e d i s t r o p T ON M RE A L the C
’ the rockin
oct
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I | is ume X
| vol
the HISTORy issue
international
campus
national
REBUILDING EGYPT
TRANS* AT THE 5Cs
WATER IN WINE COUNTRY
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4
6
boat
staff + editor’s note
TIM REYNOLDS
editor-in-chief
JAYA WILLIAMS
publisher
STEPHANIE STEINBRECHER
campus editor
RAE BROOKSHIRE LOGAN GALANSKY
international editor
COPY EDITORS ASSIGNMENT EDITOR EDITOR-IN-CHIEF EMERITUS ART STAFF
national editor
ANDY WRIGHT web editor
ALEX MA web editor
LILLY CARVER, MARYL EVANS, FEATHER FLORES, BENJI LU, NINA POSNER + KRISTI SUN FRANCES WANG SAM KAHR TESSA BARTON (head illustrator) EMMALINE MEILL BETH GILE NICOLE MCDUFFIE WILL CAFRITZ (photographer)
Editorial: Why We Look Back Ten years ago, four Claremont McKenna students founded the Claremont Port Side in the hope of creating a space on campus for progressive voices. As imagined by its founders, the Port Side was meant to be a left-leaning political journal, with articles addressing CMC’s dominant conservative discourse (page 10). Since then, the Port Side has evolved from a political journal to a newsmagazine, with an expanded online presence, along with staff from and coverage of all 5Cs. The Port Side has substantially changed in the past decade, but it has done so with the aim of adhering to our foundational purpose as a progressive publication for the Claremont community. When institutions and organizations change, they typically do so to preserve some fundamental part of themselves. When Pomona College’s third president, James Blaisdell, crafted his bold, new vision for the Claremont Colleges, he did so largely to prevent Pomona from expanding too much—he wanted to keep Pomona small, like it’d always been (page 18). Yet Blaisdell and other leaders have it easy;
they’re able to effect change in their institutions in part because they control those institutions. For those without such power and privilege, it is much more difficult to advance the cause of progress, though the powerless and underprivileged are those who typically need progress the most. This seems particularly true at academic institutions, where students have little authority. The argument goes that, since students will be gone in no more than four years, administrators can effectively ignore their complaints, knowing that the next generation of students may not even know what’s wrong in the first place. It’s tempting to concede that students can never really change a college until they become wealthy alumni, endowed with influence by their importance for the college’s continued survival. Yet such thinking ignores the efforts of campus activists and student leaders, who have shown that students can effect change at the Claremont Colleges, even if such progress is slow and halting (page 12). Here at the Port Side, we predicate our work on the assumption
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that what we write in these pages actually matters, that our reporting—on issues ranging from the apparent exploitation of unpaid interns (page 16) to the challenges of being trans* at the 5Cs (page 4)—has the capacity to change minds and, every once in a while, move people to action. This issue marks the tenth anniversary of the Port Side’s founding, and as such, we’ve chosen to approach the topics discussed in this issue from a historical perspective. For the rest of the semester on our website, we will apply this same lens to a host of other facets of the Claremont Colleges. It may seem odd that a progressive publication is so intent on looking back. But progress is built on the efforts of people from the past. Only by appreciating where we come from can we truly understand where we must go.
Letters, Questions, Comments? editor@claremontportside.com
table of contents
the
compass international
campus
national 6 | CALIFORNIA WATER + WINE emily hayes 16 | THE INTERN ECONOMY saahil desai 20 | BLURRED LINES + MILEY emlyn foxen
5 | THE POPE + POLITICS frances wang 8 | REBUILDING EGYPT jess davis 14 | THE SYRIAN PROBLEM sana khan + aaron wang
4 | TRANS* AT THE 5Cs maryl evans 9 | CLASS IN CLAREMONT emily long 10 | HISTORY OF THE PORT SIDE sam kahr 12 | FLASHPOINTS OF CAMPUS ACTIVISM max aguero 18 | HISTORY OF THE CONSORTIUM josh ortiz Special thanks to Special Collections, Claremont Colleges Library for our cover photos this issue.
ABOUT US: The Claremont Port Side is dedicated to providing the Cla-
remont Colleges with contextualized, intelligent reports to advance debate among students and citizens. We are a progressive newsmagazine that offers pertinent information and thoughtful analysis on the issues confronting and challenging our world, our country, and our community. Each article in the Claremont Port Side reflects the opinion of its author(s) and does not represent the Claremont Port Side, its editors, its staff, or the Claremont Colleges.
Generation Progress works to help young people—advocates, activists, journalists, artists—make their voices heard on issues that matter. Learn more at genprogress.org.
[SINGLE COPIES ARE FREE. TO PURCHASE ADDITIONAL COPIES, PLEASE CONTACT PUBLISHER@CLAREMONTPORTSIDE.COM]
claremontportside.com | volume XI issue 1 | october 2013 | page 3
campus
Claremont in Transition
How the QRC and campus groups support trans* students By Maryl Evans Copy Editor, SC ‘16
student health insurance program offered through the Claremont Colleges,” Scripps’ Vice President for Student Affairs and Dean of Students Bekki Lee explained. The confusion students frequently experienced provided a driving force in creating these plans. “Students and other members of the community have provided us with feedback over the years as they have spoken with us about how best to navigate various aspects of life at Scripps,” Lee said.
Dr. Adriana di Bartolo is accustomed to transgender students coming to her office every year with similar problems and worries regarding the logistical details of transitioning at the 7Cs. Di Bartolo, director of the Queer Resource Center of the Claremont Consortium, wants to give trans* students the tools and resources to navigate their school’s specific policies when going through the transitioning process. Transitioning, for many individuals, refers to the process of changing their gender presentation to match how they identify themselves. Di Bartolo is currently working on creating transparent policies at all seven Claremont Colleges to support students as they go through this process while in college. “We need to know that this is happening—whether you’re a Scripps student or a CMC student, we have trans* students on campus,” she said. “We’ve created support, resources, and small infrastructures to have trans* students on our campus; therefore, they are going to come.”
elementary, middle, and high schools to allow trans* students to select which activities and programs they want to join and which bathroom to use based on their personal gender identity. Eli Erlick PZ ’17 was a student activist passionately lobbying for the bill in California’s legislature this past summer. Erlick is also an openly trans* student and has been featured in many prominent national publications for her activism and support of trans* students.
As a women’s college, Scripps is placed in an interesting position as there is an assumed gender identity imposed on students.
“I am very, very out,” Erlick declared. “I originally came out as trans when I was eight years old, so it’s been a while,” she laughed.
“We admit women and we graduate students,” Lee stressed. “Women’s colleges have often led the way on issues of inclusivity and providing supportive environments for students to explore this and other important topics. While Scripps College is a women’s college, we believe that our mission is to empower those who face gender discrimination, and is thus inclusive of trans* identities.”
Erlick attributes her activist involvement in the trans* community to her willingness to discuss her own experiences. She transitioned in elementary and middle school in an environment she characterized as negative.
However, these transparent plans will only provide so much relief. Di Bartolo notes that adopting these plans will not solve many of the challenges trans* students still face on the campuses. A second enormous obstacle trans* students face on a daily basis is using public restrooms on the campuses. Many campuses are initiating programs for gender-neutral bathrooms. Di Bartolo is not involved with this movement, but sees that as a great sign that students are speaking up on their campuses.
To support these students, di Bartolo gave each school a template for developing a campus-specific plan for how trans* students can change their names on emails, academic portals and general IT and housing information.
“Students initiated the discussion of genderneutral bathrooms and the Diversity Coordinating Committee (composed of students, faculty, staff, and alumna) worked directly with senior staff to initiate and create these on campus,” Lee said.
“This policy will be a compilation of what is already available at Scripps, plus the new options to support transitioning students in the
Furthermore, in August 2013, California passed AB1266 or the School Success and Opportunity Act, a mandate requiring public
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“I couldn’t use the bathroom for six years,” Erlick admitted. “And a lot of trans* students have it a lot worse and that is really prompting me to make a difference.” While Erlick works tirelessly to make a difference on the state and national scale, progress begins locally with di Bartolo’s work to create comprehensive plans for our own small college community. Undoubtedly, trans* students still face many obstacles at the Claremont Colleges. However, the efforts of QRC staff and others will hopefully relieve some stress for students going through the transitioning process on campus. “We don’t get it perfect, but I think we’ve come a long way and I think it’s not just the work that I’ve been able to do here, but the students who have raised their voices, who’ve made space for their experiences,” di Bartolo said. “Every voice is needed as we continue to try and create the embedded inclusiveness and awareness around trans* students and the trans* student experience.”
How Pope Francis is moving the Catholic Church forward By Frances Wang Assignment Editor, CMC ‘16
Catholic community by saying women play a very important role in the Catholic Church and sought to include them more in religious administration.
It was a humid spring day. A slow, gentle breeze blew through the pillars of the ornate palace and into the courtyard where thousands of people stood, their forms flooding from the main square into adjacent side streets. Silence fell. The crowd swayed with tension palpable in the warm air. Out of the stately building white smoke rose lazily up toward the sky. The silence broke and, as one, they applauded, whooped and hollered. The Catholic Church’s College of Cardinals had chosen a new pope.
Months later, headlines exploded again as the pope proclaimed the church should be less concerned with condemning abortions and the gay and lesbian community. He claimed “who am I to judge” when asked about gay priests. He said the Church was overly concerned with issues such as contraception and homosexuality. Pope Francis pushed the focus of the church towards moralistic social issues such as acceptance and social equality.
He knows the future of the church rests with the younger people and he does not want to lose them.
“The pope pulling back from staunch dogmatic notions of abortion, gays, divorcees, and women’s issues is an indication of broader temperatures in Catholicism. Catholics are much more open to adjusting to the times while still maintaining their faith and religious commitments,” said Professor Esther Chung-Kim of Claremont McKenna College’s Religious Studies department.
Fr. Joe Fenton
Chaplain of the Claremont Colleges
“
“
For much of Western history, the pope has been the summit of both spiritual and secular power in Europe. As one of the oldest surviving institutions in the world, the church, led by the papacy, is usually viewed as the beacon of tradition and conservative belief for both religion and politics. However, the newly elected Pope Francis seems to have struck a different tone. Coming into office, Pope Francis adopted the name of a saint dedicated to the well-being of the poor and vowed to strengthen the “house of cards” the Church had become. As the first pope from Latin America, the Argentine-born pope made headlines by choosing to wear more humble garbs over the traditional ones of his predecessors. He refused to live in the luxurious papal apartment, preferring instead a dormitory style suite. Within months of his inauguration, he stunned the
The pope’s vision of the new Catholic Church as all-inclusive despite personal beliefs shocked conservatives. However, Professor Chung-Kim states that this shift reflects a need for progress that has been brewing in the the church for the past few years. Catholic leaders are realizing that they need to coexist with other people, with different beliefs. To do so, acceptance is necessary. “I am glad that Pope Francis is taking a step back from abortion and homosexuality to look at the bigger picture,” Hannah Cotter SC ’15 said. “Anything he does to engage the young people is better for the Catholic Church because honestly these issues have been disengaging us. Sometimes people even avoid saying they are religious because there are implications that they have a certain stance on social issues.” “The pope just wants us all to feel like we all have a place,” Father Joe Fenton, a chaplain from the Macalister Center, said. “He under-
stands the current church has become very exclusive and concerned about issues that are not of interest to the younger generation. He knows the future of the church rests with the younger people and he does not want to lose them.” The pope’s drive to include those with different backgrounds in the church garnered international support. In Brazil, he gathered an unprecedented three million people for a simple mass on the beach. His calling has brought back thousands who had been disappointed by the church’s issues. Now, the question is whether the changes he called for will be carried out. Professor Chung-Kim also believes that the pope can mount a strong critique of neoliberal economics. Free trade policies have ravaged Latin America, including Pope Francis’ native Argentina. Chung-Kim expects Pope Francis to address globalization and the forces driving it, adding, “This may result in an increased [social] critique on the basis of economic inequality.” In many ways, Pope Francis is merely matching the principles already held by much of his 1.2 billion-member flock. Still, it’s become a commonly-held belief that religion is detrimental to social progress. Pope Francis’ push to make the Catholic Church more inclusive shows that religion can be a tool for change as well.
claremontportside.com | volume XI issue 1 | october 2013 | page 5
international
The Once and Future Pope
WATER in Wine Country Written by Emily Hayes Staff Writer, PO ‘14 Graphics by Jaya Williams Publisher, PZ ‘14
TOP 4
4.0 2 of milli win on to e + m harve grape ns ste s or win e than d var egra 110 p i Ca eties e lifo in rni a
wine producers
As a California transplant and a self-proclaimed wine enthusiast, I take pride in the global acclaim California wines have received. California wines comprise 90% of US wine exports and 60% of the domestic market, and the state is the world’s fourth largest wine producer, outdone only by France, Italy and Spain. Increased demand for the distinctive California wine style has caused a 23% growth in shipments of California wines over the past ten years. Growth of this magnitude usually occurs with a proportional growth in production, so vineyards are now blooming all over central and northern California. However, while my wine-loving California self may laud this development, the residents of Paso Robles have a different perspective. Paso Robles is an arid region of Central California that depends largely on an underground aquifer as its sole water supply. According to Pomona College Environmental Analysis Professor Char Miller, the region has gained prominence for the quality of its grapes and the wines they produce. Paso Robles is especially noted for the deep, rich red wines that resulted from the unique climate and cultivation techniques used by early growers in the area. The dry climate in Paso Robles necessitates a method of cultivation called dry-land viticulture, employed by early producers in the region who understood the need to conserve their use of the region’s water supply. The popularity of Paso Robles wines soon attracted the attention of the wine industry at large, which began to acquire its grapes from vineyards in the region and subsequently created a boom in production. In the past 15 years, vineyard acreage has more than tripled to its current 36,550 acres. In addition to pure acreage growth, new vineyards began pumping “acre-feet after acre-feet” of water. California is one of only two states that allows landowners unlimited usage of groundwater. This free-reign access in the Paso Robles region has caused the annually sustainable aquifer’s water level to drop over 70 feet in the past 15 years.
(tons produced in 2011)
“What is happening in Paso Robles is a reflection of the lack of state and local governance of water,” Professor Miller said. “It is a failure to control its pumping, flow, and distribution.” He continued to explain that this flaw “is leading to serious shortages that may make it more and more difficult to live in this region.”
CA | 1,990, 170
SPAIN | 3,339, 700
ITALY | 4,673,700
FRANCE | 6,590,750
This “tragedy of the commons” issue, as described by Professor Miller, has been detrimental to residents who depend on ground wells as their sole source of water, dozens of which have gone dry. Over two thirds of the water pumped from the aquifer is used for agricultural land, the vast majority consisting of vineyards. Residents are forced to choose between paying tens of thousands of dollars to dig deeper wells, raking out the money to truck water in, or selling their homes. As a result, these residents are pointing fingers at the wine industry. Wine producers are quick to counter these claims. They assert that relative to other crops, grapes use little water, and that their cultivation practices are as sustainable as possible. However, even the most sustainable vineyards make a noticeable difference with such rapid expansion. It seems there is little hope for homeowners, as it is estimated that around 8,000 acres are being prepared for vineyard cultivation right now. Residents and growers have proposed a number of solutions to the problem. Growers have suggested the formation of a water district
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that would pump additional water from sources in the east and the west to Paso Robles in order to supplement the aquifer. However, both sides of the dispute bemoan the long and expensive process of creating a pipe network. Residents also worry that wine industry representatives might dominate the governing board of the water district and unfairly distribute water in favor of the vineyards.
California produces
90%
The solution that seems most probable is a familiar one: the case could go to court. If this occurs, the likely outcome will be the appointment of a “water master” who will determine the logistics of sharing the aquifer between farmers and residents. This has been the solution in 22 separate water disputes within California. Professor Miller, who lived in San Antonio, Texas, during a similar water crisis, sees simple economic motivations as a potential solution. Rather than regulating the amount of water usage, he suggests adjusting the cost of water to reflect its true value. If the price were to rise concurrently with scarcity and demand, users would be faced with a much stronger motivation to reduce usage. This strategy, Professor Miller says, “might even save the wine industry from itself.” The largest concerns with this approach are equity and efficacy. Grapes in the region sell for up to $2,000 per ton, compared to the state average of $734 a ton. With profits this high, an increase in water prices might affect residential users far more than their cash-crop neighbors.
of US wine exports
The aquifer that supports the Paso Robles region has had a water level drop of over 70 feet in the past 15 years
Another potential solution is more closely controlling the amount of water used by grape farmers. One way of accomplishing this might be to mandate the type of dry land viticulture that initially made the region’s wine famous, along with sustainable techniques. Annie Dennis PO ‘13 moved to Napa, California, after graduation to work at Trinchero Family Estates. Trinchero, a vineyard that crushes over 150,000 tons of grapes each harvest season, manages to use exclusively recycled gray water. According to Dennis, the owners of Trinchero “make a big effort to conserve natural resources,” despite the lax regulations in Napa County compared to countries like France, which restricts certain regions from irrigating. However, Dennis said that even her resource-conscious vineyard “is still large scale agriculture.” While she acknowledges that a law forbidding irrigation in California would have a detrimental impact on the production in the industry, it is clear that Napa and Paso Robles could benefit from more stringent regulations. The ongoing dispute in Paso Robles presents an interesting look at a larger issue: the water politics of California. As home to a strong agriculture industry, California has hosted divisive debates surrounding the issue of water politics for decades. As the saying goes, “politics is who gets what, when and how,” and the who and how of California water is an under-discussed but hugely important issue. It is difficult to discern what will happen in Paso Robles. However, Paso Robles is just a small part of a much larger issue. The greater goal is to enact statewide water use regulation that promotes sustainable agriculture, a prospering economy, and the needs of California citizens affected by water shortage. Data from the Wine Institute (California Wine Profile 2012) For more information visit wineinstitute.org
35%
of medium to large size wineries have never had an energy audit
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international
Rebuilding Egypt
An impatient revolution will be followed by a long and difficult democratization By Jess Davis Staff Writer, CMC ‘16 The Arab Spring was an impatient movement. In Egypt, the conditions that persisted under the Mubarak regime were so harmful that it was only a question of when, and not whether, the Egyptian people would rise up. While urgency is essential to a successful democratic revolution, patience is required to create a culture conducive to constitutional liberalism. The recent overthrow of former Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi now provides two unsettling reminders: democracy is not inherently liberal, and popular elections may force us to accept the validity of even the most flawed regimes. The Morsi government was legitimate, though highly unpopular. Beshouy Botros PO ’17 lived in Cairo, Egypt for four years before moving to the United States in 1999. Beshouy supported the overthrow of the popularly elected Morsi government and doesn’t consider the military intervention a coup in light of its widespread public support. “The economy was failing and there were strict social policies, such as curfews, in place,” Botros said. “All the signs of a failed regime were there.” Amidst the violence that followed Morsi’s ousting, the interim military government has organized a 50-member constitutional committee. The committee, which includes only one ally of the former President, has been widely criticized. There is little indication that this constitutional process will be any more effective than
the previous one. Particularly, the established timeline seems highly unrealistic: the committee began their work in early September and Egyptians will vote on the new constitution as early as this November. History has demonstrated that stable, enlightened democracies cannot be built overnight. “The uprising in Egypt is comparable in every way to the revolution in France,” said P. Edward Haley, CMC professor of international relations and Middle East expert. “It took a century for Western Europe to emerge from the French Revolution,” he added. America’s own founding was a grueling process, not an isolated event. Thirteen years separated the Declaration of Independence and the adoption of the Constitution. Many scholars agree that America’s founding as a unified nation was only fully realized with the Union victory of the Civil War. Whether Egypt’s political climate will ever provide for liberal democracy is up for debate, but pundits and citizens alike agree it is unlikely that an effective, fair government will be established in a mere two months. “I believe the Egyptians are launched on a century of experimentation, failure, bloodletting, and upheaval before they come out with a stable form of government,” said Haley. CMC international relations Professor Kristin Fabbe also predicts Egypt will face a long period of turbulence before achieving peace. Citing the shift from mob violence to more personal, ideologically motivated attacks, Fabbe observed, “This is the sort of violence that has been seen on the eve of civil war.”
Dismay at the current violence in Egypt is valid, and the impact of the country’s instability spreads far beyond its own borders. Yet viewing Egypt through a historical lens presents these challenges as part of Egypt’s journey toward liberal democracy rather than the end of it. Still, Egypt faces formidable barriers in the constitutional process. Tyranny has left its mark on Egypt’s political and economic systems, and the country has been aggressively occupied by varying foreign powers since the period of classical antiquity. Additionally, economic turmoil and high unemployment have left citizens restless. Religious diversity adds an additional layer of complexity to the constitutional conversation. While some commentators see the intensity of many Egyptians’ Islamic faith as fundamentally at odds with constitutional liberalism, others suggest Islam is compatible with, or even advantageous to, civil government. Though the Muslim Brotherhood’s regime failed, and the military has largely disenfranchised the group through financial and political restrictions, Islam will continue to play a deciding role in Egypt’s political development. Beshouy, who was born into a Christian minority family, emphasizes that all religious groups deserve a seat at the table and tolerance is key to a stable government. “I hope that extremists don’t elect extremists, but that is certainly possible,” Beshouy said. In spite of the current turbulence, Egypt continues on the path of progress. Liberal democracy may take years to cultivate, or it may never take root at all. Either way, Egypt has moved past its history as an oppressed state. “For the first time in history, Egyptians are subjects in their own history and are no longer objects,” Haley said. “This is by them and for them,” he added, “And in that sense, they are free.”
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How class shapes social life at the Claremont Colleges By Emily Long Staff Writer, SC ‘16 Discussions about class and privilege may be absent from the 5Cs, but the phenomenon of classism is present and thriving. While issues surrounding race, sexuality and gender are discussed both inside and outside the classroom, class is often omitted from the conversation or treated as a less pervasive “-ism.”
Scripps Gender and Women’s Studies professor Piya Chatterjee has worked closely with students from low-income backgrounds at the 5Cs. “Classist micro-aggressions and the masking of class privilege peeve and alienate lowincome students, and are problems that need to be directly addressed,” she said.
As a Pomona College residential sponsor last year, Buenconsejo mentored a group of firstyear students with a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds. Even so, she noticed a lack of self-awareness among members of the group because class and class privilege were never discussed.
Scripps College Gender and Women’s Studies professor Chris Guzaitis was a working-class, first-generation college student. While she spent her college years championing queer and feminist rights, she has shifted her focus to include other aspects of identity formation.
Students and faculty members familiar with this issue believe that open dialogue about classism and privilege is an imperative first step in creating a more class-conscious culture on campus. Most students do not know the socioeconomic statuses of their peers, and this unintentional ignorance can be stressful and alienating for working-class students who feel the need to blend in with the surrounding social spheres.
“At Scripps, it’s easier to be queer than working-class,” Guzaitis said. “Being at Scripps has made me feel the need to be vocal about my own background.” Many college administrations seem to assume that working-class students have much more to gain at these elite institutions than they have to contribute from their backgrounds and personal experiences. “For me, that’s the biggest thing that needs to change: that [working-class and low-income] students don’t have something of value to bring here,” Guzaitis said. “They come with an important sense of values and community, and they don’t need to get rid of those experiences or overcome them.” She added that because class identification is not always outwardly visible, it is often overlooked on campus. Working-class and low-income students can feel alienated as they try to blend in with their wealthier peers. Many want to have a solidarity group for mutual support and the opportunity to share their experiences at the 5Cs, Guzaitis said based on her work with low-income students last spring. Perhaps more public discussions to address classism and class privilege directly would also educate the student body and the broader community.
“Because it’s not talked about, everyone assumes the same level [of wealth and privilege], which often shapes social dynamics,” Reina Buenconsejo PO ‘15 said. Buenconsejo believes that people are unintentionally cast into different social groups based on class, or the lack of acknowledgement of class and privilege.
In the spring of 2013, Chatterjee and Guzaitis founded the Feminist Space Invaders and facilitated a 5C discussion about classism. Although both professors want to see the discussion continue, “the biggest challenge [for a class solidarity group] is how to marry individual micro experiences to larger discussions about what class means,” according to Chatterjee. As part of a consortium of elite colleges, many students, faculty and staff inherently assume a certain level of class and privilege among the student body. The conditions for attending the Claremont colleges — namely, the approximately $60,000 annual cost of attendance — propagate classist assumptions of wealth and privilege in the community, Chatterjee said.
In addition to student groups and informal discussions, students and faculty members who advocate for increased class awareness would like to see courses that address class issues specifically. Across the 5Cs, only one class — “Gender, Race, and Class,” taught by professor Maria Soldatenko at Pitzer College — addresses class in its title, and this course and other similar courses inextricably marry class issues to race and gender issues; class rarely receives singular treatment. To become more class-conscious, the campuses need administrative reform as well. Certain policies, such as the colleges’ reimbursement policy, are inherently classist and need improvement, said Guzaitis and Chatterjee. Class and class privilege are not discussed enough across the 5Cs, but students from varied socioeconomic backgrounds want to talk about these issues. What’s stopping us?
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campus
Invisible Privilege
campus
the History of the Claremont Port Side The Port Side celebrates 10 years of rockin’ the boat By Sam Kahr Editor-in-Chief Emeritus, CMC ‘14 This semester represents the 10th anniversary of the founding of the Claremont Port Side. In the fall of 2003, four CMC women, Anneke Jong, Sydney Issacs, Adrienne Cohen and Jacquelyn Dadakis, boldly decided to establish a left leaning political news source on campus. Ten years later, the CPS is still going strong. The CPS will provide coverage throughout this upcoming year on the challenges these women had to overcome and reflect on the evolution of the CPS. This month we spoke with Adrienne Cohen about the where the idea for the CPS came from and the first steps in its founding. Who were the main actors in the founding of the Claremont Port Side?
So this all sort of snowballed into the idea of having another publication on campus other than the conservative political journal that existed and a 5C newspaper that existed [the TSL]. When I say it snowballed, we had no intention of creating what we ended up with. It just sort of grew organically into the idea of having a more balanced voice on campus. [After our initial conversations in the Women’s Forum] we started staying up until three in the morning talking about, “wait why would we stop at the Women’s Forum, it needs to have a bigger impact and [give] people on campus a voice.” So all of theses emails were flying all over the place. I don’t know what came over us but we were like mad women with all these big ideas about what we could be. Eventually we were able to shake out this idea of a left leaning political journal on campus to balance out the Claremont Independent.
early issues of the Claremont Port Side
Anneke, Syndey, Jackie and myself were all friends and we were all in a club together called the Women’s Forum. When we were all freshmen, we all met in this group that wasn’t very popular and didn’t do all that much and eventually started talking about more things and about being more active on campus. Eventually one summer we started talking via email about there not being a resource for some of the things we were doing in Women’s Forum. We
then started talking about creating a newsletter for Women’s Forum and how we would create it, how we would distribute it, and who would ever read it aside from the ten people in the Women’s Forum with us. The topics we were talking about [included in the newsletter], however, we felt were broader and had a wider interest level than the very tiny Women’s Forum group.
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So before we got back to campus we were armed with this idea that when we got back in the fall, we were going to start this journal or magazine much like and equal to the CI. When we got on campus we had a very clear vision, we had the name, I think we had some kind of slogan. Once on campus, we started talking to a lot of people and began recruiting people, writers, people to help us with layout and production... It was a full blown entity that we were trying to make a reality. What were some of the greatest biggest challenges you needed to overcome? In forming the idea of the Port Side, we knew that we were going to be taking on big players. We knew were going to be viewed as taking on the CI and we had to out all of ourselves as highly left leaning individuals, which was no surprise to anyone. None of us at that point were all that political in our activities. This was a big step for us and we going to have to defend our opinions, articles and stance. I believe by the time we were forming, we had ideas of what our first article was going to be and it was highly controversial. The other challenge was that there were only four of us, which was great, but we couldn’t do it alone and
campus
we had to build our staff and what I call our army of support to make it happen. We reached out to a lot of people who we thought would be aligned with us and strong candidates for people to write articles and op-eds. Asking your friends, colleagues and peers to become journalists when they have never done that before is a challenge. Every issue we were worried about having enough content and that content was engaging enough to make us legit. What were the focus of the articles and some of the big issues on campus? The first article was a very long piece, it was the majority of the first edition. It was definitely an investigative piece. It was not breaking news but rehashing a controversy that had occurred on campus a few years prior that was still an issue in our minds and we wanted to bring front and center again. We did somewhat of a follow up, had anything changed, what were the consequences. etc. Then we did some more light pieces. I can’t remember if it was the first issue or not but we also had a piece that was on over prescription of pills and the abuse of prescription drugs. It was so ironic because the person who wrote was a government major who had no interest in health care whatsoever who happens to now be my husband who is now a doctor. At the time… he was studying Asian countries and water issues. It was a little foreboding. We also took things on that were written in the CI
and challenge some of the stances in their op-eds. I think we would also print their responses to our pieces if they wanted. What was the initial student reaction to the CPS? I remember that the CI was super excited to have someone else out there to take on and mock and criticize. They were out there on their own for so long.. they were all men except for one at the time that ran it and they were very headstrong, staunch conservatives who loved to get into down and dirty political debates... they were stoked to have a target to aim at. It was more a fun thing that anything else. There were certainly faculty who were happy to see another publication on campus, a college campus should have more than one publication. I was in ASCMC forever, I was Vice-President so I was in with a lot of admin. A lot of the deans and people were excited that people cared enough to put something like that together. I personally felt well supported. I did not feel that there was a huge amount of interest in it either from people working with us or readership. We didn’t really do it for that. But I think it was the next year that CMC was named most politically active campus. We were all like, “ha ha, here we have this political journal that nobody even knows exists.” Did you ever have any doubt about the future of the CPS? I didn’t think we could fathom that anybody would care about the CPS as much as we did. It was such a labor of love for us. There wasn’t any doubt about
ability but there was doubt about whether the interest would continue, would people read it three years from now, three months from now. Those questions were always out there. We were so incredibly proud of what we started, I can’t believe it still exists. So many times we were rolling the dice and making it up, not the articles the process. We were flying by the seat of our pants. We were really proud that A) we ever got anything off the ground, and that B) Not many people read it but we created something. What was your favorite CPS moment? Aspect? I was a senior interviewer in the CMC Office of Admission. One day I was interviewing this kid, who was great, and I was asking him questions about how did he hear about CMC and what got him interested in this place. He actually mentioned the CPS and I was like, “shut up, someone outside the twelve of us knows about this thing.” That was like the we-madeit moment. He did end up going to CMC and he did end up working at the CPS but I was never on campus with him. That’s a success story, damn it! What was your idealized version of the CPS? What did you want to see the CPS become? We were so naive in the best possible way. We wanted to be like The Atlantic… the source for smart, somewhat controversial important topics in Claremont, in the State of California, in the nation, where ever. We just wanted to be a trusted, intriguing voice. I don’t know whether we ever got there but man were our hearts in the right place.
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For an exclusive report on Claremont’s history of student activism, visit www.claremontportside.com.
Images from Pomona College Flickr and Special Collections, Claremont Colleges Library
1957
1965
In an early example of campus protest, male Pomona students rallied against the administration’s decision to open Frary Dining Hall to female students on Fridays in 1957, while female students counter-protested in support of the change. The male protesters were worried about the impropriety of women dining under Prometheus and, according to some sources, the possibility that male students would have to wear shoes in the presence of their female peers. Male students again protested in 1961, when Frary was opened to women full-time, but a wave of demonstrations by female and male students alike helped cement the change.
On one night in October 1965, more than a thousand Claremont students, faculty and community members gathered to protest the Vietnam War, while hundreds of others counter-protested in support of “Victory in Vietnam.” This protest, though, was one of many that would occur throughout the course of the Vietnam War. In October 1969, the Claremont community participated in the National Moratorium Day calling for an end to the war. Roughly 2,000 people gathered for teach-ins and a candlelight march through the colleges and town.
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Moments from the history of student protests and demonstrations
1975
1989
In 1975, the Black Studies Center (BSC) and Chicano Studies Center (CSC) had proven to be effective resources for minority students, particularly first-years who benefitted from their pre-frosh orientation program. Yet in May 1975, Claremont Colleges administrators disbanded the program, citing concerns that it was ineffective and only helped a particular part of the student body. Worried this decision demonstrated the administration’s ambivalence towards the centers themselves, Claremont students staged a sit-in at the Pendleton Business Building on May 6, 1975 in order to demonstrate their support for the survival of the BSC and CSC, and those centers’ pre-frosh programs.
In March 1989, Claremont students kept the spirit of campus activism alive by staging a shantytown in protest of U.S. foreign aid to El Salvador, where brutal death squads quashed opponents of the military-led government. Though military aid would not cease until after the end of the Salvadoran Civil War, camping out has proven to be a favorite tactic of student activists. Most recently, a group of Pomona students set up a camp and vigil outside Alexander Hall in December 2011, protesting the firing of 17 dining hall workers for documentation discrepancies.
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Flashpoints in Campus Activism
international
A Solution for Syria?
Inside the complexities of this foreign policy quagmire By Sana Khan, Staff Writer, PO ‘17 & Aaron Wang, Staff Writer, HMC ‘17
It is difficult to describe the situation in Syria within the linguistic confines of violence and loss. With over one hundred thousand dead, hundreds of thousands badly injured, more than six million displaced, and countless facing the horrors of forced labor, the atrocity perhaps cannot be fathomed using just words. Rather than searching desperately for some evocative or pithy one-liner to sum up a murderous regime and decimated nation, Americans should instead think deeply about both our past and future responses to the conflict in Syria. It is very easy to declare something an abomination, to condemn it, reject it, and be “deeply outraged” by it (to quote a passage from United Nations Resolution 2118 on Syria), but we must be able to recognize these heinous acts of violence in a nuanced light. The situation in Syria is not cut-and-dried: the tangle of rebels fighting against Bashar al-Assad’s government include several Islamic extremist groups, whose aim is to install a radical state where self-proclaimed “jihadists” are free to train and organize. Thus, it is not solely the government launching attacks against the people, but also extremists targeting civilians who they feel have violated Islamic law. In a recent article for The Christian Science Monitor, Edward P. Haley, a Middle East specialist in Claremont McKenna’s government department, compared the current situation to the genocides of the Jews, Tutsis, Darfurians and Bosnian Muslims. He argues that, due to its great influence and power, the United States has a moral responsibility to intervene, though it should not employ “severe and sustained military action.” Haley believes that a military campaign would only worsen the situation: the lives of even more civilians and United States servicemen
and women would be lost. A true, moral resolution to the conflict would be civil negotiations, organized by the US and its allies, between the Syrian National Council and Assad. Such negotiations would focus on political concessions and reforms on both sides.
Russia. If Congress had agreed to the intervention, Obama would have had legislative justification to pursue military action. If Congress had rejected the intervention, then the President would have had an easy way out of the hole he dug himself.
Not only would an American intervention run the risk of provoking these factions to further radicalize, but the long-term consequences of such actions are also alarmingly unclear. The question remains of whether limited targeted missile strikes would bring down the Assad regime or take even more civilian lives as collateral damage. Such unilateral action also runs counter to stateside opinion, as anxious Americans remain skeptical of employing force that could extend to long-term involvement — familiar claims of moral intervention were made on the eve of Operation Iraqi Freedom.
Some believe Obama’s move also helped push Russia and Syria to middle ground with the United States, resulting in an agreement that Russia will oversee the removal of Syria’s chemical weapons. Still, the most expedient methods of disarmament in the midst of a civil war remain to be determined by the US and its partners currently in Damascus.
The Obama Administration’s Response When assessing the Obama administration’s stance on the issue, Professor Jennifer Taw, an international relations professor at CMC, stressed a significant change in policy language used by US leaders. “The rhetoric was completely out of character for Kerry… completely out of character for Hagel, completely out of character for Obama… completely out of character for the new national security advisor, Susan Rice,” Taw said. One year ago, Obama warned Syria that the US would intervene if it crossed the proverbial “red line” of using chemical weapons. When videos of the August 21 chemical attack in the Ghouta agricultural belt around Damascus surfaced, Obama had no choice but to respond. Otherwise, the administration’s credibility was bound to falter. As many suspect now, Obama pulled a clever political card by asking Congress to greenlight the intervention. He bought himself critical time for tensions to decrease, especially concerning Syria’s strongest supporter,
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The Russian Variable The antagonism between Russia and the United States over how to handle Syria polarized many countries and was almost reminiscent of Cold War tensions. Putin recently took a provocative approach with a widely read in The New York Times. In his letter, which often appeals to higher authorities, international law, and God alike, Putin asserts that American attempts to wield international supremacy using the rhetoric of American exceptionalism will not go unchallenged. Though President Obama presents himself as the protector of international harmony, critics, including Putin, separate a powerful head of state from a powerful position of influence. In his piece for The Christian Science Monitor, Haley notes that Russia “lacks not only the economic and military strength needed for global power standing (its economy is not much larger than that of Mexico and about one-eighth the size of the American economy), but… also… a plausible global model with which to attract a following.”
Humanitarian Efforts For both the US and Russia, humanitarian efforts have unfortunately fallen by the wayside, as both countries have focused on their strategic interests in the region. Yet it is humanitarian efforts that will mean the most to
The United Nations, after having passed Resolution 2118, is trying to improve humanitarian access in the country. Australia and Luxembourg have been developing a text regarding humanitarian issues, which they hope to present formally in committee soon. As for other aid groups, only twelve have been authorized to work inside the country. Seventeen countries are participating in programs to resettle refugees, but such programs only cover ten thousand people. Suburbs and towns have been overwhelmed and cut off by fighting. Dozens of checkpoints are blocking major roads between towns and cities, impeding aid delivery. Trying to prevent a “lost generation,” special aid responses have been particularly directed towards children, a majority of whom have been out of school from anywhere from several months to several years. As more than one million children remain caught in conflict areas that cannot be reached by UN aid, education efforts are essential to prepare those who will bear the future responsibility of post-conflict rebuilding.
In a recent news conference, Antonio Guterres, chief of the UN’s refugee agency, said, “The new approach is to combine the emergency with the long-term. For that, humanitarian agencies alone cannot do it.” Humanitarian agencies need the help of other organizations, including governments, in order to make a more profound impact, though many are skeptical of government contributions. Though the UN has called for $4.4 billion of aid, only 40 percent of those funds have been raised, and it’s likely only a fraction of those funds have been dispensed to those who need them.
billion a year earlier. In all likelihood, they are now almost completely emptied. It is clear that the Syrian economy is absolutely devastated. If one thing is for certain, it is that Syria will be heavily reliant on foreign aid in the years to come. Though the rest of the world will have to step in here, the key question is where this aid will go. Perhaps part of the answer lies in the United Nations joining forces not just with the World Bank and other international finance agencies, but also with autonomous non-profits who are on the ground actively trying to help the people.
“Simply pledging large donations and support is not enough,” said Kate Ruston CMC ‘16, co-founder of the Claremont chapter of Project Nur, an organization dedicated to greater cooperation between the Middle East and the US. “Leading nations must actually fulfill their pledges so that the necessary goods and services can be provided and vital programs implemented to finally support the Syrian refugees to the full extent that they rightfully deserve [as] human beings.”
As the war drags on, however, the country is pulled deeper and deeper into the abyss — and in different directions by everyone who has a stake in the outcome of the conflict. Still, it is difficult to discuss the future of the conflict when its very nature is a subject of disagreement: Syria’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Walid Mouallem claimed that it was not a civil war but a war on terror. We can only hope that Resolution 2118 and its mandates on chemical weapons represent a turning point.
The Future of the Conflict
“Assad making concessions to the rebels … would leave room for a real cooperative effort to oust the jihadists from Syria,” Taw said, describing it as “the most optimistic possible outcome.” Whether such an outcome is actually realistic remains to be seen.
Syria’s foreign reserves are being rapidly depleted. The most recent figures available show that they had $158 billion in their reserves at the end of 2011, down from $242
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the Syrian people. Over half of Syria’s twenty million people need aid, and two million have fled to neighboring Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq. More than four million people have been displaced within the country itself.
national
The Unpaid Generation
The past, present and future of the unpaid internship By Saahil Desai Staff Writer, PO ‘16 In early colonial American history, before colonists revolted and demanded their independence, indentured servants could be found working the fields of their masters. Crops had to be grown, and a steady source of labor was indispensable. Teenagers, desperate to make their way to the unchartered territories of the New World, were offered free travel from Europe in exchange for five years of service to a landowner. Servants worked endlessly without pay, all for the hope that they could one day tend their own land in their new county. Despite how repugnant indentured servitude might sound today, the practice continues in its more sophisticated cousin: the unpaid internship. For generations, students have actively sought internships with which to fill their summers. Some favor internships for the educational experiences they can provide, while others prefer the potential an internship has to pad one’s resume. Unpaid internships have become staples in both the public and non-profit sectors, with students from the 5Cs often seeking internships in an eclectic mix of industries including journalism, government, publishing, and entertainment. In light of court rulings this past summer, unpaid internships are increasingly being scrutinized; what was once seen as socially acceptable might soon become taboo. At the same time, there are legitimate worries that unpaid internships are a viable option for only the wealthiest of students – thereby disadvantaging an entire cohort of less fortunate students. Since most unpaid internships are in the public or non-profit industry, Washington D.C. has become the Mecca of the phenomenon. In particular, the Capitol becomes a swarm of interns over the summer, with many students from the 5Cs making their way to the Capitol each summer to intern on the Hill.
Larkin Corrigan PO ’14 served as a ‘hilltern’ with her Congressman during the summer of 2012. Corrigan spoke highly of her own personal experience as an intern, since her “office was really good in that they really didn’t want the interns to make the coffee. They were super conscious of making sure that the interns did not have the stereotypical internship.” In theory, unpaid internships exist based on the premise that the intern gains some valuable educational experience. The beneficiary of the intern’s work should be the intern herself, not the employer, according to the Department of Labor. For some, including Corrigan and Kevin Tidmarsh PO ’16, this was certainly the case. “I learned a lot about the extent to which constituent services for a Senator go,” said Tidmarsh, who was an unpaid intern in South Bend, Indiana for his senator. By having to deal with constituents that just want their opinion to be heard and have no interest in rational discourse, Tidmarsh believes he gained invaluable experience with regional politics. Others, however, are not so lucky. When an intern ends up doing simple administrative duties that no one else in the office wants to do, a disservice has been done. Internships may sound grandiose as they are advertised, but in actuality not live up to the high expectations that have been set for them. “We want to ensure that students are getting experience that will have integrity, that will not just be tasks but will be project oriented,” said Mary Raymond, director of Pomona’s Career Development Office. Browsing the website of any politician makes it evident that internship opportunities are construed as a favor one’s politician is doing on behalf of the student, and not the other way around. Senator Sherrod Brown of my home state of Ohio intriguingly lists his internships under the “Services” tab of his website. While politicians commonly hide behind
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budgetary restrictions as an excuse to not pay interns, there are 35 Senators that offer some sort of monetary retribution to their interns, according to data compiled by The Atlantic. Only 11 of these Senators are Democrats, meaning that roughly half of the Senate Republicans pay their interns. Democrats may campaign for workers rights and pay equality, but somehow these values fail to translate into their own offices in D.C. Unpaid interns are beginning to take a stand against what they feel is injustice. The movement against unpaid internships has recently gained increasing traction. In June, Judge William H. Pauley III of a U.S. District Court in Manhattan ruled in favor of two interns who had worked for Fox Searchlight Pictures on the film “Black Swan.” Eric Glatt and Alexander Footman – the plaintiffs who brought on the suit – contend that they did equivalent work to paid employees but received no pay. Judge Pauley based his decision on a rigorous six-part test published by the Department of Labor in order to determine whether an intern can legally go unpaid. In the specific case of Glatt and Footman, their internships consisted of mostly menial labor that produced little to no educational experience. “Undoubtedly Mr. Glatt and Mr. Footman received some benefits from their internships, such as resume listings, job, references, and an understanding of how a production office works,” Judge Pauley wrote in his ruling. “But those benefits were incidental to working in the office like any other employees and were not the result of internships intentionally structured to benefit them.” Granted, Judge Pauley’s ruling is only one case regarding one employer, but it may prove to set a precedent regarding the future of unpaid internships, particularly those in the private sector. Employers that wish to continue offering unpaid internships must proceed with the utmost caution to avoid lawsuits. Some businesses that have long
national
been repositories of unpaid interns have already implemented stipends or hourly wages in order to avoid lawsuits and negative PR. An unintended consequence that Interns might have to worry about is businesses dumping their internship programs altogether. Employers might decide that the liability of having interns just isn’t worth the hassle. Internships in future years may become more competitive, with many students vying for fewer and fewer positions.
pay. But if you want to qualify for a good entry-level job when you graduate you have got to have that experience. So who gets the experience? The students whose families can fund them.” Poor and working class students that have aspirations to work in one of the many industries that have typically relied on unpaid internships find it difficult to receive employment without the summers spent as an intern. It seems unlikely that sheer coinci-
To help moderate this effect, colleges have begun to provide funding for students that wish to receive unpaid internships but can’t afford them. “It’s been my quest for more than ten years to be part of the fundraising effort for students who need this experience” said Raymond. All of the 5Cs offer some degree of funding for students that desire unpaid internships, with CMC providing the most funding and Harvey Mudd the least. “My first year [at Pomona] I think we funded 8 students,” noted Raymond of Pomona’s Career Development Office’s summer internship funding program, “last year we funded 24, and this year we funded 47. I would like to fund 100 students for the summer of 2014.” The summer funding program is not without faults, however. Larkin Corrigan expressed unease that “at Pomona, you can only [get funding] for one summer, but at CMC they have a funding program that goes all three years.” Corrigan recommended that Pomona reallocate funds so that students can fund their internships throughout their college careers. Applying for funding at Pomona can also be a cumbersome process. “It was an annoying process because basically it took a long time to find out,” said Corrigan, “and in terms of applying for different programs, it would have been helpful to find out sooner when they made their decisions.”
However, by forcing companies to pay their interns, Judge Pauley’s ruling could also help mitigate the socioeconomic critiques that have been lodged against unpaid internships. Their very nature means that only students with certain resources can afford to forgo a paying summer job to acquire experience from an unpaid internship. Unpaid internships are “a double-ended sword,” says Raymond. “Certain industries require experience yet the industries don’t
dence would dictate that politics, journalism, and entertainment – industries that heavily rely on unpaid interns – would also be stereotypically known for being dominated by upper class whites. The overarching danger is that unpaid internships could effectively become a vehicle for perpetuating economic inequality by systematically being used as a tool for keeping out lower income students from some desirable industries that are selective and tight-knit.
Just as indentured servitude in America led to the violent Bacon’s Rebellion and the practice did not last, the unpaid internship may have reached its boiling point. Interns are fed up with receiving no money for their labor, and the public is following suit in condemning the practice. “It’s an outrage that has been going on for so long that it has become part of accepted society,” noted Mary Raymond of unpaid internships. “I hope there are more court rulings to come.”
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A Brief History of the 7Cs How the Claremont Colleges came to be By Josh Ortiz Staff Writer, PO ‘17 Walking through the Claremont Colleges, one would be hard pressed to find a more harmonized setting for higher learning. This square mile of Southern California is shared by 6,300 students, 700 professors, and 1,600 staff members, and this community constitutes a unique educational experience seemingly unparalleled elsewhere. So where did it all start? Who brought the liberal arts consortium model into its thriving existence? How has this small group of independent colleges managed not only to coexist, but also to continually foster the learning potential of students at each of the institutions?
Beginnings It all began with the founding of Pomona College in 1887 by the Congregational Churches of Southern California as an independent institution. Meant to model the East Coast schools that were established in the same fashion, Pomona College became a small liberal arts college, established as a coeducational institution, though all of its first three students were male. (In 1894, eleven students graduated as part of Pomona’s first graduating class; four of them were female.) Housed in Claremont, California (a move that was made after spending one semester in a small house in the city of Pomona), the College encountered many economic problems at first.
College was increasing dramatically in size. By 1910, the College had around 350 students in their graduating class, a big step forward from the handful in the graduating class 19 years prior. 1910 was also the same year that James Blaisdell became the President of the College. “We now have one of Blaidell’s sons’ recollections about things, and he regarded his father as a liberal activist [and] progressive, more so than I ever realized,” said Robert Herman PO ‘51, Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Pomona. Most college presidents naturally have ambitions for their respective institutions, but Blaisdell’s plans were especially grand. George White Marston, who was chairman of the Board of Trustees at Pomona from its early incarnations through most of his later life, also had strong visions for the future of the college that often coincided with Blaisdell’s. An apparent anomaly amongst the mostly conservative trustees, Marston considered himself a radical, and, according to Herman, had a reputation for bringing socialist pamphlets to Board meetings. However, Marston’s most prominent contribution to the college was not his leftist literature, but his money; a wealthy businessman from San Diego, Marston was instrumental in keeping Pomona financially afloat. “Marston was an absolute prince of a man,” Herman said. “There wouldn’t have been a Pomona College without Marston there to save [it].”
In 1887, the village of Claremont was pretty much nonexistent except for the railroads. Companies like Santa Fe Railroad Co. owned huge tracts of land, and were eager to attract development. The college acquired the unused Claremont Hotel in 1888, and the building was Pomona’s first home in Claremont. Though over the years it’s been moved and renamed as Sumner Hall, the same building still stands.
Expanding Vision
At the dawn of the 20th century, Pomona
Enter Mrs. Ellen Browning Scripps. Scripps, an
Marston and Blaisdell set into motion the foundation for what would become the Claremont Colleges. Blaisdell rejected the traditional idea of expanding Pomona College into a larger institution, something that he believed would deeply wound the integral intimacy between professors and students. Thus he looked to expand in other ways.
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Pomona 1887
CGU 1925
educator, journalist, and lifelong philanthropist, was college-educated and had wealthy family ties. In a series of famous exchanges with Blaisdell, Scripps shared in his enthusiasm to expand Pomona College through a consortium, in which a handful of independent institutions would revolve around shared resources and facilities. The ultimate goal for Blaisdell, Marston, and Scripps was to preserve the liberal arts ideal. This ideal encompassed an interdisciplinary approach to education with personal instruction from top scholars, while maintaining the opportunities and resources that are typically only afforded by a larger university. Aside from the explicit nod to the Oxford-Cambridge model, this consortium idea was unprecedented. Scripps, who by this point had donated large sums of money and purchased most of the nearby land north of Pomona, wholeheartedly backed the initiative alongside Blaisdell and Marston. Together with Pomona’s Board of Trustees, the Claremont Colleges Consortium was founded on October 14, 1925, in conjunction with the Claremont Graduate University. The Consortium, which now consisted of both Pomona College and the Graduate University, was able to expand in the manner that Blaisdell, Marston, and Scripps originally envisioned. Scripps was a leader in both education and women’s rights. At 90 years old, she embarked on what she called her “new adventure” as she created a unique place in the consortium specifically for the growth and development of women. Scripps College officially opened in 1926, just a year after the consortium’s founding. From the beginning, Ellen Browning Scripps’ belief in personal possibility infused the mission of the women’s college and is still held at the heart of the college today. The Great Depression spoiled any hope of opening an institution in the 1930s, and the next Claremont college was not added until after WWII. Responding to returning war veterans’ need for an education, a growing desire for an all men’s
Scripps 1926
CMC 1946
Mudd 1955
school, and an emphasis on professional development, Claremont Men’s College was founded in 1946. Army barracks were brought in and converted to dorm and classroom space. The college centered its focus over time on business and government in addition to the liberal arts. In 1976, Claremont Men’s College became coeducational and, in 1981, it was renamed Claremont McKenna College after Donald C. McKenna, the college’s founding trustee. Due to widespread prosperity in the 1950s, the Claremont College (they dropped the “s” in 1944) was able to continue on its college-adecade plan and open a new institution. Harvey Mudd College was established in 1955 amidst the space race and the rapid industrialization and urbanization of Southern California, both of which created a demand for an education focused on science and technology. To this day, Harvey Mudd differs from other Claremont institutions in that it offers a Bachelor of Sciences degree rather than a Bachelor of Arts.
Finishing Touches By the early 1960s, the Claremont University College (as the consortium became formally known in 1961) was already experiencing widespread success. Pomona College, Claremont Graduate University, Scripps College, Claremont McKenna College, and Harvey Mudd College were all operating together seamlessly, with each independent institution becoming more and more well-known. Largely due to intercollegiate committees within the consortium that are still in place today, the Consortium was able to run smoothly, addressing issues at the microlevel at each independent college as well as at the larger consortium level. With more popularity came a greater number of applicants, particularly from men. In the early 1960s the student population was vastly disproportionate; there were far more men walking around the campuses than there were women. Rather than expand Scripps College,
Pitzer 1963
Keck 1997
the consortium initiated plans to build a new school. Coinciding with yet another name change, the Claremont Graduate School and University Center opened Pitzer College for women in 1963. Pitzer College, which became coeducational in 1970, is the most recent undergraduate institution to be added to the Claremont University Consortium, and it was notable for its young, liberal faculty and its emphasis on the social and behavioral sciences. Soon after Pitzer’s initial founding, the W.M. Keck Science Department was established in 1964 as an integrated science department for Scripps, Claremont McKenna, and Pitzer. It is housed in the Center located at the intersection of the three colleges. The Claremont University Consortium, as it’s officially been known since 1967, sought further specialization in the creation of a new graduate institute in 1997. The Keck Graduate Institute of Applied Life Sciences was founded to provide students with educational research that translates practically into the real world, and the Keck Institute collaborates with CGU to emphasize graduate level study and research. The five undergraduate and two graduate institutions of the Claremont University Consortium have seemingly realized Blaisdell, Marston, and Scripps’ vision. The schools operate independently while sharing spaces and services like the Honnold-Mudd Library and Student Health Services. The consortium has a rich history of ambitious plans for continued growth and development. Given its impressive history and the individual histories of each of the 7Cs, Danielle Schickele PO ‘16 considers, “with all the success the colleges have had...there always begs the question: what’s coming next?” Note: Special thanks to Professor Herman whose expertise on the subject made this article possible.
By Andy Wright, Web Editor, PZ ‘16 & Lilly Carver, Copy Editor, PO ‘16 In 2010, the Port Side published an article about the potential addition of a 6th undergraduate institution to the Claremont University Consortium, colloquially called “the 6th C.” At the time, the CUC was consulting with the government in Singapore about possibly establishing a satellite school there. 5C faculty voted against establishing a satellite school, citing free speech concerns, and the National University of Singapore chose to affiliate with Yale University instead; the Yale-NUS College admitted its first class in August 2013. “I do think that our discussions with [the National University] helped to significantly shape the direction of [a potential 6th school],” Pomona College President David Oxtoby wrote in an email to the Port Side. He further affirmed that the possibility of a new school is not out of the question, due in part to the Blaisdell Plan. The Blaisdell Plan was established in the mid1920s, when James Blaisdell was the fourth president of Pomona College. It standardized the expansion of the Claremont Consortium, laying groundwork for new schools to be added every 10-20 years. This system has been in place since then, the most recent addition to the consortium being Keck Graduate Institute in 1997. Moving forward has been handled differently by each institution affiliated with the Consortium. Generally, college officials are skeptical about adding a new school right now. “[It’s] not at the top of my list,” said Pitzer College President Laura Skandera Trombley. She described the establishment of a new CUC member as “more of a consortial goal.” Scripps’ president Lori Bettison-Varga similarly wrote that “Scripps is currently focused on addressing the needs of our current campus community and working collaboratively with the current institutions in the consortium to enhance our academic excellence and [co-curricular] offerings.” Despite their current hesitation, schools are anxious to see what the future holds for the CUC. Oxtoby wrote that Pomona “[looks] forward with interest to seeing how it will evolve.” Read more about this issue online at claremontportside.com.
claremontportside.com | volume XI issue 1 | october 2013 | page 19
campus
WILL THERE BE A 6TH C?
the
Defining Blurred Lines
Reframing consumerism, consent and the college culture By Emlyn Foxen Staff Writer, PO ‘16
playlist, she focused on “emphasizing consent, safety, and responsibility.”
If one were to judge the popular criticism of this summer’s infamous VMA performance by Miley Cyrus and Robin Thicke using the media and public response, Thicke may as well have not been there. Unfortunately, blaming the woman is not an unusual trend in the media reaction to scandalous situations where both male and female figures are involved.
At TAP, the top 40 tunes that dominate most 5C parties were replaced by 90s hits by artists like Destiny’s Child and Britney Spears, and even some country songs. While the playlist “wasn’t perfect,” Marshall says, it did help to “take away the hypersexualized nature of the dance floor and [made] it into more of a consent friendly culture.” TAP was also not over-constraining, as she adds, “I did see some love connections being made to Britney Spears.”
After the 2004 Super Bowl halftime show when Justin Timberlake ripped off part of Janet Jackson’s top and exposed her nipple, most media sources focused on the “wardrobe malfunction” itself rather than the role Timberlake played in the incident.
At TAP, slips of paper with “CONSENT” printed on them were distributed. “Putting out those consent cards, even if half the people there mocked them, even if some people ripped them up, it didn’t matter; consent, that word, was on their minds,” Marshall says.
Nearly ten years later, people continue to focus on women in provocative performances. As media consumers, we tend to criticize the Janets and the Mileys rather than the Justins and the Robins. This behavior is not likely to change unless we can become aware as media consumers. While Robin Thicke may have been overshadowed by Miley at the VMAs, he has not escaped all criticism. Many people did not deduce the meaning of the lyrics to his hit song “Blurred Lines” until months after it was released, when his lyrics were accused of being “rapey” and his music video a disgusting celebration of misogyny. While the song was immensely popular, it was also heavily criticized worldwide. As Natalie Daifotis, an Advocate for Survivors of Sexual Assault, says, “It’s perfectly possible to admire something as a consumable media form but also realize that it has a problematic message. It’s all about being an aware consumer.” Emma Marshall, president of the student organization Title IX Coalition (TIXC) which runs the new biweekly party TAP, became an aware consumer while listening to a performance of
the song “Move Bitch” by Ludacris at a Pomona karaoke event last year. “I was listening to a group of mostly white men,” she said, “up on the stage screaming at the top of their lungs, ‘move bitch, get out the way,’ and something about it just kind of clicked. I remember actually leaving the party.” For Marshall, the experience drove home the power music has to shape ideals, interpersonal relations, misconceptions, and stereotypes. Like Daifotis, Marshall recognizes that consumer awareness is important, and can play a significant role in supporting a consent-friendly party environment. At TAP, conscious media consumerism comes in the form of a strong emphasis on consent, and a notable absence of songs like “Blurred Lines.” Marshall said that when creating a TAP
However, when asked if music that doesn’t perpetuate sexist standards or dismiss consent could become the norm at parties, Daifotis responded “I don’t think so, unfortunately. I think if it could happen anywhere, it would be at a place like here, but I think as individuals, our fundamental insecurities make it too difficult.” Perhaps explicitly promoting consent at parties can help to diminish some those underlying insecurities. Organizations like TIXC are boldly tackling the challenge of putting consent at the forefront of party culture. A key step in this process is boycotting songs with sexist implications that women do not know what they want and “good girls” should not be sexually forward. As Daifotis says, “Consent can be a scary thing. When consent is the rule, it throws you into a terrifying situation where you actually have to interact with people and you actually have to face the possibility that you might be rejected.” Yet she adds, “those momentary feelings of awkwardness or uncomfortable butterflies are one million times more preferable than violating someone’s boundaries.”