A New Generation of Ideas
local differences. In other words, the analysis seeks to unpack the differing paths toward a common goal of carbon emissions reductions. There is no doubt that low-carbon development policies are highly complex, encompassing a wide range of multisectoral activities. To remain analytically focused, I follow Susan Fainstein’s (2010) urban justice framework for collecting and presenting the evidence. Specifically, I examine the extent to which low-carbon development policies affect the urban poor in terms of (1) housing condition, (2) access to open space, and (3) employment. These three areas are most consistently examined and compared across the cases, though other relevant information is also discussed wherever appropriate. Past studies of urban justice have consistently highlighted the importance of these three components (Mitchell 2003; Zukin 2010). Evidence is collected primarily by way of interviews with planning bureau officials, urban design professionals, involved nongovernmental organizations, academics, and private-sector individuals familiar with the matter.5 Furthermore, to ensure accuracy and credibility, evidence from interviews is triangulated with other available sources, including public documents, newspaper and journal articles, comprehensive plans, and internal communication documents retrieved from government agencies. Noninterview sources of evidence are referenced where appropriate.
LOW-CARBON DEVELOPMENT AND URBAN POVERTY IN FIVE CHINESE CITIES
A general definition of what constitutes a low-carbon city is lacking.6 China’s Ministry of Environmental Protection and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development have both developed standards for “ecocities.” Several provinces have also created standards for “garden cities,” “green cities,” and other similar designations. All these standards vary in 5 Due to sensitivity of planning information in China, all interviews were conducted on the condition of anonymity. 6 The discussions of the cities are ordered according to their levels of postindustrialization, with Shanghai being the highest and Baoding the lowest among the five. For a more detailed analysis of the levels of postindustrialization in these five cites, and the effect on low-carbon development, see Li (2012). | 27 |