March 2012

cpr

volume xi, no. 3

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW

Grooming the Globe Exporting Political Consultancy

By Helene Barthelemy

Running in the 15th District A Conversation With Clyde Williams

Briefing: Education Reform A PUBLICATION OF THE COLUMBIA POLITICAL UNION

March 2012

1

cpr

volume xi, no. 3

Editor-in-Chief Publisher Managing Editor

Senior Editors

Arts Editor Staff Artists

Copy Chief

2

Narayan Subramanian Raja Gupta Constance Boozer Ayushi Roy Chris Brennan Tom Caruso Hadi Elzayn Mingming Feng Lucas Rehaut Simon Rimmele Geetika Rudra Taylor Thompson Amalia Rinehart Kaela Chambers Liz Lee Esha Maharishi Stephanie Mannheim Ilana Schulder Daryl Seitchik Justin Walker Nicci Yin Trevor Cohen

Assistant Copy Editor

Gregory J. Barber

Layout Editors

Samantha Herzog Alana Pacheco

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

Editor’s Note According to the Mayan Calendar, the world is supposed to end this year. Republicans seem to agree – that is, if Barack Obama is reelected. That might be a little hyperbolic, but hyperbole seems to be the theme of the current primaries. Constance Boozer argues that the media is just as much to blame as the candidates themselves for this (7). While it’s easy to mock the current state of our politics, we should not forget that our democracy is still relatively the most stable democracy in the world – certainly more stable than countries like Taiwan and Scotland that are still fighting for their autonomy. Vivian Tsai and Gregory Barber have exposed how the fight for self-determination is shaping the politics of these regions (4, 23).

Nevertheless, we cannot discount the issues our own country faces at the moment.

Our strategic alliances in regions such as the Middle East are breaking down, threatening our ability to carry out our missions effectively. Usha Sahay, in A Modest Proposal, has outlined a strategy for the United States to revamp its precarious relationship with Pakistan (14). Within our borders, xenophobia and racism are beginning to shape our state laws under the veil of policies to crackdown on illegal immigration. Paul Anthony Arias has scrutinized these policies and their effects on states like Georgia and Arizona (29).

To compound all this, the long-term competitiveness of our nation is at risk as well.

By many standards, the education system is simply not adequate, exacerbating problems such as income inequality. Education reform is imperative, but challenging. Ensuring that students are taught well, teachers are paid well, and money is spent well is no easy task. In partnership with our campus’ chapter of Students for Education Reform (SFER), we have put together a briefing that takes a closer look at the current state of education reform (17).

We have juxtaposed perspectives from students and professors who have dedicated their entire careers to the cause.

To fix any of the problems facing our country today, requires new energy and new ideas. This is exactly the platform on which Clyde Williams, a former aide to both Presidents Clinton and Obama, is planning a run in New York’s 15th Congressional District, where Columbia happens to reside. CPR had the unique opportunity to have a brief chat with Williams about his views on issues that pertain to the Columbia community (21).

Finally, as CPR is rapidly expanding, we have made it a point to actively engage with student groups and campus politics. To that end, we have collaborated with at least one student group in every issue. We have also started covering campus political events in a new online feature called Political Minutes. If your student group has interest in working with CPR, please reach out to us. There is nothing we take more pride in than serving our campus community.

Narayan Subramanian Editor-in-Chief

MARCH.2012 table of contents cover story 10

Grooming the Globe Exporting Political Consultancy

briefing 17

By Helene Barthelemy

modest proposal 14

Islamabad Relations Rectifying the US-Paksitan Relationship

Education Reform

By Students for Education Reform, Columbia Political Review

interview 21

Running in the 15th District A Conversation with Clyde Williams

By Usha Sahay

features | national 7

4

Grand Ol’ Pageant The Relationship Between the Media and the Candidates

By Constance Boozer

29

features | international

By Vivian Tsai 23

The Race to Hate The New Wave of State Immigration Policy

By Paul Anthony Arias

Taipei Personalities National Identity and Emotion Paint Taiwan’s National Election

The Bandit and the Bully The Charge for Scottish Independence

By Gregory J. Barber

26

Two Peoples, One Libya Demystifiying the Divisions in Northern Africa

By Kambi Gathesha

COVER ART BY DARYL SEITCHIK March 2012

3

!"#$%#& $%'()*"+#!#%( National Identity and Emotion Paint Taiwan’s National Election

By Vivian Tsai

As his first term approached its end, Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou of the Kuomintang Party (KMT) was pitted against Tsai Ing-wen, a member of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan. The January election, restoring incumbent Ma as president, captured international attention as many anticipated a resulting shift in the precarious relationship between Taiwan and China.

With the two main party candidates maintaining distinctly different stances on cross-strait policy, the election was expected to decide the future of the nation’s trading policies, potentially altering the status quo set by the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) and leading to a less-cooperative relationship with the Chinese government. The economic and political tensions between the Taiwanese and Chinese governments has been a significant issue in Asia.

Ma’s and Tsai’s election campaigns 4

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

demonstrated the reliance of Taiwanese politicians on emotional appeals and how candidates frame the national identity.

In contrast to political debate in Western democracies, the discourse of Taiwan’s presidential elections focuses less on the candidates’ competence and goals for domestic governance than on the their ability and vision for maintaining peaceful cross-strait relations. To persuade voters that their diplomatic strategies and propositions originate from the utmost patriotic intent, the two most recent presidential candidates incorporated various emotional appeals into their election campaigns.

This reliance upon emotional appeal is influenced by two factors. First, because of the population’s rigid division based on party loyalties, the campaign strategies of the two main political party candidates are shaped predominantly by the image and the history of the two parties. And, more important, presidential election campaigns are dictated largely by Taiwan’s identity

crisis, marked by its unrecognized sovereignty in the international arena.

International pressures restrain the patriotism exhibited by the Taiwanese politicians. The desires for independent nationhood and peace compose a conflicting national identity among many Taiwanese citizens. This conflict in national identity, along with international tension, greatly shaped the January election. Both candidates carefully presented their platforms on the economic relationship with China, using deliberate rhetoric and imagery to appeal to voters’ emotional senses.

Taiwan’s political culture has been shaped by many factors, including its complicated history of democratic transition, its rigid political demarcation within the population, and its oversaturation of media and broadcast outlets. The Republic of

[features | international] China, led by the KMT government, retreated to the island of Taiwan in 1949 after its defeat in the Chinese Civil War. The transition from a nation of immense territory to one of limited resources remains a painful chapter in the annals of Taiwanese memory. Still a young democracy (this year’s presidential election was only the nation’s fifth), the country has progressed from a one-party regime to a constitutional democracy in just twenty-three years; but the bloody transition still affects the way

political campaigns are conducted today.

Taiwan did not allow free speech in print media until 1988, did not permit parties other than the KMT to legally assemble until 1989, and did not recognize the right for people to elect their own government until 1991. Though considered bloody and violent by many critics at the time, this gradual democratic transition established great pride among many Taiwanese citizens. According to the data released by the Central Election Commission, turnout for the 2012 election was 74.28 percent, demonstrating the importance to citizens of the nation’s democratic process.

Tsai, in particular, built her political platform around this emphasis on democracy, stressing how the national iden-

tity of Taiwan is completely dependent upon its political structure. Insisting that people should have a say in formulating the relationship between China and Taiwan, she once proposed to have a direct vote on whether to alter the status quo of ECFA. Her party, the DPP, was formed through grassroots movements among the lower classes in the 1980s. Tsai’s political language and campaign methods were reminiscent of those used during the DPP’s struggle against the authoritarian KMT regime from the 1920-1960s.

On the other hand, as the founding political party of the Republic of

China, the KMT has an image that is slightly more distant and elevated from the general public. The KMT went through a series of reforms in the past decades to correct its historically corrupt image from the Martial Law period. Since President Ma’s emergence as the mayor of Taipei, many critics have considered him to carry an image of incorruptibility as a new political figure of the KMT party. His stance on the national identity of Taiwan emphasized the commonality and possibility for cooperation between Taiwan and China, which he’s argued would bring about many advantageous developments to the nation.

As an incumbent, Ma focused his campaign on solidifying and underscoring his successes as president, while Tsai’s main objective was to point out the inadequacies and failures of the current government. While they approached the campaign from opposite sides of the table, their main objectives were similar: They

both had to convince voters that their diplomatic and economic plans would most benefit Taiwan in both the short- and long-term. Ma promised peace and economic prosperity while Tsai emphasized democratic integrity and a forceful, independent national identity; yet, despite individual differences the two candidates presented their ideals by provoking emotional responses, such as fear of war against China or the desire for an independent nationhood. Even though Ma had the advantage of demonstrating the successes of his policies, he also carried the burden of explaining and justifying the slow growth in the nation’s economy that had been greatly impacted by the global recession.

Although both political platforms were strikingly similar on domestic issues, closer examination reveals differing opinions on national identity and cross-strait economic policy. They both referred to employment opportunity, societal equality, environmental preservation, education, and national security in their political statements, but these carefully formulated campaign platforms do not describe the true disparity between the two candidates.

The main difference in campaigns lay in the diction and imagery they chose when describing their attitudes toward national identity. Ma maintained that a cooperative economic framework with China through the ECFA would benefit the economic prosperity of the Taiwanese people and ensure peaceful relations with China. However, Tsai contended that the economic framework needed readjustments. Taiwan had relinquished too much sovereignty to the Chinese government, thereby undermining Taiwan’s dignity as an independent country. She argued that the economic framework in place had made Taiwan excessively dependent upon China and would endanger Taiwan’s economy in the long run.

There were fundamental differences in the ways campaign advertisements were used by the two candidates to demonstrate their particular stances on Taiwan’s identity and the nation’s priorities. Ma, in order to place emphasis upon existing successes, utilized statistics to highlight improvements in various industries in the preceding four years. He especially highlighted the high volume of Chinese tourists, which helped increase the market opportunity for small- and mid-size firms. Focused extensively upon economic improvements, his advertisements were widely March 2012

5

criticized for being overly optimistic, simplistic, and insensitive to the flaws and imperfections of the existing conditions.

In contrast, Tsai’s advertisements focused more on emotions, asking rhetorical questions such as, “In the past four years, how have you been?” Implicit statements blaming the current administration for the economic downturn and unemployment problem were made through messages such as “Did your paycheck increase in the past four years?” These ads were meant as a symbolic call to action, encouraging citizens to stand up for their homeland.

The usage of “we” in repetitive declaration of “We want justice,” and “We want happiness,” successfully captured the attention of many young voters. The contrast between logical statistics and emotional rhetoric created an interesting dichotomy, further exemplifying the two candidates’ attitudes towards national identity: one underlined the necessity of peace, and the focused underlined the necessity of independence.

Un q u e s t i on ably, each campaign’s ultimate focus was upon the China-Taiwan relations. Their country lacking international recognition and support, most Taiwanese citizens – though aspiring to have an independent national identity – continue to seek and demand the maintenance of peace across the Taiwan Strait.

Moreover, as shown in the nationally broadcasted public debate, the candidates were split on the issue of the 1992 Consensus and the Taiwan Consensus. The 1992 Consensus, supported by Ma, is an agreement between the Chinese and KMT-led Taiwanese governments that they would maintain “One China [with] two names.” Tsai, on the other hand, promoted a new ideal of a “Taiwan Consensus” in which the Taiwanese people will have a direct vote to determine their relationship with China. Focusing on the idea that, in a true democracy, people should have a distinct voice, Tsai criticized the KMT for deciding the fate of the nation

6

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

without seeking consensus from the people. However, Tsai received overwhelming criticism that her plan appeared unrealistic and even potentially dangerous.

The significance of emotionality in the election was undeniable. The two candidates successfully presented their political ideals through various forms of media, from the 24/7 cable television broadcast to interactive websites. During the few weeks before the election, nearly all the streets in Taiwan were lined with the Taiwan’s national flag. The atmosphere was passionate and exciting, with billboard advertisements and campaign trucks – blaring repetitive audio records – fillings the streets.

In this particular election, Ma faced a unique challenge: He needed to underscore the current administration’s success and progress while still appearing sympathetic toward people’s suffering in the economic recession. As an incumbent, Ma was an easy target on which to pin the recession, and it was particularly difficult for him to appeal to emotions when he had to highlight the progress that the

nation had made in various areas without appearing to be insensitive toward issues such as unemployment – nonetheless, his attempt was clear and successful. Tsai, with a completely different objective and focus, based her campaign on the necessity of forming an independent national identity and maintaining an ideal democracy.

Taiwan’s 2012 presidential election

was itself a great testament to the long, tortuous journey that the nation has traveled in pursuit of democracy.

Having won the January election by 800,000 votes, President Ma now sits in the second term of his presidency.

Under his leadership, the current status of the cross-strait relations will most likely persist under the same ECFA regulations. The election was considered a tremendous success by many international press organizations. The two candidates respected the democratic process, and both carried themselves in a dignified and respectable manner as the verdict unfolded on January 14th.

Illustrations by Ilana Schulder

Yu-Tung (Vivian) Tsai is a freshman at Barnard College, potentially majoring in Political Science and Economics. Her areas of interest lie in international and comparative politics, focusing especially on Taiwan, China and the U.S.

[features | national ]

,'"*-&)+.&$",%"*!& The Relationship Between the Media and the Candidates

By Constance Boozer

As you are reading this, Mitt Romney may be the nominee. Strike that. If you are reading this after Super Tuesday, Mitt Romney has been crowned the Republican nominee.

Overall, the roundabout guessing game of who will win does not really matter amid the candidate-media interplay. In this seemingly symbiotic relationship between journalism and politics, how do the two really interact?

The nature of the news, and the media that dictates it, is cyclical. Following Walter Lippmann’s “searchlight analogy” – where a topic oscillates between periods of quiescence and alarm – and owing to limited room on the news cycle, the attention the media pays to a specific issue or candidate fluctuates depending on which events are deemed newsworthy.

Consequently, if someone has been a front-runner for far too long, the media emphasizes trivial matters in order to shake up the race. With this in mind, the media could be considered the Republican candidates’ biggest enemy. Outside of the Fed-bashing Ron Paul (whose political career over the past decade is a Homeric epithet) and the Pokémon-quoting Herman Cain (whose 9-9-9 plan confirmed that simplicity, truly, is marketing gold), defeat in the Republican primary has been a matter of allowing the media to package your campaigns into a central flaw. Success, all the same, has been a matter of defying the media’s labels.

“Don’t fire until you see the whites of their eyes” was a task Ms. “Crazy-Eyes” made

extremely easy for the media – each misstep, each gaffe, each wildly bizarre accusation that Michele Bachmann made added fire to the flame of the general narrative that Bachmann was, well, a loon. By the time she bailed out of the race, Bachmann and the press were in agreement that her sole mission in the race, even her reason for breathing air, was to wipe Obamacare off the face of the planet – an endeavor she mentioned 10 times in her concession speech. This was not Bachmann’s original packaging when she first announced her bid for the presidency. Under what one would have to assume was the careful, but brief, guidance of campaign manager Ed Rollins, Bachmann initially set forth a reasonable, conservative agenda. Portraying herself as an understanding “outsider,” Bachmann’s announcement speech addressed the national debt, unemployment, and foreign policy, among many other substantive issues.

Nonetheless, this newfound levelheaded lover of liberty was fighting against a reputation that she established on her first Hardball appearance four years ago with her call to investigate who in Congress was “antiAmerica”. As magazine-profile hunting season bombarded Bachmann with Newsweek’s “The Queen of Rage” cover controversy, along with Ryan Lizza’s piece in The New Yorker, Bachmann still managed to keep her verbal boo-boos to a minimum so that Iowans would make her their Ames Straw Poll queen.

Bachmann’s only task to continue this trend and to fight off newcomer Rick Perry was to not appear crazy – to defy the media’s caricature. But when Ed Rollins jumped ship from the USS Bachmann, so did Bachmann’s “all politics is local” – or, in other words, “all politics is Iowa” – strategy. And with no active strategy to maintain message discipline, Bachmann decided to follow her heart – her socialist-fearing gaffe-prone heart.

Like Bachmann in Iowa, Perry exited the race in the same place where he entered it – South Carolina. Yet, unlike Bachmann, Perry also tumbled out of the race as the same character that entered it: the Texas cowboy.

In his concession speech, Perry stated, “As someone who has always admired a great Texas forefather – Sam Houston – I know when it is time for a strategic retreat.” While Perry was right in saying that his time to exit the race had come, he failed countless times throughout the race to “strategically retreat” from a flawed campaign narrative.

Ever since the Texas governor entered the race, the media and the public at large treated Rick Perry’s bumbling cowboy persona as a blemish on his candidacy. The media immediately attacked Perry for saying that Bernanke would be treated “pretty ugly” down in Texas. Nonetheless the Perry campaign did succeed at first at spinning Perry’s image and mistakes into attributes. Apparently, according to spokesman Ray Sullivan, it demonstrated March 2012

7

Perry’s “passion.” Despite its initial criticism of the “treasonous” comment, many in the media – initially wary of a quick Romney coronation during the primaries – accepted the Perry campaign spin because it created a clear contrast to the flip-flopping Mitt Romney.

Yet no one could foresee Perry’s debate performance, which taught us so much more about him. Unlike in the case of the Bernanke comment, Perry’s attempt to spin “OOPS”-Gate only entrenched him into the quagmire of stereotype. While Perry did exercise Tip O’Neill’s age-old maxim “hang a lantern on your problem” in saying, “I’m glad I had my boots on because I really stepped in it tonight, man,” the manner in which he did so was not productive.

While this and a subsequent appearance on Letterman did trivialize the gaffe, it also served as a double-edged sword, trivializing Perry as a candidate. Since the media constantly reinterprets all things, an important element in politics is that of reinvention.

The Perry campaign did nothing to alter or even temper Perry’s identity as a candidate.

The campaign may have realized that it would be impossible to re-package Perry at the last moment. As media scholars note, while products can be easily reformulated and repackaged in the business world, this may not always be the case in the political arena.

Case-in-point: Michele Bachmann. Once Bachmann declared that the HPV vaccine causes mental retardation in a September debate, she lost all credibility in the media.

W h e n Bachmann went on Fox News the next day for an interview, she tried to use invaluable free media time to repackage herself by a) walking back from the HPV comme nt and b) attacking Rick Perry.

H o w e v e r, even host Chis Wallace would not buy what

8

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

Bachmann was selling, telling Bachmann, “Medical professionals believe the vaccine is very safe.” The media refused to buy the premise of her “spin” because her slip-ups substantiated their initial narrative that she’s unelectable. As the battle is lost and won, the two may be wishing they had followed Chris Matthews’ advice and only talked when it would improve the silence.

In the continual 24/7-news cycle, how should candidates respond to their flaws and mistakes? Up to now, the most effective strategy had been to keep on lowballing, sandbagging, and spinning until those negative pieces of coal became shiny diamonds.

But as Perry demonstrated, a highly polarized media can choose to simply ignore the premise of a campaign’s spin and instead advance its own interpretation of events.

And as John Kerry taught us all in 2004, not responding to the media’s criticism is also not an option. The solution? Change the message. At. Every. Possible. Opportunity.

As other candidates fell one-by-one, Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney remained top contenders – not by

acknowledging their problems, but by using their strengths to hide them. Newt and Mitt both avoided being boxed in by the media, but the methods in which they did so greatly differed: “Head-On Confrontation” versus “Unabashed Avoidance.” Newt foolishly believed that the media could be tricked, but Mitt understood the media’s capacity to always have the last laugh.

In spite of the media’s initial discrediting of his campaign, Newt decided to fight back by making himself more accessible to them. Before the Iowa Caucus, Gingrich’s courtship won him some surprise newspaper endorsements and media praise.

All the same, it was a brief honeymoon period. The former speaker’s attempts to flatter the media were no match for a windfall of Super PAC attack ads that informed the public of the hiccups in his tenure as speaker. Gingrich quickly adopted another strategy after New Hampshire. Rejecting the mantra of “hang a lantern on your problem,” Gingrich opted to lead with his strengths in order to downplay his flaws, adopting the guerilla tactics of concealment and surprise as tools for reinvention.

This approach did generate short-term gains in South Carolina, but it did not hide Gingrich from media scrutiny. Journalists cannot tell us how to think, but they do tell the public what to think about.

And since Christmas, the media zeroed in on Newt’s temper tantrums as speaker. From a culmination of longform articles and newspaper opinion pieces, Gingrich emerged as a bomb-throwing “angry little attack muffin,” a managerial style that pundits and voters agreed would not fare well in a general elecIllustrations by Stephanie Mannheim tion or in the White House.

[features | national] Though Romney floated through the primaries mostly above the fray, it was ultimately a lackluster performance. In his interactions with the media, Romney’s persona was so meticulously guarded and scripted by his campaign staff that his counterfeit personality became an open secret of sorts with the media. Every pair of jeans that Romney wore to every mention of particular supermarket chains were hand-selected by Romney’s staff. In order to protect this fragile charade, Romney’s campaign severely limited Romney’s media exposure by only granting access to columnists and not to reporters.

When nominees try to avoid the attention of the media, there is a tendency for the media to cover the behavior itself, and the traveling press corps duly noted how Romney’s aides corralled them into glass-windowed, partitioned rooms at every campaign stop.

This irritation manifested itself in the media’s tone on Romney. From July up to October, the tone of Romney’s media coverage was split: 26 percent positive and 27 percent negative, according to a Pew Research Center study published this past October. Romney’s attempt at media blocking may have sired the “anything but Mitt” media movement, which led to a series of brief front-runners.

Once debate season started, though, Romney could no longer hide from the media. In debates, Romney, like Gingrich, used his strengths to overshadow his weaknesses. If Romney’s camouflage was banality, his methods of distraction – his other opponents – were a kind gift from fate.

Until it became a two-man race, Romney practiced the art of proxy warfare, allowing the other candidates to attack one another in the debates. This tactic let him further ignore the media while also keeping his hands clean.

All the candidates hankered for media attention, and the media wanted interesting storylines. It worked even better than Romney had hoped; until New Hampshire, none of the other candidates ever tried to bruise Romney in a debate. It is true that the bane of Mitt’s existence briefly was Bain, but these attacks eventually fell off the news cycle when other things, such as Gingrich’s debate failures, became more newsworthy.

Perhaps Romney’s “shyness” arose from his realization in 2008 that candidates could always trip during an event over which they seemingly had control, such as when McCain said, “The fundamentals of our economy are strong.” And Perry demonstrated that sometimes a candidate cannot even control the delivery of a pre-

meditated, scripted stock debate answer.

While Romney only answered debate questions when necessary, Gingrich continued his “lover’s quarrel” with the media.

And in the Jan. 27 debate, Gingrich’s will and fate did so contrary run. In attacking Wolf Blitzer, Gingrich conceded to the media’s premise that the former speaker could not control his self-destructive tendencies. Gingrich’s slight slip not only hurt him in the framework of the debate setting – it also served as the basis for subsequent media interview and analyses of his campaign. In his interview with Jake Tapper on ABC’s This Week, Gingrich tried to use the interview as a means to make the media forget his earlier poor debate performance.

The appearance, however, actually made Gingrich a target for the roundtable’s criticism in the latter half of the show.

Consequently, Gingrich’s narrative for the week of the Florida primary was summed up in George Will’s comment thirty minutes after Gingrich’s interview: “There was a little girl, who had a little curl, right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good, she was very good indeed, but when she was bad she was horrid.

And we’re at the horrid stage with Newt Gingrich.” As Gingrich has made himself available to the media, many in the media, especially conservative pundits, have grown wary – from Peggy Noonan, to Bob Dole, to George Will, and yes, even Ann Coulter – of the prospect of a Gingrich nominee. Yet if anyone punctured a hole in the Gingrich hot air balloon, it was Gingrich who drove it in first.

Scholars believe that the mid-term elections of 2010 were the start of a new mass media era: the “Independent Polarized Media.” Differing from the “New Partisan Media” of the 2000s, marked by figureheads of highly ideological cable talk-show news, such as Keith Olbermann and Bill O’Reilly, that defined George W. Bush’s presidency, MSNBC and Fox News no longer define the media today. It is instead a cyclone of the old (print), the adolescent (television), and the infant (Internet).

Romney’s realization that he can never engage with all aspects of the media is the foundation of his success. Candidates can try to win positive coverage by being more accessible, but must ultimately understand that a candidate cannot grant time to

everyone. At the end of the day, candidates find themselves unable to stage a multi-front war against the inundation of digital media, especially in an era when aggregate outlets, such as Buzzfeed and the Huffington Post, run “The 10 Craziest Michele Bachmann Quotes” articles as slow news day fodder.

In the echo chamber of the incessant news cycle, candidates should remind themselves that their worst enemy is the slow news day, when the latest and goofiest sound byte is not only guaranteed to be played at the top of the hour on cable news for the day, but also featured on the twitterati’s top trends for the whole week.

Romney’s answer to this new frontier was to ignore it, and this worked purely because the media refused to ignore Romney – unlike their treatment of Rick Santorum (who got less Fox airtime than each of his major rivals in Iowa). Perhaps with another set of competitors, Romney’s temperate and aloof strategy would have been his undoing.

Just the same, even the media did not foresee how this cast of presidential contenders would help them co-author the farce of 2012.

Constance Boozer, CC ‘13, is an American studies and political science major. An empiricist, she enjoys analyzing how regional culture, historical consciousness, and philosophy influence news and policy in this crazy world of ours.

She can be reached at ceb2166@columbia.edu.

March 2012

9

,'))/#*,&!0%& ,+)1%& Exporting Political Consultancy

By Helene Barthelemy

One can hardly fail to notice the growing “cornflake-ification” of politics in the midst of the 2012 Republican primaries. Ideology has become irrelevant; the focus is now on personality. A candidate’s hairstyle counts as much as his views on immigration – or on, say, Libya. The voter is the consumer, the candidate the product.

Behind this growing business lurk some of the most powerful men of the modern era: political consultants. Political consultants do and undo our politicians; their duties range from the noble quest of taking candidates shopping to orchestrating politicians’ political statements. Relying on databases and polls, political consultants try to convert the undecided middle, not the hardliners. Today, the ad wars between Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich reveal just one of the numerous aspects of political consultants’ strategy: namely, negative advertising.

These “Made in the USA” manufacturers also operate far from home, and their track record is no ode to democratic “American” values. American political consultants have learned what corporate America learned thirty years ago: there are lucrative opportunities for growth offshore. During the off years in American elections, consultants disperse to almost every country and are often on both sides of international elections. In the words

10

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

of reporter Walter Shapiro, “It is a truth universally acknowledged that a nation in possession of an upcoming election must be in want of an American political consultant.”

The movement goes back to Sawyer Miller, one of the first political consulting firms to offer international services. As James Harding described, the firm was formed by “three drop-outs who changed the world’s politics: David Sawyer, Scott Miller, and Ned Kennan.” Sawyer was in documentary filmmaking, Miller and Kennan in advertising.

The three were remarkably apolitical, which is why it may be puzzling that they steered most of our contemporary leaders’ statements and appearances. Yet, steeped in American culture, these consultants knew which emotions, slogans, and attitudes would turn candidates into winners. A former Mossad intelligence analyst and psychology student, Kennan analyzed popular opinion, emphasizing focus groups and polling. From Kennan’s insights, Sawyer emotionalized filmmaking and Miller perfected the art of the slogan. Drawing on American symbols, the firm launched a new profession when they helped Kevin White win reelection as the mayor of Boston. But could the models developed in the United States find success abroad?

American political consultants initially trickled down from the United States to Latin

America, a region the “experts” knew virtually nothing about. They knew no Spanish and had neither cultural links to the country nor knowledge of its historical background.

They tried to drive the election motor of Latin American elections as if it were a John Deere tractor. David Sawyer went to work for candidate Lorenzo Fernández in the 1973 Venezuelan presidential election. In his campaign strategy, Sawyer attempted to spin the patriarchal figure as a “Tiger,” much to the dismay of voters who had seen the old man as nothing more than a calm, purring cat. “You can only spin so much,” Sawyer’s ex-wife remarked in retrospect.

On the other side of the race, American consultants Bob Squier and Joseph Napolitan coordinated the ad campaign of the eventual winner, Carlos Andrés Pérez. Pérez himself took the time to traverse the country and meet his electorate in person. The political consultant’s work abroad, it seems, can often operate in a vacuum. Is it possible to prevent a culture clash between unilingual, American-bred consultants? Indeed, traveling consultants spend most of their time in the smoky backrooms of political negotiations and high-end hotels, learning more about pool temperature than the day-to-day life of an ordinary voter.

While the United States believes it has found the ideal political model, political con-

[cover story] sultants also believe in the universality of voters and that a single, “right” solution should also be sold across the globe. As former Sawyer Miller consultant Marc McKinnon mentioned, “The things that drive elections are the same in Nebraska as they are in Ghana.” Peruvian politician Miguel Cruchaga would disagree. “One thing is Britain and another thing is Peru,” he said. “Bring a British comedian to Peru and see if he can make anyone laugh here – it doesn’t work that way.” Can cultural values really be treated as exportable commodities?

Cultural barriers are abundant. Walter Shapiro described how in post-Soviet Hungary, a Republican consultant told his Hungarian campaign manager that he should set a goal for the number of seats

his candidates needed to win. The campaign manager argued that such quantification would lead the candidates to think they were losing, to which the American consultant happily objected: “All candidates are optimists.”

He was told, “That may be true for the Americans. But the Hungarian people are not used to being winners.” Similarly, negative campaigning, a strategy that has become accepted as a necessary evil in the United States, can be very detrimental in international politics. Boston University Professor Taylor Boas, an expert on political consulting, said that the spectrum of acceptable questions and topics varies by country. For example, religious questions, while essential on the American stage, would be frowned upon in Western Europe. Thus, how can the United States’ political model serve as a universally applicable ideal for nations with globally varying histories, political development, and economic landscapes? The techniques, themes, and questions of the election process vary overwhelmingly from nation to nation.

A fragmented notion of a population’s technology and demographics makes it difficult for a consultant to gain any real knowledge of a country. In the Peruvian elections of 1990, Sawyer Miller’s pollsters deemed the candidate they supported, writer Mario Vargas Llosa, to be a favorite among the people. However, he lost to a relative unknown, Alberto Fujimori.

Sawyer Miller had not realized that it had failed to target an entire segment of the population; those who had no phones or television were completely disconnected from the campaign’s marketing efforts.

To that effect, the role and responsibilities of political consultants often appear amorphous and obscure.

Three years ago in Guatemala, for example, a series of murders led lawyer Rodrigo Rosenberg to investigate the death of his mistress and her father. Evidence pointed to President Alvaro Colom as the orchestrator of the murder. Suspecting that he, too, would be assassinated, Rosenberg recorded himself denouncing the president. Moments later, Rosenberg was found dead and the video was released by his friends. As the footage spread, anger gripped the country and huge revolts mounted against President Colom.

In desperation, Colom called upon Roberto Izurieta, a bilingual political consultant and director of Latin American Projects at the Graduate School of Management at George Washington University. Though Izurieta

came in to see if the situation could still be saved for Colom, he had incredibly nebulous responsibilities. He asked for full access to the presidential palace, saying that nothing should be unknown to him. Other than organizing an interview on CNN, a network where he served as a contributor, Izurieta’s only action to resolve the crisis was to bus supporters into the main plaza to film a staged rally for Colom – the political consultant here was simply a propaganda agent.

The fiasco only ended when the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala discovered that Rosenberg had, bizarrely, plotted his own assassination by hiring his own assassins. Rosenberg had hoped that his “murder” would cause a larger stir and spread awareness of Colom’s alleged involvement in the two deaths. Though Izurieta did not help Colom much, he certainly helped CNN manufacture a nice interview. In any case, lack of transparency and shady methods of advertisement are worrisome elements of such a crucial enterprise.

Having American consultants abroad can, moreover, be interpreted as an attempt to usurp elections, as it was in the case of the 1988 Israeli election, the first time that Sawyer Miller came in to assist Shimon Peres of the Labor Party. The fact that foreign consultants were impinging on Israeli politics initially created a scandal in the nation’s press, despite the consultants’ remarkable lack of influence in their first election. Many thought outside influence trivialized the national political debate and frowned upon the Americanization of Israeli politics. Ultimately, however, the issue died down: a few years after the controversy erupted, the rival Likud Party paradoxically hired its very own American consultants. The protectionist uprising was short-lived, and the fact that American consultants were dipping their noses in Israeli politics was quickly forgotten. As James Harding put it, “Israel’s arms race in American advisers was under way.”

Furthermore, political consultants – almost exclusively American, European, or Russian – can serve shadier purposes than the purely lucrative. Consultants have often been accused of acting in a post-Cold War imperialist effort to influence elections abroad. As mentioned by Professor Taylor Boas, political consultants can and did at times serve the same purposes as covert CIA operations and coups during the Cold War. In 1994, for instance, Sawyer Miller received money from the US government to advance Russia’s privatization programs and, according March 2012

11

to the Wall Street Journal, pocketed 50 to 90 struggle for power emerged when Russian times, a consultant’s list of clients reveals inpercent of the aid contract. Apart from this political technologists accused Viktor Yush- teresting linkages. Tim Bell, Margaret Thatchstory, little has been written on the work of chenko, Kuchma’s then-prime minister, of er’s political consultant, went on to work for American consultants abroad, while much being an anti-Russian nationalist funded by Chilean President Augusto Pinochet. It can be more information is available on Russia’s American organizations like Freedom House, hard to tell whether consultants work to sell export of consulting techniques. The fact that the International Republican Institute (IRI), an ideology or only to bring in a paycheck. In American scholars seem to be more interested and the National Democratic Institute for this broader vein and under a more scintillatin Russian consulting than American use International Affairs (NDI), which were in- ing name, the US indeed influences elections of similar methods is a demonstration of strumental in developing campaign efforts and campaigns worldwide. Created in 1983, the lingering traces of Red Scare politics. abroad. According to journalist Gerald Suss- the National Endowment for Democracy The supposed (NED) is directly funded by interference of the the United States Congress Russian political within the budget of the US 2#3&456&78&95:;&3<&38==&>98398:&4<6?@=3563?& consultant is for International ><:A&3<&?8==&56&B;8<=<CD&<:&<6=D&3<&7:B6C&B6&5& Agency contrasted with Development. This money a comparatively E5D4984AF&#6&39B?&7:<5;8:&G8B6&56;&@6;8:&5&H<:8& goes to four organizations, uncontested belief two of which are the Na?4B63B==53B6C&65H8I&398&J(&B6;88;&B6K=@8648?& in the American tional Democratic Institute 8=843B<6?&56;&45HE5BC6?&><:=;>B;8L& political consultant’s and the International Renoble mission of publican Institute. sowing democracy abroad. man, the NDI and the IRI contributed milThe NED prides itself on spreading of The Russian model, nonetheless, gives lions to Yushchenko’s campaign in 2004. The democracy abroad, but it is worth asking much insight into the consulting business. struggle between Russia and the US in their to whom democracy is being sold. The As Andrew Wilson explained, Russian attempts to influence the Ukrainian elections NED indeed ultimately operates a distant political consultants – eerily renamed reveals the tensions of “camperialism” – the manipulation of crowds and opinion that “political technologists” – bring forth a style art of softly spreading imperialist influence is consistently overlooked. As brilliantly of “politics-as-performance.” In a move that through political campaigning. Here, the two described by journalist William Blum while many believe was orchestrated by the Kremlin Cold War giants were once again facing off, writing for the International Endowment itself, Vladmir Putin’s adviser, Gleb Pavlosky, indirectly seeking to extend their influence on for Democracy, “the idea was that the NED as well as Russian political technologists the political scene – their fighters were politi- would do somewhat overtly what the CIA had Marat Gelman and Igor Shuvalov, worked on cal consultants. Political consulting is not the been doing covertly for decades, and thus, the political scene for the Social Democratic only tool in these modern struggles for influ- hopefully, eliminate the stigma associated Party in Ukraine in 1999 and pushed for the ence; funding political movements remains, with CIA covert activities.” presidency of Leonid Kuchma. Kuchma won of course, a crucial tool to influence politics NED has funded movements that have the election and helped significantly improve abroad. In 2004 Ukraine, for instance, the stu- countered leftist candidates and opposition the Russian-Ukrainian relationship. dent movement Pora was funded by the NDI movements. Their targets range from Fidel However, a clear and the IRI. It successfully led uprisings call- Castro and Hugo Chávez to leftist professor ing for a new election after the victory of unions in France. Some of this funding went the Russian-backed candidate Viktor to pay for political consultants and advertising Yakunovych, bringing the campaigns meant to spread pro-American American favorite to political sentiment in countries worldwide. power. $550,000 was given to the IRI for use in Political con- Guatemala in 2005. sultants have also The IRI used this money to allocate shown them- political consultants to various approved selves willing political parties to “strengthen political to work for parties and civil society youth leadership c a n d i d at e s while increasing sensitivity to democracy and that openly op- governability issues,” and to fund efforts to posed their own “encourage the media to report on the debate countries interests about the economic reform.” In Nicaragua, the or values. Sawyer NED paid the National Democratic Institute Miller, for exam- $430,000 to “help publicize citizen concerns ple, assisted mil- about the political system.” Similar political itary governor spin was funded by US taxpayers in Peru (IRI, Manuel Noriega $300,000), in Venezuela (IRI, $200,000), and in Panama and for regional action (NDI, $395,000). Funding Sudanese dictator was also allocated to other organizations and Omar al-Bashir. At other media groups that were crucially influential

12

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[cover story] during campaign season, but were not political parties.

Political spin is a global market. Subtle manipulation conducted by the US worldwide is called “spreading democracy.” This is a business with enormous means: Congress’s annual budget for the NDI was $118 million in 2009, most of which was spent in the unclear category of “democracy support” worldwide.

The budget for the Middle East alone was $30 million. Similarly, the IRI had a budget of $85 million, most of which was spent on projects in Iraq and Afghanistan. As mentioned by former House member Dante Fascell, one of the congressional leaders behind the creation of the NED, the organization’s nonpartisan structure was intended to give each group “a piece of the pie.” Moreover, despite being “democratic,” the NED is not required to report any of its actions to Congress.

Organizations that are part of similar efforts, such as the International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), have 1,500 consultants in 35 countries and work with big names such as Stanley Greenberg, the consulting firm dedicated to “spreading democracy” that helped Bill Clinton’s election in 1992. Similarly, Joseph Napolitan, who worked on John F. Kennedy’s campaign in 1960, is also attached to IFES. Ties between the government of a consultant’s country of origin and the consultant are at times undeniable. For instance, by instilling fear amongst Russian voters and broadening Boris Yeltsin’s appeal to Russian youth by having him appear at rock concerts, the three American campaign consultants who worked for Yeltsin were said to have saved Russia from a Communist resurgence. Political consultants often come laden with the agenda of their previous domestic clients.

The possible encroachment of the NED on a country’s political independence was exemplified in Egypt last December. NED had been operating in the country and reaching out to different parties, even though they were not granted official authorization. They did so openly, according to their own account.

However, on December 29, 2011, the Egyptian Military Forces, in a manifestation of their disagreement with the NED’s attempts to influence Egyptian elections, raided NED offices and confiscated their materials. Three of the employees of the NED have now relocated to the American embassy to wait for their travel permits.

President Obama labeled the raid “an attack on democracy,” but the Egyptian government justified it as an attempt to

remove forces that “destabilized” elections in the country. If NED is seen on US soil as a group that spreads democracy abroad, it is clear that the ‘beneficiaries’ of their services do not necessarily agree. But the situation also has, at times, been reversed, as political consultants have acted as forhire diplomats on behalf of foreign interests, creating ties between the USA and foreign governments.

An established American consultant already comes prepared with a contact list, and can be a useful partner in building alliances with his country of origin. The Sawyer Miller Group was paid by the Philippine government to “monitor developments in the US of interest to the Philippines,” as denounced in “The Torturer’s Lobby,” a study conducted by the Center for Public Integrity. The firm contracted a US lobbyist to interact with Congress on behalf of the Philippines. Similarly, the Colombian government in 1991 hired the same firm to help better its image in the USA and be its “eyes and ears” on America’s perceptions of Colombia.

Political consultants can change public opinion and affect foreign policy. It is not surprising that US consultants are the most effective, it seems, in influencing the politics of their own country, even if they are being paid to act on the behalf of another.

The political consultant is not a mere image enhancer – he has become a crucial political agent, and one whose power is not kept in check by any judiciary means.Yet the obvious limitation of political consulting remains its ineffectiveness outside of well-known territory, especially in an era when digital media, which can limit a consultant’s control over the candidate’s message, has rapidly emerged in many countries.

Ultimately, there seem to be two breeds of political consultants: those interested in their own bottom line and those attached to state-funded institutions. Are all consultants operating in cultural vacuums? If so, cultural incomprehension might be the tool to quell political consulting’s problematic influence.

Given the differences between American or European political consultants and the voters they are seeking to conquer abroad, one might hope that the power of political consulting self-regulates through its own ineptitude. Yet this is unlikely to be a long-lasting situation. To many, it remains frightening that that foreign workers tied to the highest governmental

figures of their country of origin have access to particularly sensitive sociopolitical and demographic information.

Globalization may have made political consulting a more fallible industry; perhaps the most positive aspect of exporting the business model of American politics is that as one political consultant faces another abroad, the two may cancel each other out.

But consulting is only one of the many tools of American influence abroad through NED and its many subsidiaries.

Funding organizations, supporting groups, conducting polling, giving media support, and granting access to data and incredible financial influence ¬– Western consultants have their fingerprints on every aspect of the political process. Campaigns are no longer a local business (if they ever were).

This trend used to be imperialism – is it now camperialism?

Helene Barthelemy, CC ’13, is double-majoring in MESAAS (Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies) and Philosophy. She can be reached at hsb2121@columbia.edu.

March 2012

13

#(+"/"1"-& '%+"!#)*( Rectifying the US-Pakistan Relationship

By Usha Sahay

From the unannounced raid on Osama bin Laden’s compound that surprised and humiliated Pakistani officials, to a badly botched NATO operation that killed 24 Pakistani soldiers, 2011 was not a great year for US-Pakistani relations.

Many American policymakers are dismayed that neither friendship nor financial assistance has induced Pakistan to cooperate with American objectives in South Asia. Moreover, the strategic justifications for working with Pakistan are becoming less clear.

In 2001, the United States sought to partner with Pakistan in the war on terror; now, with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan fast approaching, it is unclear what strategic interest continues to bind Washington and Islamabad.

It’s no wonder, then, that there is increasing support in some quarters for scaling back this partnership. In late 2011, a group of congressmen wrote indignantly to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, citing a lack

14

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

of cooperation from Pakistan and demanding a rethinking of America’s expensive alliance with the country.

The skeptics have one thing right: It is time for a decisive shift in US-Pakistani relations. However, this shift should not be one toward disengagement. While dropping Pakistan as an ally might be politically expedient for congressmen who want to undermine President Obama’s foreign policy track record, the geostrategic importance of Pakistan extends beyond the election cycle, and it is crucial that America not alienate Pakistan at this critical time. US and NATO troops are poised to leave Afghanistan in the next few years, and the main obstacle to post-withdrawal stability is the insurgency, composed of groups such as the Haqqani network, Lashkar-e-Taiba, and al-Qaeda.

The insurgents thrive because they can cross the notoriously porous AfghanistanPakistan border for sanctuary or find refuge in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas

that straddle the border. Tribal insurgents in Pakistani border regions offer the support that sustains their Afghan counterparts, thereby undermining the American mission in Afghanistan. Pakistani cooperation is key to stabilizing the Afghanistan situation.

The problem for American diplomats is that the Pakistani government, officially an American ally, refuses to go after the insurgents despite America’s insistence that it do so. In fact, there is evidence that the government is actively helping these groups.

Consequently, Americans have complained of a Pakistani “double game” and have called for the end of a clearly broken strategic partnership. But Pakistan is America’s only hope for stabilizing the troubled border region and for preserving its hard-earned gains in Afghanistan. Therefore, America should seek to make its relationship with Pakistan mutually beneficial once again.

Revamping the US-Pakistan relationship first requires that policymakers understand

[features | international] why the Pakistani government continues to rising global prominence, has led Pakistan to biggest fears: a hostile India and an unraveling support extremist insurgent groups when such anxiously pursue regional policies intended Afghanistan. Moreover, maintaining ties to relations weaken its standing with the United to protect it against future Indian hostility the militant groups gives Pakistan leverage States, its most important ally. The answer lies and, perhaps, aggression. in future regional negotiations, as it can in a fundamental sense of national insecurity How, then, does Pakistan believe gain clout with other nations by promising that is a product of history, geography, and supporting insurgents enhances its security? to restrict those groups’ violent activities – circumstance. a strategy Pakistan, it has used nestled between 2#6&5==DB6C&>B39&398&3:B75=&HB=B3563?&3953&;<HB6538&E<<:=D& successfully an increasingly with the C<G8:68;&$5AB?356B&7<:;8:&:8CB<6?I&398& powerful India United States and an unstable in the past $5AB?356B&C<G8:6H863&CBG8?&B3?8=K&5&C:8538:&H85?@:8&<K& Afghanistan, few years.

4<63:<=&<G8:&398?8&5:85?&56;&4:8538?&56&8KK843BG8&7@KK8: has good reason T h i s to fear a future tactic is a key &5C5B6?3&3><&<K&B3?&7BCC8?3&K85:?M&5&9<?3B=8& in which it is comp onent #6;B5&56;&56&@6:5G8=B6C&"KC956B?356L& geographically of Pakistan’s and politically regional isolated from its neighbors. The historical In allying with the tribal militants that policy, as well as the biggest source of enmity between India and Pakistan dates back dominate poorly governed Pakistani border American frustration with Pakistan. But to the bloody partition of the two countries regions, the Pakistani government gives itself America has played an indirect role in pushing in 1947, and still stands to be resolved. This a greater measure of control over these areas Pakistan into the arms of the militants, historical tension, combined with India’s and creates an effective buffer against two of its since American diplomacy has done little to assuage the geographical and historical insecurity that drives most of Pakistan’s policies.

For Pakistan, the darkest point in the history of its troubled relationship with America was in 1989, at the end of the SovietAfghan war. During that conflict, America enlisted Pakistani support against the Soviets in Afghanistan and poured massive amounts of aid money and arms into the country. Once the war ended, however, America left South Asia almost immediately, and Afghanistan descended into civil war. The conflict in Afghanistan destabilized Pakistan as well, but America, which had recently served as a steadfast ally, suddenly was no longer around to help.

Pakistanis remember this incident with great resentment, because they see it as an example of America acting like a “fickle friend,” willing to abandon them to their hostile neighbors whenever American interests are secured. When President Obama announced a withdrawal timeline for NATO forces, it seemed to Pakistan that history was bound to repeat itself. Recognizing that Afghanistan is not stable enough to self-govern, and eyeing the exiting Western powers, Pakistan is justifiably suspicious that it will, Illustration by Esha Maharishi once again, be left without a friend March 2012

15

to clean up the imminent mess in its region.

Additionally, American officials have domestic manufacturing interests have thus America’s dubious commitment through the tried to exert too much control over how far prevented America from eliminating years has enhanced Pakistan’s already acute exactly the aid programs are implemented, the controls that keep Pakistan out of the sense of national insecurity. Pessimistic about shutting out local actors with more market, the long-term political dividends what a future without American support knowledge of how to tailor the programs to from promoting Pakistani manufacturing might hold, Pakistan has continued to shelter local conditions. will outweigh the immediate costs to US militants to consolidate influence in unstable These officials often favor what manufacturers. regions – which, ironically, increases the Pakistanis indignantly describe as “Made To be sure, reforming aid effectiveness clamor within America to stop its support of in America” solutions that don’t reflect the and trade policies is only the beginning of Pakistan. needs and priorities of the people whom the what must be a long-term effort to repair Thus, Pakistan’s the relationship.

No preemptive effort improvement can occur to bring domestic 2N9B=8&4<6;B3B<65=B3D&?88H?&=BA8&56&85?D&>5D& without other American stability in fear of initiatives, such as 3<&H5A8&"H8:B456&5B;&;<==5:?&8KK843BG8I&B3& retracting American reexamining the use of support is, in part, drone strikes on Pakistani :8B6K<:48?&398&B;85&3953&"H8:B45&<6=D&>563?& a cause of America’s – which are seen 3<&98=E&$5AB?356&<6&B3?&<>6&38:H?&56;&3953&398& territory withdrawal. To end as undermining national this vicious cycle, sovereignty – and playing :8=53B<6?9BE&B?&<68O&?B;8;L& America must an active role in mediating reassure Pakistan the India-Pakistan conflict. that one thing the future does hold for it is aid is meant to help. Thus, KLB has been Indeed, that relationship may be the continued American support. ineffective in improving economic conditions most important, given how much it influencOne important way for the United and political stability. But there is the larger es the regional policies of both Pakistan and States to ease Pakistan’s anxieties and repair problem of perception, as well: By neglecting India. American support for an easing of tenthe damaged alliance is to improve the way local Pakistani input on how to spend the sions could start a process that will eventually American aid dollars are spent. The amount money, America aggravates suspicions that it place Pakistan in a more secure geopolitical that America spends on aid to Pakistan seems only has its own interests in mind. Making situation, and lessen the incentive to support inappropriate to some, given Pakistan’s lack of the program less corrupt and more inclusive insurgents and the Taliban. cooperation, and infeasible, given America’s of Pakistani priorities may go a long way to Still, even that initiative requires that own fiscal troubles. But cutting off the aid convince Pakistan of America’s reliability.

Pakistanis trust America, a condition flow at a time when the United States needs A related problem is that America insists that certainly does not hold today. This Pakistan more than ever would do more harm on making its aid to Pakistan conditional – indicates how important it is to reform than good. Rather, American policymakers that is, requiring Pakistan to make certain Pakistani perceptions of the United States. can reform the aid program in a way that political reforms before it can receive the Understanding how the aid program will improve Pakistanis’ perceptions of their funds. While conditionality seems like an easy reinforces suspicions of the American “fickle friend,” thereby promoting better way to make American aid dollars effective, it relationship as transactional is an important cooperation with American objectives. reinforces the idea that America only wants first step to improving the aid program and, The 2009 Kerry-Lugar-Berman bill to help Pakistan on its own terms and that the ultimately, the alliance itself.

(KLB) provided a long-term aid package relationship is one-sided.

There are, of course, no guarantees that to Pakistan. The intention was to use aid to Pakistani frustration centers on the idea these solutions will solve this complicated gradually replace military domination of the that the partnership is purely “transactional,” problem anytime soon. But it is the focus on country with civilian control, as well as to sustained not by friendship or commitment short-term gains rather than on the long-term bolster Pakistani support for America. While but by benefits to the United States – a implications of policies that has gotten USan enormously positive step, KLB has in perception that contributes to the fear that Pakistan relations to this problematic point. practice done little to improve Pakistani views America’s commitment may abruptly end The United States cannot afford to waste this of America’s commitment, and may have even once its benefits run out. In the long run, opportunity to work with Pakistan to return worsened them. conditionality stokes deep-seated sources stability and civility to their troubled region.

One problem is that Pakistanis simply of resentment and contributes to Pakistan’s Perceptions matter as much as tangible have not seen much of the money. Much of it is insecurity about its future. results. If policymakers begin by taking eaten up by questionably high “administrative Finally, America can work to change small but decisive steps to show Pakistan costs” and other deductions on the American its image in Pakistan by easing protectionist that America is a real ally with real concern side for which there is little transparency. trade barriers on textiles. Since Pakistani for Pakistan’s interests, there can be hope that On the receiving end, the outlook isn’t much businesses have been pushing for this sort 2012 will mark a sustainable turning point in better: Lawrence Wright of The New Yorker of policy change for many years to no avail, relations between the two countries. has chronicled the poor oversight that has an easing of barriers would be a powerful permitted the Inter-Services Intelligence symbol of America’s intention to finally directorate (ISI) to divert aid away from its make the relationship two-sided. In fact, Usha Sahay, CC ’12, is majoring in history and intended purpose of civilian development many Pakistanis actually favor less direct political science. She is interested in the history and use it instead for military buildup – the aid and more economic engagement, using of American and European interventions in precise result that KLB was designed to the slogan “trade not aid” to describe what South Asia, particularly the Soviet-Afghan war prevent. they want from the United States. While and the current conflict in Afghanistan.

16

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[briefing: education reform]

%-JP"!#)*&'%Q)'/

The current state of the education reform movement has been referred to as the Civil Rights movement of our time. This description is certainly justified.

In 1954, the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education declared the racial segregation of public schools unconstitutional, recognizing that every child in the United States has the right to quality public education, regardless of personal background. Newly integrated public schools provided exciting arenas of study for those interested in the movement’s real impact. In 1966, the Equality of Educational Opportunity Study – often referred to as the “Coleman Study” – sought to determine the degree to which all students were offered equal opportunities for educational success. The study famously concluded for the first time that student achievement is more influenced by a student and school’s socioeconomic circumstances than by the school’s quality, laying the theoretical precedent for what would later become known as the achievement gap.

In 1983, the Department of Education released “A Nation at Risk”, a landmark report decrying the “rising tide of mediocrity” in America’s public schools. While the Coleman Study established the links between poverty and student achievement, A Nation at Risk turned the national conversation toward the need to address the inadequacies of American schools by citing America’s need to stay competitive within a rapidly changing world economy.

No Child Left Behind has been seen as the legacy to A Nation At Risk. The 2002 legislation’s ultimate aim was to have every student score at proficient levels in reading and math on standardized state exams by 2014. Its novel approach represented a more powerful role for the federal government in education, signaling that the issue of inadequate schools had reached a new level of national importance. Schools would be encouraged to improve by the government’s new set of high standards and system of salient incentives and disincentives. Critics of the law took issue with its heavy emphasis on high-stakes testing and what they saw as harsh penalties instead of strong supports for schools that failed to meet ambitious test score improvement targets.

Ten years later, education reform still fights to address the educational inequalities that leave millions of children – many of them racial minorities and from low-income households – without access to quality educational opportunities. President Obama’s “Race to the Top” initiative, an innovative competition among states for billions of dollars in federal education funds, exemplifies these groups’ agendas. The competition pushed states to make policy changes in areas like low-performing school turnarounds and teacher performance. Obama’s policies, however, have encountered opposition from critics who disagree with what they see as a penalization of schools that are underperforming. Overall, Obama and his allies are clashing with two historically loyal members of the Democratic base: teachers unions and civil rights groups. This year might feature a major political realignment in education.

March 2012

17

!%"P0%'&%R"+J"!#)*( The best method to evaluate teachers is by experienced professionals who observe their practice and performance in the classroom, their interactions with students and colleagues, and the quality of student work produced in their classroom (such as essays, projects, and other demonstrations of student learning). Test scores are the least valuable way to evaluate teacher quality because test scores reflect demography and because they may be changed by rote drilling, by cheating, and by the composition of the class.

Diane Ravitch Former Assistant Secretary of Education

“Teacher evaluations should be a collective effort. You cannot reduce it down to the individual teacher. We lose so many teachers in the first three years, and I think that points to the lack of support in their development. Teaching is very hard and complex. They have to understand cultural factors that can influence kids, and they also have to manage a classroom and discipline problems. And now you have to handle people in the press saying the worst things about your profession and saying that the solution to underperforming schools is enthusiastic young teachers who will devote 24/7 to the classroom. This is not sustainable as a profession, and it is grossly unfair.”

18

PRO : By Leah Metcalf

CON : By Michelle Abell Jacobo

Everyone intuitively knows that having a good or bad teacher is the difference between longtime learning and just dropping in.

According to Eric Hanushek, a senior fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution, the amount teachers can teach students ranges from 0.5 to 1.5 years of material, depending on the skill of the instructor.

How does the United States make sure that only high quality teachers are teaching its students? The best answer is “value added ratings”. Value added ratings show an individual teacher’s impact on a student’s standardized test scores.

Policies need to connect test scores with teacher performance in order to inform decisions that will help students perform better. Detractors of evaluating teachers based on testing cite the discrepancies in classroom makeup and the pressure to perform as flaws in testing strategy. These are fair criticisms, but these discrepancies can be resolved by other means. In New York State’s new teacher evaluation system, for instance, tests will not be the only factor in deciding a teacher’s performance; others, such as the socioeconomic makeup of a class, will be considered in hiring and firing decisions.

The achievement gap in this country mandates that students demonstrate knowledge of subject matter that has been deemed crucial on a national level. Achievement levels can only be raised if the United States ensures that teachers are judged on how well they have taught their students that crucial knowledge, as demonstrated on tests.

It is generally agreed that evaluating teaching methods is important to helping students succeed, but some disagree on what kind of evaluation methods should be adopted and how evaluation information should be used.

Successful teacher evaluation methods are still being developed, and many studies that have been conducted lack statistical validity and reliability. A recent study conducted by three researchers at the National Bureau of Economic Research, for example, made the claim that a student’s lifetime earning potential is associated with the quality of their teachers. The study itself was designed to establish, at best, a correlation between the two. Popular media, however, communicated a causal effect – in their story, high-value teachers cause students to perform better not only on tests, but also in life. Over-extrapolated interpretations manipulate the average reader, who may not have the time or interest to read the study closely.

Finally, in a future when we are better able to identify stronger teachers, it is still unclear whether the current testing-evaluation system would help to determine what kind of methods high quality teachers are employing to increase student success. If the purpose of evaluating teachers is to help students learn and succeed, it does not make sense to punish or fire teachers who do not “perform” because doing so further limits the teacher pool. Instead of spending time and money on identifying which teachers to fire, resources should be used to find better teaching methods with the potential to systematically change our education system.

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[briefing: education reform]

0#,0O(!"S%(&!%"P0#*, “There should be testing – it is still a tool we should use. Through testing, you want to measure what students are exposed to. In addition, you want to use testing to give teachers feedback of what they need more of. In addition to using tests, we should be looking at other evidence of learning such as student work – can they write well, read at grade level, etc. We see students that pass tests but still cannot do college level work. We need more evidence to understand their skills and content knowledge.”

Lee Ann Bell The Barbara Silver Horowitz Director of Education at Barnard College

Pedro Noguera Peter L. Agnew Professor of Education at New York University

“I think high-stakes testing is a failure in improving the educational system and it has led to the narrowing of curriculum. It creates different incentives and problems that detract from real learning. Kids who find their way to literacy and find excitement in learning through social studies, the arts, physical education, and other subjects that are pushed to the wayside do not get to have the same opportunity as more privileged kids. It is a travesty. Focus on standardized tests also teaches kids that learning is filling in the right answer in the bubble.

Learning should be about curiosity and gaining knowledge, to think about big questions.”

PRO : By Samantha Lopez

CON : By Irene Izaguirre-Lopez

High stakes testing – the practice of placing major emphasis on standardized test scores in decisions affecting students, teachers, administrators, and schools – is one of the most highly debated issues in education.Some say the tests do more harm than good because they put too much emphasis on scores instead of other measures of student learning, forcing teachers to “teach to the test.”

However, they provide a valuable way of directly comparing student performance through a single standard of evaluation. Although everything students learn during the school year cannot be assessed in one test, if there are truly good teachers in classrooms, high test scores will come as a byproduct of good all-around instruction.

It is not a perfect system, and there are problems with what certain tests actually measure. Standardized testing, however, is still the only feasible way to quickly and objectively compare achievement across classrooms and schools. This helps identify areas of success and weakness and allows for the isolation of individual classrooms where problem areas exist.

Standardized tests can also play an important role in the reform of teacher evaluations. A recent study conducted by Harvard and Columbia concluded that test scores are a good way to measure teacher quality and that teachers who raise scores improve students’ long-term prospects, including lifetime earnings. In combination with other forms of evaluation, test scores can provide a valuable first insight into which teachers and schools can be looked to as models of success – and which need immediate attention and reform.

Public school students in grades three through eight will spend approximately six hours per year taking standardized tests. At this rate, the average 13-year-old will have spent sixty hours taking standardized tests. At first glance, this number may seem low, and maybe even manageable. However, one must remember the untold hours that are spent on test preparation, both in the classroom and at home. Sixty hours over the course of five years is actually a gross underestimation. Proponents of standardized testing state that the tests provide educators and policymakers with objective measures of student achievement and learning, which are highly correlated to teacher effectiveness and overall school quality. Standardized tests, however, only measure a student’s performance at a particular point in time and by no means adequately demonstrate a year’s worth of learning, nor can they assess critical skills and traits like creativity, motivation, curiosity, or critical thinking.

It is important to differentiate between standardized tests and high-stakes testing. While most standardized tests are high stakes, high-stakes testing implies that negative consequences will ensue if results are less than proficient. Because of the shortcoming of standardized tests in measuring real achievement, the link between tests and harsh consequences needs to be reevaluated.

Although the history of standardized testing in the United States is long and ingrained, educators, policymakers, parents, and students can still come together and devise new measures of student achievement that encompass true learning.

March 2012

19

"P0#%R%/%*!&,"$ PRO : By Maddy Joseph

CON : By Ashley Williams

It is difficult to hear any description of the educational gaps in the United States and not be stirred to action, or at least overcome by a sense of injustice. These statistics represent American children who do not have access to the educational opportunities they deserve. The achievement gap is also a symbolic device used by advocates to draw attention to the American education crisis.

Their framing represents a welcome emphasis on the mission of transforming underperforming schools.

The constant repetition of the achievement gap frame does have the inescapable consequence of shifting our focus onto poor and minority students. While those who talk about the achievement gap do not intend to lay blame on disadvantaged communities and students, the frame has potentially negative consequences – not only does it distract from national educational deficiencies, it also emphasizes the failures of certain schools in these communities.

It would be a greater injustice to allow the debate about education to move away from how to support and fix the schools and districts that serve (or underserve) the 16 million children living in poverty – many of whom are black or Hispanic.

We cannot allow the language of the achievement gap to distract from what it is intended to highlight: that certain students - the vast majority of whom are poor and many of whom are racial minorities - are not getting the opportunities they need and deserve.

If talking about the achievement gaps will bring our country to address the inadequacies of such a system, then discussion of achievement gaps is an essential element of the national conversation about education.

In 2011, New York white students were approximately twice as likely to meet basic test standards in reading and mathematics as their black and Hispanic counterparts. This dramatic difference in academic performance between black and Hispanic students and their white and Asian counterparts, as well as between higher and lower income students, is defined as the achievement gap.

Framing this issue in terms of the underperformance of specific racial minorities and low-income background students evinces an incomplete understanding of the nature of the crisis.

Those who cite the achievement gap as the central issue in education policy often overlook the fact that the gap is a reflection of a national education deficiency. In the current reform movement’s haste to “close the gap,” conversations about the relationship between the roles of federal and state governments in education policy, school funding on the district and state level, and the purpose of a strong American education falls to the wayside.

Our entire public education system is in a crisis, and educational issues are merely magnified in poorer communities. The problem affects all American students, even the most privileged.

We are still not able to compete internationally: In 2010, the United States ranked 14th in reading skills, 17th in science, and 25th in mathematics out of the 34 nations in the OECD. Perhaps it is easier for us to address this behemoth of a crisis by focusing on the lack of education given to a certain population of students. But in doing so, we risk making education a racial and socioeconomic issue rather than recognizing it as a national problem.

The best strategies to narrow (and someday to close) the gaps is to reduce their causes: make sure that all pregnant women have good medical care so that their babies are born healthy; make sure that children have access to good medical care as they grow up, so they are healthy; require class sizes small enough so that children get the time and attention they need to succeed; insist that all schools have a full, rich, balanced curriculum including daily physical education, and time to play, as well as experienced teachers and excellent facilities in which to learn; and ensure that the schools have the social workers, guidance counselors, and librarians needed to help students learn. As you may have deduced, I don’t believe that teachers are the cause of achievement gaps. Poverty is.

Shamus Khan Associate Professor of Sociology at Columbia University

Before even entering kindergarten, wealthy students perform 60 percent better than poor students on standardized tests. Schools actually do pretty well to close this gap. But it is resilient in part because of out-of-school factors like poverty and inequality and in part because students spend several months every year out of school (where the continued investment of wealthier parents mimics “schooling,” helping the achievement gap return). Schools are often the villains in our story about poverty, inequality, and achievement gaps. But we must remember that out-of-school factors often matter more than in-school factors. In short, to close the gap, we need to worry less about schools and worry more about constructing a coherent poverty and inequality policy.

Columbia’s Students for Education Reform (SFER) strives to close the achievement gap and ensure an excellent education for all children by mobilizing the next generation of leaders in education reform. We fill the void of student voices in the education reform movement by advocating the policies that drive improved student outcomes. Through numerous events and informal local workshops, we aim to promote awareness and conversation on closing the achievement gap. We welcome new voices at general body meetings on Monday nights at 8PM. Facebook: Students For Education Reform at Columbia; Twitter: @SFERcolumbia; Email: columbia@studentsforedreform.org

20

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[interview]

'J**#*,&#*& !0%&TU!0&-#(!'#P! A Conversation with Clyde Williams

Clyde Williams, a potential helped bolster small challenger for the 15th business growth and the Congressional District of New establishment of a program York, is laying the groundwork to empower Black and for a campaign against longtime Latino high school students representative Charles Rangel. by providing free access to A former Clinton White House college test-preparatory aide and Democratic Party materials. activist, Williams previously As national served as Deputy Chief of and local Staff at the Department unemployment of Agriculture and as rates have National Political Director soared, Williams for the Democratic has stressed the need for National Committee under invigorating development Illustration by Amalia Rinehart President Barack Obama. initiatives and job training He has been resident of the programs for Harlem residents in an district since 2001, when he helped establish effort to usher in a new era for the community.

Former President Bill Clintonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s office in New Columbia Political Review sat down with York, where he served as Clintonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Domestic Williams to discuss Columbia, its relationship Policy Advisor. Since then, his service to with the surrounding area and community, the community has included the creation of and how his election would be of particular the Harlem Small Business Initiative, which interest to students.

March 2012

21

Columbia Political Review: Columbia’s Manhattanville expansion is a 50-year undertaking that will certainly have effects on the local Harlem community. How can the university ensure that it serves to enhance the community while simultaneously benefitting from it?

Clyde Williams: As the largest employer and force in the District, it is essential that Columbia and the Uptown community collaborate in mutually beneficial ways. The relationship must be a two-way street.

While I think Uptown residents understand that there are potential gains from the project, I think there is a lot of concern that needs to be addressed and put to rest through better communication and transparency. For example, I think the recent outreach by Columbia Facilities and the project contractors to locally-owned firms is a good step, and if those discussions lead to tangible contracts and employment for local residents, it can help strengthen ties.

CPR: Many say that Columbia has gentrified parts of Morningside Heights. What are your thoughts on this? Do you think this has had a positive impact on the surrounding community?

CW: Gentrification often is a mixed picture, and Morningside Heights is no exception. Having a world-class university like Columbia in the District is clearly positive.

The challenge for the University and political leadership is to help ensure the impact of gentrification for long-term residents is addressed in the best way possible. It is not always easy to align everyone’s interests, but it is incumbent upon us to try.

CPR: If elected, how would representing a district with a university such as Columbia influence your ambitions?

CW: From Harlem to Washington Heights, Marble Hill to Morningside Heights, this community represents the best of New York – vibrant, culturally rich and diverse. Our collective challenge is to try to unleash its untapped potential to build greater and more sustainable economic opportunity for all.

My objective is to help build on the positive momentum already underway, while addressing long-standing problems facing this community. As the country climbs out of this deep recession, our goal must be to create genuine opportunities for economic empowerment by creating jobs, attracting new industries and making sure our residents have skills for 21st century jobs. Columbia is a natural partner for the kind of effort we need -- le-

22

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

!"#$%#&'()*'+)',-$./))0# After each census, all 50 states are required to redraw their political districts to reflect any changes in population. Since New York experienced a relative drop in population in the 2010 census, the state will lose two congressional districts and representatives, and existing ones will be expanded before the 2012 elections. With primaries in June, New York’s new political map has yet to be drawn.

On February 13, citing the lethargic speed of the redistricting process, Judge Dora L. Irizarry of Federal District Court in Brooklyn ruled that the process needed federal court oversight. Under the ruling, the federal appeals court would appoint a panel of three judges that would select a special master to oversee the state legislature’s redistricting plan.

Incumbent representative Charlie Rangel appears to be the cause of the gridlock surrounding the redistricting process. At a recent town hall, Assemblyman Denny Farrel, a longtime friend and ally of Rangel, made it clear that a district would be drawn that would play to Rangel’s demographic strength: the African-American population. Citing precedent, he stated that Rangel’s district is always drawn first before the rest of the state’s districts. Other political leaders have called for the state legislature to consider the increase in the Dominican population in the district, which is now 46 percent Latino.

They point out that there are 2.1 million Latinos in New York City, but only two Latino representatives from New York.

To make matters worse, the primaries have also been moved up from September to June.

This forces candidates to begin collecting petitions by mid-March in a currently borderless district. The democratic process seems to be at risk in the 15th Congressional District. veraging all the skills, talents and resources among the University, businesses and nonprofits in the District.

CPR: Columbia students are known for their political activism but do not particularly engage with local politics. How would you change this?

CW: I think Columbia students would be more engaged in local politics if they felt a connection to the political leadership and a sense of shared vision for what is achievable.

Everyone living in this community has a stake in it.

And as we’ve seen, we must hold elected leaders accountable so that our democracy can function. We’ve drifted for way too long – and I think Columbia students are like a lot of Americans who are increasingly disengaged.

I certainly hope my vision for the District will resonate with the students, and I plan to spend a lot of time on campus in the coming months (@voteclyde and www.facebook.com/ voteclyde) CPR: Given that graduation is right around the corner for Columbians, how would you

address one of the nation’s deepest problems of high unemployment?

CW: I agree with many of President Obama’s plans for the economy and jobs – and not just because I used to work for him. For example, we need to rebuild our crumbling infrastructure with projects like building a national high-speed wireless network. If we do so, we can support the growth of high-tech businesses across the country, while creating jobs in the near-term. It’s a win-win. Likewise, the focus on skill-building is essential. Many fields like teaching, energy, healthcare and the skilled trades are hiring in greater numbers, but these jobs require specialized technical skills or degrees.

We need to become more flexible and focused on making sure people know about these opportunities and can get the skills they need. Further, fostering small businesses and entrepreneurship is also key – as well as holding down the costs of college so graduates aren’t constrained by the crushing burden of student loan debt. These are tangible proposals – and many of them aren’t expensive.

They just require focus, energy and creativity among political leaders.

[features | international]

!0%&1"*-#!&"*!0%&1J++V The Charge for Scottish Independence

By Gregory J. Barber

As he officially announced the 2014 vote for an independent Scotland, First Minister Alex Salmond looked and sounded as earnest as ever. His normally ruddy complexion was tempered by the soft light of the Scottish Parliament’s chambers as he revealed an inconspicuous pamphlet to his colleagues: “Your Scotland. Your Referendum.” The document was to be, as Salmond put it, an outline for the people of his Scottish National Party’s (SNP) plan to fulfill its commitment to a “clear vision of the future” – in other words, a kind of consumer’s guide to the process of political independence. But though the announcement made gestures toward openness and simplicity, they concealed a far more complex reality.

As Britons are acutely aware, Salmond, though a shrewd politician, is a champion of polarizing political ventures. His audience understood that the future is, in fact, far from clear, and that its choice is a weighty one – the fight to sever over 300 years of partnership within one of the world’s most powerful nations will indeed be wrought with intrigue and bitterness.

To his credit, Salmond certainly had a more civil tone than the leaders of past campaigns for decentralization. “It’s Scotland’s Oil!” was the rowdy chant of the SNP in the 1970s, when the discovery of oil in the North Sea strengthened the case for a fiscally independent Scotland, with home rule designated the first stop along that path. Times, however, were harder on the nationalist cause back then. Scotland faced

a sharply declining manufacturing economy and the Troubles of Northern Ireland acted as a possible bellwether for nationalist campaigns in other British regions. But most importantly, when it came to the home rule referendum, the Scottish people – operating through their Members of Parliament in London – lacked direct control over their vote and the discourse that surrounded it.

Lasting from the introduction of devolution legislation in 1976 aimed at creating a Scottish parliament with limited power until the 1979 vote, the fight became a shady one as ruthless factionalism took hold. In a move that perhaps epitomizes the injustice of the process, George Cunningham, a Labour MP from Scotland strongly opposed to devolution, pushed through an amendment in 1978 that required a “yes” vote from 40 percent of eligible voters for the referendum to pass – the necessary turnout, as expected, did not occur. Home rule proponents went home defeated despite being in the majority at the polls.

Today, the SNP is playing a similar game, riding on a sense of economic opportunism and nationalist stirrings. But this time, the ball is truly in its court. Winners of a plurality of Scottish parliamentary seats in 2007 and an outright majority in 2011, the party – which pushes independence as the centerpiece of its political platform – feels that it has been handed not only a mandate for a referendum, but also the right to set the terms of the vote: the question, the date, and even the voting age, which it wants to lower to 16 in order to

capitalize on the youth vote. And indeed, the time is ripe to be making such demands.

Economically, Scotland is proving its resilience amid a global malaise that is acutely affecting its neighbors. Already the third wealthiest region per head (behind Greater London and South East England), the recession affected Scots less severely and in a shorter span than it did the broader United Kingdom. Though it is currently a net recipient of British revenue, confidence has also been expressed in an independent Scotland’s potential for further growth, fueled by its share of North Sea oil and gas, sustainable energy industries, increasing diversification, and a rebounding technology sector. The argument for a vibrant, independent Scottish economy is, for the moment, a particularly strong one.

Nationalist sentiment, too, is aligned with today’s sense of economic opportunity.

Scotland has gained jurisdiction over key domestic policies since devolution’s failure in 1979, but it has limited control over taxation and remains profoundly influenced by fiscal measures that are decided in London. Over the past year, Scots have become increasingly irritated. Seen as part of a recurring pattern of unwarranted English interference, recent Conservative austerity measures, which have shrunk the Scottish share of British expenditures by 11 percent this year compared to its 2010-2011 level, have been ill-received in the left-leaning north. This, combined with a decades-old resentment toward British foreign policy decisions (an March 2012

23

independent Scotland, as Salmond noted in the referendum announcement, “would not have [its] young men and women dragged into illegal wars like Iraq”) and disapproval over the presence of nuclear weapons on Scottish soil have Scots demanding greater input with a long-unseen fervor.

Whether such benefits are enough to outweigh the uncertainty (and for some, the anguish) of a political separation is up to the Scottish electorate to decide. But why, then, must voters wait until fall of 2014 for a vote? The answer lies in the tentativeness and uncertainty buried beneath the SNP’s aggressive façade. Salmond and his party are well aware that, however opportune their timing might seem, a majority “yes” vote could be difficult to muster. And indeed, opinion polling, though somewhat scattered, has pointed to a disadvantage for the nationalists The SNP may cite the need for more time for planning, debate, and organization, calling Prime Minister David Cameron’s plans to accelerate the process “oppressive,” but this struggle in the polls that the true motivation behind the SNP’s wait-and-see attitude. Such a plan is far from innocent – it is, in fact, thoroughly unjust to Scottish voters as well as Britons as a whole. It is first and foremost a risk to the political process itself, posing a challenge to its character and transparency, and threatening the long-term ScottishBritish relationship. Further, it merely extends and magnifies the uncertainty of an already dangerously uncertain process – for Britain and its constituent countries, for Europe, and even for the Scottish nationalists themselves.

The idea of an independent Scotland must either be realized quickly or die just as fast.

In early January, Cameron played host to British business leaders at 10 Downing Street, where he says he was given a dire warning about the delay’s impact on the economy. “It is clear that one thing business never likes is uncertainty,” a spokesman for the PM said after the meeting, “whether that is legal uncertainty, political uncertainty, or economic uncertainty.” As with all things at the intersection of British corporations and politics, such a conjecture should be considered warily, but English businessmen aren’t the only ones giving warnings.

Scottish financial firms have cautioned that the SNP’s delay is likely to affect its own constituents most acutely. It is Scotland, they say, that will bear the brunt of a decline in investment from both outside of Britain and within it. Companies that span the EnglishScottish border and those within Scotland that rely on English funding face a particularly immediate risk – they are most likely to see growth stunted during a protracted period of

24

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

uncertainty. The referendum debate comes, as well, at a critical point in the process of economic recovery for the British and broader European economies. A sinking British recovery, as International Monetary Fund chief Christine Lagarde has warned, could have dramatic repercussions in the European

for the home team at the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow, and celebrate the 700th anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn, a decisive victory for the Scottish during the First War of Independence. Salmond is also counting on continued anger directed toward the Conservative Party, which is not up for

Illustrations by Kaela Chambers

Union, and a decline in foreign investment within the country makes that threat all the more imminent.

Additionally, these mounting concerns from the business community come without a guarantee of success for the perpetrators themselves – though Salmond, shrewd as ever, is doing his best to get the timing right. He still risks a calamity for his party in 2014. Salmond is, at the moment, betting on a series of events that could help build a surge in nationalism ahead of the vote. In the months prior to Fall 2014, Scots will cheer on their golfers in the Ryder Cup, root

election until 2015, and hopes that David Cameron’s undiminishing antipathy toward the referendum will help muster the “yes” vote up north.

These factors should not be underestimated – the preferences of many voters are likely to be influenced by the prevailing nationalist spirit. However, the SNP must remember that the appeal of its position is primarily economic, and that the behavior of the economy could very well work against it. Just as many American pundits have been basing their predictions for the 2012 presidential election on small

[features | international] shifts in the unemployment rate, it is likely that the SNP will find its chances subject to a similar economic dependency. For them, improvement, particularly in the broader British economy, means defeat. One can look from the small-scale social phenomena – the rise and fall in the popularity of

better on its own – will not propel it forever.

The SNP also must reflect back on the events of the 1979 referendum, in particular the fracturing of the nationalist camp under the pressures of a long and fierce fight, and consider the risk their actions pose both to themselves and to the process as a whole.

farmer’s markets over the course of economic downturns, for example – to the large-scale, like the upswing in separatist movements during the economic troubles of the early 1970s and their decline toward the end of the decade, and see that the appeal of decentralization rarely lasts.

Appetizing in a sense of “the grass is always greener,” such movements typically become far less so in sunnier economic times, when the merits of tried-and-true economic and political ties become clearer. The SNP must understand that the force that drove it into power – the idea that Scotland can do

A two-and-a-half-year delay gives ample opportunity for political forces to cloud and complicate a potentially transparent process; to foster an excess of bitterness and resentment where it is not necessarily due. The factions in this debate are already relatively fragile.

One side is manned by the SNP and a large chunk of the Scottish electorate, strong-willed and committed to a fight, but dominated by polarizing personalities that could spell the downfall of political cohesion.

On the other side stands a hodge-podge of allies, some relatively unlikely and others not – the business community, Conservatives,

Liberal Democrats, Labour, and even nationalists in Wales and Northern Ireland who fear an English-dominated Parliament at Westminster should the Scottish ministers depart. This referendum process was never going to be pretty – Salmond has already been labeled “the bandit” to Cameron’s “the bully” by politicians and media alike – but when such a conflict is protracted, unruliness has the potential to collapse the democratic process.

The sad reality is that the SNP knows that a destructive fight is the kind it has the best chance of winning. In its mission to field more “yes” votes, it must hope for a sense of growing antagonism toward England, a sense of disillusionment with the British government, and a lack of hope in economic unity. As Salmond has made clear in his stalwart defense of the proposed voting schedule, these factors trump the risks that are brought on by the delay, whether these risks are to the cohesion of the nationalist faction itself or to the welfare of Britons as a whole.

Such narrow-mindedness is also fueled by the high-stakes game into which this process is shaping for the power players involved.

Should Salmond lose, his political career is surely finished. Cameron risks becoming the Prime Minister that lost Scotland and, as is very likely should the Scots depart, the rest of the United Kingdom. From the top down, separatists and unionists will be laying into this battle with all of their might. And until 2014, we’re certain to see backroom deals and partisan sniping as this slew of highly charged factions and individual characters squabble in uniquely British fashion.

In all likelihood, everyone will lose in those two and a half years. The SNP’s measure will meet the same end as if it had been held today, and Britain will suffer a long and unnecessary fight. But we can be even more certain that the clear will of the Scottish people – to receive greater autonomy and say over Scotland’s own affairs – will be repressed for another three years, if not more.

The question that was announced in late January to such fanfare, “Do you believe that Scotland should be an independent country?” is not likely the one that will bring about that result. For now, the people of the United Kingdom –Scots, English, Welsh, and Northern Irish alike – must weather this particular political storm, and amid the intrigue and ambition of their leaders, keep calm and carry on.

Gregory J. Barber, CC ‘15, is considering a double major in math and history. He thinks that he would like to someday be a journalist.

March 2012

25

!N)&$%)$+%(I&)*%& +#1V" Demystifying the Divisions in Northern Africa

By Kambi Gathesha

Early in 2011, The Guardian reported that Muammar Qaddafi, Libya’s longstanding ruler, had unleashed “numerous foreign mercenaries on his people” in an effort to subdue the persistent uprising.

According to the report, the mercenaries had killed 150 people in two days and “were hardly squeamish about shooting at local people.” Further exposition of both the brutality and the composition of Qaddafi’s forces came from former Libyan Ambassador to India, Ali Al-Essawi, in a sit-down interview with Al Jazeera. He characterized these mercenaries as black Africans who could not speak Arabic – “foreigners” who were “doing terrible things” to women and children.

Both Western and Arab news outlets fed the public with a barrage of violent images that resulted in the construction of a narrative of African mercenaries as unequivocal villains in the Libyan conflict, short in savagery to only Qaddafi himself.

According to the narrative, the mercenary was Sub-Saharan, non-Libyan, greedy, and had helped Qaddafi kill his own people in his efforts to extend his rule.

Coverage of the conflict was shaped in a polarizing, racialized discourse that drew sharp distinctions between two groups:

26

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

Arabs (non-black anti-Qaddafi rebels) and Africans (black, non-Arabic speaking pro-Qaddafi loyalists). The former were the native victims while the latter were the foreign perpetrators.

This discourse regarding the African mercenary is as false as it is destructive.

It demonizes blacks in Libya and lacks both historical insight into the region and current knowledge of the events on the ground. This myth must be debunked and replaced with historically sound analysis that more accurately captures the facts of the conflict.

Importantly, it seems that the makeup of Qaddafi’s fighting force was misrepresented. Collected data contradicts the claim that his force was mostly Sub-Saharan. According to scholars Frederic Deycard and Yvan Guichaoua, 1,500 fighters in Qaddafi’s army were Africans from the Sahel region of Africa – encompassing Algeria, Niger, Chad, Sudan and other nation-states. Qaddafi recruited fighters mainly from the Tuareg ethnic group – members of which have historically been nomads of the Sahara – as the conflict raged on and as more and more of his fighters were killed.

Carina C. Ray, a professor of African

history at Fordham University, writes that Qaddafi’s military force peaked at around 76,000 fighters. When those 1,500 Africans from the Sahel are compared to the total number of fighters, it is clear that their presence was paltry. Journalists have assumed that Qaddafi’s force was racially homogenous, but this is not borne out by the data. The underrepresentation of Sahelian Africans in Qaddafi’s force, therefore, undermines the claim made by journalists and Libyan rebels that they, specifically, played a significant role in extending Qaddafi’s reign.

Yet beyond the issue of numbers, journalistic depictions of the alleged African mercenary distort history and identity. Not only do such accounts frame the mercenary as a perpetrator of violence in Libya, but they also classify him as a foreigner in an Arab nation. The implicit message of this construction is that to be dark-skinned in Libya is to be alien.

Yet, the reality is that these so-called foreigners were immigrants who resided in Libya long before the conflict began.

Lured to the oil-rich nation by booming economic prospects during oil crises and fat years, these immigrants from the Sahel were migrant workers from Mali, Chad,

[features | international]

Illustration by Justin Walker

and other nations in West Africa looking to improve their lot. They had even been guaranteed the right to live and work in Libya by Qaddafi, and were offered citizenship.

These immigrants are a far cry from the greedy, amoral, guns-for-hire they were made out to be in popular discourse. A large number of darkskinned people in Libya have been killed, and journalists have assumed that most of them were armed combatants. However, it is very likely that many dark-skinned

Libyans brutalized by the rebels were not mercenaries, but ordinary workers.

Noted human rights watchdog Amnesty International has confirmed reports that many black residents of Libya that were violently attacked, beaten, and killed were unarmed. That many of those killed were civilian workers has been lost in the myth of the African mercenary. But while the mediaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s easy and uncritical acceptance of this propaganda is clear, the root of the propaganda gripping Libya ultimately evinces a dire need of a solution.

These tensions between light-skinned Arabs and dark-skinned non-Arabs can be understood as a consequence of Qaddafiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role in shaping the contemporary political landscape of the entire region. During his career, Qaddafi reinvented himself and reoriented Libya to suit the needs of the political moment. He shifted his attention away from the Arab world after he fell out of favor with it. His foreign policy and oil dollars shifted increasingly toward Africa.

In the 1970s, he entangled himself in the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s affairs and sought to gain control March 2012

27

and influence over the vast resources Human Rights Watch has documented the country). Thus, not only are they as found in different African nations – that during the early 2000s, there were Libyan as anyone else, but the notion that his attempt to annex the uranium-rich several instances of human rights abuses Libya is a country of only light-skinned Aozou strip in Chad is just one of many where dark-skinned people were dropped Arabs does not hold. examples. He was also a major player in off at the border of Libya by Libyan officials Admittedly, trans-racial interactions the final outcomes of conflicts in different and left to die. Thus, xenophobia and were not always egalitarian and took on West African regions like Sierra Leone and racism are a part of contemporary Libyan many varying forms, but the point is that Liberia. His regime the groups share provided funds and a history that is 2&N9B=8&398?8&;BGB?B<6?I&5?&8GB;8648;&7D&398&:54B5=& ancient, complex, arms to some of the factions involved and virtually 56;&W86<E9<7B4&GB<=8648&B6&+B7D5I&5:8&:85=&56;& in those conflicts ignored in popular ;8?3:@43BG8I&398D&5:8&6<3&838:65=F&'5398:I&398D&5:8& discourse. and trained their leadership in Libya. idea that 398&:8?@=3&<K&5&E5:3B4@=5:&9B?3<:B45=&65::53BG8&3953& thereThe The few young exists a single men that were 95?&4<6?3:@438;&":57?&56;&"K:B456?&5?&B63:B6?B45==D& “African identity” recruited as soldiers whose lines can be ;BKK8:863&56;&838:65==D&;BGB;8;F&L for Qaddafi’s army drawn to include are remnants of certain groups and failed Libyan-sponsored insurgencies in society and, while the Western and Arab exclude others is a deeply false notion the Sahel during the 1990s. The idea at the media exacerbated preexisting tensions, that must be jettisoned. The solution time was to train these unemployed young the agency of ordinary Libyans played an is twofold: On the one hand, informed men to be able to “start their own war of important role. In fact, the narrative of scholarship and commentary must independence in Mali and Niger.” the African mercenary was made possible challenge and replace lazy journalism and Quite to the contrary, Qaddafi’s by the testimony of anti-Qaddafi rebels. sloppy reporting in order to offer a wellmarginalization of their leadership and That no credible evidence could be found informed account of facts on the ground; lack of assistance and the soldier’s poor raises the horrifying possibility that on the other hand – and perhaps more training doomed their rebellions to the rebels constructed this myth of the important – Africans have to confront failure. However, in the aftermath of those African mercenary in order to justify their the violence that the colonial legacy has failures, many former combatants were brutality toward blacks in Libya. wreaked upon the psyche and ultimately offered citizenship by Qaddafi. Qaddafi While these divisions, as evidenced transcend it. has been deeply entrenched in the affairs of by the racial and xenophobic violence in The Libyan conflict has marred the Tuareg-speaking community in Niger Libya, are real and destructive, they are the image of the Arab Spring and and Mali, as the Tuareg have maintained a not eternal. Rather, they are the result has undermined the movement’s call “cross-border” connection between Libya of a particular historical narrative that for democracy and dignity. But its and other nation states. has constructed Arabs and Africans promise can still be fulfilled. Removing Discourse on Libya has failed as intrinsically different and eternally longstanding dictators is a necessary yet to adequately discuss the context of divided. But the notion that they are two insufficient step toward crafting a new and Qaddafi’s role in shaping the political distinct categories is not supported by just future. The movement must not stop climate of the region. Instead, dialogue the region’s history. Islam and Arabs are with Qaddafi’s removal, but must continue has vilified certain groups, and tapped essential to the history of most of the to the historic and contemporary roots of directly into the resentment that many African continent. social divisions. light-skinned Arabs have toward darkKenyan political scientist Ali Mazrui Rather than succumb to notions skinned non-Arabs as a result of Qaddafi’s of Binghamton University argues that in of a singular identity, Africans must strategic moves. When Qaddafi failed to North Africa, “Black Africa and the Arab acknowledge the diversity of their gather support from other Arab nations world have been linked by a fluctuating identities. The fact is that Libya is an in the aftermath of a 1992 United Nations pattern of economic and cultural African country, and all Libyans are embargo against Libya, his shift from the connections for at least 12 centuries.” Africans – Arabs and non-Arabs alike.

Arab world to the African continent was Economically, these connections played Understanding this history and identity is all but complete, just as the mounting a central role in the Trans-Saharan Trade necessary to recover and protect cultural frustration of Libyans directed towards and the spread of commerce and new and political unity. him reached its pinnacle. social groups throughout the region. This Libyans responded to Qaddafi’s relationship lasted from the ninth century reorientation toward Africa in new foreign through to the nineteenth century, and was and domestic policies with a wave of larger and longer in scope than European Kambi Gathesha, CC’13, is double-majoring xenophobic acts against black residents and involvement in trade and commerce. in MESAAS (Middle Eastern, South Asian migrant workers – acts that occurred even In fact, the majority of the black and African Studies) and History, with a focus before there was any sign of an insurgency. population in Libya – which makes up on Africa. He currently serves as the Political Violent confrontations resulted in the roughly one-third of the total population – chair of the African Students Association and deaths of several “Sub-Saharan” Africans, is descended from those who participated writes regularly on issues related to Africa and as well as the displacement of thousands in the Trans-Saharan trade across the the African Diaspora. He can be reached at who fled as a result of the violence.

Sahel (most particularly in the south of kg2360@columbia.edu.

28

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[features | national]

!0%&'"P%&!)&0"!% The New Wave of State Immigration Policy

By Paul Anthony Arias

In March 2010, Angel Francisco Castro Torres was riding his bike down a municipal road in Smyrna, Georgia, when he was pulled over by two police officers. They claimed the incident was nothing but a routine traffic stop procedure, but the stop was anything but ordinary. The officers demanded that Torres – a Mexican-American immigrant – show proof of his immigration status. When Torres failed to immediately produce adequate documentation, the officers assaulted him. In what quickly became a hate crime motivated by race, Torres’ nose and eye socket were broken. Despite being a legal immigrant worker, he was subsequently arrested and held in prison for four months.

Recent legislation spanning from Arizona to Georgia has focused on decreasing the presence of illegal immigrants in the United States, yet have resulted in hundreds of cases like Torres’. No legislation has proven to be effective in controlling illegal immigration while simultaneously defending the civil

rights of immigrant communities. Though intended to encourage racial profiling, the controversial illegal immigration laws simultaneously targeted and implicated racial minorities.

Arizona’s bill, S.B. 1070, is one such piece of legislation that opens with a declaration that all local police departments must enforce federal immigration laws to their fullest extent and directs the officials to “prioritize immigration enforcement in all contexts and whenever there is reasonable suspicion.” Section 2(B) of the Arizona law mandates that “for any lawful contact…where reasonable suspicion exists that the person is an alien[,]…a law enforcement official…may not solely consider race, color, or national origin…” to verify the documentation of such a person. Such a phrasing allows police officers to check the immigration status of any individual they have stopped for any reason, even without a warrant.

Under S.B. 1070, anyone who fails

to complete or carry an alien registration document is violating Section 13-1509, a provision that assumes that violating individuals are “willfully” failing to have registration documents, making them guilty of a Class 1 misdemeanor. Section 5 of the law also declares that any illegal alien working in the United States is doing so against the law and is, therefore, guilty of a Class 1 misdemeanor. Section 6 permits a local law enforcement official to arrest, without a warrant, anyone believed to have committed a deportable offense, so long as there is a “reasonable” cause. S.B. 1070 also declares that employers, after hiring a worker, should verify that worker’s status through an e-verify program in order to ensure they are eligible to work.

On the other side of the country, Georgia’s bill 287(g) can be applied by law enforcement officials in two ways: the “universal” model or the “targeted” model. The universal model attempts to capture and detain as many aliens March 2012

29

as possible through local resources, regardless of what kind of crime they have committed.

Proponents of this model have stated that the “universal” technique increases the number of individuals at risk of being detained and deported. This method is also believed to incentivize potential deportees to return to their home countries of their own volition.

The targeted technique attempts to regulate illegal immigration in another manner. In the targeted model, the removal of immigration offenders is prioritized in three stages. Level 1 offenders have been arrested or found guilty of rape, manslaughter, burglary, kidnapping, or murder. Level 2 offenders are those found guilty of committing slightly lesser offenses, like minor drug or property offenses. Level 3 offenders have committed misdemeanor crimes, civil crimes, and traffic infractions.

Another important aspect of 287(g) is that federal authorities at US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agree to train local law enforcement at the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center using federal funds. What makes 287(g) unique from S.B. 1070 and other statesponsored legislation is that it does not require state officials to follow the legislation. Instead, local law enforcement officials reach out to the ICE program and thereby voluntarily enact the program within their own local jurisdictions. This voluntary aspect of 287(g), no doubt, makes it more constitutional than S.B. 1070.

A major concern that has been pointed out about both 287(g) and S.B. 1070 is that each bill has a high probability of instigating racial profiling. S.B. 1070 directly states that for any situation where “reasonable suspicion” exists, a “reasonable” attempt will be made to identify the suspect’s status as an immigrant.

Reasonable suspicion is a low standard when deciding if an investigative stop should be made – it requires less evidence than probable cause.

Although the most updated version of S.B. 1070 has explicitly excluded the sole use of ethnicity and race to determine a person’s immigration status, the legislation is still ambiguously worded. And here, the slippery slope between immigration enforcement and civil liberty begins.

Detractors argue that S.B. 1070 requires that racial profiling be used by its enforcers. At the beginning of the bill, Section 2(a) states, “No official

30

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

or agency of this state or a county, city, town or other political subdivision…may limit or restrict the…federal immigration laws” from being regulated to the maximum extent possible. In the case United States v. 1982 Ford Pick-Up, (6th Cir. 1989), two pick-up trucks were seized after the immigration officer believed that the trucks were transporting illegal immigrants. The owners’ argument before court was that the immigration officer did not have sufficient probable cause to stop the trucks. In the court’s majority opinion, Boyce F. Martin Jr. ultimately ruled that there was sufficient cause for the stop because “apparent race can be a part of reasonable suspicion.” With S.B. 1070’s emphasis on pushing the limits of federal law, court case verdicts like United States v. 1982 Ford PickUp legitimize racial profiling in immigration cases.

Cobb County is one of the five areas in Georgia that has enacted 287(g) in full force.

Since February 2007, the county has used the

law to operate under the universal model, in which any person that has been stopped for any civil or criminal violation can have his background checked for immigration status if jailed. In 2010 alone, Cobb County issued 1,622 orders of detainment. Another aspect that makes Cobb unique is that, in a departure from the existing 287(g) standards, the county has been allowed to detain potentially removable immigrants for up to 72 hours (instead of the standard 48 hours) before ICE transfers the individuals into federal custody.

Cobb County permits law enforcement officials to check for immigration background only after a person has been jailed. However, there is significant evidence highlighting that this rule encourages law enforcement officials to arrest individuals on minor charges in order to check their immigration status. Indeed, in 2008 nearly 69 percent of all inmates in Cobb County placed in ICE detention were incarcerated for Level 3 offenses.

An abundance of complaints has not

[features | national] only highlighted this trend of illegitimate arrests, but has also demonstrated that implementation of 287(g) has caused an increase of racial targeting. In fact, the 24 states that have 287(g)-like bills have a higher rate of Latino population growth than the nation’s average. Regarding racial profiling, the American Civil Liberties Union has reported that, “287(g)…led to an atmosphere of terror and a less safe community for all residents of Cobb County…”

Evidence also points to the fact that nonelected law enforcement officials often feel pressured to arrest immigrants or act in ways that may harm legal immigrant communities.

It is no surprise that Latinos in Georgia have been arrested and placed in ICE detention for frivolous actions, such as fishing without a license and loitering at a department store.

In the case of Torres, the officers – according to their own testimony – did not deny using race in their decision to stop him. In May 2011, the Southern Poverty Law Center – the

group representing Torres – won a settlement against the officers, who claimed to be acting under 287(g) in Georgia. After winning the settlement, SPLC Legal Director Mary Bauer said of the treatment of legal immigrants, “This program uses trumped-up charges to funnel them into the immigration system – all while ignoring their constitutional and civil rights.”

The existence of tactics found in 287(g) and S.B. 1070 – which have been replicated in other states, such as Alabama – has demonstrated the racially charged tone that the issue of immigration has adopted. On April 25, 2012, the Supreme Court is set to review the 9th Circuit’s decision on S.B. 1070 in Arizona, et al., Petitioners v. United States.

The case is being brought to the Supreme Court after Arizona’s previous appeal of a lower-court decision blocked many of its provisions, and the Supreme Court will determine whether or not such a bill gives states too much power in dealing with what has

Illustrations by Nicci Yin

historically been a federal issue.

It is alarming that over the past few years, as the legality of S.B. 1070 and other similar bills have been argued through the court system, 287(g) has continued to increase in size and scope. Between 2006 and 2010, 287(g)’s national budget jumped from $5 million to $68 million and, in Georgia alone, was responsible for identifying 14,692 undocumented immigrants for deportation.

Civil rights attorneys working for the National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild and the ACLU represented Torres in a suit against Cobb County that called for the termination of 287(g), citing civil rights abuses perpetuated by the law. A jury ultimately ruled in favor of Torres and awarded him monetary compensation for the injuries he sustained. In light of the Torres case, the Department of Homeland Security issued a statement acknowledging problems with 287(g) legislation. The case of Angel Francisco Castro Torres is unique only in the attention it received from the judicial system.

Most cases of racial profiling that occur because of laws like S.B. 1070 and 287(g) fall in between the cracks of the state and federal court systems.

As a result, it has largely become the responsibility of third-party, nongovernmental organizations to expose the threats immigration reform legislation poses to civil rights. The ACLU has recently highlighted that there is a lack of effective checks upon abuses of 287(g) in counties like Cobb, and that the complaint procedure against 287(g) mishaps has not been sufficiently publicized in Georgia communities, furthering the lack of accountability among law enforcement officials who abuse the system.

Such negligence of the safety of our hardworking legal immigrants is unacceptable. If repairs to our damaged immigration enforcement system are not made soon enough, the United States will suffer both economically and culturally in the future. Immigration laws should be effectively tailored to implicate only those individuals guilty of illegally entering the country, not those guilty of nothing but belonging to a certain race.

Paul Anthony Arias, CC ’12, is majoring in Political Science and a concentrating in Latin American Studies. On campus he is an SAT Program Instructor at the Double Discovery Center, a Tour Guide at the Undergraduate Recruitment Committee, and an executive board member of the Columbia Child Rights Working Group. He can be reached at antarias90@gmail.com.

March 2012

31

7('5(/%+8448)71

16-.'7)'2.51

+:;<=%;=>%!?$!%.@><;ABC% *>D:;>E%+=A@>%7FC<=ACG% :;%7BH;BC%+A@@A:IE Â&#x2021; Catering Â&#x2021; Extensive Deli Â&#x2021; Prepared Foods Â&#x2021; Sushi Bar Â&#x2021; Health Foods

Â&#x2021; Kosher Section Â&#x2021; Beer Kegs Â&#x2021; Charge Accounts Â&#x2021; Free Internet Hot Spot Â&#x2021; Campus and Neighborhood Delivery

34(1.15%16-.'7)'2.5% 5(%3(467&8)%)/*%&)'/)'*9

7('5(/%+8448)71 16-.'7)'2.51 !"#$ %&'()*+),%

(between 115th & 116th Street) 1IPOF t Fax: 212-864-1904 blue@mortonwilliams.com

32

(-./%!# +2856 $ '$< Â&#x2021; 0%*),1%)%+..2

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org