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david ige
And The Big Gay Question
september 2014 Volume 6 Issue 2
4 community
President
Jade Le
L No! When Lesbians Want To Be Gay
6 Profile
Advertising & Marketing
William Fernandez: (ph) 808-281-4084
Production
Linda Giang
Lynne Hooili: Life And Love During The Pre-Tranny Years
16 military
Graphic design
Transgender Personnel In The U.S. Military
Kamele Eskaran
video & multi-media Lisa Baxter PJ Delanoza
18 entertainment
Contributing Writers
Chris Azzopardi Gary J. Gates Jody L. Herman Mickey Weems
Gloria Estafan Lives For Loving You
22 politics
Copy Editor
The Evolution Of Mark Takai
Mickey Weems
Legal & Research
Glenn Honda, Esq.
Public relations
Kamele Eskaran Lisa Baxter PJ Delanoza
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september 2014| 3
Communit y
“I’m gay.” Ellen Degeneres said those two words on her television comedy show Ellen in 1997 and made history by coming out before straight America was ready. But people noticed that she did not say “I’m lesbian.” In an interview for Time, Degeneres discussed her dislike for the L-word: “I’ve said it [lesbian] enough now that it doesn’t bother me. But lesbian sounded like somebody with some kind of disease. I didn’t like that, so I used the word gay more often.”
When Lesbians Want to be Gay b y M I C K EY W EE M S
Many women in Hawai‘i agree with Degeneres - they do not think lesbian is a sexy word, neither do they believe that it describes them for who they are. “I personally don’t like it. I’d rather be referred to as gay,” said Renae Balentine in Pearl City. Part of Balentine’s reluctance comes from her high school experiences in Delaware: lesbians were expected to dress a certain way and have certain haircuts. With her long hair at the time, Balentine did not fit expectations. “I felt like I had to conform to what a lesbian is supposed to be, like only being allowed to like biological girls. Because I was athletic, everyone assumed I was a butchie. I am more towards genderqueer.” “My wife is a big fan [of lesbian], but I tend to call myself gay,” said Sunny Monteiro, who resides in the Punchbowl area. “Maybe if I knew more about the word, I would find beauty in its recitation.” Since Monteiro asked, we have provided a lesbian background check.
H e r s t o r y >> Strictly speaking, the word “lesbian” refers to anyone from the Greek isle of Lesbos. The most famous person from that island is the classical Greek poetess Sappho, who wrote about her love for women 2,600 years ago. Sappho was condemned in the Middle Ages for inspiring forbidden lust, but she was never forgotten. By the 1800s, her name
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and home became code. Women who were turned on by women were called sapphists and lesbians, and same-sex woman-love was sapphism or lesbianism. Degeneres’ statement that lesbian sounds like a disease has a historical footnote to it. In the late 1800s, lesbianism was considered a mental illness of women who wished they were men, which could result in madness and even criminal behavior. The sensational 1892 murder of seventeen-year-old Freda Ward by her nineteen-year-old lover, Alice Mitchell, only made things worse.
“But lesbian sounded like somebody with some kind of disease.” G ay ( M a l e ) E x cl u s i o n a n d ( S t r a igh t ) F e mi n i s t Pa n ic : Dykes Need Not Apply >>
Fast forward to the summer of 1969, when gay people in Manhattan, New York decided to fight back. The Stonewall Rebellion shocked the world, and soon the word “gay” became part of a new international language with other words like “taxi,” “okay,” and “Coke.” But the gay liberation movement
was dominated by dudes who dissed the dykes, so women who loved women opted for the word “lesbian” and rejected “gay” in order to make themselves visible in a forest of misogynistic queer pricks. Lesbian visibility led to lesbophobia. Straight feminist women rejected their lesbian sisters - they feared that butchies would make their bra-burning brand of feminism look bad. Unfortunately, lesbophobia in feminist circles still exists today, despite the work of brilliant straight feminists who encourage grown-ups to drop the high school stereotypes mentioned by Renae Balentine.
Lesbians a n d L e s b o s >>
Like gay, lesbian spread around the world. This caused a negative reaction from citizens of Lesbos, also known as Lesbians with a capital L, who wanted to reclaim the name for themselves. Nevertheless, the livelihoods of many Lesbians on the isle of Lesbos has profited from the many foreign lesbians who come there as tourists, pilgrims, and settlers, some who choose to turn Lesbian in a seaside lesbian colony located in the Lesbian town of Sappho’s birth.
It is understandable that twentyfirst century women with samesex orientation might rather be gay, especially since at one point lesbianism was a potentially murderous medical condition. At the same time, being named after the island home of the most famous Greek poet in all of history is a good reason to love lesbian all the more. (Don’t hate, Lesbians!) september 2014| 5
profile
by M i ck e y weems photos J T L
Life and Love During the Pre-Tranny Years The current debate over who can say the word “tranny” marks an important shift in LGBT awareness. People of different identities under the LGBT umbrella are claiming the right to name themselves and reject the labels others have imposed upon them. But names change. “Tranny” is a fairly recent immigrant to Hawai‘i. Transwomen from back in the days of the Glades in 1970s Chinatown remember when tranny had not yet arrived. One such woman is Lynne Hooili, also known as Lynda Brown, who spoke with me while we sat together in her home in Pauoa Valley. The first time she heard “tranny chaser,” she didn’t know what it was, but that quickly changed. Then things changed again: “The other night, I said the word ‘tranny’ and somebody told me I shouldn’t say it.” Hooili is a witty, no-nonsense queen who spoke about labels, sex, love, and things that most 6 |
// September 2014
of us would find unbearable, or at least unspeakable. Life’s hardest lessons for Hooili started long before she was a sex worker on Hotel Street. “I was f*cked at age seven, and things got even more intense at age nine,” she stated without a trace of self-pity or the slightest hint of the trauma that must have accompanied repeated sexual assault before she had reached puberty. She could have been talking about the Jeep and truck parked in her carport. The Jeep belongs to Hooili’s spouse, Ida Lyu, a serene butch lesbian with a pleasant face and short blue hair. “We’ve known each other for twenty years,” said Hooili. “She asked me to
pr ofile
“The other night, I said the word ‘tranny’ and somebody told me I shouldn’t say it.” marry her, but I always said ‘No.’ Then, a couple of years ago, I finally said ‘Yes.’” This was before SB1. They were able to marry because, in the eyes of the law, they were man and woman. Their marriage is not simply one of convenience. The two of them represent one possibility in a galaxy of relationships that could occur between the “mahus” (defined in this context as males who dressed as women) and “butchies” (masculine women) in the pre-tranny street life of Chinatown and Waikiki. Tranny Who? When asked why she decided to turn tricks, Hooili answered, “Working the streets was more of a matter of survival.” Many transwomen across the globe have been sexually abused as kids, then rejected by society. No surprise, then, that some T-girls took refuge in the streets september 2014| 7
Communit y
as soon as they were able and survived any way they could, including sex work and glamming it up in clubs from Bangkok to Belize City. Honolulu was no exception. And Honolulu had its own lingo. “When I started working the clubs and streets, nobody called us ‘tranny,’” remembered Hooili. “We were either called ‘mahu’ or ‘faggot.’” But the girls did not call each other mahu. When asked what the girls called each other, Hooili replied, “Mary.” “Mahu” did not carry with it the patina of ancient Hawaiian tradition that the word has today. “I am Native Hawaiian and mahuwahine [effeminate Native Hawaiian male],” declared Hooili, recognizing that mahu could mean anyone in the LGBT collective back in the day, not just Native Hawaiians. It was a different world then. Hooili had an “I AM A BOY” button sitting on the table as we watched day turn into night. “We had to wear these or the cops would arrest us,” she said, although it was apparent who was a queen in Chinatown because they would often be in mahu drag: dramatic makeup, skirts as high as they could be with cleavage plunging as low as it could go if the girl in question could get away with it. The biggest giveaway was the hair, which Hooili said reached to the heavens. Mahus in drag, often in “high drag” (all the above characteristics pushed to glamorous extremes), attracted tourists and customers to the mahu zone between Mauna Kea, Pauahi, River, and Hotel streets on Oahu.
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Go Fish East of Pauahi was the “fish” zone for women-born-women working girls. Diamond Head of that was Waikiki, where Hooili typically made herself classier and straighter. In Waikiki, they turned tricks as “fish” (womenborn-women), a dangerous game that she described as “deception”: “I was taught by a popolo [black] queen how to tone down my look and lower the height of my hair. I also learned how to fish-f*ck and make the man believe he was having sex with a real girl.”
looked at all the mahus on Hotel Street and said, ‘I want to f*ck them all!’ Sure thing, honey! You must be a millionaire.” Everything But Easy Mahus on the street had it tough - cops could harass them at any moment and their clients could turn violent, even when there was no doubt concerning what a girl had between her legs. But the mahus were not left to fend for themselves. Butchies and some straight local men watched out for working girls like Hooili, ready to defend them
world where sex was always for sale, love did not have to include sexual attraction. In fact, romance might even be a minus. Sex was strictly business. Smart girls loved whoever was the most loyal, whoever had their backs in good times and bad. Love Is Love Out of all the pain, fun, and danger, Lynne Hooili and Ida Lyu had each other’s back, and their loyalty to each other through thick and thin formed a solid foundation for their life together.
“One straight man looked at all the mahus on Hotel Street and said, ‘I want to f*ck them all!’ Sure thing, honey! You must be a millionaire.” So, how exactly does one fishf*ck? Hooili was too much of a lady to go into details. Perhaps it is a trade secret.
from the occasional soldier, sailor, airman, or marine who might decide to get violent with them. But first they would let the girls go at him before stepping in.
Chinatown’s appeal, however, was not deception but enticement. Men would cruise the girls in the mahu zone precisely because they wanted a chick with a dick, precisely because the hot women might allow the man to blow them. “Some of the girls would say, ‘Oh no, I never do that!’ They were lying,” observed Hooili. After all, a buck is a buck. “One straight man
Living the life was especially brutal because mahus also fought each other. A new queen was tested by the experienced girls, who would fight her just to toughen her up. “You had to be ready to defend yourself on the street. Weakness was not acceptable.” In the midst of the brutality, pill-popping, glamour, and tough love was solidarity, friendship, even love. But in this
They now take care of the elderly as well as occasionally entertain Chinatown girls of the twenty-first century in the safety of their Pauoa home, just up the hill from the hot action on Hotel Street. When all is said and done, human beings understand that love, just like members of the LGBT community, has many splendid forms. The words we use: tranny, lesbian, butchie, fish, mahu, LGBT, sex, even love itself - may hide more than they reveal when it comes to real people like Hooili and Lyu.
september 2014| 9
Cover S t o ry
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Cover Story
by MICKEY WEEmS
photos courtesy of DAVId IGE FOR GOVERNOR
It is hard not to like him. We met at 8 am, in that hotspot of political intrigue: Zippy’s Restaurant on the corner of Vineyard and Mauna Kea streets. Democratic gubernatorial candidate David Ige entered the establishment with no bodyguards and no handlers, just a ready smile and a firm handshake. We took a booth in the midst of a slow breakfast shift as blue-collar workers strolled in and out. Nobody paid us any mind. He handed me a campaign brochure: “David Ige Governor” with his likeness on it. The picture features him in a black suit, white shirt, blue tie, and American flag lapel pin - the essence of a solid, standard politician, grounded in gravitas and not terribly charismatic. This is no doubt not accidental. The Ige campaign won the primary in part because the Hawai‘i electorate is apparently wary of flashy, controversial governors. >>
september 2014| 11
Cover S t o ry
>>
The man in a subdued green aloha shirt who sat before me in that Zippy’s booth was much more interesting than the one on the brochure. Ige gave me his full attention. His manner said we had all the time in the world - he glanced neither at a cell phone (which, if he had it on him, I never saw) nor a watch. Ige was fully engaged in our interview and what I had
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to say, which made him eminently charismatic. I told him that I had consulted my auntie, a retired educator and political observer, about him. When I asked her if she was a supporter of David Ige For Governor, she said, “Potentially.” I also told him that my auntie loves her gay nephew. Ige flashed that smile and told
me about the support he had received from his own former teachers, including the scheduler who set up this interview, Gail Ogawa. “She was my sixth grade teacher,” he said. We discussed the basic details of his campaign. Born in Honolulu and raised in Pearl City, Ige has a degree in electrical engineering and 35 years of private sector experience. He supports
Cover Story
education but is careful about what organizations should receive public funds. “State money means equal treatment for all,” he said when I asked him about funding for faithbased schools and charities that might discriminate against the LGBT community. He brought up Catholic Charities as an organization that “does not preach” when providing education services.
SPECIAL SESSION FOR SB1 Then we got to the Big Gay Question: Why he did not support the special session called by Abercrombie for marriage equality? “I supported marriage equality from the very beginning,” he began. “We knew the Senate had the votes to get it passed, but the House didn’t. We could have waited until regular session and then fast-tracked it through the process. The result would have been the same, but at least people would have seen us
use the proper procedure.” I have spoken with plenty of legislators, including Ige supporters, who disagree. The prevailing opinion among Progressives is that the bill in regular session stood the same chance for success as Mufi for Governor 2014. But Ige did bring up a good point: the special session has energized Conservatives, and their rage could result in losses for Democrats this election cycle.
That is why the House was so divided on the issue - many candidates who wanted to support SB1 could not afford to do so, and those who did support it knew that they put themselves in jeopardy. Did he think there was an attempt by some Republicans to affect the Democratic primaries? He did not - a logical answer for a man who easily won a primary against the governor who made SB1 happen.
“I SUPPORTED MARRiAGE EQUALiTY FROM THE VERY BEGiNNiNG,” — D AV I D I G E
BLOwbACK But Ige is concerned with vengeance candidates during the general election on November 4. He is in the process of identifying and supporting legislators who may be vulnerable because of their affirmative vote on SB1. “I’m doing all I can to get all Democrats elected,” he said.
I pressed him on what he would do if enough supporters of marriage equality lose their seats and there was a movement to set back LGBT rights. Would he assure the gay community that he would do everything in his power as governor to protect same-sex marriage?
Ige gave me a nuanced answer, once again pointing out his record supporting LGBT rights and marriage equality: “I am required to implement the law, and I will not do anything to change the marriage equality law.” His response was not the answer the gay community needs to hear. september 2014| 13
Cover S t o ry
BUTT-HURT BACKLASh Then again, Ige is running against James “Duke” Aiona, a man who has a terrible track record when it comes to LGBT equality. Aiona is positioning himself as a moderate despite his record to the contrary, so Ige must be careful not to appear the anti-Conservative zealot. People who value their faith over their LGBT neigh-
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bors might get butt-hurt about how they are persecuted for not being able to freely impose their intolerance on the rest of society. They may fixate on that issue alone when they go to the polls. I then mentioned the infamous Jonah Kaauwai quote concerning Aiona when Aiona ran
against Abercrombie four years ago: “Duke will win because the church has been behind him the entire time operating in the POWER and the AUTHORITY of the NAME OF JESUS!” “How do you feel about Jesus working against you?” I asked. “I’m a Buddhist,” Ige responded.
“I think people have the right to follow their own faith. I trust the people of Hawai‘i will see through that.” Forty-five minutes had passed, and Ige showed no sign of impatience. It was up to me to determine when the interview was over. Like I said, it’s hard not to like him.
B A C K G R O U N D
DAVId IGE, LGBT RIGhTS, ANd ThE RACE fOR GOVERNOR David Ige had just come off of an intense campaign against Neil Abercrombie to be the Democratic Party’s nominee for governor. Abercrombie suffered a stunning defeat, made all the more remarkable due to the fact that, only a few months ago, Ige was virtually unknown and was behind in the polls when compared to the name recognition that incumbent Governor Abercrombie had. But name recognition can work two ways: some unions and other organizations made sure to tie the governor to dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs in the islands. In terms of LGBT issues, Abercrombie was untouchable. He was responsible for the special session that pushed marriage equality through. But the same stubborn will that furthered LGBT rights was what lost him the primary to Ige - those who disliked the governor’s bulldog determination bonded together to have him removed from office. This may have included a substantial number of Republicans declaring themselves Democrats to punish Abercrombie for the special session. Ige’s support for the LGBT community is almost identical to Abercrombie’s. One important difference separates them: Ige declared publicly during SB1, and during the debate he had with Abercrombie before the primary, that he did not support the special session, although he
is clearly on the record supporting marriage equality. Campaigning against Ige are Independent candidate Mufi Hannemann and Republican candidate James “Duke” Aiona for the office of governor. Hannemann has the chance of a snowball in a lava flow. Aiona, however, could possibly win. Running for lieutenant governor on the Republican ticket with Aiona is New Hope minister Elwin Ahu, a man who is on record opposing marriage equality, just as Aiona opposed civil unions before they were legalized. Last November, angry opponents of marriage equality threatened to oust politicians who stood with the LGBT community. The Aiona-Ahu ticket is one race that homophobes would be happy to support so they can punish Ige for voting “Yes” on SB1. Marriage equality is the law, but laws can be overturned. There is a discernable effort by Conservative Christians to keep their promise that anyone who supported marriage equality would pay for it in this election cycle, but they are doing so without being obvious about it - there are almost no direct references to homosexuality in any of the pro-Christian Right campaigns. On the LGBT issues and marriage equality, Aiona has been keeping silent - both he and Hannemann lost to Abercrombie in the last guberna-
torial race in which Abercrombie was the only one of the three to support civil unions. Aiona’s image was also tarnished by a documentary linking him to Christian extremists, and the revelation of a letter circulated among the party faithful by Jonah Kaauwai, head of the Republican Party, which included the following: “Duke will win because the church has been behind him the entire time operating in the POWER and the AUTHORITY of the NAME OF JESUS!” Even though Kaauwai had to step down the year after that 2010 election, the damage to the Aiona brand was done. So here is Aiona’s strategy in a nutshell: he will present himself as a middle-of-the-road, open-minded candidate of Native Hawaiian descent who just happens to be Christian (Roman Catholic, specifically), but supports diversity. He will not, however, directly acknowledge that the LGBT community is a legitimate group within the diverse Hawai‘i population, neither will he directly attack LGBT rights. Most likely he will not mention us at all unless he is under duress. Keep an eye out for dog-whistle statements tailored for his homophobic Christian backers, including statements about “traditional family,” “family values,” and how Hawai‘i politicians ignored the voice of the people (code for the “Let the People Vote” movement to ban marriage equality by putting the issue to a popular vote in a statewide referendum).
september 2014| 15
military
On September 20, 2011, the policy known as “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (DADT) ended, allowing gay, lesbian, and bisexual service members to serve openly. Yet, military medical policies still exclude trans people from serving openly in the U.S. armed forces. These medical policies lay out exclusions for what are deemed to be psychosexual disorders, including transsexualism, cross-dressing, and a history of gender transition. Trans people who wish to join the armed forces are prohibited from doing so if their trans status is known. Furthermore, those already serving can be medically discharged if suspected of being transgender. Data that allow for a direct tabulation of the number of trans people who serve in the military simply do not exist. The following estimates are derived using data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey and the National Transgender Discrimination Survey (NTDS), which was conducted by the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force and the National Center for Transgender Equality. The survey was fielded over six months beginning in fall 2008 and resulted in 6,546 valid responses, which is the largest sample of trans people in the U.S. to date. Men are substantially more likely than women to serve in the military. The estimates of trans military service assume that, consistent with findings from the NTDS, approximately 60% of the trans population was assigned male at birth while 40% was assigned female at birth.
It is estimated that approximately 700,000 adults in the U.S. are transgender. Research estimates that more than 15,000 of them are on active duty or are serving in the Guard or Reserve forces. An estimated 134,000 trans people are veterans or are retired from the Guard or Reserve service. These estimates imply that approximately 0.6% of adults who report service in the armed forces are trans. The 15,000 or so trans people in the military should not have to hide who they are in order to serve their country. It is illogical and unethical to treat them as if they are medically infirm and incapable of doing their jobs.
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september 2014| 17
en t ertainmen t
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entertainment
You’d be lucky to see Gloria Estefan busting out the conga these days, but that doesn’t mean she’s not keeping on her toes. A spot on Glee, an album, a Broadway musical, restaurants, hotels – the singer’s busier than ever. What’s life like now for you compared to what it was in the ’80s? Supposedly I’m leading a quieter life, but I’m busier than I’ve ever been. In the ’80s, I was on the same cycle: write, go into the studio, record, then go on tour. All I could do was sleep, exercise and sing in the shows. I could do absolutely nothing else. Now, we just do so many other things. Back then we didn’t have two hotels and seven restaurants – all that came later – so in essence, we’re probably busier now than we’ve ever been. Plus we’re working on that Broadway show. It’s very exciting. The Broadway musical is inspired by your own life. How did the idea first come to you? We’ve had many offers through the years to do something like this, so we’ve been working on an idea for a Broadway-type show for over
september 2014| 19
en t ertainmen t
10 years. You can’t do it on your entire life. We’ve been able to synthesize what part of our story would make a great Broadway show. We’re incorporating the songs of mine with a meaning into the storyline, and of course I’ll do some rewrites, some interesting little turns and some new music as well. Also, we’re very excited about finding a young Gloria and Emilio Estefan.
There’s been talk of Jennifer Lopez playing you. How likely is that? I don’t know where people get all these rumors, quite honestly. I don’t think J-Lo would wanna do eight shows a week on Broadway. But yeah, it’s an iconic role and I would love to find somebody new – a breakout. People used to say you were too American for the Latins and too Latin for the Americans. What did it feel like living between those two worlds? Did you feel like an outsider?
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entertainment
When I was a very little girl, I still remember trying to look for an apartment in Miami – you’re talking 1960 – and there were signs that said “No children, no pets, no Cubans,” and my mom would cry. I would say, “Mommy, what’s happening?” And I could see it. She tried to keep it away from me, but I saw discrimination back then. You guest starred as Santana’s mom on Glee. I loved that you were the mother of a lesbian daughter. Me too! My son’s already married, but if my daughter were to be gay, to me, it makes no difference. My daughter is the most wonderful human being in the entire world, and all I want her to be is happy, and I will love whomever she loves. You can’t do an interview with Gloria Estefan for gay press without bringing up the video for “Everlasting Love,” which starred just drag queens. Lemme tell you, baby, that was my favorite video – because they saved me! I was so, so pregnant, and there was no way I could even put my face in there. It was my idea, actually. I go, “Who does me better than my gays?” I mean, I have seen a few of them through the years at different places where they would do different phases of me, and I thought, “Oh God, this would be so cool.” Then I took a couple of them on the road with me. And they would fool people. People would think it was me!
At what moment in your career did you know a lot of gay people loved you? We were looking to do a remix of a song called “Dr. Beat” that we had put on our seventh album, which was our fourth Sony album. Someone told us there was a guy in Puerto Rico that was DJing at a gay club there and that he was doing amazing things with our Spanish hits - we hadn’t had any English hits yet. So the gay clubs were very much onto our music even before the English stuff came out. We knew they were always cutting-edge and Pablo Flores did many remixes for us over the years, from “Conga” to “Rhythm is Gonna Get You” to, more recently, “Hotel Nacional” and “Wepa.” He’s been huge in our lives.
You made a pit stop at a gay club in Miami to thank your gay fans and introduce your new single at the time, “Hotel Nacional.” What’s it like being in a room full of gay Gloria fans? A blast! They’re the best. The gay community has always been first on all my records and they were the ones who gave my dance music a shot to begin with. They are an amazing consumer of music, they’re very savvy and they’re always ahead of the curve. They’re very important to me. And I had a lot of fun there. What does it mean to have an audience that’s been so loyal over the last three decades? It’s wonderful. I’m all about family – and my fans are family.
september 2014| 21
politic s
by Mickey Weems photos courtesy of Mark Takai For Congress
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politics
“It is my heartfelt honor and privilege that for Marriage Equality in Hawai‘i, I vote YES.” When he uttered these words on the House floor during the special session for SB1, the bill that gave Hawai‘i marriage equality, Representative Mark Takai declared himself our ally. It also changed his life. This November, Takai will face his Republican challenger, Charles Djou, for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. Djou portrays himself as a moderate, but his actions concerning the LGBT community have been questionable at best and homophobic at worst.
Change Of Heart
Takai did not start out as our ally, but neither did he consider himself our enemy.
“I wasn’t a champion either way. I never stood up and spoke on the floor against civil unions, but I did vote against civil unions,” Takai said. “My position in the past was based on what I believed was right. Today I am proud to say that I have evolved and firmly believe I am on the right side of marriage equality.” By the time the special session came around, Takai had dropped his personal opposition to marriage equality, but was not sure how far to declare his support for it. He was impressed by a conversation he had with a friend about the Supreme Court’s Windsor ruling in favor of same-sex marriage. “I’ve been up all morning,” his friend told him. “They’ve finally granted us the right to marry.”
Todd Simmons and Mark Takai marching in the Honolulu Gay Pride Parade 2014
“In addition to being a strong supporter of LGBT equality, Mark has a knack developed over 20 years of elected service, for working collegially to advance legislative priorities. That’s an ability in dramatically short supply in the U.S. House of Representatives, but one that both he and Representative Tulsi Gabbard share. I think they’ll both be leaders in advancing key LGBT legislation in a deeply divided House and in moving forward other key priorities for Hawai‘i.” - Todd Simmons
SERVING THE LGBT COMMUNITY SINCE 1993
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politic s
Mark Takai and Governor Neil Abercrombie “Us?” asked Takai. “Yeah, Mark. I’m gay, and my partner and I will eventually get married.” The friend who helped Takai to not just vote “Yes” but also to step forward as one of the bill’s champions was Todd Simmons, currently Executive Director of Equality Hawai‘i. As a lieutenant colonel in the Army National Guard, Takai’s involvement in the military affected his outlook as well. Ever since Secretary of Defense Todd Hagel ordered that gay military personnel be given the same rights as their straight counterparts, Takai was bothered by the double standard that people face in states that do not
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have marriage equality: LGBT American citizens in the military have rights that are not extended to civilians. It seemed only fair that everyone be treated the same under the law.
Coming Out
Takai’s change of heart in favor of LGBT rights created a second challenge. He had to come out to members of his family that he was a marriage equality supporter. “I had my misgivings [with being anti-equality], but I had to talk it through with my parents.” The decision to tell his folks was painful for him, but he could not in good conscience make
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“We have a great marriage and I think that any two people should be allowed the same opportunity. In the end, love is love and that is the reason I wanted Mark to know he had my full support for his vote in regards to marriage equality.” - sami takai
such an important decision without his folks’ input. Takai’s wife, Sami, said nothing as she watched her step-parents and her husband struggle to understand the other side’s position. Then, during a road trip in Rhode Island just prior to declaring his run for the U.S. Congress, Sami spoke up and voiced her approval. “I’ve been in office for 20 years and Sami never got involved in my decisions. But on marriage equality, she told me she fully supported me.”
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// September 2014
Repercussions
Once he had committed to supporting same-sex marriage, he was the target of anti-gay anger. “Actually, the truth is that there have been very hurtful words said about me by some of those I have respected,” he said on the House floor just before he cast his vote in favor of SB1. “Some have questioned my motives. Some have threatened to abandon me. I’ve had numerous church bulletins singling me out.” Nevertheless, Takai continued to support congregations’ rights
U.S. Representative Tulsi Gabbard and U.S. Senator Mazie Hirono to follow their own ethical guidelines concerning marriage. In an article he wrote that was published in Huffington Post, he said, “No church in Hawai‘i will be forced to conduct same-sex marriages, but this law gives loving, committed couples the right to marry in churches that welcome them.”
Takai is aware of other challenges faced by the gay community in 2014. “Big issues are ENDA [Employment Non-Discrimination Act], and to ensure that all marriages in Hawai‘i are recognized and protected nationwide.” If the entire U.S. military culture could stand up for equal rights for gay
work for real solutions nationwide for LGBT youth.
people and suffer no negative consequences, the nation could do so as well, and it begins with the U.S. Congress doing the right thing. The same goes for reparative therapy to cure young people of a sickness they do not have: “I don’t think that’s right,” Takai said, confirming that he would likewise
Takai’s Republican opponent Charles Djou was against both civil unions and marriage equality. His supporters point out that he voted against Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell (DADT: banning gays from openly serving in the military) when he was a U.S. Representative, and indeed he did. But his rationale for doing so was horrible: “And I have seen too many instances as an army reservist, soldiers would sign up for a re-enlistment bonus, get this gigantic sum from the American taxpayer, and then as soon as the unit gets called up to mobilize to Iraq and Afghanistan, they sud-
denly claim they are gay, with no prior indication of that whatsoever, get the discharge and keep the bonus. That’s wrong, that’s unfair and that’s why this policy should be changed.” Djou completely ignored the loss of livelihood LGBT service people faced if they dared come out, and humiliation if they were outed, because of DADT. Anyone can have a change of heart, and Djou might someday evolve as far as Takai has. But going into the 2014 elections, Takai is on record saying it was his “heartfelt privilege and honor” to vote in favor of marriage equality. Actions speak louder that words - we would do well not to wait for Djou to catch up.
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