are intelligent, funny, black, white, from different disciplines and different walks of life came together with one motive: an interest and a desire for reconciliation. They came together to do their part for reconciliation to become a reality in their countries.

Yo u t h P o w e r Who would have thought Who would have imagined Who had the vision Who took the action Who sacrificed Who missed their childhood Who had to mature so quickly Who made the turning point in South Africa Who stood together united for a nation for Humanity Who did it T h e Yo u n g P e o p l e !

Zimbini Ogle

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‘are we there yet?’ by barbara kritzinger As a diverse group of 18 students and 3 staff members, from universities in far-flung corners of the earth, prepared to part after more than 4 weeks of travel together, I was surprised and yet not surprised to note the emotions welling up in me and in some of the other group members as the program ended. Surprised, because we had been on a long and intense journey together, discussing prejudice and conflict within three countries with histories of division, while battling with these same issues personally and in relationship toward one another. It is not surprising to feel saddened at parting from those with whom you have built a feeling of intimacy based on common experience and shared interests. At this parting, however, I felt sad and remained sad for some time at the break up of a group of people with whom, and from whom, I had learned so much, including those relationships not founded on intimacy. My experience of reconciliation in the three countries visited is thus inescapably tied to what I experienced in the relationships within the group of travelers, making this a very personal account. Neatly packaged reconciliation? In the United States of America (USA) we met for the first time and began the processes of discovering one another while we interacted with the guest speakers, histori-

cal landmarks and the general vibrancy of Washington, D.C. The impressions I retain of this city include a memory of the cleanest pavements I have ever seen, and a sense of the awe-inspiring size of everything — from the buildings to the fizzy soft drinks. Surely, reconciliation would be neatly packaged and distributed here. As we walked downtown, however, we came across a group of African-American men wearing black t-shirts with a lion printed on the front who spoke with intensity into microphones about the links of African people to the tribes of Israel. Two powerful bodyguards flanked the main speaker and the whole impression was one of strength, militancy, and a spoken desire to counteract ideas of white domination in Christianity. I still have yet to discover the origins, name, and history of this sect but witnessing their anger was frightening and illuminated an aspect of United States’ racism — that of people fighting for identity and place, still an open wound for some as well as a source of a continued sense of ‘difference.’ After the ‘glossiness’ of Washington, Memphis and Mississippi provided some contrast as we experienced the economic divide that still exists in some measure — although not exclusively — to separate white and black. Reconciliation is apparent

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as a third aim in the efforts of the Voice of Calvary Ministries after those of relocation and redistribution.1 At Rome Community Development Center attempts to foster communication between black and white community members, however, is still difficult as the main hurdle is to bring people physically together to engage in discussion. We responded to this against a backdrop of our intergroup dynamics, with relationships forming and fluidly changing as we interacted with our environments and our reactions to what we were learning. For us, physical proximity was not difficult to achieve but rather a catalyst for interpersonal conflict in a group representing diversity in cultures and personalities. I quickly became aware of my own tendency to label others, to decide how I would view them and think of them, and how easy it was to strengthen stereotypes through continental focus on our differences. Differences, too, seem to divide in matters of faith in the USA. While attending a predominantly African-American church service in Memphis, I realized the truth of the statement I had heard several times in the States — that populations are most segregated on a Sunday. After recently celebrating Independence Day it was interesting to attend a sermon about freedom in the African-American historical context and to ask if I myself felt free. As the sermon ended, an

old woman cried and we sang songs with a healing power — I felt refreshed after a moving experience, ready to understand the Irish context of reconciliation. An orange haze In Belfast, Northern Ireland, at the Orange Order Parade, Irish bands marched to merry piping contrasting with the covert possibility of violence suggested by the strong police presence. “Reconciliation is well guarded here,” I thought as I watched the helicopters circling and noted a banner passing by which read KAI (Kill All Irish). Learning that the Good Friday Agreement was a way of managing — and not solving — a problem my roommate and I, too, defined reconciliation as a process meant to be an uncomfortable realization of the need for a decision towards a workable solution. Speaking with both an African-American from Wisconsin and an Irishman visiting South Africa for the first time, I was interested in their opinions regarding reconciliation within their respective countries. The USA, my source maintained, had ‘come a long way’ but in some parts of the States, African-Americans do not move freely. As part of a mixed race couple, she and her husband were careful to avoid such areas for their safety, an acknowledgement of how far the USA still needs to go in efforts

Orange Order Parade, Belfast, Northern Ireland, 2008 towards reconciliation. The Irishman spoke of the close proximity of Catholics and Protestants, nationalists and loyalists, and their refusal to recognize the existence of one another. In 2000, I had visited Ireland, mostly the scenic southern coastal villages

and towns, but a brief tour of the northern cities had been remarkable for the sense of tension and visible surveillance measures in place. The surveillance equipment is gone and peace prevails but tension can easily be revisited, especially during a parade in

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which symbols of enmity serve as a reminder of conflict. Asked about her impression of South Africa, the American woman had found it easier to imagine her grandparents’ struggle during the Civil Rights Movement — a time of identity crisis with issues comparable to some of those faced by today’s South Africans. On the African continent In South Africa, the visiting members of our group were alternatively shocked at the levels of poverty they witnessed and charmed by the friendliness of the people and the amazing warm weather (this in spite of our protestation that we do have cold winters at times).

and hopes, let alone of a people or a nation. There were the moments when I realized that in some cases reconciliation in the sense of turning a stranger into a friend was impossible. Prejudice exists in all of us — until I am ready to accept that people who are different from me can evoke a surge of fear and resentment in me, I am not ready to honestly face the possibility of reconciliation. This realization came through meeting Governor Winter in Jackson, Mississippi — a man whom I shall never forget for his humility, simplicity, and wisdom, which was evident through his manner of speaking honestly on a controversial topic and time through which he himself had lived.

We had moved continents and in so doing, we had experienced shifts in the relationships between group members. As we neared the end of the journey, I reflected on the amazing moments I had shared with my roommates. I had heard their stories, each one illustrating how we all can plaster over the cracks of agonizing memories, seeming strong externally. The moments in which conflict between group members had seemed so tragic and unresolvable, with time, reflection, and the willingness to take responsibility, had resulted in attempts to communicate and reconcile. I realize afresh how we can never know the whole story of one human being, their tragedies

My conclusion In South Africa, closer bonds between us were forged as we listened to people who had directly experienced injustice. As I contrasted the problems of the countries I had visited, I became aware that such violations of human dignity in our not too distant pasts are a common connection between us. It is all too common to regard one’s problems or the problems of our country as unique. I recently asked the students in my sociology tutorial what they thought could promote the growth of reconciliation between previously combative groups. One spoke up and said that shared experiences, interests, and especially a consciousness of our similari-

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ties rather than differences are essential in reconciliatory mind-set and action. As our group parted at the airport, some fruits of reconciliation embraced while others walked away presumably to lose contact and find relief in familiar and supportive friendships. I can honestly say that I miss all of the people who have significantly contributed to my personal growth. If I were to say anything more on the subject of reconciliation, I would say that it is difficult and complex but that we should revel in the difficulty because it is only through difficulty that we can grow and develop. Are we there yet? No, we are always only beginning on the voyages to discover the complex layers behind reconciliation, within ourselves and externally. It is like peeling an onion. Perhaps the title of this article could also read: “There and back again” 2 as we journey along paths, some already forged and grown over, and some into unknown territory. __________________ Endnotes See: Voice of Calvary Ministries – vocm.org Tolkien, J.R.R. 1978. The Hobbit or There and Back Again. Fourth Edition. George Allen and Unwin Ltd: London. 1 2

what is reconciliation? by anton botha I thought I knew. After all I live in a country that practically defined the term. Like many, I believed that South Africa showed the rest of the world what ‘true’ reconciliation is, and that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), led by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, is a model to be envied and followed. I would even be willing to confess that I was under the preconceived impression that South Africa was leaps and bounds ahead of other countries on this front, and I would happily have climbed atop my moral high horse if pushed to do so. Preconceptions Before my travels to other similarly “reconciled societies” — the Southern United States of America, Northern Ireland, and again through South Africa — brought these preconceptions into serious question, I expected only confirmation of what I already knew. Although not yet perfect, all three societies claim to have achieved unprecedented levels of “reconciliation,” as measured by an end to political violence and all forms of institutional oppression. Furthermore, active efforts are being made to right the wrongs of the past, be it economically, through affirmative action; socially, through the creation of monuments and museums dedicated to those who have struggled; or politically, through peace and power-sharing agreements.

That is to say this was my preconception before we undertook this near-epic journey to investigate this thing called “reconciliation” with 18 students and 3 academics proportionally representing each country. I, in all honesty, did not expect any serious challenges to my presumptions. We spent equal amounts of time in each country investigating places and seeking out people to deepen our understanding of this “phenomenon,” and at the end of the journey I find I have had to reconsider fundamentally all I thought I knew about reconciliation. The “other” I have now come to the realization that it is only when one starts to interact with the people of these historically divided and troubled societies that one understands that “true” reconciliation is still to come. The main reason for this controversial point of view boils down to one word I frequently heard spoken by all concerned, regardless of the country — I even caught myself using it to explain the socio-economic problems of South Africa. That word is “them.” This was the first indication of trouble in “reconciliation paradise.” The concept of the “other” — defined as those on the outside of the in-group — is alive and well in the supposed paragons of reconciliation we visited. Politically correct discourse, however, does not allow “us” to refer to the “other” as “white” or “black,” “Protestant”

or “Catholic,” or “terrorist” and so on. So instead we conveniently hide behind a lexicon of thinly disguised “thems.” Of course, we know that a “white farmer” is referring to “poor blacks” when he talks about “them”; or when a white Southerner refers to “them” he or she has in mind the Africa-Americans who seem incapable of lifting “themselves” out of a cycle of perpetual poverty, even though there seems to be an abundance of economic opportunity. Equally, when you hear a “black South African” refer to “them” you know that they mean the “rich whites” who refuse to share their wealth, or the “makwerekwere” who supposedly took their jobs. Similarly, when African-Americans use it they are referring to white Southerners who seem incapable of understanding their economic oppression. In Northern Ireland the concept is more finely nuanced, with a plethora of “others,” including, but not limited to, Protestants, Catholics, Loyalists, Republicans, Orangemen, Apprentice Boys, IRA, Loyalist-Paramilitaries, Sinn Fein, and Democratic Unions Party. Across diverse societal contexts, and regardless of which “in-group” envokes this word, it carries a disturbingly universal significance. For all who use the word, “them” denotes those to whom we have made concessions, those we are compelled to tolerate, those with whom we now co-exist for the sake of non-violence.

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Is tolerance a form of reconciliation? Reconciliation in a society well versed in a “lexicon of them’s” becomes extremely problematic as it is based on “tolerance,” a word that I have also become very wary of during my travels. “Tolerance” basically implies the following, “I constitute you as the ‘other’ since I don’t agree with your political, social, and/or economic views. However, I have to tolerate them for the sake of non-violence and economic stability.” Understood in this way, tolerance does not seem to resonate with a healthy concept of reconciliation. Some of my travel companions argued that tolerance is merely the first step in the process of reconciliation, and that true empathy is the ultimate aim. Therefore, reconciliation requires the ability to cultivate an empathetic society based on the understanding and acceptance of one another’s validity claims. My question to the proponents of this understanding of reconciliation is: If two historically conflicting groups both have legitimate claims in their respective idioms, and there is no objective way of “awarding” more legitimacy to either group without suppressing the legitimacy of the other, how is empathy possible? A case in point is the South African land claims situation. White farmers have occupied certain areas of land for generations and have worked it effectively, producing a food surplus for the nation. The land in question was appropriated illegitimately by a government

that no longer exists and bought by people who are no longer alive. The native inhabitants who formerly occupied the appropriated land are also, for the most part, dead but surely their offspring have a legitimate claim to the land taken from their ancestors? How do we redistribute the land? One party has economic and the other historic claims. Both, in my opinion, have legitimate claims, which can only be considered, justified or otherwise, within the limits of an ideological or idiomatic perspective. In the Southern USA and in South Africa, where conflict, for a time, took the form of legitimate resistance to an oppressive socio-political regime, the historical claims concerning “right” and “wrong” on a broad political level seem clear to us now. However, the post-conflict era lacks the “luxury” of ethical clarity, and I would argue that Northern Ireland has rarely in its history had such “luxury.” All three societies are now characterized by opposing groups with equally legitimate claims to existence in that particular geographical area and an inability to empathize with the “other” for reasons of “idiomatic legitimacy.” The various groups are unable to see the opposing point of view as legitimate because that would render their own view illegitimate. This is, of course, an unacceptable outcome for most. A French philosopher named JeanFrancois Lyotard, described this situation

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via his concept known as the differend. In the most basic terms the differend refers to the logical inability of two conflicting idioms to recognize the other’s legitimacy. This logical inability is brought about by a lack of objective means to discern one’s legitimacy from another perspective based on pure reason. In essence, what Lyotard is stating is that two conflict groups are not speaking the same “language.” Both groups might be able to converse in a common language, say English, and observe the same rules of grammar, however, when it comes to talking about matters concerning legitimacy (i.e. who is right and who is wrong) they might as well be speaking Greek and Swahili to each other. Communication breaks down because each party has a legitimate point to defend and is willing to do so with violence. This puts both parties back into a state of either conflict or mere tolerance. The limit of empathy thus shows itself in its impossible requirement that to empathize with the other requires you give up your own claims. This once again brings about a state of mere tolerance; historically conflicting groups therefore exist in a perpetual state of tension, and this tension is evident in each society. In South Africa it is expressed through violent crime, in Northern Ireland by the Orange marches, and in America more subtly by the growing agitation around affirmative action legislation. Although I am sure

these tensions would be denied by many, they were abundantly clear to me through my encounters. Us vs. Them A query that naturally emanates from this discussion is this: If all institutional oppression has already been removed, and a society has moved from oppression to reconciliation, then what is achieved? My thesis here is that “true” reconciliation is only achieved when the “other” ceases to exist. But this, we know, is impossible. At this point I would like to invoke two theorists to attempt to address these questions and perhaps make one or two suggestions as to how true reconciliation can be worked towards, rather than achieved. First, world renowned social theorist Ulrich Beck confirms that the concepts of “us” and “them” are mechanisms used to construct conventional individual and group identities (Beck has discussed these mechanisms in the context of nationalism, but they also apply to divided societies within national borders). We seem to think that we cannot define ourselves if we have no “other.” Why do terms like “African-American” and “White” even exist? Why am I seen as a “white South African”? Because it seems we as humans have a strong need to identify ourselves. This need, it could be argued, arises out of some historical biological necessity to be-

long to an “in-group” for survival purposes, thereby providing some sense of security. This necessity for identity has evolved to a point where it seems unlikely that we can define ourselves without an “other.” This is a consequence of binary thinking: A thoughtpattern that has paralyzed us for far too long. So long, in fact, it seems intrinsic for humankind to think only in terms of binary oppositions — man-woman, east-west, black-white, Christian-Muslim, CatholicProtestant, good-evil, etc. Binary logic is so easy; it helps us make sense of the world in simple, one-dimensional terms: You are either for us or against us; we have a legitimate claim, therefore yours must be illegitimate; we are right, therefore, you must be wrong. Yet, we have only to look to nature to realize that the world does not operate according to simplistic, one-dimensional binaries. The real world is complex and multi-dimensional and the issues we face in conflicting societies are rarely, if ever, simple cases of right and wrong. Rather, they are complex interplays of idioms that have been brought into conflict because of competition for resources, be it land, access to capital, or political power. Trapped by binary thinking, conflicting societies have found two equally unsatisfactory ways of resolving this issue of “us-versusthem” conflicts. First, by completely wiping out the “other” (as seen throughout history;

for example, the near annihilation of the Native American in the U.S. population to the point of political insignificance), or secondly, by uniting through the creation of another “other.” Examples of this strategy became apparent in all three societies. School teachers reported (with pride sometimes) that black and white American school children were overcoming their differences by ganging up to bully Latin-American pupils. Similarly, Protestant and Catholic pupils in Northern Ireland, as well as Black and White South African children, joined forces to isolate and intimidate new immigrants in their countries. In this way, historically conflicting groups have managed to overcome their differences by creating another “other.” Isn’t this just a perpetual cycle of violation and injustice, which once again creates conditions for a violent, oppressive, and discriminatory future that will require acts of reconciliation? Beck argues that societies should eliminate the binary oppositions marked by the concepts of “us” and “them” by committing to a grand project of cosmopolitanism, where there is no more “us” and “them,” just citizens of the world, “one grand us.” Beck hastens to add that such cosmopolitanism would not mean homogeneity of any kind, but a simultaneous affirmation of cultural, social, and political differences, and a common world or cosmopolitan citizen-

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ship. In practice it would mean intercultural sensitivity for the purpose of enriching differences, while simultaneously recognizing our unavoidable need for cooperation. This is, of course, easier said than done. Lyotard, in turn, suggests that the best possible solution to a situation in which a difference occurs would be to create a new idiom or “language” by means of which previously conflicting groups have a common reference point from which to extract shared norms and values. In its most basic form it involves creating a new idiom with which everybody can identify. Common ground Although this sounds nearly impossible, all three societies have — in a limited way — shown how a common idiom can be created. In the Southern United States, the Blues has played a notable role in the project of reconciliation. The music, artists, and mythology surrounding this wonderful art form have provided many people in the South the means to overcome their narrow idiomatic perspectives and reconcile under a new idiom that transcends the troubles of the past. Some members from both the black and white communities have bought into this art form and it is now seen as “cool” by both sides of the divide. It provides a healthy nucleus around which people can really start communicating, and it is a common area of interest, which has sparked a

thing other than politics and provided a new idiom around which people from all creeds could rally. Northern Ireland showed the way to a new idiom through visual arts as alluded to by Liam Kelly in his book, Thinking Long: Contemporary Art in the North of Ireland. This form of art allows people to rethink the status quo, and once again allows for a new means of communication and, by extension, a new set of “words” to carry out brand new conversations.

Beale Street, Memphis, TN. Home of the Blues and the birthplace of Rock n’ Roll. million different conversations after a long cross-racial silence. On a practical level people like Bill Luckett and Morgan Freeman provide clear examples of how a love for the Blues can overcome historical differences and oppression in favor of a shared passion for an art form. Their co-owned Blues club Ground Zero, aptly named in my opinion, has done more for reconciliation in the South than most politicians. In South Africa, sport has played a similar role. The 1995 Rugby World Cup win allowed a nation freshly out of conflict to focus on some-

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Sadly, these moments of idiomatic transcendence are few and far between in the respective societies. However, they serve as a guiding compass to point us in the right direction. So far, these different mechanisms — music, sport, art — have contributed to the project of reconciliation in an accidental and indirect way. Imagine if we could focus these efforts deliberately and directly on a society struggling with reconciliation. Arts, sports, and music can help us construct new “languages” to overcome differences. They can provide us with novel narratives to create a new sense of shared values. They can create new material symbols with fresh meaning and renewed significance. Finally, they can provide us with other rituals to break the bonds of the past and create a common, shared future. Arts, music, and sport, I say, could potentially do more for reconciliation than any politician or truth and reconciliation commission ever could.

the disease of silence by david meinie Our first stop was the United States of America and we were fortunate enough to be in Washington, D.C., on Independence Day, where we were able to witness the national celebrations. Virtually all the races that make up the diverse American population attended the event. I found it heart-warming to see all these shades together in one enclosure until I took a closer look. All the respective ethnicities seemed to keep to themselves, but I got the feeling that they were all reaching out to be a bona fide part of the United States of America. My dismay was replaced with the hope of good things to come. But, just when I was beginning to see light at the end of the proverbial tunnel, we headed to the Deep South where racism is still very much a part of daily life. Can racism be subtle? It does not exist in a violent or even in a verbal form for the most part. The racism there was subtle — if one can refer to racism as “subtle.” Both black and white seem to have an unwritten rule that talk of racism is a taboo and has been instantaneously swept under the rug. It exists in symbolism and names that are synonymous with slavery. It exists in the censored versions of history and stories that omit the plight of the oppressed. The racism prevalent here could easily be missed by the untrained eye, es-

pecially with all the famous Southern hospitality one receives over there. I managed to talk to a few black Southerners and they assured me that racism is still rife. I asked about mixed friendships and relationships. I was told that mixed friendships are acceptable but relationships between white and black were almost unheard of. America’s Deep South has a disease — the disease is silence. A prerequisite for reconciliation is open, uncensored dialogue but both groups seem to be reluctant to open up those wounds. Our memories are our histories and that makes us who we are. It was difficult for me, a South African from a verbally expressive country, to come to terms with this spiral of silence. The South still has a long road towards reconciliation and it begins with talking about those painful things. In many ways, the racial oppression in America can be likened to the South African struggle but there is one fundamental difference that led to differing success rates in reconciliation: South Africa’s oppressed constituted about 80% of the population. The threat of resistance was therefore much greater to the Apartheid regime. In America, the oppressed group was the minority and, as a result, had less leverage. The socioeconomic climate is homogenous between South Africa’s previously oppressed and those of the Deep South. It is one of perverse inequality, poor housing, and poverty.

A battle for sovereignty Northern Ireland will always be an integral learning experience for me. It was the first time I had witnessed, firsthand, segregation that was not along racial lines. This civil war is often mistaken as a religious war — Catholics versus Protestants. However, I believe it is a political battle for sovereignty and the religious affiliations are purely incidental. The wounds in Northern Ireland are especially fresh, with the last major bombing taking place as recently as 1998. The remnants of “The Troubles” are visible all over cities in Northern Ireland. One vestige of the bloody violence are the peace lines. This turned out to be one of the greatest misnomers I have come across. My initial interpretation was that the peace lines are the designated zones where the two opposing groups can co-exist. The peace lines actually are barbed-wire fencing dividing the town into the two political sides. There is nothing peaceful about it. The situation in Northern Ireland is now marred by political assassinations, but there is an active resistance to reconciliation by people from both political affiliations. They live in the same towns but shop at different complexes and hardly interact with one another. Northern Ireland will probably be the most difficult country to reconcile because people carry this hatred in their hearts and are not inclined to engage in dialogue with the “enemy.” There is

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still a political drive towards a united Ireland by the republican-nationalist group, and the unionist-loyalist group is determined to keep Northern Ireland as a part of the British Empire. All this considered, the situation is still volatile and tolerance first has to be achieved before reconciliation can be actively strived for. Reconciliation in a global setting? Firstly, one has to make a distinction between peace, tolerance, and reconciliation. Peace does not imply reconciliation. It is merely the absence of violence. Tolerance is next on the continuum and refers to a situation where people accept the differences that exist between them. Reconciliation, which lies at the end of this spectrum, transcends both peace and tolerance. It is a multi-tiered concept that fosters a feeling of unity and brotherhood. In a divided society, reconciliation is the point which should be strived towards because any point below this will result in unaddressed animosity that will eventually rear its evil head. In a global context, this is not always an option. For instance, in the Middle East, peace or tolerance may be given a higher priority. However, reconciliation is a process and not a transaction. It is a point that any country, even in the Middle East, is able to achieve given extraordinary leadership. South Africa was fortunate enough to have

experiences of the past. The truth is, reconciliation takes place on an individual level, not the institutional or federal level. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was a good example of cathartic dialogue between victims and transgressors. It is evident that dialogues of this nature, in most cases, yield some form of closure and bring us closer to the point of reconciliation. One should not view reconciliation in a one-dimensional form. It is not A “no violence” sign displayed in a window in Northern Ireland. just about forgiveness. visionary leaders in the form of Nelson It is the eradication of not only hostility, but Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu to also the socioeconomic and geographic mediate the process of integration. Because barriers that exist between the oppressed South Africa has set a benchmark in the and the oppressors. A recurring question area of reconciliation, it is easy to assume on the Trent Lott Leadership Programme that the nation has been reconciled. This is has been: “Can I reconcile with you on an not the case. The process of reconciliation empty stomach while you enjoy the benefits was institutionalized and, unfortunately, was of my pain?” It is much easier to forgive not accessible to everyone. It did set the when the oppressing parties are on a level tone for self-reflection and to emulate the playing field. It was interesting to note that, forgiving qualities of our then president. On in all three countries, the process of integrathe downside, many individuals were unable tion has been much more successful in the to reconcile themselves with the painful middle- to upper-income groups.

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Personal reflection I have grown phenomenally as a person in merely five weeks and have had an epic paradigm shift as to what my place in society is. I started with ambitions to pursue a coveted place in the corporate world of investment banking. The Lott Leadership Programme has evoked the humanitarian in me. When one looks deeper into the core of divided societies, it becomes evident that the divisions transcend the socio-political level. The real disparaging divisions manifest themselves on the socioeconomic front. Of major concern to me is that the previously oppressed groups are still subject to inferior education systems. In the case of both South Africa and the Deep South, affirmative action was instituted to address socioeconomic imbalances. However, if the people whom it is supposed to benefit are lagging on the education front, they will stand a lesser chance of entering tertiary institutions and, ultimately, be unable to benefit from affirmative action. As a device, affirmative action is a necessary tool to bring about equality, but in isolation, it is not a solution. It is a temporary measure that must be eradicated once social equality is achieved. What needs to be done is to standardize the national education system to a level where there is little or no discrepancy between historically disadvantaged schools, especially in the areas of mathematics and science. If the governments fail to address

this crisis I fear that the youth, and countries alike, face ominous futures. I propose a possible solution that will require partnerships between the central government, the private sector, and educators that will be beneficial to all parties. Of late, companies have become compelled to invest responsibly in the communities in which they operate. It is a growing trend known as corporate social responsibility intended to uplift communities. I envision a program where these companies get involved in investing in the restoration and building of new schools in impoverished areas. In lieu of the skills shortage, the companies can even devise specialized courses that would ensure that these learners would be employable. In addition to this, there needs to be a national drive to get educators back into these schools. The implementation of a project of this scale would take visionary leadership, especially getting all parties to the table. People interpret social reconciliation in a multitude of ways. An important theme for me is socioeconomic justice. This ties in with my stance on education. What is vital is a societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacity to accumulate wealth. What we are dealing with today is not the legalistic or structural segregation of oppressive regimes, but rather the legacy of social deprivation left behind. With the

emergence of a black middle-class in South Africa, we have shied away from the fact that the lower economic class is growing at a faster rate. South Africa still has one of the highest levels of inequality in the world. While it is disheartening to hear, it is necessary to say that the reforms implemented thus far have been a failure. This has become my passion, my calling. I have made a conscious decision to give back to the impoverished communities that gave birth to me and invested in me. I have learned the true value and meaning of selflessness. I have had the honor of meeting some inspiring individuals who were selfless in their own causes for achieving greater equality, and it will be an honor to leave a legacy of goodwill as they have done. The area I now wish to pursue is the formulation of inclusive economic policy and the subsequent implementation of these policies in order to rectify socioeconomic imbalances. Many people ask me how I feel about the possibility of not realizing this dream in my lifetime. Well, if I do not live to see it to its fruition, at least the seeds will have been sown so that the next generation will not have to agonize over this particular battle. Nelson Mandela and his counterparts fought the political battle so that we do not have to.

A luta continua (the struggle continues)

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economic growth, prosperity, and the challenges of reconciliation by gaudence nyirabikali Wh e re a s a re c o n c i l iat i o n p ro c e s s , among other things, builds on a historical analysis, recognition of injustices, and moral responsibility where it is due, as well as forgiveness, its aims consist in the restoration of positive, healthy relationships among erstwhile opponents, promotion of justice, and the building of long-term structures to sustain peaceful and interdependent relationships across all levels of a society.1 In a renewed structural change towards peaceful relationships, equitable economic and social policies play an important role in addressing both the root causes of conflict and its consequences, while ensuring an interdependent future. As Mari Fitzduff puts it, “Most of today’s conflicts are subnational, and caused by the inability or the unwillingness of governments to ensure that there is recognition of equity, exemplified through structural, political, and economic issues that serve communities equally.”2 From this foundational assumption that equitable socio-economic structures constitute one of the pillars in a reconciliation process, it follows that patterns of economic prosperity and growth have to reflect the commitment or efforts conceded toward more just and distributive policies. Economic growth and prosperity should sustain the transformation of sociopolitical structures that are identified as conflict generating. In addition to a short 56 | university of ulster 2008

literature review, this report tries to capture how these issues are addressed in the three societies of the study. The Reconciliation Process: Concepts and Elements for Strategy Three main objectives of a reconciliation process are indicated above as restoration of relationships, promotion of justice, and provision of long-term structures sustaining peaceful relationships. How these objectives are achieved constitute the process of reconciliation. The following insights about strategies and concepts are devised with reference to the works of John Paul Lederach (1997), Charles Villa-Vicencio (2004), Brandon Hamber (2004), Benjamin J. Broome (1993), and Joseph V. Montville (1993). The restoration of healthy relationships can be achieved through a commitment to restraint, willingness to engage in genuine dialogue, a relational empathy permitting understanding and acceptance of differences, generosity of spirit and taking risk …,3 all these qualities developed through individual and community interactions since without encounter and communication there is no reconciliation. At the interpersonal level particularly, reconciliation seeks to engage one another in the construction of an inclusive society based on human dignity, mutual respect and social justice. This brings up a distinction between interpersonal and

Political painting in Northern Ireland political reconciliation whereby the former is concerned with communication and forgiveness among individuals and communities while the latter focuses on establishing the basis for a durable peace by promoting mutual understanding and trust among different political groups, institution building, and the tackling of identified root causes of the conflict. Political reconciliation builds on mutual acceptance, acknowledgement,

and validation (confirmation). Trust building is promoted through confirmation, which implies â&#x20AC;&#x153;acceptance of the other personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fundamental values and the worth of the person him (her) self.â&#x20AC;?4 Political reconciliation permits a refocusing on an interdependent future instead of revenge, and is necessary to avoid further polarization and relapse into violence that would result in additional human suffering. The notion of justice in a reconciliation process relates to a comprehensive view which encompasses a wide range of activities including its usual meaning of accountability and retribution, but also a concern for building up an interdependent society based on the rule of law, respect for human rights, and peaceful co-existence. On the institutional side, this implies a well- functioning and fair judicial system, truth and reconciliation commissions, amnesty programs, human rights commissions, and any other mechanism alleviating prejudice. Institutions building and structural change: Whereas conflict materializes through relationships and interactions (or lack thereof), its root causes extend to the social, economic, and political structures of concerned societies. Needed socioeconomic and political changes fall within political reconciliation, and include equitable economic and social strategies.

Barbed wire separates sections of Belfast, Northern Ireland. Insights for a Reconciliation Strategy Not withstanding the relevance of case specific strategies depending on the context and conflict dynamics, some common guidelines emerge for a reconciliation strategy: The goal of reconciliation is the rebuilding of constructive and collaborative relationships within a society previously torn apart

by conflict, through mechanisms that promote interaction with one another, and within a vision of a common future based on equality and human rights. In the three societies visited, this goal was defined in the 1964 Civil Rights Act for the USA, the 1998 Good Friday Agreement for Northern Ireland, and in the interim Constitution that paved the way to democracy in South Africa. university of ulster 2008 | 57

Political reconciliation as a prerequisite for a sustainable interpersonal reconciliation: By laying a supportive infrastructure through institutional change that promotes the rule of law, social justice, and democratic governance, the political sphere sets a backbone for interpersonal reconciliation and community development. Although political and interpersonal reconciliation can be undertaken simultaneously, their success hinges ultimately on political reconciliation. This is particularly evident in the U.S. South where, in spite of federal legislation and community work through mainly church organizations, the lack of further supportive legislation and policies at state level to reinforce the implementation of the Civil Rights Act has limited the potential impact of those other efforts invested in the desegregation and promotion of equal opportunities. Notwithstanding the importance of complementarity and participation of all levels, policy making and policy review to provide guidance and support action on the ground is necessary. A shared understanding of the historical past: Both political and interpersonal levels must strive for a shared understanding of the historical past that lies behind the conflict in order to create a common history, “setting records right,” for both present and future generations. It is this shared understanding that sustains memory, acknowl58 | university of ulster 2008

edgement, and a tacit agreement to move on in an inclusive society. The point here is not only for uncovering the truth and for gaining recognition, but also, and mainly, for reaching a consensus on and, if necessary, correcting the published historical record. With regard to the societies visited — but also valid for all societies that have experienced divisions — this point underlines the crucial role of education in the development of a culture of peace and responsible citizenship. Education systems (both formal and informal) should include peace, human rights, and citizenship education. In Northern Ireland, for example, besides the promotion of integrated education, education policies emphasize the provision of opportunities for the two main traditions (Catholics and Protestants) to learn about each other while also opening up to other diversities and encouraging cross community interaction and cooperation as well as recognition and respect for cultural diversity.5 A balance between retribution and the building of a new society: Reconciliation suggests the creation of a social space for truth and mercy (forgiveness), justice and peace. The fragility of transitional systems requires a right balance between the demands for retribution and the building of a new society. It also requires the introduction of needed socio-political changes with-

out provoking a relapse into violence. While South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission is widely considered a success story, Northern Ireland is wisely deliberating the creation of such a commission. Creation of a third culture: A new start and the need for new relationships imply change, not only of institutions, but also change of attitudes, perceptions, and values at the individual and community levels. These changes are possible through the mobilization of psychological attributes, such as relational empathy, acknowledgement, confirmation, forgiveness, etc. Equity and the Challenges for Reconciliation Within a renewed commitment toward a common future, equitable social and economic policies are important for an inclusive society with a concern for eradicating prejudice and promoting participation. This suggests a policy-making system that reflects on the reconciliation requirements if it is supportive of the reconciliation process. In a discussion paper prepared by the Nelson A. Rockefeller College of Public Affairs & Policy (2003), social equity was defined as “a form of justice that accumulates through greater citizen access to structures of government and community development … social equity accrues through lively

Sinn Fein is the major party of Irish republicanism in Northern Ireland. The name is from the Gaelic expression “We Ourselves.” dialogue with public officials where parties share ideas, concerns, and expertise in order to develop a common understanding of issues and a vision of what can be done.”6 Exemplified in the Rochester Model called Neighbors Building Neighborhoods (NBN), the authors found that participative governance and interdependent service delivery

approaches promoted social equity by improving capacity among citizens (“skilling people up”) and affecting their ability to recognize and seize opportunities, thereby also improving economic development (Ibid). The Rochester participatory model presents credible insights that could apply in both South Africa and the U.S. South with

regard to skilling people up, job creation, and poverty reduction. Furthermore, and particularly in the case of South Africa, participatory governance emphasizing dialogue with concerned interest groups and public policy consultation may ease tensions surrounding the envisaged land reforms. For Northern Ireland, the same model may university of ulster 2008 | 59

provide insights for more effectiveness as inclusion and participatory governance are already a factor. Kaushik Basu (2006) argues for a “participatory equity” which he defines as a sense of belonging and having certain basic rights as a citizen.7 Demonstrating how social identity is linked to poverty, Basu finds that consideration of people’s social identity in

policy making improves the effectiveness of policy instruments towards economic development. Since “markets are no guarantee against community- or race-based discrimination,” 8 determined government action is needed to both curb such inequalities and correct the market’s unfairness. Some of the proposed “affirmative actions” include subsidized education and capital for disadvantaged groups. In the same vein,

“Hidden Treasures” painted on a brick wall on Beverly Street, Belfast, Northern Ireland. 60 | university of ulster 2008

the OECD Deputy Secretary General also dismissed “the slim model of minimal state involvement and free markets solutions” as promoters of social equity suitable for all countries, concluding that “what works or doesn’t work is deeply dependent on the social and political context.”9 Northern Ireland already applies the welfare state benefits to ensure satisfaction of basic needs for all. Free education up to secondary level is guaranteed for all children. In this era of thrust towards the achievement of the Millennium goals, education should be made accessible to all. A reasonable level of state action even in the most liberal economies should be mandatory to ensure availability of and access to basic services, such as housing, health care, and education. Reflecting on Northern Ireland, South Africa, and the Southern USA A common denominator for these three societies is found in their efforts to overcome segregation, social inequalities, and divisions that developed in the past. In Northern Ireland, parties to conflict committed themselves to a common and interdependent future through the 1998 peace agreement, which among other things paved the way to power-sharing governance. In South Africa, the change of political system from Apartheid to democratic governance in 1994 marked a turning point towards an inclusive and interdependent society. In the

Southern USA, the reconciliation process was underpinned by the adoption of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. In addition to political inclusion, institutions such as the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council and Invest Northern Ireland, provide examples of public efforts toward the promotion of social and economic equity while the Northern Ireland Equality Commission strives to ensure equal opportunities in employment. Whereas policy making in Northern Ireland and South Africa reflects on the reconciliation process, there is a lack of substantial policy improvement needed to sustain the racial desegregation process in the Southern USA. Existing efforts towards desegregation are mostly borne by the community and individuals. Such efforts are portrayed through organizations like the Winter Institute, the Tutwiler Community Center, as well as church organizations like Voice of Calvary Ministries in Jackson. While there is a visible community contribution to the reconciliation process in both Northern Ireland and the Southern USA, such efforts are still at their embryonic stage in the South African context. A reconciliation process entails coming together and collaboration in the building of a common and interdependent future, both at the political and community levels. In the same vein, Michael Murray and Brendan

Murtagh (2004) proposed that in order to enhance the progression from violence and inequality toward political stability and social cohesion, equity was to be â&#x20AC;&#x153;intimately connected to diversity and interdependence in order to build the sort of radical agenda required to address deepening social, ethnic, and spatial tensions in divided societies.â&#x20AC;?10 There is a need to reinforce the collaboration aspect in both the South African

and Southern USA contexts as the evidence on the ground rather indicates one side of the conflict as sitting in the driverâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s seat while the other side is taken for a ride with no real engagement towards collaborative relationships. In the South African case, for example, the first democratic government ensured participation of major parties with six ministers from the National Party, three ministers from the Inkatha Freedom Party,

Political wall mural in Belfast, Northern Ireland. university of ulster 2008 | 61

and an ANC majority. The current government only includes two non-ANC ministers out of its twenty-eight portfolios. Although democratic principles acknowledge the practice of winner-take-all, proportional representation is found more supportive of reconciliation processes in the sense that it allows participation of a wide range of diverse groups, hence increasing opportunity for representation, dialogue, and consensus building in policy making. __________________ Endnotes 1 John Paul Lederach (1997), Building Peace – Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies. United States Institute of Peace: Washington DC. 2 Martina Fisher (2004), Recovering from Violent Conflict: Regeneration and (Re-) Integration as Elements of Peace building. Berghof Research

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Center for Constructive Conflict Management, p. 3. 3 Charles Villa-Vicencio & Erik Doxtader, eds. (2004), Pieces of the Puzzle – Keywords on Reconciliation and Transitional Justice. Institute for Justice and Reconciliation: Cape Town, South Africa. Also Benjamin J. Broome (1993), “Managing differences in conflict resolution: The role of relational empathy” in Dennis J.D. Sandole & Hugo van der Merwe eds. (1993), Conflict Resolution – Theory and Practice, Integration and Application: Manchester University Press, pp. 97 - 111. 4 Joseph V. Montville (1993), ”The healing function in political conflict resolution” in Sandole & Van der Merwe eds. op. cit., p. 115. 5 Northern Ireland Government,department of Education. Available at: www.deni.gov.uk/ index/20-community_relations_pg.htm. Retrieved on 14/08/2008. 6 Sydney Cresswell et al. (2003), Fostering Social Equity and Economic Opportunity through

Citizen Participation – A Discussion Paper Prepared for the National League of Cities: University at Albany, USA, p.6. 7 Kaushik Basu (2006), Participatory Equity, Identity, and Productivity: Policy Implications for Promoting Development: CAE Working Paper # 6-06, Cornell University, New York, p.2. 8 Basu, op. cit., p. 9 9 Remarks by Mr Seiichi Kondo, OECD Deputy Secretary General, at the Global Forum on Social Equity, Economic Growth, and Good Governance: Johannesburg, South Africa, 23rd November 2001, p.3. 10 Michael Murray & Brendan Murtagh (2004), Equity, Diversity and Interdependence – Reconnecting Governance and People through Authentic Dialogue: Ashgate Publishing Ltd, Aldershot, England, p.7.

Background Photo: Belfast Harbor, Northern Ireland

race, religion, and reconciliation by lucy ladira The theme of the third Trent Lott Leadership Programme, that took place between 2nd July and 3rd August 2008, was Race, Religion, and Reconciliation. The connection between the three is very appropriate, timely, and true in light of the current and past conflicts going on worldwide. The three societies we were privileged to visit had all experienced at least two, if not all three, aspects during their conflicted past. Communities of the USA The U.S. leg of the trip was about race and religion. In the Southern USA I found out about the “base” of segregation. The communities we visited, like Rome and Tutwiler, were very telling in the experiences they had and what changes (or not) they were undergoing. I saw a demoralized community in Rome and a very hopeful and persevering one in Tutwiler. These cities were so near Oxford, yet so far removed from the amenities and developments Oxford was enjoying. Pastor Braggs and his wife are the beacons of hope for the Rome community. But it was a disheartening moment when he narrated how he invited white pastors to preach in his church but they had never invited him to reciprocate. He also commented that the white section of the community did not participate in the projects he initiated. Religion, in a way, kept the communities at

Mural depicting Blues musicians painted on a brick wall in Leland, Mississippi. Rome and Tutwiler hopeful for the future. It makes Karl Marx’s saying about religion being the opium of the masses ring true. When one is intoxicated with opium, one gains a certain kind of courage and fearlessness that one may not have had with a “sober” state of mind. The organization in Tutwiler was not receiving any financial assistance from the government despite the enormous contribution it was making to the community. It brought back how the government in my country pays lip service to how it wants reconcili-

ation to take place without supporting the “small” ventures that enhance reconciliation. In the Southern United States, one of the ways African-Americans used to escape the mental anguish of segregationist policies was through Blues music. Dr. Adam Gussow said that Blues music was a mixture of truth and fantasy; the songs were also about metaphorical places because people were hindered from moving. Prominent in the songs were places like the River Jordan, Babylon and Zion.1 They were a catharsis representing what one wouldn’t live out.

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going through my mind was whether the clause in the Good Friday Agreement — about the future of Northern Ireland being decided by the Irish — was not just one of those “hot air” political promises that are made in times of compromise to silence the masses. As we toured West Belfast2, I couldn’t help but notice a sort of helplessness in the eyes of certain people. Our tour guide informed us that there was a problem of drug abuse in the area. He attributed this to the despair and the effects of “The Troubles” on the Catholic community. He said that some people also used this as an excuse for engaging in such destructive activities.3

Political painting commemorating the Good Friday Agreement signed in Belfast in 1998. The case of Northern Ireland The case of Northern Ireland concerned religion, politics, and the dynamics of reconciliation. The Northern Ireland conflict is not about religion. It is about identity and place with religious undertones. “The Troubles” have settled but the apparatus still remains. These include peace lines, high police fences, army forts, and surveillance cars on the streets. In 1998, the Good Friday Agreement was signed. It provided an administrative struc64 | university of ulster 2008

ture for Northern Ireland. The Agreement was made in purposefully ambiguous language to allow for flexibility of future arrangements or negotiations given the fact that some issues like governance and devolution had been left to a future date. Reconciliation in Northern Ireland is still very much a work in progress. Duncan Morrow, the Community Relations Council Chief Executive, said the nature of authority in Northern Ireland is still very much contested. But the question that kept

I learned that the people of Northern Ireland are a resilient lot and that there are also those that are still very angry about the past. But as Denis Murray (formerly of the BBC) told us, my visit to the Free Derry Museum revealed that there were those that didn’t think or even feel that reconciliation of the two communities was necessary. During the tour I asked Eamonn (who took us through a history of the museum) whether he saw the museum as an instrument of reconciliation. He said no and he didn’t care. His job was to tell the nationalist side of the story. Period. And that he didn’t care whether this fostered reconciliation or not.4

Another side of South Africa My idea of South Africa as a country that overcame a difficult past has been based on how it is now emulated by so many countries.5 The movie Between Joyce and Remembrance exposed the side of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that most of us outside South Africa may not get to see, let alone experience. It was a film about Joyce, the mother of Siphiwe Mthimkhulu, a slain ANC student leader. It showed her struggle to come to terms with the death of her son and the fact that the man who confessed to killing him was not remorseful, and refused to tell the Commission and Joyce who had poisoned her son before her son was shot some weeks later.6 As we toured the townships, I was overcome by a feeling of profound sadness. I saw graves, new graves, and bodies that were still being buried as we passed by. The tour guide explained that the funeral parlor business was big in South Africa due to the AIDS epidemic. I even saw a funeral loan company.7 I had a very enlightening experience during this trip. I saw the other side of the U.S. that I had never imagined existed; I had the opportunity to identify with people outside my country: their pains, their hurts, and their hopes. As someone who hails from northern Uganda — where there has been a civil war for the last 21 years — I can have hope that at some point things will be all right, that my

friends and relatives will return home from the depressing internal displacement camps to which they have been herded in for so many years. I once again had hope that all will be well. That where there is life, there is hope. And that what doesn’t kill you only makes you stronger. __________________ Endnotes 1 Notice that all these are Biblical places, thus enhancing the role of religion. 2 This is a predominantly catholic area of Belfast. Most of the Protestants live on the other side. 3 Our tour guide was a man called Paddy. He was an ex-IRA man who had spent 15 years in prison for being an IRA. He, however, wasn’t bitter about his time in prison. He told us that the majority of prisoners used this time to revisit their roots, for example, by furthering their education. He said that most prisoners used this time to learn the Irish language and read books on a variety of subjects. He actually amazed me with knowledge of African and Ugandan affairs that even some of my lecturers didn’t know. 4 But I must say I respected his honesty and the fact that he didn’t care about political correctness. He seemed to speak from the heart and this was a change from some of the people we had met who were not in a position to speak their minds (like the gentleman at the Apprentice Boys who, as we left, said he wished he could tell us his mind and be honest. I could only speculate that he meant that he would have told us more than the politically correct talk he gave

us about the activities of the organization). 5 This view is from the lessons I have had as a Master’s student in transitional justice studies. 6 What struck me about the movie was the idea of forgiveness. How do we forgive those that have wronged us and our families? At what point in time can we say that it’s time to forgive and live together? Is there a time when we can actually live together in the same community and live side by side without remembering the wrongs visited upon us by the other side? At what point does forgiveness become impunity? Where people get away with atrocious crimes committed against the masses? Does the government or even a Truth Commission have the power to decide on behalf of victims what to do with perpetrators? Isn’t forgiveness more a moral issue than political? Will what the TRC did some day backfire? All these are questions I came back with and which I hope time and future events will answer for me. 7 My understanding of funerals in Africa is that funerals are a family and community affair. Where I come from, if a member of a village died, it was a practice that people would turn up for the vigil or burial with foodstuffs and drinks for the mourners. I don’t remember a time when one had to get a loan to fund a funeral. I reflected on how much culture had been eroded (in my view) by what South Africa had gone through and was still very much going through. It was a sad time for me also because that I have lost almost half of my close relatives to HIV/AIDS, including my only brother who was 24 when he died in April.

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reconciliation: only a ‘buzz word’? by sahala aroussi During the last decade, reconciliation has emerged as the “buzz word” and the magic cure for all the ailments of transitional societies. Generally speaking, reconciliation becomes central after conflicts, wide-scale violence, or gross human rights violations. Defining reconciliation can be difficult since the concept is both broad and abstract. Jeremy Sarkin and Erin Daly argue that reconciliation refers to the “coming together of things that once were united but have been torn asunder.”1 Simon Chesterman contends that reconciliation is about relationship building in the community, restoring the social harmony, forgiveness and healing.2 Yasir Arafat simply defined reconciliation as peace.3 Investigating reconciliation Reconciliation is intrinsically linked to the issue of justice for victims of atrocities. Transitional governments often face difficult choices regarding how to respond to past violations since silence, blanket amnesties, inaction, or denial could mean a return to hostilities.4 Silence or inaction, as Eugena Zorba explained, makes governments “complicit bystanders to the perpetrators of yesterday.”5 Yet, designing justice mechanisms in the aftermath of a conflict is a challenging task in view of the limited judicial capacities and the threat that wholesale prosecutions present to peace.

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Memorial to reconciliation in Durban, South Africa Sarah L. Well argues that the issue of accountability also raises questions as to whether prosecution, facts, and punishment are the kind of justice that victims need.6 Naomi R. Cahn points out that traditional criminal legal responses, because of their selectivity, backward-looking effect, and limited capacities, are inadequate, undesirable, or untenable.7 For these reasons South Africa has opted for a restorative justice mechanism called the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that aims at achieving justice and promoting national reconcilia-

tion.8 The Commission offers amnesty in exchange for the truth and the possibility of forgiveness. The Commission’s slogan indicates that “truth is the road to reconciliation.” Truth telling has healing and cathartic benefits. Binaifer Nowrojee explains that truth telling serves to condemn the atrocities committed, restore the victims’ dignity, and restore the moral values within societies.9 The TRC has the power to order material reparation for victims. Reparation is a basic feature of restorative justice assumed within the principle of repairing the

harm.10 Christopher Muttukumaru argues that it has been “increasingly recognized that reparation could contribute to [the] process of national reconciliation.”11 However, the South African experience carefully studied revealed that truth telling is not always the answer for reconciliation. Some victims are not willing to forgive and some perpetrators are not looking for forgiveness. It also uncovered that unearthing the truth might lead, in some cases, to a hardening of attitudes and violence. Yet the biggest pitfall of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission — as the senior South African Judge Ronnie Pillay helpfully pointed out — is related to the failure of the government to provide the reparations decided by the Commission. Looking at this issue, Ellen Waldman argues that the lesson learned from the South African experience suggests that for reconciliation to happen, “the short term therapeutic balm achieved through victim-offender encounters must be followed by concrete material compensation.”12 Finally, the issue of amnesties granted by the Commission to perpetrators of gross human rights violations can arguably be considered as legally and morally problematic. Nonetheless, the benefit of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in terms of justice and reconciliation cannot be overemphasized. Governments have to deal with the past and respond to victims’ needs

of justice as a condition for reconciliation. This is why, within Mississippi decades after the Civil Rights Movement, people have started to call for the instigation of a truth commission for Mississippi.13 Similarly, in Northern Ireland, the government’s silence on the issue of justice has triggered the debate on the need for a truth and reconciliation commission.14 What is reconciliation really? However, reconciliation is not only about justice, truth telling, a symbolic handshake between two leaders, or an exchange of hugs between a victim and his or her perpetrator. Reconciliation is intrinsically linked to the concept of positive peace. This concept, according to David Barash and Charles Webel “refers to a social condition in which exploitation is minimized or eliminated and in which there is neither overt violence nor more subtle phenomenon of underlying structural violence.”15 Ho-Won Jeong argues that long-term, or positive, peace will only be achieved by the construction of a just society.16 The link between peace and equality has also come to be recognized at the United Nations level.17 Traveling through Mississippi and South Africa, one cannot help but notice the appalling conditions in which the majority of the victims of the past continue to live. Lack of basic amenities, as well as less access to education, health, and housing is the norm rather than

the exception. Both the U.S. and South Afri can governments have provided for formal legal equality and individual rights for those marginalized in the past, yet this approach to equality presupposes an empowered and autonomous subject of the law capable of understanding and vindicating their rights.18 It also presupposes that states are willing to recognize, provide, and respond to the rights claimed.19 For instance, without providing a free and accessible education of good standard, the equal right to education merely becomes an empty jargon. Without helping those marginalized by past regimes to catch up with those who have been beneficiaries of an unjust system, the whole concept of rights and equality becomes meaningless. Both the U.S. and the South African governments have opted for the strategy of affirmative action as a way of enhancing equality. This strategy, if applied correctly, has merits, yet affirmative action — if misunderstood or incorrectly applied — risks hampering the process of reconciliation and giving substantial support to racial claims. Both in South Africa and the U.S. there are claims that affirmative action has led to people accessing jobs without the requisite qualifications. Meanwhile, the majority of the victims cannot benefit from affirmative action without the minimum education and skills to apply for jobs that employ affirmative action in the first place. Governments must invest in

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today’s South Africa, class and economic reconciliation are yet to be achieved. Darby and MacGinty stressed the importance of moving away from an elite, driven society towards a fair and more distributive society. They argued that “in South Africa the inability to deliver either economic regeneration or greater social equality has led to a growing sense of disillusion with peace itself.” 21 Failing to address these structural violence issues and to respond to the victims’ economic needs will, as Brandon Hamber has put it, reduce reconciliation to President L. B. Johnson signing the Civil Rights Act, 1964 “a complex modern foil used to processes that go beyond affirmative action market unfavorable compromises made durand formal legal reforms to achieve a just ing political negotiations.” 22 society since the impact of this on reconciliation is immense. In Northern Ireland the British government has demonstrated some sense of underEllen Waldman’s work on reconciliation with standing of the importance of economic and the victims of Apartheid has concluded that social rights and that economic prosperity “psychological healing cannot be separated together with a more equal distribution of from the immediate problems of survival” wealth creates a fertile ground for reconand that “a perpetrator’s apology on its ciliation. Organizations such as Invest in own cannot substitute for the stolen disNorthern Ireland are one way of trying to advantage that maintains the perpetrator bring prosperity to a poor and disadvanin a position of socioeconomic superiority taged region. The government’s support and plunges the victim in a continual state for education, housing, and health care of want.”20 Judge Pillay suggested that in stands in contrast with the reality of life of

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many people living in Mississippi and South Africa. Organizations such as the Equality Commission and the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission play the role of the government’s human rights watchdogs to ensure that no further discrimination is being perpetrated through government policies or by public or private institutions. However, experiences in Northern Ireland have revealed that the British government’s strategy of equality and human rights was arguably not enough to achieve reconciliation. Northern Ireland has remained by and large a highly segregated society in every aspect of life. Yasir Arafat once said that peace is not a written agreement between political leaders but rather “reconciliation between two people.”23 For reconciliation to happen between people, a platform for dealing with the past has proven to be crucial. The failure ofthe government to deal with the past in Northern Ireland has left many victims unreconciled and still looking for truth, acknowledgement, a meaningful apology, and reparation. To conclude, drawing from the Lott experiences, it is clear that the journey to reconciliation is rather long and multi-layered. It becomes certain, too, that though there is no single road map for this journey, it is absolutely necessary that the latter involve mechanisms for dealing with the past and strategies for achieving a just society.

Endnotes Jeremy Sarkin and Erin Daly, “Too Many Questions, Too Few Answers: Reconciliation in Transitional Societies” (2003-2004) 35 Columbia Human Rights Law Review 665 2 Simon Chesterman, “Rough Justice: Establishing the role of law in post-conflict territories” (2005) 20 Ohio State Journal of Dispute Resolution 71 3 Yasir Arafat, “The Palestinian vision of peace,” NY Times (3 February 2002) <http://query. nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9507E0D6 173DF930A35751C0A9649C8B63> accessed 13 August 2008. 4 Martha Minow, “Between vengeance and forgiveness: facing history after genocide and mass violence” (Beacon Press, Boston 1998) 5. 5 Eugina Zorbas, “Reconciliation in post genocide Rwanda” (2004-2005) 1 African Journal of Legal Studies 30 6 Sarah L. Wells, “Gender, Sexual Violence and Prospect for Justice at the Gacaca Court in Rwanda” (2004-2005) 14 Southern California Review of Law & Women Studies 194 7 Naomi Cahn, “Beyond Retribution: Responding to War Crimes of Sexual Violence” (2005) 1 Stanford Journal of Civil Rights & Civil Liberties 217 8 The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission was established in accordance with the Promotion of National Unity Act of 1995. Information about the Commission and its report are available at < http://www.info.gov. za/otherdocs/2003/trc/1_1.pdf> accessed 13 August 2008 1

Binaifer Nowrojee, “Making the invisible war crime visible: post conflict justice for Sierra Leone rape victims” (2005) 18 Harvard Human Rights Law Journal 104 10 Heather Strang and Lawrence W. Sherman, “Repairing the Harm, Victims and Restorative Justice” (2003) 1 Utah Law Review 24 11 Christopher Muttukumaru, “Reparation to Victims” in Roy S. Lee (ed) The International Criminal Court the making of the Rome statute Issues, Negotiations, Results (Kluwer Law International, The Hague 1999) 264 12 Ellen A. Waldman “Healing hearts or righting wrongs: a mediation on the goals of restorative justice” (2003-2004) 25 Hamline Journal of Public Law and Policy 371; 13 This matter was referred to by David Molina from William Winter Institute of Racial Reconciliation in his lecture to the Trent Lott Scholars on the 9th of July 2008 in Oxford Mississippi. See also Howard Ball, “It’s time Mississippi established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission”, George Mason University’s history news network (29 August 2006) < http://hnn.us/articles/29718.html> accessed 6 August 2008 14 Christine Bell, ‘Dealing with the past in Northern Ireland’ (2002) 26 Fordham International Law Journal 1095; also Brandon Hamber, “Rights and Reasons: Challenges for a truth recovery in South Africa and Northern Ireland” (2002) 26 Fordham International Law Journal 1074; 15 David P. Barash and Charles P. Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies (Sage Pub. LTD, London 2002) 6 16 Jeong, Ho-Won, Approaches to peacebuild9

ing (Palgrave Macmillan, London 2002) 62 17 See United Nations, “Peace is inextricably linked with equality between men and women” (8 March 2000) SC/6816 <http://www.un.org/ News/Press/docs/2000/20000308.sc6816.doc. html> accessed 13 August 2008 18 Jack Donnelly, “The social construction of international human rights” in Tim Dunne and Nicholas J.Wheeler (eds) Human rights in global politics (Cambridge University Press, 1999) 80 19 Julie Mertus, “Improving the status of women in the wake of war: overcoming structural obstacles” (2003) 41 Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 546 20 Ellen A. Waldman “Healing hearts or righting wrongs: a mediation on the goals of restorative justice” (2003-2004) 25 Hamline Journal of Public Law and Policy 368, 371 21 John Darby and Roger MacGinty, “Peace processes, present and future” in John Darby and Roger MacGinty (eds), Contemporary Peacemaking Conflict Violence and Peace Processes (Palgrave Macmillan, UK 2003) 264. 22 Brandon Hamber, “Dealing with the past, rights and reason: challenges to truth recovery in South Africa and Northern Ireland” (20022003) 26 Fordham International Law Journal 1074 23 Yasir Arafat has said that “peace is not a written agreement between individuals; it is reconciliation between two peoples.” See Yasir Arafat, “the Palestinian vision of peace,” NY Times (3 February 2002) <http://query.nytimes.com/gst/ fullpage.html?res=9507E0D6173DF930A35751 C0A9649C8B63> accessed 13 August 2008.

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my experience: a reflection by claire magill I remember feeling shocked, I found it unthinkable physically ill, ashamed for the to write this paper place I was from. so close to the tenth anniversary of the In her statement on this year’s Omagh bombing — the single tenth anniversary, President worst atrocity of “The Troubles” Mary McAleese wrote that in in Northern Ireland — without rethe aftermath of the bombing flecting on how the awful events “the people of Omagh, drawof that day influenced attitudes ing on support from all over towards peace and reconciliation Ireland and indeed all over in this place. Twenty nine people the world, demonstrated that were killed and hundreds injured the will towards peace and when a car bomb planted by reconciliation embodied in the the Real IRA exploded in a busy agreement was stronger and shopping area of the town — six more powerful than any bomb miles from the Ulster-American or bullet, or any attempt by Folk Park we visited — shortly afthe few to drag us back into ter 3 p.m. on Saturday, 15th Authe futility of violence and divigust 1998. The dead were Protsion.”2 Ten years on, and forestant, Catholic, and Mormon, tunately peace has taken root, from Northern Ireland, the Rehowever dissident republicans public, and Spain; among them Political statement displayed on the side of a building in Belfast. continue their attempts to diswere nine children and a young fledgling peace process. However, accordrupt the peace process.3 On this, the tenth woman heavily pregnant with twins. ing to Denis Murray, the BBC journalist we anniversary, what can we learn from Omagh met with in Belfast, “the bombers achieved about the lived experience of reconciliaThe bomb went off just four months after one thing — not their alleged political end tion? The legacies of Omagh have much to the signing of the Good Friday (or Belfast) of uniting Ireland politically — but of uniting tell us about the importance of issues often Agreement, an agreement of immense all of the people of Ireland in disgust — at associated with reconciliation, such as truth political significance for the people of the their out-of-the-past, unthinking stupidity.”1 and justice. In December 2007, Sean Hoey, whole island of Ireland, north and south, I was nineteen at the time, just back from the only person to be charged with murwhich, it was hoped, would mark a new a year abroad, and full of excitement about der in connection with the bombing, was era of peace and reconciliation in Northheading off to Scotland to start university. cleared of twenty-nine counts of murder ern Ireland. The bombers’ intention was to News of the bombing shook me to the core; and twenty-seven further terrorist charges.4 undermine the agreement and derail the 70 | university of ulster 2008

Writing in the Belfast Telegraph on the tenth anniversary of the atrocity, former Police Ombudsman Dame Nuala O’Loan said that it “is most unlikely that anyone will ever be successfully prosecuted.”5 But is reconciliation possible in the absence of justice? In the absence of a successful prosecution, relatives of some of the Omagh bomb victims have taken a landmark civil case against five men they suspect of involvement in the Real IRA. No one can be jailed as a result of the action, but the families hope it will help uncover the truth about what happened. However, can truth alone lead to reconciliation? Between Grace and Remembrance, the film shown to us at the Red Location Museum by Dr. Janet Cherry, showed how the truth, far from being a vehicle for reconciliation, proved profoundly destabilizing for Siphiwe Mthimkhulu’s family — particularly for his son, Sikhumbhuzo. Truth and justice are linked to issues of remembrance and commemoration. With controversy continuing to surround a new memorial for the victims, Omagh also raises questions about memorialization and historical consciousness — what Seixas defines as “the area in which collective memory, the writing of history, and other modes of shaping images of the past in the public mind merge.”6,7 How do we understand the past in our deeply divided societies? Is such an understanding necessary for reconciliation?

David Molina of the William Winter Institute for Racial Reconciliation quoted Faulkner in this regard – “The past isn’t dead. It isn’t even past.” “The past,” observed Duncan Morrow of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, “is the biggest threat to the future.”

Religious symbol painted on the wall of a jail cell in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Dealing with the past This whole area of “dealing with the past,” identified by Hamber and Kelly as one of five interwoven and related strands in their working definition of reconciliation, appears to be of vital importance in all three settings.8 Each of the three societies we visited continues to grapple with managing the legacy of violent racial and political conflict.

In South Africa, Judge Ronnie Pillay underlined the need for an appreciation of historical background in order to prevent Apartheid ever happening again. In the absence of an agreed version of events, we saw the importance of the role of small, localized museums such as the Museum of Free Derry, Red Location Museum and even the Delta Blues Museum in telling the stories of their communities for the people of those communities and, indeed, for the wider public. Perhaps such museums are evidence that the goal of establishing “truth” or at least one universally accepted story of what happened, is not only unrealistic but even unhelpful, and rather the aim should be to use the power of individual and community-level stories to engage people’s interest. Encouraging people to place such accounts in their broader context, and to synthesize alternative, often conflicting, perspectives, might lead to an easier acceptance of the complexity and contradiction inherent in our histories. Perhaps in such a way a more nuanced understanding of the past is possible. university of ulster 2008 | 71

The role of education One final issue which struck me as interesting and significant was the role played by education in both creating and sustaining conflict in each of the three societies. In South Africa, for example, Judge Pillay observed that the biggest weapon of the Apartheid regime was education, with its “divide and rule” policy. In Mississippi, Dr. Andy Mullins spoke about the history of segregated education, the questionable success of forced integration policies of the early 1970s, and the legacy of high levels of poverty on student achievement in the Deep South. Just as it is acknowledged as having been part of the “problem” in all three contexts, education is recognized as having a key role to play in the reconciliation process with its easy access to the minds of future generations. Former Mississippi Governor William Winter underlined the importance of being educated together, noting that “effective reconciliation can only take place when we begin to better know each other.” Unfortunately, it appears that residential segregation — both voluntary and involuntary — continues in all three places, making meaningful integration in education harder and harder to achieve. This is particularly striking in Northern Ireland where just five percent of pupils attend integrated schools. Efforts are being made in Northern Ireland, South Africa, and the Southern USA to har72 | university of ulster 2008

Elementary school children in Port Elizabeth, South Africa. ness the curriculum to greater effect to promote reconciliation; however, one wonders how successful such initiatives are likely to be in the absence of inter-group contact between pupils from different racial and religious groups. This raises broader questions about how children and young people can be encouraged to engage in, as opposed to tune out, the reconciliation process. How my experience influenced my perception of reconciliation in a global setting Various speakers on our travels observed

that reconciliation is a process rather than an event. We learned that reconciliation occurs on different levels — real and symbolic; local and national; personal and political. However, Hamber and Kelly’s working definition of reconciliation cautions that reconciliation is a voluntary act and cannot be imposed.9 Reconciliation processes involve elements of sacrifice, compromise and risktaking, and must, where possible, involve all stakeholders, including ex-combatants. Most importantly, we gained an appreciation of how important context is in any discussion of reconciliation in a global setting.

In many cases, when examining societies which have experienced political, religious and racial conflict, many themes are universally relevant — for example, truth, justice, and healing — and many commonalities can be usefully explored. However, when looking at these issues in a comparative dialogue, it is important also to maintain an awareness of differences. For example, whereas in the United States and South Africa the racial dimension of divisions means that differences between people are very visible, in Northern Ireland the differences are invisible, more subtle. A stranger might divine your “community affiliation” by your surname, for example, or where you went to school. All of this points to the need to ensure discussion of reconciliation is not “context-blind.” Just as every human being is different, unique, every conflict and every set of destructive divisions has its own peculiar dynamic which must not be ignored or overlooked. Ultimately, “new solutions must be devised that are appropriate to the particular context, history and culture in question.”10 The value of my experience The value of my experience of reconciliation in the three contexts is not so much in the questions it answered for me as in the questions it raised and left with me. Is reconciliation possible, for example, given the vast disparities in wealth and living conditions

we witnessed — particularly in the Mississippi Delta and the townships of South Africa? Can reconciliation be achieved in the absence of social and economic justice? If class is increasingly cutting across the old fault lines of race and religion in our societies, as Professor Derrick Swartz observed to be the case in South Africa, how do we ensure that discussion of reconciliation includes — in addition to the issues of truth, justice, forgiveness, healing — consideration of social and economic inequality? If reconciliation is a voluntary act and cannot be imposed, is large-scale, societal reconciliation a realistic goal? As Judge Pillay asked, do we need to be reconciled? Can reconciliation be achieved in Northern Ireland while so-called peace walls — what Duncan Morrow called the “sign of a profound unhealthiness in our society” — remain? When is the right time for such barriers to come down? Is there a right time for positive discrimination policies to be reconsidered, phased out? How do we ensure we do not become a society where “good relations,” as Duncan Morrow wryly observed, mean a total avoidance of things that matter? Put another way, how, as Duncan asked, do we create the relationships that make discussion of the hard things — of these “things that matter” — possible? Lastly, how do we ensure that future generations — our children and

young people — feel encouraged to participate in such discussions, and in so doing, shape a more just and reconciled future? __________________ Endnotes 1 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hiiuk/419514.stm 2 http://www.iristimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2008/0816/1218836130113.html 3 For an example of how dissident Republicans are continuing their attempts to disrupt the peace process, see http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2007/1113/1194550203640.html 4 For more information on the circumstances surrounding Sean Hoey’s acquittal, see http:// www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2007/dec/21/northernireland.northernireland 5 http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/ local-national/oloan-we-may-never-see-thesekillers-brought-to-justice-13943433.html 6 Seixas, P. (ed.) (2006) Theorizing Historical Consciousness, Toronto: University Press, p.10. 7 For information on the controversy surrounding the Omagh memorial, see http://news.bbc. co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/6999827.stm 8 Hamber, B. and Kelly, G. (2004). A Working Definition of Reconciliation. Paper published by Democratic Dialogue, Belfast, September 2004, p.4. 9 Ibid, p.3. 10 Foreword by Desmond Tutu in Bloomfield, D., Barnes, T. and Huyse, L. (Eds) (2003). Reconciliation After Violent Conflict: A Handbook, Stockholm: International IDEA. university of ulster 2008 | 73

the virtuous state of ambivalence by professor liam kelly I should point out to you, at the outset, that I am not a political scientist, restorative justice, or conflict studies specialist. I am an art historian, art critic, and curator of exhibitions. I come to this program as one interested in art and politics — in affective, socially, and politically engaged art — but importantly also as someone who has lived through the entire period in Northern Ireland’s recent history known rather euphemistically as the “political troubles.” I should also stress that my views are personal. I was a student at Queens University, Belfast, in the 1960s and experienced a real feeling of political dynamic energy in the air when the Civil Rights Movement and the Peoples Democracy Movement was developing and calling for social and political reforms. We met Eamonn McCann in Derry who, among other students at Queens at the time, such as Bernadette Devlin, provided a stimulating and provocative platform for debate that often took place in the McMordie Hall, later renamed the Mandela Hall, at the university. I want to reflect on our topic of reconciliation by: 1. Considering a general overview of our program, taking into account the visits we have now made in our respective locations and the people we have met and making 74 | university of ulster 2008

Founded by Queen Victoria, Queen’s University in Belfast, Northern Ireland, was designed to be a non-denominational alternative to Trinity College in Dublin. some comparisons and contrasts. 2. Considering the specific situation in Northern Ireland. General Overview The first question I want to raise has to do with what is different about the three countries/societies we visited. The Northern Ireland situation has been about (a) constitutional issues and (b) social and political reforms. In many respects, it is an

unresolved problem between Ireland and England and issues/allegiances related to cultural identity and place. Ostensibly it is not about religion per se, although religion is largely a marker for and co-terminus with political and cultural loyalties — Catholics as nationalists and Irish Protestants as unionists and British. With South Africa and the USA no other country is involved as of today.

course, recalls the racial classifications and re-designations in South Africa during Apartheid. Common then to all three regions is the operating binary of superior/inferior at work — at times blatantly obvious and transparent as in the USA and South Africa; at other times more subtle but peculating as in Northern Ireland. Cartography was also an important tool in the apparatus of colonial power. In Brian Friel’s celebrated play Translations, the Irish playwright registers the trauma of the renaming of Gaelic place names by the British, given that cultural identity is invested in the landscape and in the native language. British power was registering or “mapping” its power over Gaelic culture.

The Red Location (South End) Museum, Port Elizabeth, South Africa. What then do the three countries have in common? Both South Africa and the USA clearly share problems related to race and inequalities. However, I would suggest that race and ethnicity have also been a constituent or at least a residual historical factor in the Northern Ireland problem. In the 17th century various writers such as Edmund Spenser made descriptions of the Irish crude and bestial, recalling similar

descriptions of Africans. Indeed John Beddoe, president of the Anthropology Institute in the 19th century developed ‘an index of Nigresence’ that purported to show the people of Wales, Scotland, Cornwall, and Ireland to be racially distinguished from the British and that the Welsh and Irish specifically were in appearance ‘Africanoid’ (see Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, Key Concepts in Post-Colonial Studies). Punch cartoons of the period graphically depicted the Irish in similar terms. This hierarchy of race, of

Common to all three countries is also the use of segregation as a system of control. Apartheid, a word now synonymous with discrimination, meant people being put into separate districts for control. In Port Elizabeth at the South End Museum, Judge Ronnie Pillay, in his penetrating and revealing review of the Apartheid regime, recalled how people were put into separate districts as a means of control with the use of identity cards. I was, of course, reminded of slavery and subsequently sharecropping in the USA as well as gerrymandering in a city like Derry, Northern Ireland.Also common to all three locations is the civil rights moveuniversity of ulster 2008 | 75

ment in various forms and to various degrees. In this regard Judge Pillay again reminded us of people being shot and killed or injured by state forces while on protest. During this point in his speech it registered with me how important the role of the media was in all three situations in globalizing the problems, and in responsible reporting putting pressure on the respective governments to face up to necessary change. This point was also well made by BBC TV journalist Denis Murray who spoke with us Belfast City Hall, Northern Ireland. in Belfast. In Northern Ireland the former RUC, recentPolicing ly reformed and renamed the PSNI, had Policing has been a contentious issue also been accused by nationalists of collusion in all three jurisdictions to various degrees with loyalist terrorists in a number of high and intensity at different times. Police improfile murders and â&#x20AC;&#x201D; with a largely Protpartiality was often graphically on display estant membership â&#x20AC;&#x201D; of generally acting as reported on TV coverage. At the Civil favorably to unionists. More recently as the Rights Museum in Memphis the repressive reformed PSNI, they have been criticized actions of the mainly white police force by unionists for using heavy-handed tacwas a recurrent and dehumanizing subtics against their community. Judge Pillay theme of the unfolding narrative. There are in his talk mentioned how strip-searching direct parallels here with the role of state and detention without trial were deployed forces in South Africa and in Northern in South Africa, which also applied in Ireland. Northern Ireland.

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So where are we now? There are, importantly, legislative reforms in all three countries, which had to be fought for and negotiated. There is equality legislation of differing kinds related to employment and education. As we have seen, education is still a fundamental problem in the Mississippi Delta and in South Africa and will remain central to future equality of opportunity in employment. In Northern Ireland, since the 1947 Education Act, there has been access to free second level education for all, even though social deprivation was often a delimiting factor for workingclass families of either community. So while education there was segregated, it was of equal quality for both communities. There is affirmative action most notably in employment in South Africa and in the reform of policing in Northern Ireland, both drawing criticism by representatives from and supporters of the former regimes. And, of course, there is the important, if vexed, question of reconciliation. In our travels we got a variety of views on this issue â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Eamonn McCann in Derry

perhaps somewhat dismissive; Denis Murray in Belfast believing that some people simply cannot be reconciled; and one of the farmers in South Africa we met claiming that reconciliation happened in the act of negotiating the new dispensation there and it is time to move on. Attitudes to history are relevant here and were mentioned at various times by a number of speakers. We were advised that understanding history was vitally necessary in order not to Police barricades in Northern Ireland during “The Troubles”. repeat it. It was also stated that finding a way of sharing history was an and perpetrators, individual trauma, and enabling condition for reconciliation. Profes- collective hurt refuses to go away. We have sor Derrick Swartz, Vice-Chancellor of the seen that the South African approach to NMMU, talked about the need to create a healing by way of admission, remembering, space for nation building in South Africa by and forgiving in the Truth and Reconciliation way of dialogues at different local and naCommission can be a painful process. In tional levels. Of course, while agreeing with Northern Ireland we are slowly embracing this aspiration in principle, I personally bethis important emotional issue and trying to lieve that it must be predicated on equality find a different approach to the TRC. legislation already being in place and seen to be operating. Dialogue can hopefully then The Northern Irish situation fine-tune the legislative apparatus. By now you will have picked up at least When considering recent history and recan outline mapping of the recent political onciliation, the lingering question of victims historical context of “The Troubles” there.

As you will now be aware, Ireland was divided and Northern Ireland established in 1921, in which the majority of the population were Protestant/unionist and a substantial minority Catholic/nationalist. In the 1960s there was growing resentment by nationalists to the Stormont unionist regime, which governed for fifty years, because of inequalities in housing, employment, and the voting system and consequently the civil rights movement developed. This led to sectarian violence and street clashes between the police and Catholics. In 1969, with the deterioration of violence, the British Government brought in the army and the IRA became again an active force. In 1972 the British Government prorogued Stormont and introduced direct rule from London. The Good Friday Agreement The 1990s saw various attempts to explore a peace process and eventually in 1998, predicated on an IRA cease-fire and the decommissioning of weapons, the Good Friday Agreement was signed. The Agreement, which is a framework for joint government

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between unionists and nationalists, is based on the principle of consent with respect to both traditions and their aspirations, as John Hume, whom we met in Derry, pointed out. As a result there is now very strong equality legislation in place. There has been reform of the police and recently victimsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; commissioners have been appointed. The Agreement also allows for cooperation and new institutions between the north and the south of Ireland and between Britain and Ireland. There are, of course, still some outstanding and important issues to be resolved. There is the question of alleged collusions between state security forces and paramilitary factions, and a number of high profile related formal murder enquiries. The control of the police still operates from London and Sinn Fein is pressing hard for the handing back of control to Stormont. Some unionists still find it difficult to accept Sinn Fein in government given their connections with the IRA and view the Agreement as a concession. This attitude was apparent from speeches at the July

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Orange Order marches. On the other hand there are a number of disaffected republicans and IRA splinter groups who also oppose the Agreement. Education and the Arts The two communities in Northern Ireland have traditionally and, mainly, been educated in different schools according to religion at second level but universities have never been segregated like in South Africa. In the 1950s I attended one of the few integrated primary schools that operated in some villages associated with the linen industry at that time. Since 1981, when the first integrated secondary school opened, there has been some growth in this sector but segregated education is still the norm. Of course such segregation nurtures separate identities, whether British or Irish, and this finds expression, inter alia, in what sports children are introduced to at school. In sport, Catholic schools favor Gaelic football, hurling and camogie, while state schools (largely Protestant) play so-called British games â&#x20AC;&#x201D; cricket and rugby. This division does not, however, apply in the Republic of Ireland. Interestingly, soccer is

played and supported by both communities, but the Northern Irish team draws mainly Protestant support; while Catholics, by and large, support the Republic of Ireland team. The Irish language, with a few exceptions, is only taught in Catholic schools while many unionists see it as a threatening counter-culture to their sense of Britishness. It should be noted that the Good Friday Agreement document circulated to every household in Northern Ireland was in English and Irish. Ulster Scots culture and language, close to unionist identity, has now received more cultural recognition. The political troubles have been a major cultural force, as well as a political event. And the arts generally have made a significant contribution to questions of identity and cultural understanding. In my own area of interest, the visual arts became much more socially and politically engaged and discursive, interrogating and probing cultural myths and traditions. Ethnicity was a prevailing theme internationally in the 1990s, and a number of local artists explored related issues, moving from their local manifestations to more universal outreach and relevance. In zones of conflict invariably questions of language always seem to come to the fore and a number of visual artists have deployed language either orally or textually as a strategy to explore such themes.

A necessary and enabling ambivalence As stated earlier, the kind of conversations that Professor Swartz advocated are important, but in my opinion should be played out against operating reforms and related legislation in movement toward a state of interdependence. This is the sense of space referred to by Homi K. Bhabba in his Third Space of Enunciation — a necessarily ambivalent space of accommodation. In each of our three areas that space is somewhat different. In Northern Ireland it is not a space for nation building, as such, since there are two differing national aspira-

tions. The space the Good Friday Agreement allows for, and enables, is one for the accommodation of national difference and in this respect the language of the Agreement document is purposefully ambiguous. In psychoanalytical theory, ambivalence relates to the pull and push of attraction and repulsion. In discussing Philip Napier’s work Gauge, I cite the art critic Tom McEvilley’s remarks drawing on Hegel’s second book of the Phenomenology of Spirit, … “where History is seen as a long slow shift of relationship through struggle, in which the antagonists’

attempts to overcome one another through annihilation culminate in a mutual overcoming through a kind of absorption, a reception of the other as the negation which completes oneself.” (Orchard Gallery exhibition catalogue, Derry, 1997) The Good Friday Agreement then is not about reconciling the citizens of Northern Ireland to be either predominantly British or Irish. It is like Hegel’s sense of history, a reconciliation that creates an enabling space for the tolerance and ultimately, hopefully, the celebration of difference.

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reconciliation: coming to terms with terms by douglas ray At the heart of the reconciliation process is language, the basis for constructive communication. But as much as language can assist the process of confronting the past, discussing perceived and perpetrated injustices, and developing pathways for healing, a divided language (conflicting terms) can just as easily perpetuate societal division, just as much as symbols such as the Confederate flag in the American South or the King William of Orange (“King Billy”) iconography in Northern Ireland promote societal division. Manifestations in a wall When people try to use language as a divisive tool, they strip words of their richness and nuances. The ever-too-popular “us” and “them” mentality does little to heal a divided society. This conflict of terms became clear when we set foot in Northern Ireland. I realized rather quickly that complete immersion in the society also meant drowning in a sea of terms — Nationalist, Republican, Unionist, Loyalist, Catholic, and Protestant — and my perception of their connections with the past violence and present political situation was somewhere between partly cloudy and pitch black. What became clear at first was the geographical distribution of terms, as well as ideologies. While the Falls Road area of Belfast was dubbed the RepublicanCatholic-Nationalist area, just beyond a wall 80 | the university of mississippi 2008

“Not forgotten” political sentiment painted on a brick wall in Belfast, Northern Ireland. that ran the length of the road, the Shankhill Road neighborhood was a Unionist-Protestant-Loyalist area. The division in terms and ideologies manifested itself in a wall. Affirmative Action in Africa In South Africa, there is also a problem with terms and “classification.” Under the Apartheid regime, South Africans were classified as white, black, coloured, or Indian. Legal (de jure) segregation occurred as a result of one’s racial classification. Now, fourteen years after the end of Apartheid and the first

democratically held elections, an equally problematic term has arisen in South African political rhetoric: “non-racialism” — a vision of society in which race ceases to matter. But non-racialism in a society so deeply divided according to race for so long seems to be a rather difficult term, especially when it comes to practices that seek to rectify structural wrongs done historically to an oppressed group. For example, Affirmative Action in a society such as South Africa’s — though its intentions to address the historical inequities in access to education and jobs for a great portion of the population may be noble — would not support this idea of non-racialism. Another controversial movement in South Africa is previous president Thabo Mbeki’s Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) program, which seeks to create an economically successful, powerful class of black business leaders. Again, however, this movement has at its base a recognition of race and a disregard for non-racialism. I am not suggesting that either Affirmative Action or BEE are right or wrong ways to address the problems of post-Apartheid South Africa. The Preamble to the South African Constitution states that “We the people of South Africa … believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.” But in order to be “united in our diversity,” there must be a

Township housing outside of Cape Town, South Africa, surrounds a nuclear reactor. recognition of difference — be that related to race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, national origin, age, ability, etc. I am suggesting that this idea of non-racialism — though its vision may be ideal — is not in practice and, furthermore, may not be practical at all in a society such as South Africa’s where race has played and continues to play a major role in making the society what it is today.

Reconciliation in context But my issues with the term “non-racialism” stem from a more general meditation I’ve had throughout this journey — and that is on the term “reconciliation.” We throw this term around indiscriminately, though when we get down to the moment of carving a definition, we cannot say what a “reconciled” society really looks like. According to some, a reconciled society is one in which

rampant bloodshed ceases to happen. According to another, a reconciled society is one without race, without class, without fear of “the other.” And even looking at the three societies — the American South, Northern Ireland, and South Africa — one could debate the degree to which each society has achieved “reconciliation,” which would then welcome a discussion of variables such as legal procedures which have enabled or disthe university of mississippi 2008 | 81

Ole Miss English student Douglas Ray finds a “Love Poetry Hate Racism” poster in Northern Ireland. abled such a process, or the passing of time as a palliative measure for an oppressed people, or the role of increased access to education as a means to integrating a society, or the effect that economic prosperity has on eliminating a racial divide. Instead of viewing “reconciliation” as a goal, we should view it, like “happiness,”

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as a by-product of a process — a process achieved structurally through legislation and ensuring equality of access to public goods and services, a process achieved personally through interaction with those different from ourselves. Caribbean poet and Nobel Laureate Derek Walcott says, “To change your language, you must change your life.” This linguistic alteration is key to the rec-

onciliation process, and it can be facilitated by what I call the “empathetic” approach to reconciliation. The empathetic approach to reconciliation is very much like the model of community-building that the Voice of Calvary — with its relocation, redistribution, and reconciliation — employs. Because of this model’s emphasis on relationship building, it begins to tear down linguistic walls of “black” and “white,” “Catholic” and “Protestant,” and “us” and “them” and replaces those with a large, colorful “we.” In order to facilitate change, though, we have to start relationships with people different from ourselves so that “Catholic” has a name, face, and shared memories — as do “white,” “black,” “queer,” etc. Once a relationship exists between people of different races, religions, or backgrounds, one’s views of issues related to “otherness” would undoubtedly become more complex and nuanced because ideas or classifications have been, quite literally “fleshed out.” One of the highlights of my eighth-grade year was reading Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird. As we neared the end of the book, Mrs. Herren assigned us a project — to comb through the book finding “words of wisdom,” which we were then to illustrate and bind together. One of my chosen passages relates directly to this idea of an empathetic model of reconciliation. Atticus Finch says to his daughter, Scout, “You

never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view — until you climb into his skin and walk around in it” (34). The advice is quite relevant to a discussion of reconciliation — especially of races. First, there is an underlying assumption that “point of view” and “skin” go hand-in-hand. And in the novel’s setting — the segregated American South — that assumption does play an important role. When Atticus defends Tom Robinson, a black man unjustly accused of rape, he violates the strict social code of segregation by becoming Tom’s advocate in the name of justice. Secondly, Atticus is urging Scout to view the world critically, with empathetic eyes. This sort of wisdom fuels reconciliation. The reconciliation process is a demanding one; blood, sweat, tears, words, money, and time are all part of the equation. But as we build relationships with people different from ourselves and we begin to change our lives and language, we will begin to realize what Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., dubbed the “beloved community.” The idea of a healed, integrated community — one that embraces the notion of togetherness and elevates human relationships to great importance — is at the heart of the African concept of ubuntu which Erik K. Yamamoto explains in his article “Interracial Justice” as “people are people through other people” (165). Community is central to ubuntu, and

Courtroom scene from The University of Mississippi’s theater department’s production of Harper Lee’s Pulitzer Prize-winning novel To Kill a Mocking Bird. The primary themes of To Kill a Mockingbird involve racial injustice and the destruction of innocence. relationships are at the heart of community. Ubuntu embodies Atticus Finch’s idea of “walking around in someone else’s skin” and echoes the philosophy of the Voice of Calvary’s three R’s. As South Africa sought to heal its society after Apartheid, the concept of ubuntu played an important role in

the country’s reconstruction, and also, according to Yamamoto, informed the judicial processes and the proceedings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Again, language, community, and empathy are intertwined as key elements to the process of reconciliation. the university of mississippi 2008 | 83

reconciliation through a cultural lens by rebecca batey As a student of the culture of the American South, the themes of public memory, public history, and commemoration have been of particular interest to me. W. Fitzhugh Brundage suggests that Southerners have the reputation of being “among the most historically oriented of people and of possessing the longest, most tenacious memories.”1 In my experience during the Lott Leadership Graduate Program, I found that the American South is in good company with South Africa and, especially, Northern Ireland when it comes to commemoration.

National Civil Rights Museum, Memphis, TN. The role of museums Museums are proving to be powerful venues for public history and commemora-

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tion. Communities we visited in all three countries — the United States, Northern Ireland, and South Africa — have museums commemorating their civil rights struggles. The National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee, chronicles the history and legacy of the American Civil Rights Movement.2 The Museum of Free Derry in Derry, Northern Ireland, seeks to offer the community’s version of the events surrounding the civil rights struggle which took place in the Bogside area.3 Finally, the Red Location Museum in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, not only constructs an Apartheid narrative, but seeks to actively promote community involvement and empowerment.4 Not only are these museums significant for what they commemorate, the sites on which they commemorate the past are significant as well. The Lorraine Motel, in Memphis, site of the National Civil Rights Museum, is most notably the site at which Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was assassinated in 1968. The Museum of Free Derry is located in the heart of a traditionally Catholic area called the Bogside, which served as the setting for many incidents during “The Troubles.” The Red Location Museum is located in New Brighton Township, an important area of anti-Apartheid activity. However, the historical significance of these locations does not guarantee their uncontested acceptance among groups represented.

National Civil Rights Museum Memphis, USA The strongest, or perhaps most widely publicized, criticisms of the National Civil Rights Museum have come from a woman named Jacqueline Smith. A resident and employee of the Lorraine Motel for eleven years, Smith’s protests of the museum date back to the late 1980s. Smith portrays the National Civil Rights Museum as a shrine to violence.5 She argues that the site should have been used “to house the poor, treat the sick, and train the jobless” rather than being turned into a museum.6 Museum of Free Derry Bogside, Northern Ireland The Museum of Free Derry is located in the Glenfada Park housing area, centrally located among such sites as the Bogside murals, the Bloody Sunday monument, Free Derry Corner, and the locations of both Bloody Sunday and the Battle of the Bogside. An introduction to the museum, found on its website, says: “The Museum of Free Derry will tell this part of the city’s history from the point of view of the people who lived through, and were most affected by, these events: it will be the community’s story told from the community’s perspective, not the distorted version parroted by the government and most of the media over the years. We believe it is vital that all those involved in the events of the last almost 40

years take the opportunity to tell their own stories in a subjective but honest way as a first step towards a greater understanding of all the elements that led to the most recent phase of the conflict in Ireland. This is not something that can be achieved through attempting to give a single “official” version of events.”7 The museum sees itself as contesting the “official” version of public history, which in itself alienates a large percentage of the still-divided local community.

The Red Location Museum, South Africa. Red Location Museum New Brighton Township, South Africa The Red Location Museum looms over New Brighton Township, and the 31,500-squarefoot building housing a museum, conference facility, boardroom, restaurant, shop, and auditorium is visually imposing among rows of township homes.8 The building,

which has received vast architectural acclaim, is based on Andreas Huyssen’s work on memory and history, which challenges the representation of history as a single story. Huyssen’s design features segmented exhibit spaces, meant to represent the disconnect between memories that are loosely bound together by themes.9 Despite its array of amenities, I would estimate that approximately half of the museum’s exhibit space is currently unused. While the issue of how this space is used may seem inconsequential to some, the fact that a large government-funded building is sitting partially empty in a neighborhood where thousands of people are living in makeshift township homes seems problematic. Seeing firsthand how these three very different museums present the contested past further complicated my understanding of the role museums play in shaping public memory and public history. I look forward to further examining these issues in my research, and am grateful for the invaluable experiences gained through the Lott Leadership Graduate Program. __________________ Endnotes Brundage, W. Fitzhugh. Where These Memories Grow: History, Memory, and Southern Identity. Chapel Hill and London: The University 1

of North Carolina Press, 2000. 2.

Entering “Free Derry” sign, Northern Ireland. “Museum Mission.” National Civil Rights Museum. 21 Aug. 2003. <http://civilrightsmuseum. org/about/mission.asp>. 3 “Introduction.” Museum of Free Derry. <http:// www.museumoffreederry.org/introduction.html>. 4 “Vision and Mission.” Red Location Museum. <http://www.freewebs.com/redlocationmuseum/visionandmission.htm> 5 Jacqueline Smith. “Boycott the National Civil Rights Museum.” Fulfill the Dream. 1 Dec. 2007. <http://www.fulfillthedream.net/pages/mlk. boycott1.html>. 6 “Sidewalk Protester’s 5-Year War on Museum Stands Firm,” Commercial Appeal, 17 Jan. 1993. A1. 7 “Introduction.” Museum of Free Derry. <http:// www.museumoffreederry.org/introduction.html>. 8 General Information.” Red Location Museum. <http://www.freewebs.com/redlocationmuseum/generalinformation.htm>. 2

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searching for common ground by Gregory Day Throughout all our conversations, lectures, and excursions examining the topic of comparative reconciliation, the most important and recurring question continuously resurfaced: What exactly is reconciliation? Typically, academics attempt to discover variations and commonalities when utilizing the comparative approach. Furthermore, in order to proceed scientifically, it is imperative that one is able to create an easily understandable objective standard in order to determine the presence or degree of a concept. However, how does one determine a common ground for appraising efforts of reconciliation? The first step I would argue that the first necessary step is to minimize gross and residual violence. This can be a particularly difficult task given war zones such as Northern Ireland where “The Troubles” constituted over thirty years of terrorism, oppression, and sectarian attacks. However, simply minimizing the probability of violence appears to be a rather incomplete and minimalistic interpretation of societal growth. Moreover, cultural divisions in South Africa and the Southern United States were never about violence as much as institutionalized oppression. Therefore, one needs to incorporate an appropriate measure reflecting social justice. 86 | the university of mississippi 2008

structures are any institution, rule, organization, or norm that influence the aggregate welfare of a group of people relative to another group. Overt examples of this would be segregation in Mississippi, Apartheid in South Africa, and the lack of civil rights during significant periods of Northern Ireland’s history. Thus, one could consider the reduction of civil conflict and the institutionalization of universal political, civil, and economic freedom a significant, positive, and objective step toward a standard for societal reconciliation.

Township children who live in the informal settlements, Port Elizabeth, South Africa That being said, what is social justice? What are the characteristics of social justice? Can one create an objective standard allowing for rigorous and academic interpretation? How does one know if these conditions were met? Oppressive societal structures There are several conceptualizations that seem to be universally agreed upon regarding oppressive societal structures. Societal

However, employing such an objective standard may problematically lead us to believe that all three nations have successfully concluded the process of reconciliation even though a majority of the group subjectively determine that each nation appears to be at varying stages of the process. Even Mississippi — generations removed from the last lynching, significant protesting, and the implementation of the Civil Rights Act — subjectively appears to be participating in the continuing reconciliation process. Something appears to be lacking from an objective standard of societal reconciliation. I will recount a story to illustrate what exactly is missing and to put it into context. We met with Dr. Braggs, a pastor and community leader from Rome, Mississippi. During our conversation, he explained the

importance of a community center designed to provide guidance and positive influences upon the youth within the Delta. He described to us the abject poverty and the lack of strong nuclear families which have perpetuated throughout the Delta since the times of segregation. Additionally, he spoke to us about the problems he faced trying to procure a loan to finance the opening of his new ministry. He explained that he applied for the loan at the bank he had frequented for many years. The white banker rejected his application. It must be racism, he stated. Then, and to his surprise, he applied at the bank in the next town over, and the black banker denied his

application. Not until he visited the third bank was he able to borrow the money necessary to open the doors to his ministry. He concluded that his initial claims of racism might have been in error. This experience taught me two important lessons about the importance of the remnants of structural inequalities and their effects upon reconciliation efforts. The first lesson made me wonder about how can one claiming that reconciliation has occurred if certain groups, such as the children in the Delta, find themselves succumbing to self-reinforcing poverty caused by the forces of structural inequalities from generations ago? How should the concept

of reconciliation incorporate the after effects of institutionalized oppression long after institutional barriers such as segregation and Apartheid have been deconstructed? Dr. Braggsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; story of his loan rejection speaks volumes. When he was denied by the white banker, he was positive that racism must be the only logical answer. This demonstrates the problem of perceived oppression in the face of reconciliation. How can a society become reconciled when the oppressed still feel the structural barriers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; real or perceived? Does societal justice exist when large portions of the populace are adamant that the rules apply differently and unjustly depending on oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s religion or skin color? Background Photo: The beauty of South Africa.

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My concept of reconciliation All of these experiences significantly altered my concept of reconciliation. My idealization has moved from objective standards to a subjective understanding. Reconciliation is more than the creation of peace and the elimination of institutional barriers; it is about a long and arduous process between distrustful and hostile parties. Reconciliation occurs when the prominent societal division ceases being the real and perceived cause of every contemporary injustice. Reconciliation has occurred when race, religion, or historical oppression are no longer the

reason why one is poor, deprived, and disenfranchised. Therefore, if one wants to determine whether the places we visited have undergone reconciliation, I propose that one should investigate whether the thought of intermingling is so unsettling that nearly every child in Northern Ireland is educated within a segregated school. One must also examine whether South Africans continue to be born into the destitution of townships due to remnants of Apartheid. It can occasionally be difficult to remain positive after witnessing the effects of struc-

tural oppression. However, one of the most important messages conveyed to us is that although reconciliation is a long and difficult process, it is necessary to acknowledge the successes and the progress while still acknowledging the distance left to go. It is crucial that we acknowledge our achievements, considering that true reconciliation may not occur in any of our lifetimes. And in order for us to continue to have the strength to work towards reaching our objectives, we must celebrate every small victory and every large achievement.

Assembly of elementary school children and teachers in Port Elizabeth. Nelson Mandela referred to South Africa as the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Rainbow Nation.â&#x20AC;? 88 | the university of mississippi 2008

a view of reconciliation by t.k. luchkiw The ending of a conflict does not mean that peace or reconciliation will automatically be achieved. When a hurricane destroys a city, all is not well immediately after the storm subsides. Devastation occurs on many levels. Buildings are damaged, personal property is lost, injuries and deaths have occurred, and horrific memories linger in the minds of those who survive it. Comparable traumas are seen whether destruction is caused by nature or by organizations composed of human hands. Trauma from conflict is unique, however, in that it brings a tangible target at which to thrust oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s hurt and anger: â&#x20AC;&#x153;the others.â&#x20AC;? Once the storm of conflict subsides, the two opposing groups of people must share a common space while they rebuild from their losses. Reconciliation defined Reconciliation is the word we use to talk about the process by which societies learn to live together in the post-conflict environment. It is not merely co-existence, but the attempt to heal trauma. Reconciliation is important because the consequences of not reconciling, of simply co-existing, can be vast. The conflict could potentially reignite. Reconciliation is multifaceted in that it includes the many aspects of living life as part of a community. It seeks to join the two formerly conflicting societies politically, eco-

At the individual level, the people of the community who were affected by the conflict are encouraged to overcome their individual traumas by learning the truth of history that pertains to themselves, and to ask for forgiveness and to forgive others on a case-by-case basis. It is believed by some that reconciliation at this level is what will change the community and society as a whole. It is debatable, however, whether all individuals will be able to, or even willing to, reconcile in this way. Lott Leadership students and staff 2008. nomically, and socially. This means that the playing field must be leveled. People must be seen as equals. We are looking at two levels in this process: the individual and the societal. In our recent travels to the United States, Northern Ireland, and South Africa, the Trent Lott Leadership Program has seen the work of reconciliation being attempted at both levels. At the societal level, public policy is crucial. Proper decisions need to be made pertaining to the creation of equal conditions (e.g., the stance taken on affirmative action, fair housing laws, etc.). At the societal level, it is the government that must paint the picture of what the new community should look like. It is organizations of leadership that must act as proponents of reconciliation to create a new atmosphere of peace.

Merging for peace It is my opinion that reconciliation for two previously conflicting groups merging together for peace will occur at a societal level, not at the individual level. This issue has been debated already, with the alternative view being that if victims and those who have caused them harm can reconcile, and these reconciliations occur among enough people, the community as a whole is reconciled. However, not all individuals are ready to forgive, and not all may believe they should ask for forgiveness. Indeed, it is the opinion of some that there are certain people who will simply be unable to reconcile. As a doctoral student in psychology, and certainly as a therapist, I do personally believe that it is vitally important for individuals to work through a process of reconciliation for their own psychological well-being. However, I also believe that it is a process the university of mississippi 2008 | 89

toward a different goal than that of societal reconciliation. The key ingredient in the latter is time. It is not that time heals all wounds, but it is that after new governmental policies are put into place and are appropriately enforced, and after an atmosphere for a new peaceful way of living is created, each successive generation will be one step closer to reconciliation than the last. Each new generation is slightly less affected by the conflict than the generation that preceded it.

should know the past because where we are now as a society is determined by where we have come from. Community members should recognize where they are in the process of reconciliation, and where they are headed. This is why it’s important what new generations are told regarding the conflict and post-conflict era.

Considering the methods in the process of reconciliation in the United States, Northern Ireland, and South Africa, these societies have some similarities and Incorporating the other some differences. The uniqueIn order for individuals to recness of each conflict warrants oncile, they must learn to inthe consideration of localism. corporate the “other” into their The method for the process of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., addresses Civil Rights marchers in Selma, own personal identities which reconciliation must be tailored Alabama, in 1965. Courtesy of The Independent World previously negated that “other.” to fit the needs of the current On the other hand, when considway, the personal identities of newer gencommunity. So when considering peaceering the passage of time and emergence eration citizens can be more integrative of building in a post-conflict environment, the of new generations, a change in personal both formerly conflicting groups than each strategy of reconciliation cannot simply be identity is not necessary. A new generation preceding generation. generalized from one country to the next. comes in blank, with identities yet to be The basic theories may stay the same, but formed. Identities in new generations form I want to be cautious to state that just a successful plan for reconciliation must from what parents teach as well as what the because each new generation is one step be specific to each society. In any context, environment teaches. Because the environremoved from being directly affected by the however, a plan must be implemented, ment for a new generation will be different conflict, I am not advocating that truth and because a community that has suffered from that during the conflict, the personal memory of conflict be destroyed. Certainly, disaster of any kind will not rebuild itself; it identities formed will be different. In this it should be preserved. Each generation is the people who must rebuild it. 90 | the university of mississippi 2008

reconciliation: a matter of time by sara anna powers When selected to participate in the Trent Lott Leadership Institute Graduate Program on Race, Religion, and Reconciliation, I had high hopes of seeing concrete ways in which the societies of the Southern United States, Northern Ireland, and South Africa have instituted reforms that bring about reconciliation. As a UM law student, I anticipated learning about legislative successes (and learning from legislative failures) that promoted equality. After more than four weeks on the road, I have indeed seen helpful legal reforms, but I have mostly seen the inability of the law to force progress upon people. That is, a society cannot change or reconcile until the groups in conflict want reconciliation enough to make sacrifices and compromises for the sake of the greater good. Additionally, I have seen the bitterness and resentment that follows when people hang on so tightly to past injustices that they cannot imagine a future of peace. These observations have led me to believe that only with the passage of time, the growing up of new generations, can true reconciliation be achieved. Southern United States In my view, the Southern United States has made more progress toward reconciliation than Northern Ireland or South Africa. This may simply be because I have grown up in the Southern United States, feel the most

Lott Leadership students in front of Ground Zero, Clarksdale, Mississippi. comfortable here, and have more positive feelings about my homeland than about the other countries we have visited. This may also be because the peace process began earlier in the Southern United States than in either Northern Ireland or South Africa. In Mississippi, the younger generation (age thirty and below) may have grown up among de facto segregation, but they did

not grow up in the midst of de jure segregation. I personally never saw separate water fountains for whites and blacks. Many Southern United States communities are still racially segregated, but integration is becoming more and more common. While private schools may still be largely white, the public school system is much more integrated than in decades past. The integration the university of mississippi 2008 | 91

of public schools ensures that whites and blacks are exposed to each other and see each other in a human context — not simply as an “other,” but as a friend or teammate. In business, affirmative action has allowed the workforce to become racially integrated to the point where a black CEO or COO is no longer an anomaly. Although segregation is no longer forced upon Southerners by law, many people tend to segregate themselves. To some extent, this desire to be with those like oneself is a human trait that can never be completely obliterated. This desire for “sameness” is the force that causes people to choose friends who have similar interests and backgrounds, and to attend churches with those who worship similarly. Self-segregation remains a barrier to racial reconciliation in the Southern United States, but as black and white people work, worship, and attend school together, more understanding of and consideration for people, regardless of color, can be achieved. Northern Ireland The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 began the most recent era of “peace” in Northern Ireland. Upon visiting Northern Ireland, however, I felt that the peace was tenuous at best. The Omagh bombing, the event that resulted in the highest number of 92 | the university of mississippi 2008

Orange Order Parade, Belfast, Northern Ireland. In recent years, most have passed peacefully. casualties in all “The Troubles,” occurred after the peace accords. Catholics and Protestants still attend different schools, and most still live in segregated neighborhoods. Saddest of all is that while the leaders of each group share power at Stormont, most of the people remain emotionally, socially, and politically divided. Class seemed to be one of the greatest determining factors in segregation. That is, several middle- to upper-class Catho-

lics and Protestants with whom I talked were relieved that the violence had ended and happily looked forward to a future of cooperation. On the other hand, the poor people with whom I conversed seemed to feel oppressed and bitter toward the opposing religious group. I felt no sense of this lower economic class wanting to move forward. Each group seemed to want to win, to conquer, to crush. In the face of those attitudes, it is difficult to imagine any sort of real peace or reconciliation.

Much discussion of a truth commission in Northern Ireland occurred throughout our trip. The problem is that one person’s truth is another person’s falsehood, and it was difficult to piece together the real story. For example, the Bloody Sunday killings were undoubtedly an over-reaction by the Protestant police forces. Nonetheless, on that day in Derry, before the police opened fire on the marchers, petrol bombs were being thrown in other parts of the city (“it was a typical day in Derry… petrol bombs, throwing rocks, etc.,” according to one museum plaque). Our group seemed to have a Catholic-favoring perspective, but after listening to a former leader of the Apprentice Boys, one could understand how the Protestants felt that they were the group originally oppressed by a Catholic king. In Northern Ireland, the power-sharing government may have largely ended violence between Protestants and Catholics, but the feelings of pain and loss are too fresh in the segregated communities to make much progress toward reconciliation. If Catholics and Protestants of future generations could attend schools and extracurricular activities together, perhaps they could learn to move past the violence that still haunts them. I did see hope in young Protestants and Catholics, those who were very small when violence was still around them. There seems

Dwelling 509. Approximately 13.5% of all families in South Africa live in squatter housing, mostly in free-standing informal settlements on the periphery of cities and towns. to be a move among the younger generation to recognize all the futile loss of life in “The Troubles” and a desire to live peacefully in the nation that both peoples call home. South Africa South Africa officially ended its system of Apartheid in 1994. Nonetheless, an uneasy atmosphere with the change could be felt in the areas (Port Elizabeth, Cape Town, Stellenbosch, and Grahamstown) that we visited. In Port Elizabeth, all of the taxi

drivers with whom I rode were white. Through our conversations, I learned that they had been forced out of jobs when the system of Apartheid ended, and now had to work as taxi drivers to make a living. One of the South African participants on our program, a white male, described the furniture business started by his 18- and 22-year-old brothers. When I expressed the feeling that eighteen was quite young to begin one’s own business, he informed me that there is little to no opportunity for white the university of mississippi 2008 | 93

men in South Africa because of the nation’s aggressive affirmative action programs. His sentiments were echoed by the farmers with whom we spent a weekend. My host family told me that the country had been getting worse, with fewer economic opportunities, since Apartheid ended. Even one of our program participants who is a black female stated that the country as a whole has “gone downhill” since the end of Apartheid. Obviously, the system of Apartheid was an evil, insidious system of separating the “other” and privileging only one race. Its legacy is still seen in the townships we visited, where coloured and black people live in squalor. The system needed to change.

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However, I believe that the change is too new to hope for true reconciliation among South Africans. There are too many white males who have been forced out of their jobs to make room for blacks to expect the races to be willing to reconcile. Likewise, there are too many blacks who continue to fail in school because they are unable to use the technology that the whites expect them to use but to which they have only recently gained access. To me, it seems that the pain of both blacks and whites is too fresh for true reconciliation to occur in South Africa at this time. Nonetheless, the society has made the changes necessary to move forward and acknowledge all human beings as equal, regardless of color.

Reflections The Southern United States, Northern Ireland, and South Africa all have histories tainted with the shame of segregation, hate, and discrimination. Each of these societies has made strides toward overcoming its shameful past. From what I saw during the summer tour of these areas, time is the most necessary element in truly achieving peace in these societies. The old phrase, “Time heals all wounds” may actually hold true in regard to overcoming the prejudices of the past. Each society has taken the necessary steps to even the playing field of its citizens, but only time can heal the wounds suffered by all. Background Photo: Cape Town, South Africa

the evidence of dawn by derrick d. donald Only months after delivering his first inaugural address, Ronald Wilson Reagan stood before a promising generation of graduates at the University of Notre Dame. Recasting the words of Isaac Newton, he said, “Each generation sees farther than the generation that preceded it because it stands on the shoulders of that generation. You’re going to have opportunities beyond anything that we’ve ever known.” During his lifetime, Reagan witnessed a number of the nation’s dark seasons of economic distress, war, and enduring racial tension. Nevertheless, he believed that ordinary Americans would continue to transcend immediate obstacles and — ultimately — contribute to a national uplifting. Each would sustain America’s growth and freedom by contributing his or her strengths to the common cause of advancement. Honoring one who uplifted the nation in pursuit of equality, Reagan would later sign legislation enacting a federal holiday to commemorate the extraordinary life and legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. However, in the preceding decades, King’s vision for racial reconciliation and the dreams of countless others appeared discouragingly distant. James Meredith, a contemporary of King, found no solace in exclusion and determined to become the first registered black student at The Univer-

University of Mississippi student Derrick Donald

sity of Mississippi. Paul Guihard, a French journalist covering Meredith’s endeavor, was on the Oxford campus on the evening of September 30, 1962. On that autumn evening, federal marshals escorted Meredith onto campus to ensure his safe enrollment. As minutes passed, a defiant crowd assembled in protest with intensifying anger. By nightfall, a riot ensued. Consequently, Guihard was shot and killed at close range

by a gunman. As he lay dead under the night sky, Paul Guihard would never witness Meredith’s enrollment which would follow in the hours after dawn. Although the voice of Guihard — slain as rioters began to attack reporters — was silenced, yet another courageous voice remained. As broken glass from the prior night glittered under the morning sun, stuthe university of mississippi 2008 | 95

dents and outsiders would awaken to read the daring words of Sidna Brower, editor of the campus newspaper. Brower, in an editorial that appeared in The Mississippian, condemned the violence. Having written the editorial within her sorority house on the night of the riot, she contended that the rioters brought “dishonor and shame to the university and to the state of Mississippi.” Brower’s rebuke was certainly unwelcome. Still, she held her ground. After Meredith’s successful enrollment, Brower also spoke against an act of cruelty that was directed toward students who chose to eat dinner with Meredith. In an editorial published on November 20, 1962, she boldly wrote, “… all students should have the right to associate with whom they please and be able to say what they please without the fear of being chastised.” As a result of her writings, Brower was snubbed by friends and later censured by the student senate. Meredith’s bravery would create an enduring path of opportunity for the many students who would follow in his steps. However, these students would not traverse the campus of Ole Miss unaware of the past. Though memories yet lingered, new generations emerged — increasingly distanced from the ills of former days. And nearly forty years after Meredith’s enrollment, Nic Lott — against all odds — resolved to become the school’s first black student body presi-

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and remarkable election, Lott would lead the pledge of allegiance at the 37th annual Republican National Convention in Philadelphia, PA.

Getting on the bus for a tour of Oxford. dent. After campaigning vigorously, articulating his desire to develop a more representative student government, he remained doubtful of his ability to win. Yet, he did win. Lott’s victory symbolized the reality of reconciliatory progress and occurred just two years before the student senate repealed the resolution that censured Brower. In the months after his spirited campaign

As Ronald Reagan closed his commencement address at Notre Dame, he recited the words of William Faulkner — a famed Oxford writer who died less than three months prior to Meredith’s transfer to Ole Miss: “I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.” In quoting Faulkner, Reagan hoped to remind the scholars before him of their capacity to triumph in the contemporary world. Continuing his address, Reagan said, “My hope today is that in the years to come — and come it shall — when it’s your time to explain to another generation the meaning of the past … that you’ll recall the truths ...” Even now, perhaps, as the world recounts the dark nights of the past, we — like Meredith, Brower, and Lott — can stand as the evidence of dawn. LESSONS FROM NORTHERN IRELAND Nothing remained hidden from the Tunisian sun as warm sunlight bathed the landscape. Mosques stood majestically in the eastern sky as a young Muslim girl, Sahla, leapt playfully from African soil. Trailing the path

of destiny, she would someday bid farewell to the familiar skies of her homeland. Northern Ireland, a nation under British rule with an oft-celebrated Christian heritage, became her second home. Memories of towering mosques and the distinct intonations of Islamic prayers contrasted greatly with this new land. Yet, historical conflicts and lingering rifts hideously blight the beauty of its predominately Christian architecture. In the shadows of crosses, Protestants â&#x20AC;&#x201D; who were chiefly of English or Scottish descent â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and native Irish Catholics spilled their blood in a violent struggle for power. On October 5, 1968, in the city of Derry, Northern Ireland, nearly five hundred Irish Catholic citizens gathered peacefully in public protest. The population of Derry, unlike the nation in which it resided, was predominately Irish Catholic. However, British Protestants, whose population constituted the minority, had long gerrymandered electoral constituencies within the city and, hence, maintained majority rule. Subject to unrepresentative governance that impaired equal access to jobs and housing, Irish Catholics marched in protest of injustice. On that cold and fateful October day, as unsuspecting protesters followed their course, the local police force tightly held their clubs. In the moments following, the marching crowd of men, women, and children were mercilessly beaten. As bleeding wounds

A window display in Belfast, Northern Ireland, depicting (left to right) Bobby Sands, Che Guevara, and Nelson Mandela. the university of mississippi 2008 | 97

Riots broke out in Derry, Northern Ireland, on October 5, 1968. stained their garments, riots ensued. “The Troubles” had begun. Nearly forty years after this haunting march for civil rights, Sahla and I stood in the city of Belfast, Northern Ireland. Chilled by very cold wind gusts, we awaited the start of the Orange parade — a celebratory march featuring a number of Protestant fraternal lodges loyal to the British crown. The parade marks the defeat of King James II — a Catholic — by Prince William of Orange — a Protestant — at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. 98 | the university of mississippi 2008

As the parade slowly began, I watched as children gleefully waved British flags. Reflecting on the disturbing history of “The Troubles,” which lasted nearly thirty years, I grieved within — knowing that this violent period claimed the lives of more than three thousand adults and children. Only hours before the parade began, a young man was beaten unconscious with an iron bar by a drunken mob of British loyalists. Yet another act of violence occurred during the Orange parade as a marching band member physically assaulted a nearby civilian.

Although “The Troubles” ended in 1998 with the Good Friday Agreement, unrest persists — as signified by the parade violence earlier in the month. “The Troubles” began with protests for equality but ended with hopes — brewing within the hearts of the evolving Irish community — for liberation from British rule. I would later meet a former member of the Irish Republican Army, a violent paramilitary organization that fought British rule through armed resistance. As he led Sahla and I through a graveyard with the buried remains of many who died during “The Troubles,” I adamantly questioned the use of violence as a means of attainment. I considered his story. He emotionally, described his eighteen months of political imprisonment. Hastily stripped of his garments on the first day of detainment, only a metal chain bearing a Catholic pendant remained on his bare flesh. When the British soldiers before him raucously demanded its removal, his nervous hands failed to unclasp it. Impatiently, the soldiers ripped the chain from his neck and struck him until he lay bare on the cold floor. A rainbow appeared in the cloudy sky above the historic graveyard several minutes after our conversation ended. While soft rain drizzled, I contemplated his account, blood guilt, and eventual departure from faith. His story, though personal, is common to many in nations with visible scars of conflict.

Violence and war, I suppose, strip all of us. In every conflict, there are consequences — humanitarian, environmental, and economic. As global citizens, it remains our great aim, whenever possible, to work through our inevitable differences in pursuit of peaceful resolutions. John Hume, a Nobel Peace Prize recipient who has been instrumental in the peace process of Northern Ireland, mirrored this reality. Hume, whom Sahla and I had met only days before, once said, “Difference is of the essence of humanity. Difference ... should therefore never be the source of hatred or conflict. The answer to difference is to respect it. Therein lies a most fundamental principle of peace ...” In speaking with him, I perceived that Hume untiringly believes that a borderless peace that transcends racial, religious, and ideological differences is within reach. Yet I wondered if Hume — or even I — would witness the dawn of such a great day. Upon noticing my depth of thought, Sahla asked me, “How long does it take for the olive tree to grow?” I searched my soul for an answer, pondering Christian parables central to the faith that I found in my years on Mississippi soil. Though I searched within, I found no answer. With a smile, she answered, “Two generations. One generation plants the seed. The next reaps the harvest. Plant the seed.” Across our differences, with hope, we agreed.

A contemplative look to the past for visitors to the Belfast Cemetery. the university of mississippi 2008 | 99

founders hall, trent lott leadership institute

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Trent Lott leadership institute at the university of mississippi

student reflections graduate program 2009

graduate lott leadership program 2009 The 2009 Lott Leadership Exchange Program brought together masters- and doctorate-level students from The University of Mississippi and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University to probe the theme â&#x20AC;&#x153;Race and Reconciliation in the United States and South Africa.â&#x20AC;?

The group followed a plan similar to previous programs, exploring the historical, cultural, environmental, and political aspects of the partner countries. Students were again asked to reflect on how they fit into the concept of reconciliation and what experiences were of the greatest impact to their thinking.

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Essays from some group members follow. Background Photo: The Mississippi Delta lies between the Mississippi and Yazoo Rivers. This region is remarkably flat and contains some of the most fertile soil in the world.

reflections of two worlds with similar issues by mampho tsotetsi Breathtaking moments, teary events, and the very best of three diverse cultures — this reflection of my Trent Lott Leadership Exchange Programme is written in the same manner in which it impacted my life — before and after the trip. There were moments of confusion, discomfort, love, envy, anger, frustration, understanding, and peace, all bouncing around within me and impacting my feelings. It was unstructured, confusing, and yet enlightening at the same time. I write this piece as a reflection on the yearning for freedom and peace, and the fear of reverse racism in South Africa.

cross-cultural communication, body language issues, and conflict prevention. Mississippi We arrived on a very hot summer’s day in Mississippi on 9th July 2009. I instantly knew it would be an experience that would remain embedded in my heart and thoughts for a lifetime. We spent the first two days in Oxford at The University of Mississippi, where we sat through lectures conducted by Andy Mullins, Curtis Wilkie, and Don Cole, at the William Winter Institute for Racial Reconciliation.

Preparation I had the pleasure of partnering with five extraordinary individuals on a mutual mission of representing South Africa, and its diverse cultures, to a group of independent, likeminded counterparts from the United States of America. In our preparations for the Programme, we had a few relevant and memorable workshops on stereotypes and the Truth Commission as a means for reconciliation in South Africa. We also touched on various aspects to prepare us for this journey upon which we were about to embark, like social behavior from a cultural context, cultural issues, health considerations (since the

The site of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., in Memphis, TN. world was in the clutches of the “swine flu” epidemic), and personal safety in Mississippi. On a more personal level we looked at cross-cultural issues with which we would be faced and, which would help us manage the stress associated with culture shock,

My most memorable field trip was the excursion to Memphis and the National Civil Rights Museum. It was like walking down memory lane as a young African girl growing up in Thokoza (Gauteng). Students being violated by white policemen in their “hippos” (big bulletproof military trucks) were a norm in my neighborhood, but seeing hatred from another side of the world broke my heart at the cruelty humans possessed. I cried from the beginning until the end of that memorial excursion. I think the biggest part of my pain was based on how much I could relate to these people that were now just viewed as mere portraits. Those images renewed memories in me that I thought I had left a long time ago with my five-year-old self.

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Investigating myself This trip made me investigate my identity once again. I was a motivated, apologetic individual to white peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s guilt in South Africa. I had lost my identity. I was more relationship driven through intentional relationships, and emotionless towards race, religion, and any other forms of discrimination. I had been a person that looked at an individual as an entity, with general stereotypes about individuals based on collective traits they possessed. But after this tour I knew I had issues that I had buried, along with many scars in my deleted cognitive files. I cried while looking at the people on the images, my so called â&#x20AC;&#x153;kind,â&#x20AC;? with cruel white American people spiting at the African-Americans (reflected on the pictures), like those Afrikaaner boys who spat on me and my friends in high school as we walked past them during lunchtime every day. The picture of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., being shot was like the time when Chris Hani was assassinated at his home. The sculptures of the prison, where people were sent for marching for their rights as human beings was like the cell of Nelson Mandela and many other comrades who were sent to Robben Island. This is among the many comparative images that invaded my thoughts during the visit to the Civil Rights Museum.

The relationship between churches and the Civil Rights Movement is part of the legacy of religion in the African-American community. Most of the Mississippi leg of the trip reflected an approach towards education, religion, and their governmental policies. I personally felt that very little had been done in the form of reconciliation in the Mississippi region. Poverty was still rife, and the majority group seemed to be less interested in the situation of the minority group, specifically in regard to education and basic health care.

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Governor William Winter was, however, very enlightening. He educated us on his role in education reform from 1980-1984. Religion and the South Religion was another instrument being used in Mississippi to alleviate disruptions along racial lines, and Mission Mississippi (changing Mississippi one relationship at a time) was one of the locations where we attended

a lecture — with a core function of building bridges through faith. They stated three requirements for successful relationships: 1. Relationships require Quality Time. 2. Relationships require Personal Initiative. 3. Relationships require Honest Exchange. In conclusion to the Mississippi leg of the trip, it was an emotional “international” experience that I will forever be grateful to have experienced. Back home On our arrival in South Africa I had a sense of relief and comfort of being back at home, and also a feeling of belonging. I realized that when I was in the USA, I was very fortunate to be from a country that is of my ancestors and I felt a peaceful entitlement to the continent and gratitude that South Africans are on a journey less traveled. I particularly enjoyed the South African leg of the trip, for various reasons. I learned more about our political history, through our visits to Robben Island and the District Six Museum in Cape Town, Father Mario’s lecture on religion and race in South Africa, and Human Rights Commission head Jody Kollapen’s presentation on the improvement of South African Human Rights in a Post Apartheid South Africa. This trip was very educational on the past and present status

of the South African development process, giving me a sense of hope that we are on the right track to reconciliation, but that a lot still needed to be done. Since this trip I have started daily chats on my Facebook page to educate others to speak out and reflect on past experiences. I am doing this so that my friends can also start the healing process and look to the future with a renewed, positive vision. Translating what I learned I feel I must share some of the literature reviews that assisted me in defining some of the identity, cultural, and communication challenges that I experienced on this comparative journey of two continents, countries, and universities. Lusting and Koester (2005) maintain that language is both oral and written, therefore a verbal code is a set of rules about the use of words in the creation of messages. With reference to this statement, I found it fascinating that both the South African and Mississippi groups spoke English. Our expressions and definitions, depending on the context of the subject, differed greatly, not only among the two groups, but also in the South African group itself. The body language of others was so unique, and the relationships that had formed were fascinating from a behavioral standpoint. Although we

were prepared for stereotyping and guided on how to reduce stereotypes, it was only natural that I had predetermined notions on Americans, and what the “South” would be like from years of watching racial movies about Mississippi. Koester and Lusting (2006) define stereotyping as a form of generalization of a group of people. “When people stereotype others, they take a category of people and make assertions about the characteristics of all people who belong to that category.” They go on to state that this classification and simplification is created by a direct experience with only one or two people of a particular group, which is probably based on secondhand information and opinions; output from mass media; and general habits of thinking, which may even have been formed without any direct experience with individuals from that group. This was the case with me. I had seen it on television, heard about it from social contacts, and seen it through other people’s experiences, but I did not have concrete, firsthand experience to constitute my stereotypes about both Mississippians and white farmers in South Africa. Boy, were those stereotypes of mine false! The people that I met in both those areas were some of the most extraordinary people that I have ever had the privilege of meeting. The great hospitality and kind hearts of the

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farmers left me with such gratitude to be a South African. There were so many special people that I met in Mississippi â&#x20AC;&#x201D; they opened up their hearts and let in a stranger. Raising some issues There are a few issues that I identified in both South Africa and Mississippi. They both portrayed a characteristic of gender and racial inequality on both social and political dimensions with strong resistance to change. These resistance tactics sprung from: insufficient motivation to change, a loyalty to assimilation, insufficient understanding of culture, a narrow definition of diversity, affirmative action baggage, a lack of strategic perspective, the desire to avoid risk, insufficient leadership, unrealistic time frames for change, comfort from the privileged, lack of power from the underprivileged, inadequate change-management skills, and the magnitude of effort required to implement diversity and change. Although South Africa had implemented numerous policies to minimize or attempt to alleviate these inequality issues (such as affirmative action and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission) there is a lack of consistency and follow-up on these policies. The other aspect that I identified on this trip is that these policies only benefit a few from the large population that is still at a disadvantage. In Mississippi the leaders have

avoided the truth and reconciliation route. In my view this is because the affected population is the minority (i.e. African-Americans. They prefer to focus on education, leaving out skill development. South African leaders, on the other hand, need to revisit their roots of relationshipbuilding interventions, which have not been as effective as I am sure the policy setters intended them to be. They have done well, but a second look is needed and alterations need to be made to keep up with rapidly changing times. We need social economists that can foresee and predict a social crisis that may arise in the future, which does evidently come back to education, but in South Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s case, a promotion of higher education. We are in need of skilled policy setters that have mastered their field of study and are committed to bettering the continent as a whole. I found the patterns fascinating. As a society we have inherited all of them, particularly those involving color, gender, and social lines â&#x20AC;&#x201D; from the medieval times, the Renaissance, the period of the reformation, the era of Nazism, and now South African democracy. However, I found that throughout all these periods people have been yearning for

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freedom. I feel that the world is becoming closer, yet further away from this call. This trip gave me a renewed strength to help in the process and struggle for individual freedom from systems that stereotype people as collectives and are only interested in the material gain of a few. My conclusion In conclusion, I have committed myself to be actively involved in the change movement and to partake in programmes that empower people to better themselves. I will be a leader with no title, but I will lead with a spark that empowers others with the knowledge and privilege that I have gained from this amazing journey. I will also stress the importance of education as a means of human development.

Words are but limiting to my gratitude.

reconciliation: a reflection of four weeks on two continents by hein visser During the mid-year holidays, six South African and six American graduate students, together with their respective academics, embarked on a race, religion, and reconciliation exchange program. This program changed my life and, more specifically, the way I view race relations. The path to reconciliation is a long and difficult one, but the journey has begun. Prior to departing for Atlanta, the NMMU’s Office for International Education held a stereotype reduction workshop where the following question was posed: “I am a South African. To me this means …” My answer? “Sometimes it makes me proud, sometimes I feel nothing, mostly ... it makes me feel like I am part of change, which I love.” Although my answer has not changed, I now understand why I gave that answer. The prospect of interracial reconciliation Some of the biggest barriers which prevent South Africans from living in peace are the language and cultural barriers. These do not only affect the reconciliation between white, coloured, Indian, and black people, but also between different ethnicities within the black South African race, such as the Xhosa and Zulu tribes. Although the United States of America does not have as big a language

barrier to overcome, cultural issues still fuel racism. It is through not understanding one another’s cultures that unfamiliarity makes one feel like an outsider. During our time at the Trent Lott Leadership Institute at The University of Mississippi, we spent countless hours debating possible ways of getting people from different cultures to come together and embrace each other. David Molina, a guest lecturer from the William Winter Institute for Racial Reconciliation highlighted an example of a difficulty, which could have so easily been overcome, had the American citizens just made a conscious effort to understand the thought and behavior patterns of the other race. Specifically referring to the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, the black and white population of the South refused to understand each other’s cultures. Black people had a tendency to march when they disagreed with something (which white people considered to be barbaric), whereas white people preferred a more “civilized” manner to resolve conflict, such as signing resolutions, which blacks had viewed as mere words on paper. Although both ways can bring about change, it intensified segregation. The same can be said for South Africa.

We need to look at how parliament is setting right the injustices of the past. Our legislature has taken numerous steps toward achieving the goals set out in the Constitution. After repealing the 1948 Apartheid Acts, a great step was taken in establishing the Constitution. Thereafter followed the Affirmative Action Acts and Black Economic Empowerment. Although racism is not on paper anymore, it is still very much alive in our country. Acts like these are seen by many young white South Africans as reverse racism. The distinction between equality and equity is not common knowledge and therefore not understood by youngsters and has, in effect, set off a new generation of white anger and hatred. There is an alarming need for our government to sort out socio-economic issues. Our education system has undergone major reform in recent years, but we must keep on changing it until we have included some sort of curricula that makes kids understand our history in order for us to build a future together. Education starts at the moment of conceptualization, and we must take advantage of the fact that a child’s brain is like a sponge. Housing, or rather lack of it, is a major consequence of Apartheid which has not been set right. While we were in America, we

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drove through one of their suburbs which they considered a “poor area,” even though it was consistent with our middle-class neighborhoods. On the return leg of the trip, we showed the Americans around a township, which basically had one of the girls in tears. It hurts so badly to see how people are forced to live under such conditions. People should have equal opportunity, regardless of religion or race. We spoke about numerous ways of enabling people of different cultures and races to interact, including facilitation of dialogue, community centers, and forcing it, as bad as that may sound. My favorite part of the trip was visiting the Tutwiler Community Education Center in the Mississippi Delta, historically a poor black area. This is a center where kids go after school and are basically given the opportunity to be a kid. They have different toys for the kids to play with, brushes to paint, motivational quotes on the walls, and an indoor basketball court, where the kids can play different types of sports. It serves a double function of enjoyment, as well as keeping the kids off the streets, which potentially could lead to a life of crime. I personally like the idea of implementing such community centers throughout townships in South Africa. Sport is an unwrit-

The popular rugby team at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. ten universal language and possesses the potential to let people from different backgrounds interact regardless of whether a language barrier exists. While we were walking around in the townships in Port Elizabeth and Cape Town, I received many different looks from the black folk, since a township is not a place for a white male. Tension was only broken when I would smile and show them the sign for the Pirates foot-

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ball team. Although this may sound idiotic, it was a common ground where we could relate, even though we have very little else in common. Former president Nelson Mandela was once quoted as saying, “Sport has the power to change the world, to inspire, to unite people in a way that little else can.” The State of Mississippi has gained the most ground of all the states in America on

removing racism from society, but at the same time, they had the most ground to cover. The situation holds the same for our beloved country. South Africa has made huge inroads into achieving a rainbow nation, but the road is still so long. Ultimately, the passing of time will have the biggest influence. For now, we are on the right road and unless something unforeseeable occurs, we can pull this off. My personal reconciliation process I never really experienced the (negative) effects of being a white male until my varsity days. Growing up during my school years, I attended the same schools as my coloured and black friends and we played the same sports as teammates. Then the shock of reality kicked in. Suddenly, when one applied for a job, you were not black enough to warrant an interview. I am fortunate to have achieved most of my dreams, but some of my closest friends are feeling the effects of what our ancestors have done. Do two wrongs really make a right? Many people describe Africans as black people who practice certain cultures. Where does that leave me? I was born in this country, I love this country, and I have as much right to call myself African as anyone else. I refuse to carry white guilt around. This society needs to find a balance between setting

right the inequalities of the past and accommodating the youngest white generation without alienating them. It pains me to see bright talent emigrate due to a system that makes no place available to them. This Programme has opened my eyes to the realities of our country. It further enabled me to truly understand why certain things are the way they are. If a three-week journey can A football (soccer) game on the beach in South Africa. change the way 12 students view the world, what difference would people. When I asked Jodie Kollapan, head a lifetime of dedication by a whole nation of the Human Rights Commission, what his make? thoughts on Ubuntu were, his comment was “Ubuntu has not been internalized, it has I think the answer to all these problems can become a slogan.” This is where each citibe found in one of our very own African zen has to play his or her part. Take Ubuntu concepts: Ubuntu. Archbishop Desmond and make it your own. Be the change that Tutu described Ubuntu as “the essence of you want to see in this country. being human.” Ubuntu speaks particularly about the fact that you cannot exist as a hu- I conclude this article by emphasizing that it man being in isolation. It speaks about our is impossible to quantify the value of under“interconnectedness.” Basically, the Zulu standing. If we understand, we can realize maxim “umuntu numinous ngabantu” refers Ubuntu. It is up to each and every one of us to a person being a person through other to be that change agent. nelson mandela metropolitan university 2009 |109

race and reconciliation in two continents by monwabisi wopo This review will serve as a narrative playing out personal accounts of how I perceived, and still perceive, the question or subject of race and reconciliation. My accounts are set in two countries on two different continents: the United States of America and the Republic of South Africa. Race in both settings First, the experiences accounted for in the countries differ. I did, however, note that the subject, or matter, of race in both the countries visited is a very sensitive subject. People almost make a conscious effort not to talk about it. They don’t want to seem like they could be racist or that they have a problem with the other race. I say people “almost make a conscious effort” in that they seem to have repressed their consciousness of color dissimilarities because of the values, norms, and, indeed, sanctions that have been put in place by the two societies, and the global community as a whole, on individuals that actually discriminate because of color. It is almost, because I could see through the fake smiles, the “would-you-go-away now” look and the vacating of the dance floor when I — a black man — stepped on the dance floor (Stellenbosch). The latter I did not mind, because that meant I had more room to do the boogie, the twist, or the foxtrot if I so wished.

Religion has a strong influence on city ordinances and the social life in Oxford, Mississippi. Mississippi has a horrible record when it comes to safeguarding the liberty and freedom of African-Americans. Mississippi is a closed society that is entrenched in its own unique and, indeed, tailored conservative norms and values. For example, on a Saturday night all the nightspots have to be closed by midnight so that everybody can

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go to church on Sunday, and the entire state does not sell alcohol on Sunday. Also, it is the 21st Century and the State of Mississippi has almost nonexistent trade unions. As a matter of fact, there was a deliberate attempt initiated during the Civil Rights Movement, and until this day, trade unions have not been able to infiltrate the state.

The attempt by The University of Mississippi and other civic organizations to try and redress these injustices of the past through the Truth Project, I think, will unfortunately not be very successful. The Truth Project It is my opinion that the Truth Project will never be successful in truly reconciling the people of the South. I base this conclusion on a comparison of, their project to South Africa’s model of the Truth and Reconciliation Program, which might be unfair, or fair, depending on which way you look at the USA as a First World country. First, the project is based on individuals volunteering information about what they have done to other people in the past and does not set a specific time frame, or a specific nature of crimes for which people may seek forgiveness. Second, these attempts, noble as they might be, are not formally supported by institutions of the government. This has two implications: Unlike the case here in South Africa, in the U.S. there is no Human Rights Violations Committee investigating human rights abuses that occurred between today and whatever relevant year in the past. Also, should one come forward with whatever confession, they expose themselves fully to the power of the law. These two facts are enough to discourage any person from coming forward and confessing to anything.

Third, I do not think people in the communities are even aware, or fully aware, of such a project, which means that there will never be anyone answering the call. Also, I believe that if the issue were publicized enough, then government would be forced to recognize these attempts and support this initiative. At the moment, both black and white Mississippians smile, nod, and exchange light pleasantries with one another, but as one Mississippi priest who spoke to us noted “... there is a lot of unresolved tension between blacks and whites in Mississippi, but everybody’s busy trying to be nice and neighborly to one another; then when they are inside their houses they say: ‘He’s a mean-mean man, but bless his heart!’ That is what it is to be a resident in Mississippi, to put God before everything and try to do and say the Christian thing.” Musing on Black Economic Empowerment In the case of South Africa, before this trip I believed that fourteen years was a long enough time, and perhaps it was time to move on and focus on being a “Rainbow Nation.” I was not in favor of Black Economic Empowerment, and I thought the time for employment equity was over and a new “all race” —encompassing system needed to be put in place. Perhaps I might still feel this way, especially when it comes to these

state-sponsored initiatives being the organs for self-enrichment and fueling the growing gap between the “have’s” and the “have not’s.” These initiatives have created a huge gap between black people where the “have not’s” feel so disenfranchised from and by the system, that they have almost given up hope, and this democracy so many people speak of, they see manifested only in this black elitist class that has emerged. As much as I want to be hired, and be promoted primarily on merit and not because of quota, I now hold a different belief from before I was involved in this Programme. Perhaps for the first time in a very long time, or ever, I feel very strongly about being black, where I am from, and how I fit and perhaps do not fit, into the bigger scheme of things. I do not think there will ever truly be a reconciled South Africa as long as almost 50 percent of the black population is still poverty-stricken. In its noble attempts, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission did try and bring peace into people’s hearts and minds as far as knowing exactly what happened to their relatives and who the perpetrators were. But, as far as reconciling people, in the most literal definition of the word, integrating them and entrenching this notion of a “Rainbow Nation,” I think, has failed. I think there was a general assumption on the part of the conveners, and the government, that the people would be ready to integrate and automatically trust

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one another if there was a week-long dialogue between people. As it were, people were allocated a particular hour and day to share their pain and talk about their heartache. If individuals missed their hours, or their spirits did not allow them to share on that day, they would never again be properly heard, as they had officially missed their chance to talk. You do not open up wounds and scars, leave them unattended, and hope the affected will just heal over time. That is not how you deal with people! In my opinion, people were just left to fend for themselves and heal one another with no appropriate interventions from the government to help with the healing. Instead, the government focused primarily on fiscal issues in the form of BEE and neglected the emotional needs of the people. Perhaps people would have been, or still will be, counseled emotionally after they are finally empowered financially. I do not know, but I do not think so. What I have seen and do know, however, is that there are still emotional scars in the hearts and minds of people, and a deep-seated mistrust of the “other” that shows itself when people let their guard down.

Emotions still at the core These emotions are sometimes only evident when people let their guard down because there is a movement that thinks like I did, that does not allow space and time for people to freely express themselves. They are not allowed to express themselves because there is a belief that we have dealt with our past, that we have spent too much time talking about it, and it is now time to move on. I find that white South Africans, especially 25-year-old’s and under, do not want to talk about racial issues and Apartheid because they do not want to feel guilty, and/or responsible for what happened in the past. That is why there is no need to talk about it. In reality, however, I think we have built, and are continuing to build, this nation that lives on pretense, and we hide in our comfort zones and pretend that everything is “OK” in the world because we are “OK.” When it comes to black youths and teenagers, the movement contends that they do not, and should not, have anything to say about Apartheid or racial issues, because they were too young to have felt the full effects when democracy was finally ushered in. I, too, used to hold these sentiments to some degree, but people and the youth do not live in a vacuum. Yes, Apartheid is gone and a new era is being ushered in, but the

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parents of that teenager are still battling their scars and they know the story of Apartheid and of the “white devil” only too well in their hearts. The townships where these teenagers live and the poverty they face every day is still indicative of the power of Apartheid and racial segregation, resulting in a feeling and mentality of “them and us” and “they have everything, we have almost nothing.” In conclusion, I contend that as long as the gap between the rich and the poor is as wide as it is in South Africa, whether it be wealthy whites or blacks, there will always be problems between the people. For most black people, democracy is only truly experienced at election time. There is no democracy between elections. There are only the wealthy few who have everything, do as they please, and get away with everything. Until the disparities between the races are addressed, until the parents who still have Apartheid fresh in their hearts and minds are healed, and until we are afforded the platform to address issues as a nation, then only

will there be true reconciliation.

testing our devotion to freedom: a reflection of my experiences by kirstin wait “The policy of Apartheid created a deep and lasting wound in my country and my people. All of us will spend many years, if not generations, recovering from that profound hurt” (Nelson Mandela, 1995). I chose to begin my reflection with this quote as it struck such a powerful chord within me when I first read it; and yet, I did not truly understand the gravity of these words until I had participated in the Trent Lott Leadership Programme of 2009. I am a 23-year-old, English-speaking, white South African female. My life has undeniably been sheltered to a large degree. In fact, up until my first year of high school, Grade 8, I never really knew what Apartheid was, or how it had affected my country. Previously I had a very superficial understanding of Apartheid. I knew that blacks had been marginalized in South Africa, but it took learning about it in our history lessons in Grade 8 for me to really conceptualize the horrors inflicted upon these people. I was raised by two amazing humanitarians, both of whom are doctors and have dedicated their lives to healing the poorest members of our society on a daily basis. As a result, I was taught from an early age that we are all equal in the eyes of God and that there is never any valid reason to discriminate against another human being. From a young age, I attended

schools with a multiracial demographic; in fact, my best friends at school were black and coloured. I never really saw race, until I was nine years old and a white neighbor expressed a complete distaste for my selection of friends. What this experience made me realize This experience was truly an eye-opener in many forms and to varying degrees. First and foremost, I will admit that I was undoubtedly prejudiced about the American people. Prejudice is such a deceptive “little trickster” and it is amazing how susceptible we are to it. Having been a movie fanatic all my life, I had definitely formed an opinion that the Americans we would encounter from the South were all going to be like the patriotic, gun-slinging, hillbilly, obese, insular, and ignorant types that you see on shows like Jerry Springer. I am relieved to say that I was sadly mistaken and, in fact, I have yet to meet another nation of people more like South Africans than them. I am truly blessed to have forged some great friendships with the Americans and rather embarrassed to think that I landed on American soil with such unreasonable expectations, created by nothing more than my exposure to the media. We are actually very similar One aspect of the trip that truly surprised

me was the realization that the histories of our nations are far more alike than any of us had thought possible. I always knew that America had a system of slavery, where black people from Africa had been brought over as slaves to work for the white man. These black people, like in South Africa, had been marginalized and discriminated against for decades. However, I had no idea that our Apartheid regime had been fashioned off the Jim Crow laws which had plagued the black American people. The Jim Crow laws were enforced after slavery was abolished. They were designed to create the impression that black and white were equal, but should be separate in society. Each race group had very defined and distinct public facilities for their use, and everywhere you went there were signs indicating, “colored only” or “whites only.” Our system of public governance in South Africa was similar, the only difference being that not one black South African was ever enslaved by the whites in this country. While, traveling around Mississippi and speaking to our fellow American students, it became clear to me that even forty-something years after signing the Civil Rights Act in America, they are still facing many of the same issues that South Africans are facing 15 years after we became a democratic country. Poverty, crime, a lack of education,

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suppression of emotion and acknowledgment of the violent histories of our two countries are major issues for both nations. When Nelson Mandela said that there was a “deep and lasting wound” created by Apartheid, my initial understanding was the emotional and physical wounds of the black people. Although there is reference to this in these words, I have subsequently learned that these “wounds” extend to the socioeconomic problems within our society as well, the most obvious problem being the poverty within our country, and also American society, as a result of the discrimination and isolation of the Jim Crow and Apartheid systems. This stems largely from a lack of quality education among the black people of both nations, which results in the inability to find sufficient jobs and salaries to feed, house, and clothe themselves and their families. American and South African education Arriving in America, I was shocked to learn that the American education system is state governed and therefore different depending on the state in which you live. Some states are far more conservative than others and, as a result, their educational curriculum is more conservative as well. For example, Mississippi is a very religious and conservative state and, as a result, they preach absti-

Students work together in an elementary classroom in Port Elizabeth, South Africa. nence at schools in sex education, whereas a larger, less conservative state such as California would not. I strongly believe that in order to overcome the socio-economic issues which are inhibiting the progress of our nations, we need to educate the poor and wealthy alike across all states and provinces. I am proud to say that the South African education system is attempting to do just that.

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Although flawed, I believe the new Outcomes-Based Education System (OBE) is a step in the right direction. This new system of education attempts to create within learners an acceptance and tolerance for difference in society by covering a variety of cultural, racial, linguistic, and religious differences in the national curriculum — without placing emphasis or importance on any one. Just like my experience with

Nelson Mandela was president of South Africa from 1994 to 1999. feeling prejudiced towards the Americans, we cannot hope to overcome the emotional wounds of the past and natural instinct to be judgemental without being exposed to and, therefore, understanding the reasons for different mannerisms and cultural practices. Once an understanding has been created, we are far less likely to treat anyone as “other,” thus allowing for the construction of lasting and meaningful relationships. The most important lesson One of the most important lessons I learned on this trip was that in order for both South African and American societies to progress, the people need to feel that they are able to express themselves freely, openly,

and safely, away from all judgement and discrimination. Until I went on this trip, I had never truly voiced my opinions openly in front of black South Africans, for fear of being labeled a racist the moment I opened my mouth. In one of our group discussions, the topic of the Black Economic Empowerment system (BEE) in South Africa was raised. This was an uneasy topic for most of the group members, and it created a great deal of tension and frustration, but this was good, because this is what our society needs. We need to be able to criticize and discuss the merits of our political and social systems without fear of being judged. I openly expressed my anger and frustration towards the BEE system. Being a white woman, I have often had experiences where I have been refused work or financial aid because I am not previously disadvantaged. My protests aroused many varied responses. My argument is that I believe that this system has all the right intentions — and for that I applaud it — but I do not believe that it is being governed in the most beneficial manner. I am of the opinion that if I went for a job interview and the person I was competing against was equally qualified, but black, I would be happy to accept it if he or she was hired before me to create equal opportunities. My complaint is that far too many under-qualified individuals are being placed in positions of authority where they

have no experience in order to create equal opportunities, and this is negatively affecting our economic situation. In closing, I would like to once again quote Nelson Mandela, a truly great man and a blessing to South African society. He embodies everything that we as a people should aspire to be and his undeniable gift of insight into social issues is what makes him such a powerful figure. In his autobiography A Long Walk to Freedom, he outlines the social issues which we are still facing even today because of Apartheid. Even in 1995, a year after South Africa became a democratic country, when hopes and spirits were high and people believed that everything would change, Mr. Mandela had the insight to know that: “[t]he truth is that we are not yet free; we have merely achieved the freedom to be free, the right not to be oppressed. We have not taken the final step of our journey, but the first step on a longer and more difficult road. For to be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others. The true test of our devotion to freedom is just beginning.” References: Mandela, Nelson; 1995. A Long Walk to Freedom; Little Brown & Co. Johannesburg, South Africa.

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trent lott leadership institute 2009 study abroad reflection by ben guest Stepping off the plane and touching African soil (more precisely, African tarmac) for the first time in ten years I felt a rush of excitement. I first visited South Africa in April of 1998, staying for a few days in Johannesburg and Pretoria. I returned to South Africa in May 1999 and spent a week in Cape Town and Stellenbosch. In Cape Town I fell in love with the diversity of people, the contrasting landscape (oceans and mountains), and the cosmopolitan feel. In Stellenbosch, I fell in love with the food and the wine. Now, ten years later, as I stepped off the plane, I reflected on my (limited) impressions of the country when first I visited. In 1998, four years after the election of Nelson Mandela as President, the country, and the world, was optimistic for the future of South Africa. There had been little violence in the early 1990s during the political transition from Apartheid to majority rule. Mandela made a pointed effort to reach out to all South Africans (in 1995, even visiting Betsie Verwoerd, the widow of one of the central architects of Apartheid Hendrik Verwoerd). From an economic standpoint, development and infrastructure throughout the country were good. Multi-national companies were investing and South Africa represented, in many ways, hope for the entire troubled continent.

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Thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not to say all was perfect at the end of Apartheid. There were some storm clouds on the horizon. Crime was on the rise and there were numerous deaths from HIV/AIDS-related illnesses, but, to a visitor, the country seemed to be doing well, and there was a sense of togetherness from the various people with whom I talked (a sense of togetherness I was reminded of three years later when I visited New York City a few months after 9/11). So I was excited to return to South Africa. However, in 2009, I found that people were much less optimistic as to the future of the country (and again these impressions are based on a limited visit, although much more comprehensive both in geography and in personal interactions than before, courtesy of the program put together by the good people at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University). Coloureds with whom I talked felt that their status had changed little. In the past, whites had been on top of the pecking order, coloured and Indians in the middle, and blacks on bottom. Now, blacks were on top, whites on the bottom, and coloureds and Indians still in the middle. Blacks with whom I talked were concerned about the increasing polarization of national politics. Current President Jacob Zuma was

identified as an example of a politician who was increasingly reactionary and combative. Other concerns were the lack of economic opportunities for many blacks and the astronomical infection rates of HIV. The whites with whom I talked no longer felt included in the political process. Several whites mentioned that they were fearful of Mugabe-style land grabs. From an economic standpoint, crime has continued to increase, to the extent that security is a significant concern to any major corporation looking to open a branch or factory in South Africa. From a health standpoint, and due, in part, to the destructive policies of Mandelaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s successor, Thabo Mbeki (widely believed to be an AIDS denialist), South Africa, for years, made little progress in addressing a disease that has wiped out hundreds of thousands of people (the New York Times reported, in a November 2008, article that due to Mbekiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s limited response to the AIDS crisis at least 365,000 people died unnecessarily). The optimism that I felt ten years ago was gone. Furthermore, given the extent to which global warming and water and energy shortages are influencing global conflict, especially in Africa, I am not at all optimistic about the future of the country, or the continent.

my summer 2009 experience by ginger denton One of the most enjoyable of my experiences in South Africa was staying with the farmers in Post-Retief. The majority of the program involved the students being spoken to by various lecturers (in both countries) but Post-Retief enabled us to actually live with people who had experienced the repercussions of postApartheid. All of us had learned about the

horrors of the Apartheid regime but there had not been anyone to specifically tell us how the BEE affects whites, or how whites might view the existing government’s use of taxpayers’ money. Therefore, not only was it enjoyable for me to experience the rural part of the country (game drives, life on the farm, farm school, etc.) but I was also very interested to hear the farmers’ political thoughts. It was my experience that most of them would

not open up at first and immediately explain their misgivings about the current government, but if engaged in conversation for a while, the discussion would eventually turn to this topic. Since they did not feel pressured to give me their political philosophy, nor were they in front of a large group or feared being looked down upon because of their thoughts, they were more comfortable with opening up and telling me what was on their mind.

my reflection by mike hirschell When I try to explain to people what we did and what it was all about, I struggle to some degree as we did so much and the variability in the activities was great. The question I find somewhat easier is my favorite part of the program. The best thing for me was getting to know several South Africans to learning about their culture, which might not be extremely surprising as I am a psychologist with a particular interest in multicultural psychology. Some of the cultural experiences which come to mind include discussions about language and trying to say some words with clicks in Xhosa, discussing the history and experience of the “so called coloured people,” discussing some influences which Britain and the USA have had on the country, and discussing the importance of sports in South Africa.

Where I feel I should add some more description is with regard to the main focus of the trip: reconciliation. My memory is that as we were wrapping up the discussion on our last day and everyone had a turn to speak, I said that with respect to reconciliation I have more questions than answers. And that is still how I feel. I also said that having more questions than answers does not particularly bother me. The topic is extremely difficult, and there are no simple solutions so I feel that having the questions in my mind is at least a start. Listening to a wide variety of views from the participants, professors, and speakers opened my eyes greatly, and now I feel like I’m letting all of this mesh together. I see reconciliation as a process which takes time and something that is not easy. Photo: A walk near Hobie Beach, South Africa. the university of mississippi 2009 |117

reflections: a journey to south africa by jermaine jackson “This is what people call a once in a lifetime opportunity,” my best friend exclaimed when I told him I was going to South Africa. To say the experience was amazing does not do justice to the exposure I received as a participant in the 2009 Lott Graduate Exchange between The University of Mississippi and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University in South Africa. It was the most fantastic summer of my life, full of experiences very few of my peers have been afforded. There was a generally acceptable mixing of personalities and everyone got along. The twelve graduate students on this trip were from all walks of life but together provided a diverse and enjoyable exchange. There was tension at times. There were disagreements. But I think that overall the graduate exchange was a success. There was in-depth discussion that in many ways challenged the very beliefs we held. The most exciting part of this experience was there was no fear among the students to discuss the controversial issues or ask the tough or unpleasant questions. It was refreshing actually. Two moments really stand out regarding this leg of the trip. First, the discussion Kirsten, Sisanda, Monwabasi, Mary, Michael, and I had regarding the South African national anthem. The verses are each sung in a different language of South Africa. What 118 | the university of mississippi 2009

debate. We ended the discussion debating when was enough time to catch up. Addy and I together experienced my favorite moment in South Africa. We were at the Cape of Good Hope and walking up the hill gave us a lot of time to talk. Addy could actually remember parts of Apartheid and was giving me her perspective as we went up the hill. However, on the way down the hill our discussion changed to another topic. My question to Addy was simple: “When do you let go, if ever?” The passionate discussion we both had going back down was the best part of the trip. We were honest with each other about how we felt, what we saw, and how we perceived the divide between races. Cape of Good Hope translated to Afrikaans is Kaap die Goeie Hoop. started as a question regarding the choice of which four of South Africa’s 11 official languages to use turned into a wonderful discussion into the evolution of South Africa since 1993. The second moment was when Michael, Hein, and I went back to Hein’s apartment so we could do laundry. While we were waiting on the clothes to dry our discussion changed from the vague and guy-like to how whites in South Africa are feeling the pinch of affirmative action. Being the only African-American on the trip it was awesome to hear the other side of the

If you were to tell me that I could go back to South Africa this afternoon, I would have a suitcase packed in ten minutes. There is so much that is wonderful about this opportunity. Race and reconciliation is a passionate issue, one that leaves some people feeling better after a discussion, but I saw that while the South Africans were so much more willing to discuss it all, it was harder for me to open up. I feel we’ve adopted a policy in this state: “Don’t bring up race. It’ll make people uncomfortable.” But as Addy and Sisanda both told me, “If you are comfortable in a conversation, there is no impression being made. If you are comfortable then, nothing is being learned.”

reflections by mary mckenna Some might say that Mississippi has a comparative advantage over other states in the Union with respect to race. After all, Mississippians have a strong regional identity that is tied to a difficult and troubled history. Some might even go so far as to theorize that because race is an issue that pervades the state’s history, with its 200 years of slavery and its successive 100 years of effectively making AfricanAmericans second-class citizens, that race relations are more raw in Mississippi and therefore more honest. Compound such a racial history with debilitating poverty that has kept Mississippi in its grasp for so long, and one gets a drought of prosperity and progression. That being said, however, this trip taught me (happily) how far Mississippi has come. There were, no doubt, many hiccups along the way, and there is still plenty of work to do, but in my opinion, the active intention to keep moving forward appears promising and optimistic. Unfortunately, however, we often default to race — in cases of praise and blame — totally indefensible. On the other end of the spectrum, occasionally when trying to explain why we are not racist, we demonstrate exactly how and/or why we are. This dichotomy between having or recognizing

personal biases and not wanting to appear racist is not black and white. In the course of our trip, I became and continue to become more aware of my personal biases and my own bouts of racism. Confronting myself with these feelings has made me feel uncomfortable and, at times, ashamed.

At the same time, confronting my feelings has forced me beyond my comfort zone. With that said, here are some of the practical steps I learned from this program in achieving and fomenting reconciliation: confrontation; unconditional and unreserved acceptance; conversation; forgiveness; and restoration/reconciliation. I think this basic structure can be applied in many circumstances at both a personal and a public level. Confrontation is not necessarily a preamble to a fight. Rather, it can be a preamble to peace. The original disagreement usually springs from a failure to understand the nature of the problem. Confrontation clarifies the issues at stake and fleshes out the internalized ideologies that are subconsciously and/or overtly expressed in people’s attitudes. Confrontation also illuminates suppressed or acknowledged notions of self-hatred, humiliation, isolation, and an

impairment of the capacity to form close interracial relationships. The second step is unconditional and unreserved acceptance, acceptance of each other, acceptance of religion, and acceptance of race. This must be accompanied with an eagerness to listen, for no one feels more rejected than when they are not listened to, not allowed to be. The third step is conversation. Within this dialogue, it is imperative that one respects the other. The importance of the conversation is that it stirs feelings of empathy and familiarity, which contribute to peace, justice, and reconciliation. Forgiveness may be the hardest step because it requires the most personal discipline, if not sacrifice. Two of the hardest things to say in life are, “I am sorry,” and conversely, “I forgive.” But, if one can achieve this step, reconciliation is possible. The fifth and last step is restoration or reconciliation. It includes putting right all that possibly can be put right. I personally intend to implement this model not only in dealing with race relations, but in all facets of my life — school, work, family, friends, etc. In this way, I aim to effect the philosophy of ubuntu as consciously as possible.

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The Trent Lott Leadership Institute The University of Mississippi P.O. Box 1848 University, MS 38677, USA

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