CIV 19 web

Catalan International View

Issue 19 • Winter 2014-15 • € 5

A European Review of the World

Mourning and wise actions following the Charlie Hebdo massacre

by Víctor Terradellas

The EU’s global credibility is decided in Ukraine

by Carme Colomina

Africa, terrorism and Ebola: the wrong equation

by Gemma Parellada

Hong Kong: one country, two systems separated by a border

by Manel Ollé

Reflections on Catalonia

by Ian Duncan

Antoni Badia i Margarit by Montserrat Badia Cover Artist: Narcís Comadira Universal Catalans:

sections:

Europe · Africa · Asia · Opinion · Green Debate

A Short Story from History · Barcelona Echoes · The Artist · Universal Catalans · A Poem

Editor

Víctor Terradellas

Contents

vterradellas@catmon.cat Director

Positive & Negative

Francesc de Dalmases

director@international-view.cat Art Director

4......... Synthetic Biology - The war in Ukraine To Our Readers

Quim Milla

designer@international-view.cat

Editorial Board

Martí Anglada Enric Canela Salvador Cardús August Gil-Matamala Montserrat Guibernau Guillem López-Casasnovas Manuel Manonelles Fèlix Martí Eva Piquer Ricard Planas Clara Ponsatí Arnau Queralt Vicent Sanchis Mònica Terribas Montserrat Vendrell Carles Vilarrubí Vicenç Villatoro Chief Editor

5......... Mourning and wise actions following the Charlie Hebdo massacre

by Víctor Terradellas

Europe

8......... Reflections on Catalonia

by Ian Duncan

12........ Would Kennedy say ‘I am a Catalan’ today? .............. by Otto Ozols

16........ Towards a new Catalan party system .............. by Enriqueta Aragonès

22........ Hurry up, Europe!

by Albert Farré

26........ The EU’s global credibility is decided in Ukraine .............. by Carme Colomina

30........ Bosnia at the crossroads .............. by Elena López Werner

Judit Aixalà

Asia

Language Advisory Service

36........ Hong Kong: one country, two systems separated by a border

Nigel Balfour Júlia López Coordinator

.............. by Manel Ollé Africa

Ariadna Canela

40........ Long live Tunisia

Webmaster

44........ Africa, terrorism and ebola: the wrong equation

administracio@catmon.cat

Gemma Lapedriza Cover Art

.............. by Tayssir Azouz

.............. by Gemma Parellada

Narcís Comadira

Green Debate

The reproduction of the artwork on the front cover is thanks to an agreement between the Artist and Fundació CATmón

50........ Catalonia readies for a world of scarce resources

Executive Production

56........ Sexual violence in armed conflict

.............. by Jordi Oliver-Solà and Arnau Queralt Opinion .............. by Eulàlia Pascual

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Printed in Catalonia

Published quarterly With the support of

62........ Catalonia: the capital of mobile technology and telecommunications .............. by Felip Puig

66........ International and transnational networks .............. by Joan Carles Garcia

70........ Light shed on Ebola .............. by Mònica Botta Barcelona Echoes

74........ Prototyping Barcelona .............. by Elisabeth McWilliams

78........ Universal Catalans .............Antoni Badia i Margarit A Poem

83........ Desire

by Montserrat Abelló

A Short Story from History

84..........Barcelona 1936: the Games that never took place The Artist

Departament de Presidència

86........ Narcís Comadira

Catalan International View

Positive & Negative

by Francesc de Dalmases

Synthetic Biology

The team led by Professor Jef Boeke at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine has once more shown its leadership in the field of synthetic biology.

Having been the first to synthesize a bacterial chromosome in 2006, Boeke’s team has gone on to become the first to create a synthetic yeast chromosome. This is a highly significant step since yeast chromosomes are almost identical to those of humans, while being much larger and more complex than those of bacteria, thus allowing them to host many more genes and to be more complex. In addition, yeast’s biological machinery is far more sophisticated than that of bacteria and it means they can be used to produce virtually any product of a biological nature which may be of use to us. Nevertheless, a chromosome is not a living being. It is a biological structure that needs cellular machinery in order to function, one piece of the intricate puzzle that is life. The biomedical and industrial possibilities are enormous, but it is just a tool at our disposal. And that’s a good thing. Artificial life is still far off.

The war in Ukraine

Soon the armed conflict in the Ukraine will be one year old. According to a UN report released in January 2015, the war is responsible for over 5,000 deaths. The sanctions against Russia imposed by Europe and the United States have proved themselves to be ineffective in making Putin rethink his interventionist policy in the region. This winter’s clashes between the Ukrainian army and the so-called pro-Russian militia, backed by Moscow, have exposed the ineffectiveness of the peace agreement signed in Minsk (Belarus) on 5th September 2014. The civilian population is once again the great victim of this hidden war and once more we lament the absence of a common European foreign policy, while wishing that the decisions taken within the framework of the United Nations had greater effect, and that Putin’s government’s behaviour were based on dialogue, transparency and a respect for international law.

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To Our Readers

Mourning and wise actions following the Charlie Hebdo massacre

by VĂ­ctor Terradellas

The brutal attack against Charlie Hebdo magazine and the constant stream of horrific images which the Islamic State regularly posts on social networks do little to encourage a serious, measured debate addressing a phenomenon that directly challenges one of the foundations upon which twenty-first century democratic societies are built: freedom of speech, the respect for human rights and the recognition of political action as the only valid tool for the resolution of conflicts.

One can appreciate that such great outpourings of grief are necessary. Nevertheless, they have little effect aside from being an act of catharsis. We ought to strive, decisively, to take decisions that get to the heart of the matter, concerning ourselves less with the means and more with the outcome.

The Islamic State is a grave threat. For the first time we are not faced with an armed group with a greater or lesser operational capacity but rather an organization that presents itself as a caliphate, an

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To Our Readers

Islamic state. It proclaims itself to have religious authority over all the world’s Muslims, with the stated aim of uniting under their yoke all the regions which they inhabit. The formula that governs their behaviour is a brutal and primitive interpretation of Islam which exercises extreme violence against those they consider infidels, including practitioners of other branches of their own religion, including the Shiites.

I realize that the expansion of the Islamic State has no single answer, and that it is taking advantage of the countless geopolitical and geostrategic errors committed at the regional level by their own governments in the Middle East besides the other countries that have varying degrees of interest and presence in the region. Nonetheless, it is undeniable that apart from a steady influx of foreign fighters from around the world who choose to sign up to this sectarian option, the organization also has sources of external funding which enable it to use the powerful weaponry at its disposal.

The Western world is aware of the support traditionally provided by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the other Gulf countries to Sunnis in all instances in which they confront the Shia. Syria and Iraq are no exception. Traditionally, Europe and the United States have turned a blind eye to this support because these same states, in spite of the lack of democratic freedoms enjoyed by their citizens, have been able able to engage in a game with the West, well aware of their economic power, a product of their control 6

of fossil mineral resources, mainly consisting of oil.

Perhaps the time has come to put an end to this double standard. An end to blessing these countries with playing the host to major global sporting events, an end to accepting without question their multimillion dollar sponsorship deals, an end to kowtowing to them wherever they go in the world and Western businesses falling over each other in the rush to win a contract for one of their billion-dollar building projects.

The links between every one of these monarchies and the Islamic State needs to be established, studied and, where present, denounced. They represent the major threat to the democratic system of global governance to which we aspire. We must denounce such grave deficiencies with respect to democracy and the respect for human rights suffered by the citizens and immigrants of these countries. In short, the West must deal with them and have the same relationship with them as we do with other dictatorships with less economic capacity. We must, therefore, demonstrate that in the international arena money cannot buy everything and that we in Europe, the old Europe in particular, are committed to political, social, cultural and economic ideals which are not for sale.

We ought to express these values whenever necessary of course, but every day we ought to remind our leaders, the managers of sports clubs and national and international organizations, that when it comes to democracy and human rights there are no shortcuts: or one believes in them or one does not. It is up to the defenders of democracy to defeat the enemies of these fundamental ideals.

Catalan International View

Tel. +34 977 757 473 · +34 977 756 265 • Fax +34 977 771 129 Camí Pedra Estela, 34 • 43205 Reus (Baix Camp) www.demuller.es

Europe

Reflections on Catalonia

by Ian Duncan*

On the morning of 9th November I found myself in Vila de Gràcia in downtown Barcelona. It isn’t on any tourist route. It’s quite a plain building, and yet I was there early. So were a great many others. A queue had formed which wound its way from the door of the school in a great arc round the courtyard. At 9.00am the doors opened and voting in the Catalonian ‘Public Participatory Process’ began. The crowd burst into spontaneous applause. I was moved. It was hard not to be when a crowd several hundred strong applaud their right to vote. At other polling stations, the crowds sang the Catalan anthem.

The Parliamentary Delegation

So how did I end up in Catalonia leading a delegation of parliamentarians to observe what can only be described as an independence vote? After all I had just spent the last few months fighting furiously to keep the United Kingdom united. I must confess that I was slightly surprised to be asked. The week before in Brussels I had hosted an event that explored how a post-referendum Scotland and other like regions and nations could best engage with the EU. I was joined by a number of MEPs with a range of experiences of different constitutional models. That may have been a factor. Perhaps the answer lies in the make-up of the delegation itself; we hailed from lands with experience of separatist debates: the Basque Country, Flanders, Wales, Slovenia. MPs from France, Sweden and Germany completed the group but even here the individuals brought experience of federalism, cultural diversity and devolution. I suspect I was asked to lead the group because I was the only unionist.

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Our collective role was relatively simple, to visit polling stations, to observe the ballot and to determine whether there were problems with the conduct of the poll. There were only eight of us, so our ability to be everywhere was limited. We split into three groups and covered the country. My team visited twelve polling stations in the city of Barcelona and its environs. The other teams spread out into the countryside, stretching as far as Girona in the north and Tarragona in the south. Our programme was flexible. We went where we wanted. When an incident occurred at one polling station - an anti-vote group attacked a ballot box - a team was immediately diverted to investigate. However there were 1200 polling stations (including 17 stations abroad, stretching from China to the US) and there were eight of us. Our findings are therefore a sample. Of course, all election observers, in all elections, can provide only a sample. Since leaving Catalonia, we have continued to pursue any allegations of voting impropriety.

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What did we witness? To cut to the chase, we witnessed a well conducted poll conducted in extraordinarily difficult circumstances. But a little bit of history first.

A little bit of history

Spain is a young democracy. General Franco, the last of the fascist dictators, only shuffled off this mortal coil in 1975. With his death Spain began its journey to democracy. Step one was a constitution, which after much discussion - the framing of a constitution being a delicate thing - was agreed in 1978 and affirmed by referendum that year. The Spanish Constitution is based on the ‘indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards’. The constitution recognises that Spain is not homogenous, so the rights of 17 Autonomous Communities and two autonomous cities are affirmed, each with varying degrees of autonomy ranging from the quasi-confederal status of tax management in Navarre

and the Basque Country to a centralised army. It is this variation that is at the heart of the Catalonian question.

In 2006 Catalonia sought greater autonomy and greater recognition of her historical rights, from the Spanish Government. Barcelona and Madrid entered a dialogue and an agreement was reached on further devolution. So far, so good. However a new Spanish Government took office in 2011. Enter, stage right, the Spanish Constitutional Court. In 2010 the supreme court of Spain found the agreement ‘unconstitutional’. Thereafter the Spanish Constitutional Court, upon request by the Spanish Government, has found a number of things unconstitutional, including: the Catalan Government’s attempts to hold a referendum (March 2014), the Catalan Government’s attempts to hold a consultation (September 2014), and the methodology of the Catalan Government’s attempts to hold a ‘popular participatory process’ (October 2014). During this entire period, the Spanish Government has Catalan International View

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refused to enter into serious dialogue with the Catalan Government.

‘Extraordinarily difficult circumstances’

That brings us to the question of what I was doing in Catalonia. Simply put I was asked to determine whether the ballot was being conducted according to acceptable electoral standards. So let us examine some of the difficulties faced: No electoral roll. Following a ruling by the Constitutional Court the use of the existing electoral roll was forbidden. Pause and think for a moment the difficulties that such an interdiction introduces to a ballot. Who is entitled to vote? How do you avoid multiple voting or other methods of electoral fraud?

How big is the electorate, particularly since the franchise was extended to include those aged 16 to 18?

No government or local officials were permitted to administer the ballot.

Think of the difficulties introduced to the process by the absence of all electoral officials. Who organises polling stations and their staff? The ballot paper? The ballot boxes? Who explains the voting system to the public (particularly important given the challenges)?

Who oversees the count? Who investigates allegations of fraud?

No official ballot boxes were made available. Where do you get ballot boxes? Is there a ballot box factory? A ballot box shop?

No government buildings were allowed to be used as polling stations.

In most countries polling stations are located in public buildings: town halls, recreation & sports centres, schools, libraries. Not in Catalonia. The Spanish Government wrote to each school principal in Catalonia warning them 10

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that if their school was used as a polling station then they would be breaking the law. As a result of this interdiction there were far fewer polling stations than in any ballot previously held in Catalonia.

So how was it possible to conduct a poll at all?

Good question. Each of these challenges required a solution. Each solution was an impressive feat of ingenuity, of individual commitment, of common sense, of necessity. Voter registration, for that is what was required, was conducted according to the American model. You presented yourself with your ID card to the nearest polling station. Your ID number was entered into a computer which allowed it to be verified against local records. Your details were then recorded manually in a list. Only then could you vote. Not ideal, but sound nonetheless. Every polling station was manned by volunteers, some 41,000 across Catalonia. As an observer I would argue that this was a weakness in the process (my delegation noted this in our official report). However, it was an impressive commitment necessitated by circumstance. The solution to the ballot box question was elegant. The people of Catalonia made their own. I had never seen a ballot box with a window in it.

You could watch you vote gently settle into the bundle in the box. The reduced number of polling stations was a problem. It meant folks were not always sure where they should go. It also meant that some polling stations had helluva long lines. In the end however there were almost certainly enough polling stations for those who wanted to cast their vote.

In my opinion the poll was as good as it could be given the circumstances.

So what does it mean for Catalan independence?

In the end, some 2,305,290 Catalans at home and 13,573 abroad voted for what

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can only be described as independence - 80.7% of those who took part in the poll. This is a clear statement from those who chose to take part in the referendum. The phrase ‘chose to take part’ is the challenge. The turnout was 41.6%.

That means that nearly 60% of Catalans chose not to participate in the participatory process. It would be wrong to interpret this group as wholly supportive of the status quo. Indeed it would be wrong to offer any serious interpretation of this group sans evidence. The Spanish Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, declared the participatory process: ‘…no referendum.

Two out of three Catalans refused to take part in a simulacrum of democracy. It was not a democratic vote, it was political propaganda’. Indeed, he made it so. His erection of obstacles made opaque something that should have been clear: the view, the wisdom, of the people. Vox populi, vox dei. As someone who has recently taken part in the Scottish referendum, where the turnout was 85%, I can state that the most important part of the process was the confrontation of arguments of both sides. Missing from the Catalan campaign were the arguments of the other side, the unionist cause, or indeed the federalist position. They should have been there.

Perhaps they would have polled 60%.

Perhaps not. From the debate, with each claim and counter-claim tested, a consensus might have emerged about the direction in which Catalonia should be headed. Perhaps the turnout would have been 85%. The question now is where next for Catalonia? In a rational world,

a campaign would be staged, with both sides represented, where the arguments are put before the people. A referendum would result in which no obstacles or barriers were put in the way of the ballot. All could vote, easily, according to their conscience. Sadly, this approach

The question now is where next for Catalonia? In a rational world, a campaign would be staged, with both sides represented seems but a dream.

What about the EU?

As for the EU, I can see little here in Brussels from which Catalans can take comfort. The EU is a union of member states. Catalan membership, just like Scottish membership, would depend upon the goodwill and endorsement of all existing member states, including Spain. Given Spain’s current approach, this is by no means a given.

Where next?

The solution to the Catalan conundrum will rest with the people of the Iberian Peninsula. It is time to move forward from a turbulent period of confrontation to a calm period of negotiation. A piece of advice I was given many moons ago, ‘the most important trip you may take in life is meeting people half way’. The Catalan Government seems ready to make that journey.

Is the Spanish Government willing to move from its fixed spot?

Footnote Details of the parliamentary delegation can be accessed here: http://www.diplocat.cat/ en/activities/80-exchanges/ international-visitor...

The final report of the delegation can be found here: http://www.diplocat.cat/ files/docs/141109_ParlDelegation9N_Statement_EN.pdf

*Ian Duncan Conservative MEP for Scotland. Mr. Duncan was for seven years the Head of the Scottish Parliament’s European Office in Brussels, responsible for relations between the Scottish Parliament and the EU institutions. He later served as European Advisor to the Parliament and Clerk to the European & External Relations Committee. He resigned his position in February 2013 to seek the election to the European Parliament.

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Would Kennedy say ‘I am a Catalan’ today?

by Otto Ozols*

In thinking about European values and ideals, I wish to address all Europeans and particularly their political leaders. I am particularly addressing high-ranking politicians in Norway, Finland, Poland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. I wish to appeal to their conscience and their courage.

Half a century ago, the distinguished American president John Fitzgerald Kennedy stood alongside the newly built, imposing Berlin Wall to utter the prophetic words: “Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is Ich bin ein Berliner. All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words Ich bin ein Berliner.

In his speech, Kennedy passionately defended the democratic principles and ideals of the free world, while also harshly denouncing everything that was symbolised by the terrible wall. The Iron Curtain divided Europeans into two groups. Behind the wall were those who were imprisoned and whose freedom was lost. Those who remained on the eastern side of the Berlin Wall fell under the sway of Orwellian monsters.

Doublespeak, which we know from George Orwell’s prophetic novel 1984 became the norm. Another objectionable Orwellian principle – this time from Animal Farm – also prevailed to the East of the Berlin Wall, the idea 12

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that all animals are equal, but some are more equal than others.

Today, half a century after Kennedy’s speech, there is reason to ask whether Europeans are building a new Berlin Wall. Is it not the case that political Doublespeak is once again spreading across the continent as a deadly, poisonous fog, with people loudly proclaiming democracy, while in truth only observing it if it is advantageous for the political elite? As is the case in Animal Farm, Europe today proves to be a continent in which ‘all nations are equal, but some are more equal than others’.

Very recently Great Britain recognised the Scottish nation’s right to self-determination, allowing it to hold a democratic referendum to decide its future. Nearly all European leaders lauded this decision as a great achievement and a triumph for democracy. Great Britain proved its wisdom, courage and trust in fundamental democratic values. The Scots were recognised as a fully-fledged nation, one

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that has the same rights as other European nations.

Meanwhile, the majority of European politicians choose a cowardly silence when the same rights are demanded by Catalans – an equally ancient and respected nation of a similar size. It suddenly turns out that a principle that applies to one nation is not applicable to another. Once again – all are equal, but some are more equal than others. Less educated European politi-

cians are making the sordid excuse that Scottish rights are based on special ‘British legislative traditions’. Apparently they have forgotten that the right of self-determination of nations is a long-standing, fundamental and universal principle of modern democracy.

Indeed, it is the most important principle of all.

European leaders have harshly denounced Putin’s brutality and cynicism, but when it comes to the Catalans, they Catalan International View

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sink to the same level of cynicism. At the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania, Vladimir Putin told a surprised George W. Bush: ‘You have to understand, George, that Ukraine is not even a country’.

In speaking about Catalonia, many European politicians have proven to be literally ready to quote the neo-imperialist from the Kremlin. Similarly to poorly educated Putin, many politicians raise their eyebrows and question whether the Catalan nation, which consists of more than 7.5 million people, with its own unique language, culture, identity and thousand-year-old culture, can genuinely be seen as a ‘real’ nation or country. With this attitude, they are literally pushing the Catalans behind a 21st century Berlin Wall, with fancy words about fundamental democratic principles which are nothing more than a beautiful fiction. Defenders of democratic principles suddenly prove to be criminals’ and ‘fomenters of unrest’, as was the case in the Orwellian Soviet Empire.

A self-respecting Europe has no room for double standards, cowardice and the open betrayal of democracy Many people appreciate that this attitude is unfair and unjust. Particularly those politicians whose countries were born specifically thanks to the principle of self-determination for nations – Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and many other countries.

Otherwise they would be unhappy denizens of empires today – people to whom the fundamental principles of democracy do not apply.

For this reason, I would like to pose this question to the respected, democratic prime minister of Norway, Erna Solberg: Would you be the leader of a 14

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self-respecting country today if Sweden had used military force to take away the right of Norwegians to selfdetermination? Spain today is threatening Catalonia in precisely the same way as Sweden threatened Norway in the 19th century. Am I wrong in saying that the fundamental values of democracy apply to Norwegians at a level of 100%, while the Catalans are not worthy of such principles? Madam prime minister, please answer these questions honestly!

I would similarly like to pose a question to Finnish President Sauli Niinistö and Prime Minister Alexander Stubb: Have you forgotten what Germany and Sweden told the new Finnish nation in 1917? They told you to talk to Russia first and foremost. Sweden didn’t care what the Finns thought. Instead they awaited the decision of the new rulers of the old empire. You are keeping silent today. Are you not demonstrating similar levels of cowardice? It is not important what you Catalans want. Go and talk to big Spain first.

I wonder whether Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkēvičs, who has recently said that ‘Catalonia is an internal matter for Spain’, is not bringing shame upon his predecessor – Latvia’s legendary first Foreign Minister, Zigfrīds Anna Meierovics. In the early 20th century, Meierovics struggled for Latvia’s de jure recognition in the world, and he was often faced with the question ‘Latvia? What is Latvia? It is an ancient part of Russia, and it is an internal matter for Russia’. Must Latvia’s foreign minister be equally haughty when talking about the Catalan right to self-determination today?

I would ask Estonian President Toomas Hendrik Ilves where his courage and openness have gone. In 1993, his legendary predecessor, Lennart Meri, on a visit to Paris, spoke the following words: ‘Asking any nation to refuse its right to self-determination is

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a slap in the face of its self-assurance’.

Today Ilves is silent while watching how Spain is doing precisely that in relation to the Catalans. The world admired Estonia because of Lennart Meri, who was a noble, courageous and talented thinker and defender of democracy. Today Ilves merely observes as Spain shamelessly slaps down the Catalans and Ilves pretends that he sees nothing.

Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė: Can you be as courageous today as little Iceland was back in 1991 in recognising Lithuania’s right to self-determination without fearing the Soviet Empire? It is ironic that back then the Soviet leader was saying precisely the same thing that Spain is saying today – Lithuania’s right to selfdetermination is illegal.

I might pose similar questions to the chairman of the European Council, Herman van Rompuy, or to the president of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, but it seems as if they are deaf. When Martin Luther King delivered his legendary ‘I Have a Dream’ speech, there were some 250,000 protesters in the audience. Quite recently nearly two million Catalans joined hands to demand their right to self-determination, but European Union leaders remained deaf and apathetic. The dream of equality has been written into the smokestack of history. Apparently today’s leaders have nothing of the idealism and courage of men such as Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II, who broke down the shameful Berlin Wall. They believed in democracy and recreated a truly free Europe – a Europe in which millions

of other Europeans, including Angela Merkel from East Germany, also regained their freedom.

On November 9th, Catalonia will be holding a referendum on self-determination. Fully in line with the nauseating traditions of Orwellian Doublespeak, Spain has banned it. The Catalans have called the referendum a survey, but it, too, has been banned. In 21st century Europe, 7.5 million Europeans have lost their fundamental democratic freedoms.

I believe that if there were a truly courageous politician in Europe today, then he or she would appear in Barcelona and, like John F. Kennedy, courageously declare: ‘I am one of you, Catalans!’

A self-respecting Europe has no room for double standards, cowardice and the open betrayal of democracy.

By betraying the Catalans, the Europeans are betraying the sacred principles of democracy that are the cornerstone of all Europe. This betrayal will be a crack in the glass, and once the glass is cracked, nothing can stop it becoming more unstable. If only I could change this situation by asking the Spanish government to ‘put me in prison, but let the Catalans have their vote!’

I am not particularly optimistic when it comes to the prime minister of Norway, the president and prime minister of Finland, the presidents of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia, and leaders of other countries standing with me.

Apparently they believe that the privilege of an independent country with the right to self-determination rests only with a few elect nations. Just like in Orwell’s Animal Farm.

*Otto Ozols (1970, Jurmala, Latvia) is a writer and publicist, the author of the 2011 Latvian best-seller ‘Latvieši ir visur’. In 2014 he published a new controversial book ‘Theodorus. Dance with Elephantfish’. He has published over 200 articles and essays on politics, economics and culture.

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Towards a new Catalan party system

by Enriqueta Aragonès*

In the last few years the political preferences of Catalan society have undergone intense and continuous changes. Large popular demonstrations and the findings of numerous opinion polls are proof of such changes.

The growing desire among the general population for an independent state has become the main topic of political debates. Political parties have been forced to modify their positions on the political landscape in order to be in line with society’s new preferences. The party system, which has remained a stable arrangement for over two decades, is bound to give rise to a new party constellation.

The Catalan political debate has always been spread between two policy dimensions: the economy and sovereignty.

The economic dimension is considered to represent the main, and sometimes unique, concern of political debates in many countries. On this dimension policy positions are defined as rightist or leftist according to the degree of government intervention in the economy. The sovereignty dimension is specific to countries with different levels of government (central, regional, municipal and so on). On this dimension policy positions are defined according to the degree of decentralization of the power to take decisions among the different levels of government. Policy positions on the sovereignty issue range from full centralization (concentration of all the decision-making power at a single level of government) to full decentralization (allocation of all the decision-making power to each of the regional governments).

Until the first decade of the twenty first century the political preferences of Catalan society with regard to the economic dimension covered most of the spectrum: from the extreme right 16

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to the extreme left. Nevertheless, political preferences with respect to the sovereignty dimension were rather moderate. There were indeed claims for different degrees of decentralization, but on the extremes these claims were rather weak: demands for policies close to full centralization or to full independence were supported by a very small minority of the population. Accordingly, the chosen policy positions of the political parties regarding these two issues were moderate with respect to the sovereignty issue and covered the full range of policies on the economic issue.

Over the first decade of the democratic period (1980-1990) the Catalan party system was taking shape and during the following two decades (19902010) it appeared as a stable system that contained five political parties.

Convergència i Unió (CiU), a Catalan centre-right coalition that stood for increasing decentralization had the largest electoral support. Partit Socialista de Catalunya (PSC), a Catalan centreleft party with decentralization claims which changed over time had the second-largest electoral support. Two

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other parties had less electoral support, but still played a significant role in the governing coalitions that formed during the period: a Spanish rightist, centralist party, Partido Popular (PP) and a Catalan leftist, pro-Independence party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC). Finally, Iniciativa per Catalunya-Verds (ICV), a leftist green party that were mildly in favour of decentralization had the least electoral support.

Given ICV’s lack of seats in parliament, its relevance in building governing coalitions was so small that basically its only chance was to join forces with its closest ideological neighbour, PSC. If we assume that PSC and ICV always form a de facto coalition, the possible governing coalitions in this environment were characterized by two possible scenarios: a dominant party scenario and a dominated party scenario.

If the number of seats won by CiU (the party with the largest electoral support) were large enough, such that CiU could form a majoritarian coalition with any other party, then CiU could be said to hold a dominant po-

sition: CiU could indeed choose any partner it wished to form a government.

In this case, given CiU’s ideological affinities, a reasonable prediction for a governing coalition would be that CiU joined forces either with ERC or with PP. On the other hand, if CiU were unable to form a majoritarian coalition with

The Catalan political debate has always been spread between two policy dimensions: the economy and sovereignty at least one of the other parties, then the party with the least support would not form part of any two-party majoritarian coalition. In this case we can say that such a party holds a dominated position. In the case we are analyzing the role of the dominated party could either be played by PP or by ERC. In the dominated party scenario the second smallest party is the one that has the best chances of forming a government: this party can form a majoritarian coalition with any of its ideological Catalan International View

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neighbours. If ERC was the dominated party, realistic predictions for governing coalitions would be PP and CiU or PP and PSC+ICV. Similarly if PP was the dominated party, reasonable predictions for governing coalitions would be ERC and CiU or ERC and PSC+ICV.

It is clear that the current scenario is only the reflection of a transitional period that will lead to a new party system that is bound to become stable in the coming years Given the characteristics of the party system outlined above, the possibilities of majoritarian coalitions involve all kinds of cross ideological agreements among parties on both issues. However, the governments that actually formed during this period (1990-2010) were defined by the parties’ position on the economic issue. Some of these governments were minority governments with the support of external parties, some were governments with an absolute majority, and others were genuine coalition governments. Meanwhile, on the ideological front we only observe

Stable party system (1990-2010)

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two kinds of governments: those supported by rightist parties (CiU and PP) and those supported by leftist parties (PSC, ERC, and ICV). A government was never formed or supported by parties that shared the same political views on the sovereignty issue.

This observation leads us to conclude that it was more costly for political parties to compromise their positions on the economic issue than on the sovereignty issue. They were willing to give up their ideological views on decentralization in order to become part of the governing coalition. This seemed to apply to all parties: whether rightist, leftist, centralist, pro-independence and so on. This situation could be explained either by the lower relative ideological cost of the parties’ position on the sovereignty issue or due to electoral reasons: voters exhibited a lower preference intensity on the sovereignty issue and this implied a lower relative electoral cost for the parties that compromised their positions on the sovereignty issue. Be that as it may, the implication of this observation is that the salience of the sovereignty issue was clearly dominated by the salience of the economic issue during this first period.

The numerous grassroots movements that have repeatedly sprung up in the last few years and the results of the recent polls are signs that the stability that such a party system has exhibited for over twenty years cannot survive. Recent events have shown that Catalan society’s political preferences have changed. In particular, increasing support for a position of full independence in terms of numbers and the intensity of preferences is an obvious result in all recent opinion polls. This fact implies that the relevant policy space that parties should cover has been enlarged: it now contains extreme decentralization positions that are supported by an increasing number of voters. The

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same events show that the intensity of voters’ preferences for extreme policy positions on the sovereignty issue has also increased. Thus the relative prominence of the two issues has changed dramatically with the sovereignty issue becoming much more salient than the economic issue.

At the same time three new parties have entered the political area.

Ciutadans-Ciudadanos (C) declares itself not to hold a position on the economic issue while taking a strong position on the sovereignty issue in favour of extreme centralization. Candidatura d’Unitat Popular (CUP) has a strong pro-independence, leftist position.

And more recently, Podemos (P) with a strong centralist leftist position has emerged with great success in the latest European elections.

The political parties have had to adapt their policy positions to the new political climate. It is interesting to notice how different parties have used strikingly different strategies to deal with the voters’ new preferences. On the one hand, we observe that a few parties have adapted in a very easy and natural way. C has not moved from its initial position of extreme centralization. The PP has slightly shifted its position from moderate to more extreme calls for centralization, in order to defend its constituency from the emerging C party. ERC has moved its position from moderate calls for decentralization to demand full independence. This is an easy move since ERC’s platform has always contained desires of full independence. However, other parties have had a harder time in adapting to the new political climate.

PSC has suffered severe internal party tensions that have driven it to fracture into several small factions that have become new parties holding leftist-proindependence positions and a larger faction holding a leftist-centralist po-

sition. The strategy chosen by ICV on the sovereignty issue has been full of ambiguity: they have openly declared that the party did not take a position on this issue. Finally, CiU has solved its internal tensions by using its two leaders to represent two different positions: one that calls for full independence and another that maintains its initial moderate decentralization position.

This strategy was easily implemented because CiU is in fact a long-lasting coalition of two different parties: Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya and Unió Democràtica de Catalunya. In this case, each of the parties in the coalition held different positions on the sovereignty issue.

Transition towards a new party system (2014)

It is apparent that the current scenario is different from the stable party system described above for the 19902010 period. It is worth noting that the number of parties with the chance of playing a significant role has basically doubled. From their newly chosen positions we can see stiff competition on the extreme centralization axis: C and PP are competing for rightist votes, and Catalan International View

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ICV, P and PSC are competing for leftist votes. There is also stiff competition on the leftist axis. Here CUP, ERC, ICV and the PSC’s pro-independence factions are competing for the independence votes, and ICV, PSC, and P are competing for centralist votes. Things are much calmer on the rightist axis: CiU’s support has been decreasing of late, but it is still much larger than its main opponent, PP. Finally, on the pro-independence axis is where we find the two parties with the largest expected support, CiU and ERC, besides some smaller parties.

This implies that the outcome of the competition on this axis will be crucial to the electoral outcome as a whole.

However, if the pro-independence movement succeeds, then the Catalan political debate may lose what has been one of its typical dimensions until now and the policy space may be reduced to the economic dimension It is clear that the current scenario is only the reflection of a transitional period that will lead to a new party system that is bound to become stable in the coming years. It is difficult to predict the key features of this new party system. Opinion polls are not particularly helpful in times of big changes in the voters’ political preferences, as was evidenced by the most recent Catalan electoral campaign of 2012. Thus, only the results from the coming elections themselves will help us to imagine the shape of the new party system. However, there are some claims

that one can entertain based on the previous analysis.

Due to the fierce competition the extreme centralist parties will have to face, some of them may be unable to survive or may become irrelevant coalition-wise in the new party system. It is reasonable to expect that one rightist and one leftist party at most will remain on this axis.

Since the largest stakes are at play in competition on the pro-independence axis, it is reasonable to think that the small pro-independence parties that have emerged from the PSC factions will have incentives to unite with the larger, moderate, leftist ERC option.

Given the small initial size of ICV and the quantity of alternatives available to voters that are its close rivals, the strategy chosen by ICV of not taking a position on what is currently the hottest electoral issue is bound to be a losing one, which may drive ICV out of the new party system.

These initial predictions seem to point to a party system that very much resembles the original one. In fact, if after the transition period the policy space maintains its two dimensions, it seems reasonable to think that this will be the case because political stability in two dimensions requires such a kind of party constellation.

However, if the pro-independence movement succeeds, then the Catalan political debate may lose what has been one of its typical dimensions until now and the policy space may be reduced to the economic dimension. In this case, the number of parties that will become insignificant coalition-wise will be even larger.

* Enriqueta Aragonès is a research professor at the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica (IAE-CSIC) and she is also a Barcelona Graduate School of Economics affiliated professor. She holds a PhD from Northwestern University and a BA and an MA from Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Her research is on border between economics and politics and her articles are published in top political science journals (American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science) as well as economics (American Economic Review, Journal of Economic Theory).

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Hurry up, Europe!

by Albert Farré*

Angela Merkel, one of the most influential individuals on the European political scene, never misses an opportunity to repeat that while the European Union accounts for 50% of global spending on maintaining the welfare state, it generates just 25% of global GDP and is home to only 7% of the world’s population.

With this in mind, the European Union is engaged in a profound economic, demographic, social, and last but not least, geopolitical debate. An undercurrent is causing ripples on the surface of one of the EU’s most fertile relationships. The Franco-German alliance appears to be entering into troubled waters. German power and its growing sphere of influence, stretching from Lombardy to the emerging central European states, with Poland as their figurehead, has won the leadership race in Latin Europe led by France. The game of chess has reached breaking point. Debtors vs. Creditors.

As an example, for the first time in history, the European Council is to be headed by someone from Eastern Europe, Poland to be exact.

This new reality taking shape within the EU has shed light on the dif-

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ferences in the way in which Europe is built. The welfare state is unquestionably a European success story, unmatched anywhere else in the world. It was a source of pride and a guarantee of social calm throughout the European Union. Nevertheless, for a significant part of the population it has ceased to meet their needs. The deep economic crisis has had a significant impact on a large segment of the population. In both northern and southern Europe.

A sizeable undercurrent which has begun to express itself deep within parts of Western Europe is searching for answers and solutions to its demands: In the UK a heated debate surrounds one of the four freedoms of the EU, the freedom of movement of individuals. It is being called into question and forms the centre of political debate.

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For the first time in history a member of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) has a seat in Westminster. UKIP made major gains in the recent European elections. It presents itself as the guarantor of the United Kingdom’s independence from the EU and has been able to impose its agenda on parties from across the entire British political spectrum.

In France, for several years the political debate has centred on the EU’s borders, freedom of movement and the euro. Even Hollande’s socialist government has been forced to change its Prime Minister for Manuel Valls, who is seen by a significant part of the French population as a hardliner who is tough on internal security and the EU’s borders. France’s reluctance to embrace reforms that were forced upon it when

it gave up sovereignty on monetary and budgetary matters (one recalls the Maastricht Treaty) is enough to set any European analyst’s alarm bells ringing. The growing popularity of the National Front party should no longer take anyone by surprise as they are here to stay. The party openly calls, it says, for a return of France’s national sovereignty and for a withdrawal from the Eurozone. In fact, its growth is causing a shift in the political centre, eroding it to such an extent that some opinion polls predict it will be victorious in the French presidential elections. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why France is failing to comply with the obligations it agreed with the European Commission and, by extension, all of its European partners. No wonder, therefore, that its potential default irritates those

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member states that have implemented said policies, which in turn have taken a heavy political toll.

Germany, which at first glance appears calm, seems to be showing clear signs of unease. This discomfort is being expressed through the new, influential party Alternative for Germany (AfG). Indeed, it is no coincidence that the economic and political elites are beginning to eye it with some suspicion since it proposes taking Germany out of the Eurozone, among other measures.

Finally the European Central Bank (ECB) has embraced and fulfilled its commitment to letting Mr. Draghi do whatever it takes to save the euro.

‘More Europe’ means that the EU does what it does best, leaving the rest up to those authorities that can best respond to the demands of their citizens The broad measures include expanding its assets through quantitative easing, which has even taken the markets by surprise due to its magnitude. What is clear is that the consequences in political terms are uncertain. At the same time, and of no lesser importance, is the gradual disappearance from the political spectrum of the historically pro-European liberal parties. The question which many are asking themselves is the following: is AfG merely a short-lived ‘anti’ movement or will it be able to change the discourse of the political centre, as we have seen in France and the UK? A few months ago, to the surprise of some analysts, it made a breakthrough in two East German federal states, garnering over 10% of the vote.

Further south, in Europe’s fourthranking power, Italy, a sense of optimism fails to fully materialise. The second24

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largest party in the European elections, the ex-comedian Beppe Grillo’s M5S, again insisted on its blog that Italy should either pull out of the euro or it should default on its debt repayments. It is worth reminding ourselves that Italy is home to 9 of the 18 banks that have failed to pass the ECB’s stress test and that the oldest bank in Europe has had to be excluded from the Italian Stock Exchange. Meanwhile, in December the ratings agency Standard & Poor’s downgraded the country by one notch, placing it at the ‘junk’ or ‘speculative’ level. The Lega Nord party has its store of votes in the prosperous, entrepreneurial, exporting north of the peninsula. One might recall that the party stood at the European elections with a Eurosceptic manifesto, and supported the possibility of Italy’s exit from the Eurozone. The misgivings felt by a section of the population are also expressed by the fact that both parties call for tougher immigration controls and, therefore, a review of one of the EU’s founding principles: the freedom of movement.

As we have seen, in this sea of uncertainty and concern concerning the major European powers, there are those who seek to strengthen a more integrative Europe. A new movement, rooted in the founding values of the European Union, wants to build bridges and strengthen the European project. A project that, as he recently suggested in an eloquent article entitled, ‘Wake Up, Europe’, George Soros asks us to look to the future and not to destroy the long path we have already trodden. Opportunities arise in times of uncertainty and profound changes, and we ought to take care in order to take advantage of them. This is where the Catalan project, involving Catalonia’s national emancipation, is an opportunity for the European project. A project, European as well as Catalan, which ought to have an integrative function, at the service

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of the people and with a clear purpose: the EU should not become a museum but rather a value-added economy with excellent living standards, where people are at the centre of the decision-making process. The new Catalan state in Europe should necessarily be seen as a great opportunity to provide answers to people’s demands and to bring decisions closer to each territory.

Ensuring that people remain at the heart of the decision-making process will call for courageous decisions to be made. Those who push for reform need have no fear, quite the contrary. As Soros said, we need to continue walking in order to build a stronger, more inclusive Europe. Such reforms require ‘more Europe’ and ‘less EU’. ‘More Eu-

rope’ means that the EU does what it does best, leaving the rest up to those authorities that can best respond to the demands of their citizens. As with Catalonia, Europe needs a thorough, collective, participatory debate as to which institutions we want, what economic model we want and what kind of society we wish to build. As mentioned earlier, the reforms ought to move us forward before the populist movements move us to the left or right, resulting in severe damage to governance, progress and our collective well-being. At the end of December 2014, we witnessed the most recent example of postponing what really needs to be done, with the fall of Sweden’s government and calls for early elections.

*Albert Farré holds a BA in Political Science and Administration (UAB), majoring in European Politics, a BSc in Business Administration (University of Wales) and will be completing an Executive MBA in 2016 (IESE).

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The EU’s global credibility is decided in Ukraine

by Carme Colomina*

Europe’s future is being fought for in Ukraine. The confrontation is between Russia and the European Union. They need each other economically and yet they are in competition to decide the extent of their area of influence on the continent. It’s about the credibility of the EU as a global player, able to care for its neighbours who demand help, while also being able to articulate a unified, resolute response when it feels threatened. The fate of Russia and the European Union are entwined. Both know that the battle which will define them as a world power is being played out in Ukraine, a vulnerable state caught between these two realities. by the clear victory of Nidaa Tounes’ secular coalition, while Ennahdha’s Islamist party took second place, having lost nearly 500,000 votes since 2011.

Brussels has spent much of the last decade defending a European order that was no longer working. While the economic and political reality of the European project was weakening, the twenty-eight members were still dreaming of building a new world order where the EU would maintain its role as a global leader. The Ukrainian crisis has been a wakeup call to a new reality. The world has moved on and it is not waiting for Europe, who is facing the most important global challenge right on its border. It is a confrontation highly charged with rhetoric and with a taste of the past. Ukraine, which was already of geostrategic importance in the energy connection between the East and West of the continent, has become key to the EU’s future as a global player.

Moscow has challenged the postCold War European order and has built 26

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its own narrative of the conflict and its own version of the blame game. Meanwhile, the European Union has taken months to get its act together, approve sanctions against Vladimir Putin and his supporters and decide who is to participate on the negotiating team to speak on behalf of the twenty-eight in Kiev and Moscow. ‘Putin is pig-headed’, lamented a veteran of European foreign relations at the start of the Ukrainian crisis. The Russian president has forced the EU to participate in a game that it didn’t wish to play and for which it was unprepared.

From the beginning of the conflict, the EU has been divided between those who have called for Europe to take a tougher line with Moscow and those who wish to prioritize economic interests in order not to jeopardize the EU’s energy dependence on Russian

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gas. Meanwhile Russia has not only managed to annexe the Crimea and strengthen pro-Russian militias in eastern Ukraine, it has also gained the power to destabilize the country whenever it suits.

European Photo finish

The Ukrainian conflict has allowed the EU to obtain an accurate picture of reality. A picture which highlights its weaknesses. Brussels is neither willing nor able to cope with a long-term dispute with Russia, but it is more aware than ever of the strategic mistrust that separates them. The economic interdependence that has grown all these years (in finance, industry, services, agricultural exports and energy supply) has been unable to generate political empathy aside from the involvement of major European capitals with signifi-

cant economic interests at stake provide for Vladimir Putin. ‘Russia’s GDP is similar to Italy’s and its military expenditure approaches that of the UK’, graphically explains Ignacio Molina, a researcher at the Instituto Elcano. ‘It’s absurd that the EU isn’t more ambitious and more aware of its potential’.

The Ukrainian crisis has also shown the political weakness of the European institutions which, from the outset, handed responsibility for the negotiations to Germany, France and Poland.

But as the months passed, Berlin took over the role of privileged interlocutor with Moscow. The European reaction has followed the pace set by Berlin.

Moreover, it has kept pace with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s disenchantment with the Russian president.

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and political engine, but which had never displayed an ambition to take the lead in foreign policy, has now also become the voice of the twenty-eight in the Ukrainian crisis. Thanks to its geopolitical position, Berlin was on the front line of the easing of tensions with the Eastern bloc at the end of the Cold War. Today, with this renewed confrontation with Russia, Germany has placed itself on the front line of diplomatic negotiations with Moscow, thanks to its economic interests, energy dependence and its hegemonic power within the EU. However, this lone leadership has failed, for the present, to bring more unity. The internal disagreements have arisen once more when it comes to applying economic sanctions against Moscow. Hungary, for example, has refused to implement the agreement made by the twenty-eight.

The European Union has acted in this crisis with its hands tied behind its back thanks to its dependence on energy from Russia Old Europe and New Europe divided once more

The image of Russian tanks crossing the Ukrainian border is not perceived in the same way by every nation between Latvia and Portugal. While hostilities and the war worsened in Eastern Ukraine, the EU realised that the sense of security and Russia’s perception as a threat differ strikingly between Western Europe and those EU’s members who were former members of the Warsaw Pact.

According to Molina, ‘Russia isn’t the EU’s strategic partner, it’s a strategic rival’. The Ukrainian crisis has put this rivalry under strain like never before, and has made it clear that not

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all EU countries feel equally secure when faced with Russia. Since many of these new EU members do not see the EU as a defensive shield they looked to NATO for answers. Hence the Atlantic Alliance, which was suffering from strategic uncertainty since it announced its withdrawal from Afghanistan, clung to the Ukrainian crisis in search of a new raison d’être: the old need for the territorial defence of its allies once more made an appearance.

Some months ago the Russian journalist Alexander Golts claimed in an article in the Moscow Times that, ‘NATO ought to erect a monument to Putin’ since, ‘with his decision to annex the Crimea and the growing threat of a Russian invasion of South-eastern Ukraine he has provided employment for everyone’ at NATO ‘for a long time to come’. NATO’s identity crisis is much deeper and less frivolous, but Golts is right about one thing, once again, the Alliance has clung onto a new crisis on Europe’s borders in order to try and revive a declining NATO. In fact, NATO is both at the source and the consequences of this crisis.

Moscow sees the growth of this defensive organization, a legacy of the Cold War, towards the border with Russia and the accession of its former allies to the Western umbrella, as a threat and humiliation. ‘The use of these organizations [NATO and the EU] for the stabilization of Eastern Europe came at a cost, for which the reckoning is now coming due’, claims Jeremy Shapiro, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution.

Furthermore, in terms of regional influence, Vladimir Putin’s biggest obsession, the EU’s power of attraction continues to surpass that of Russia. For this reason, the Kremlin employs in Europe (from the Ukraine to the Baltic republics) its two main weapons of influence and pressure: energy and the

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Russian-speaking minorities scattered across the continent. Moscow’s destabilizing potential is still great.

Soft power, what soft power?

The European Union has lost its strength and leverage in the international arena, primarily because it remains divided when it comes to finding answers to new global challenges. The European Security Strategy agreed by European leaders in 2003 has become obsolete in many ways and has been unable to overcome the usual strategic disharmony.

The EU has to face a key dilemma: its soft power, the ability to intervene and co-opt without resorting to the use of force, has run out of steam. Firstly, because the economic crisis has reduced its financial capabilities but also because it appears as if Brussels has forgotten that its soft power extends far beyond diplomatic channels. It involves providing development aid, supporting NGOs, strengthening institutions and building state structures, protecting refugees and providing security for infrastructure which is key to the functioning of a country. How much of this soft power is the EU prepared to offer to the Ukrainians? And at what cost?

Ukraine is being ripped apart while everyone continues to look at the oil map. The European Union has acted in this crisis with its hands tied behind its back thanks to its dependence on energy from Russia, which supplies 30% of its gas and 35% of its oil. A quarter of the EU’s homes are heated with Russian gas. This explains why it is not possible to separate European foreign policy from energy security. If the gas

pipeline that crosses Ukrainian territory were to be closed for a significant period it could leave Finland, Estonia, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and all the Balkan countries with less than 60% of the gas they need for the winter.

Meanwhile, the situation in Ukraine is even more fragile.

The European Union was reduced to being a hostage to Russian energy diplomacy, which it actively helped to expand by opening the EU’s market to the Russian monopolies and by favouring bilateral agreements between its major capitals and Moscow. Putin divided and conquered, but the fall in oil prices has altered the landscape for the first time since the beginning of the crisis. In just twelve months, Vladimir Putin has gone from being the Tsar who tried to restore the strength of imperial Russia to becoming a president who is fighting against an unexpected enemy: the currency markets. Falling oil revenues and the uncontrolled decline of the rouble have shaken the economic foundations of Putin’s regime. If 2014 was the year of Russian expansionism (in the military with the offensive in Ukraine, and in trade with the signing of the Eurasian Union with Belarus and Kazakhstan), in 2015 Vladimir Putin has become a wounded animal, and is therefore highly unpredictable.

The EU has new cards to play but, in any case, it’s credibility is still being decided by the Ukrainian crisis.

According to Ulrich Speck, Visiting Scholar at Carnegie Europe, it represents its ‘to be or not to be’ moment as a global player. And the whole world is watching. *Carme Colomina

is World Editor at ARA newspaper in Barcelona and Associate Researcher on European Affairs at CIDOB, Barcelona Centre for International Affairs. She also teaches International Journalism at Universitat Pompeu Fabra and Universitat de Vic. She is a frequent contributor to various media organizations as European current affairs analyst. She is also visiting professor at the College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium. She was a correspondent for Catalunya Ràdio in Brussels for five years and she has covered international summits and conflicts in some 20 countries.

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Bosnia at the crossroads: political reform and economic stagnation

by Elena López Werner*

Bosnia and Herzegovina held their seventh general election on October 12th 2014, in accordance with the Dayton Agreements. In a climate of scepticism and mistrust, no one imagined the country stood a chance of overcoming its political and economic stagnation. While there were several new parties standing for election, the voters, together with local and international experts, appeared to lack confidence that a new political landscape could breathe some new life into the somewhat rotten configuration of Bosnia’s institutional structures.

General elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) probably count as among the most complex electoral systems in Europe, having grown out of the tangled institutional arrangements following the Dayton legacy. The pact that ended the war in 1995 split Bosnia into a Muslim-Croat Federation (FBiH) and a Serbian Republic (SR), constituting a decentralized political system based on ethnic identities. Since then, elections are held in multiple contests for all state and entity level institutions, that is, for BiH, the FBiH and the SR, as well as the ten cantons of the FBiH and the District of Brčko.

A key concept behind the Bosnian constitutional arrangement is the notion of ‘constituent peoples’, i.e., the 30

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Bosniaks, the Croats and the Serbs, based on self-declaration. Owing to the fact that the BiH Constitution denies citizens who are not self-declared as members of one of these three groups the right to stand as candidates for certain institutions (in a country hosting 17 legally recognized minorities) means 0.6% of the population are left out of the equation. The most numerically significant minority in Bosnia are the Roma, who have remained socially and politically marginalized to the present day, since they also face discrimination in employment, housing and the access to education.

Following the Sedjic and Finci case of 2006, when two BiH citizens selfdeclared as ‘others’ contested their in-

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eligibility to stand for election to the House of Peoples and the Presidency of BiH (on the grounds of their Roma and Jewish origins), the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) issued a ruling in 2009 demanding the amendment of the Constitution and election law. After the ECtHR’s ruling, a working group was established to come up with a proposed amendment to the Constitution and in February of this year the EU itself initiated a facilitation process in Bosnia to end discrimination towards ethnic minorities.

In spite of all these efforts, not one new policy has so far been implemented.

While this issue has been one of the major obstacles to the start of EU accession talks in the last few years, in re-

cent statements by EU political leaders they argue that efforts should firstly be made in boosting economic growth and developing joint infrastructure projects between both entities, rather than insisting on constitutional change. It now appears as if it is entirely down to the political will of Bosnia’s leadership to take steps towards finding a common solution for the country’s future and its possible membership of the European Union. Bosnia’s economic situation is deteriorating on a daily basis. With an unemployment rate of roughly 44%, and nearly 60% youth unemployment, Bosnia finds itself with approximately the lowest ranking in the Balkans. Bosnia’s faltering economy appears equally unable to cope with the long-term poCatalan International View

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litical paralysis or the floods that devastated the country in May of this year, leaving thousands homeless and seriously damaging the country’s already dilapidated infrastructure.

Some twenty years after the war, political allegiance is still based on ethnic origin whilst the Dayton Agreements only seem to have contributed to reinforcing internal segregation. Within this system, Serb parties continue to pursue greater autonomy if not direct secession from Bosnia, Croat parties aim for a third entity of their own, and many Bosniak parties crave a more centrally-governed country.

As a result, the questions that preceded the war are still very much alive: should Bosnia remain a single country 32

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or be split in two, or even into three; and if the latter, should it have one, two or three constituent entities? The Bosniaks would categorically refuse to grant the Croats what they ask for, while both Serbs and Croats would doubtless refuse a purely civic state.

There may be no one right solution which satisfies the various, divergent demands of each ethnic group, though the International Crisis Group’s (ICS) proposal to make Bosnia change from its system based on constituent peoples and implement a constitution based on a territorially defined federation, seems fairly acceptable. Recommendations from the ICS include removing the special role for constituent peoples, while remaining responsive to the in-

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terests of the three communities and extending said practice to the rights of all citizens, as well as abolishing the current territorial FBiH organization in cantons and replacing them with a new form of autonomy for Croat regions.

Nevertheless, none of this will ever be implemented if there is no political will to execute the organizational and economic changes needed by the country itself and required by the European Union. Furthermore, a lack of political culture and the ability of allegedly corrupt politicians to hold onto power, create fertile ground for a general climate of mistrust and political disaffection among the general population.

Simply put, society is divided between those affiliated to a political party, who enjoy certain privileges and the easy access to the jobs the party dispenses, and those without any party ID, who face difficulties in finding a job and making a decent living.

Nonetheless, thanks to high levels of political disaffection and widespread pessimism, one would probably have expected the voter turnout in the October elections to have been even worse.

Participation was 54.14%, two percentage points lower than the most recent elections of 2010, but still higher than the pessimistic estimates of some political analysts in the weeks leading up to the elections.

It would be overly-simplistic to simply define Bosnia as a dysfunctional country, while arguing that the election results didn’t greatly affect the country’s underlying dynamic. In spite of the fact that the Party for Democratic Action (SDA) has remained in power as the most voted party in the House of Representatives and the Presidency of BiH, the winds of change seem to have

blown across the country at Federation level. In the FBiH, the Social Democrats (SDP), who had dominated the political scene for the past four years, lost ground to both a Bosniak nationalist party (Union for a Better Future) and the newly created Democratic Front (DF). Commentators expected the DF to affect the SDP’s performance, since Željko Komšić, the former leader of the SDP who was elected to the Presidency in 2010, left the SDP of BiH and formed the DF in April 2013. His intention was to build a truly multi-ethnic party. Komšić’s popularity among the electorate, especially with the youth vote (who see the party as a source of hope and a fresh political force ready to make changes), may help the DF to play a role in future governments.

A lack of political culture and the ability of allegedly corrupt politicians to hold onto power, create fertile ground for a general climate of political disaffection

In the Serbian Republic, Milorad Dodik suffered defeat at the hands of an opposition that is becoming increasingly trustworthy. While he will continue as president of the RS, his party lost its seat in the three-person presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Mladen Ivanic from the PDP. Ivanic’s party represents a more technocratic approach, emphasizing its competence in managing the economy, whereas Dodik’s party has largely been promoting the split from the BiH. With the return of Ivanic one can assume that economic issues will slowly take the Catalan International View

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upper hand in voting intentions, while Dodik’s position, closer to the Kremlin than to the European Union, is losing support among the Serbian population.

The message seems abundantly clear: Bosnia needs to move beyond the obsolete structures originating from the Dayton Agreements Such slight changes in the election results, almost imperceptible in a broader reading of the outcome, are nevertheless far from trivial when it comes to interpreting them. Thousands of angry Bosnians already took to the streets in February and brought about the most widespread anti-government protests in the past twenty years. Their principle demands were for an end to endemic corruption among the political class and for the real needs of the public to be given top priority on the political agenda.

If it took over a year to form a new government in 2010, with local elections taking place in a time span of two years after the general election, recently elected politicians had better get a move on in speeding up the process or they will face increasing

Elena López Werner

resentment from a nation that is tired of being at the back of the queue for entry into Europe. Regardless of their ethnic background, a large part of Bosnia’s population shares the feeling of having had the wool pulled over their eyes. The ‘jobs for the boys’ patronage system that staffs the government and state-owned companies must come to an end.

To many, the message seems abundantly clear. Bosnia needs to move beyond the obsolete structures originating from the Dayton Agreements and instigate institutional reforms that allow them to reduce overlapping administrations by abolishing the cantonal structure and certain poorly performing, superfluous state agencies. While most politicians are aware of the need to undertake constitutional and economic reforms, they find it hard to carry them out. Any major changes would demand the agreement of the main party leaders, but it appears they are still overly-affected by inter-ethnic division, which is not an easy factor to overcome. Unless the political class agrees to put an end to its privileges and start working towards a joint project of economic growth, Bosnia will continue to be the ‘failed state’ from which its young people desperately try to escape.

holds a Degree in Political Sciences from the UPF and in Market Research and Techniques from the UAB. She has an MA in International Relations from the UB with further specialization in governance and democracy in the Middle East. She has worked in Lebanon and Germany as a project manager in the fields of international development and public diplomacy and has experience in the coordination and management of civil society organizations in Catalonia. She occupies the Presidency of International Action for Peace, and is currently pursuing her studies in the fields of Defence and Security. She was an electoral observer for the OSCE in the general elections of Bosnia in 2014.

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Asia

Hong Kong: one country, two systems separated by a border

by Manel Ollé*

Up until its closure in 1998, landing at Hong Kong’s Kai Tak airport was a unique experience. Its single runway was simply a spit of land that began in the middle of town and headed straight into the sea. More than once a plane ran out of tarmac and ended up in the water. Planes coming into land would carry out a series of manoeuvres over the city and the nearby hills, with the plane gradually losing altitude, flying just above the skyscrapers. As the plane lined up for the runway, the passengers could observe Hong Kong’s slender towerblocks outside the plane’s window. They could see the washing hanging out to dry and imagine the residents finishing their breakfast before entering the city’s hustle and bustle while intercontinental aircraft landed one after another. It wasn’t until the first anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to Chinese control, July 2nd 1998, when the then Chinese president, Jiang Zemin, inaugurated the modern Chek Lap Kok airport, designed by the British architect Norman Foster.

Fifteen years before the end of its 99year lease on the New Territories, Britain agreed to enter into negotiations with the PRC to arrange Hong Kong’s handover to China. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s 1982 visit officially initiated the period of negotiations, which culminated two years later with the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984. It established that as of June 1997, not only the New Territories, but the whole of Hong Kong would revert to Chinese sovereignty so long as the status quo was respected, in terms of the existing economic, social and political system, together with the freedom of speech and assembly during a transitional period of at least 50 years 36

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(until the year 2047), under the general principle of ‘one country, two systems’, a slogan that had initially been proposed by the Chinese authorities with reference to Taiwan. An agreement was reached on the Basic Law of Hong Kong in March 1990 and subsequently enacted by the National People’s Congress of China as Hong Kong’s ‘miniconstitution’.

In 1985, one year after the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, having operated a colonial system for over a century, with the appointment of members of the Legislative Council (LegCo) by London and ultimately the Governor of Hong Kong, the British decided to introduce partially

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democratizing reforms. Positions on the legislature were filled through indirect elections and, in 1991, partially through the first direct elections held by universal suffrage in Hong Kong. In the last legislative phase of the colonial period (1995 to 1997), the Legislative Council consisted of 60 members, 20 of whom had been elected by universal suffrage, 30 via indirect elections by restricted professional electoral colleges and 10 directly appointed by electoral committee. This partial democratization process was one of the main bones of contention between the last British governor of Hong Kong, Chris Patten, and the People’s Republic of China’s authorities. The Chinese

government refused to recognize the 1995 legislative council, instituting a new Provisional Legislative Council when it took the reins of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region on July 1st 1997.

Nonetheless, the first Legislative Council of the new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was formed in 1998 with a similar composition to its predecessor, with 20 directly elected members (15 of which were from Martin Lee’s Democratic Party or his allies), 30 indirectly elected through mediated professional electoral colleges, where the pro-Beijing members are in the majority, and 10 appointed by the electoral committee.

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Hong Kong’s development under Chinese sovereignty caused concern for two reasons: its position as a state governed by the rule of law with an independent judiciary and for the reduction of its citizens’ civil and democratic rights and freedoms. In legal terms, there were several instances when Beijing brought into question Article Two of the Basic Law, which states that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region ‘has an independent judiciary, including that of final adjudication’.

In the realm of press freedom, Beijing’s offensive initially focused on indirect action, aimed at promoting selfcensorship and political complicity. This it achieved through pressure and the economic counter-arguments issued by business groups. ‘Difficult’ journalists have all too often been silenced.

Nobody suspected that the citizens of Hong Kong would waste their precious time (normally devoted to making and spending money) on protest marches

A fresh attack on Hong Kong’s freedoms occurred in 2003, with attempts to introduce amendments to Article 23 of the Basic Law which would allow the governor to ‘prohibit any act of secession, treason, sedition or subversion with respect to central government’.

The sizeable demonstration of June 2003, with half a million people protesting the law resulted in the restrictive amendments being withdrawn and led to resignations on the Executive Council.

When the Beijing’s National People’s Congress refused to introduce universal suffrage, either during the elections to choose the chief executive to be held in 2007, or the 2008 elections for seats on the Legislative Council, it 38

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generated further demonstrations in the spring of 2004. The lawmakers in Beijing argued that universal suffrage would introduce instability and risk a crisis in Hong Kong. The protests reached their height on the anniversary of the Article’s reversal, on July 1st 2004. An estimated 250,000 people took to the streets in another mass protest, with cries against Beijing and in favour of speeding up the democratic process. Beijing responded by establishing a timetable for gradual democratization that would culminate in the direct election of the governor by universal suffrage in 2017.

The citizens of Hong Kong’s challenge to authority in the form of mass protests against attempts to reduce their freedom of expression and association (beginning in the summer of 2003), together with the increase in electoral mobilization and in particular the recent youth movement since September 2014 (involving the peaceful yet determined occupation of downtown Hong Kong), pose a dilemma which is difficult for the Chinese authorities to solve: forcing the issue in a violent and authoritarian manner can only serve to damage the regime’s prestige and credibility both in Hong Kong and Taiwan, as well as the most dynamic sectors of Chinese society. To what extent is it possible for an authoritarian state to exercise control over another, much smaller political entity, which also has a much greater margin of freedom and levels of prosperity?

When China regained its sovereignty over Hong Kong in the summer of 1997, it pledged to respect the former British colony’s unique economic, institutional and political nature until 2046. Not without a certain dose of cynicism, the British authorities introduced an unforeseen factor into the handover process. In spite of having never concerned itself with the political rights of its subjects in Hong Kong, from the Opium War to the time of Margaret Thatcher’s rule,

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the United Kingdom began a process of democratic transition of its Asian colony, just one decade prior to the handover to China. The ‘gift’ was something of a poisoned chalice.

By the mid-eighties Hong Kong was indeed an open society with civil liberties and a healthy administration cleansed of its former ills of corruption.

Nonetheless, it had never held direct elections. In spite of its initial anger, the Beijing authorities had to take on the colony with this irreversible process already underway. The stability required to preserve Hong Kong’s financial value, together with its role as a flawless precedent for future reunification scenarios with Taiwan, meant China’s leaders were advised to opt for a compromise.

Rather than interrupting the democratic process, they slowed it down instead.

Beijing established a timetable that prolonged the process over two decades. At the time the end seemed far off. Partial, yet increasing quotas for universal suffrage were introduced in parliamentary elections, with 2017 being set for the date of direct elections of the governor of the colony by universal suffrage: this was to have marked the culmination of the process.

Nobody suspected that the citizens of Hong Kong would waste their precious time (normally devoted to making and spending money) on protest marches. Nevertheless, on the few occasions in which Beijing has been tried to curtail the civil rights of the citizens of the former British colony, its residents have taken to the streets peacefully, but steadfastly. China’s strategy has focused on indirect forms of control. However, in recent years China’s strategy with respect to Hong Kong has hardened and

intensified, in a change of strategy that can be seen as a blunder of colossal proportions.

Taiwan’s next presidential elections are to be held in early 2016. Events in Hong Kong over the coming months might lead theTaiwanese opposition to regain power In 2012 the Beijing authorities tried unsuccessfully to reform the education curriculum in order to counteract the Hong Kong resident’s limited sense of patriotism: only one third professed to feeling mostly Chinese. Now that they have realized that direct elections for the governor are just around the corner, they have changed the rules of the game: establishing restrictive clauses (only candidates loyal to the regime may stand for election) which have clearly been perceived by the people of Hong Kong as a betrayal of earlier promises. Ironically, the Chinese authorities’ fear that the Cantonese disease of multiparty elections and genuine opposition candidates could spread may end up making it into a much more serious problem. Taiwan’s next presidential elections are to be held in early 2016. Events in Hong Kong over the coming months might lead the Taiwanese opposition to regain power, bringing an end to the pragmatic approach of the last decade, which showed signs of cracking a few months ago when Taiwanese students staged a sitin in Parliament in a movement similar to one currently found in Hong Kong: peaceful but steadfast civil disobedience.

And it largely achieved what it set out to achieve.

*Manel Ollé Coordinator of UPF’s Masters in Chinese Studies and Professor of History and Culture of Modern and Contemporary China.

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Long live Tunisia

by Tayssir Azouz*

While the Arab Spring seems to have failed in most of the countries concerned, Tunisia, the birthplace of this democratic revolution, has consistently shown that democracy is possible in the Arab World. Indeed, Tunisia held its first free legislative elections on October 23rd 2014. The elections came after the passing of a new, progressive constitution backed by a large majority of political forces which had been legalized shortly before.

The results were marked by the clear victory of Nidaa Tounes’ secular coalition, while Ennahdha’s Islamist party took second place, having lost nearly 500,000 votes since 2011.

Following the National Constituent Assembly elections of October 23rd 2011, which were won by Ennahdha with 37% of the vote, the country entered an extremely delicate transitional phase. While the Tunisian people called for unity, Ennahdha, with the complicity of current President Marzouki’s party, Congress for the Republic (CPR) and Ettakatol (Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties) attempted to ignore the mandate the elections had given them. Ennahdha’s biggest mistake was in believing they had been authorized to impose their power, when in reality the National Constituent Assembly had very clear objectives which the parties pledged to fulfill within a year. First they had to adopt and pre40

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pare a new constitution, and second, establish Tunisia’s new political system in collaboration with the other political parties. Although these objectives were eventually met (largely thanks to public pressure on the street), Ennahdha attempted to pass its own laws in order to ‘Islamize’ the Tunisian State. Furthermore, they were extremely permissive with the most extremist and violent Islamist groups such as the Salafists, the same group currently linked to the ISIS in Syria. Furthermore, the assassinations of Chokri Belaid and Mohamed Brahmi, two well-known and muchloved leftist activists, sparked rage and sorrow among Tunisians. These are some of the reasons behind the failure of political Islam in Tunisia.

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Nidaa Tounes’ (Call for Tunisia) victory is the undeniable proof of the country’s will to remain a secular and tolerant nation. It is not a mere political victory: it is a victory for the Tunisian model of society, which was built on education and women’s rights enshrined in the law of 1956 (Code of Personal Status).

Led by the 87 year-old statesmen Beji Caid Essesbi (nicknamed ‘Bajbouj’ or ‘BCE’), a former Minister of Foreign Affairs under the presidency of Habib Bourguiba, Nidaa Tounes (with 37.56% of the vote) faces two major challenges: the first is uniting other secular parties such as the eco-leftist Popular Front (3.66%), Afek Tounes (3.02%), and probably the centre-right Free Patriotic Union (4.02%) who all

achieved surprising results in these elections. The second is to start to address the country’s real problems which are a severe economic and financial crisis, unemployment and security. With a 60% turnout in the second round of the Tunisian Presidential Elections, Mr. Beji Caid Essebsi became Tunisia’s first democratically elected president following the 2011 revolution, after obtaining 55.68% of the vote in his run off with the CPR’s candidate Moncef Marzouki, who managed to receive 44.32%. On December 31st 2014, a unique image, that of a former president making way for a new one in a completely peaceful power transition ceremony was praised by the majority of Tunisians and the international community. It was a victory Catalan International View

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for democracy. The ISIE (Independent Electoral Body) succeeded in making sure that the electoral process was totally transparent, while international observers were delighted with how the polls were organized.

The Tunisian success story is a great example of how a nation’s will has triumphed over the vested interests of any one group Nonetheless, the question most people in Western countries must be asking themselves is how in the world Tunisia managed to succeed while other Arab Spring countries such as Libya and Syria (and to a lesser extent Egypt) have been plunged into turmoil. The answer lies in the past. Tunisia has always been one of the most liberal countries in the Arab World.

Prior to the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, its constitution was still one of the most advanced in terms of human rights. Moreover, women’s rights were also a top priority for former President Habib Bourguiba. This achievement alone is something which most countries in the Arab World, and indeed in the rest of North Africa, were unable to obtain. Tunisia’s development was virtually founded on these two ideas, which explains why Tunisian women are proactive in politics and every other sphere of society. Another facto which differentiates Tunisia from other countries, in my opinion, is that its military has never been involved in politics.

Egypt’s military, on the other hand, has always ruled the country and continues to do so, as well as being the birthplace and stronghold of the Muslim Brotherhood movement. It is also worth noting that there is a difference in behavior between the Islamist, Ennahdha party and the Muslim Brotherhood in 42

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spite of their almost identical ideology, with the former holding far more progressive views on Islam. Libya has also been governed for decades by the military class (Gaddafi). Syria’s situation is rather more complex. Following a series of military dictatorships, Hafez el-Assad (a former Defence Minister) staged a coup to establish his own dictatorship. As a former French colony, Syria has been ruled by the Assad family since the 70’s, under a highly autocratic regime. In addition, the territory’s geographical position makes it a threat to neighbouring Israel. It has become the scene of a multilateral battle which has dashed any hopes of democratic reform, at least for now.

There is also another key reason why Tunisia’s push for freedom and democracy actually moved ahead: the current interim government. After the mass demonstrations that took place following the second political assassination of the transition period, Ennahdha was forced to step down from power and make way for a ‘national unity government’ led by independent technocrats. This new interim government chose Mehdi Jomaa, an engineer who quit his job as General Manager at Hutchinson Aerospace, to achieve certain specific objectives: the organization of transparent elections, addressing the country’s economic crisis, job creation and to review the numerous dubious appointments made by previous ministers. Meanwhile, terrorist threats had become commonplace in Tunisia.

The government had further increased security on its borders and launched a series of operations to eradicate any terror cells in its territory. This is the context in which Tunisia had to face its huge democratic challenge, which makes its victory even greater. Lastly, Tunisia’s civil society is much more diverse than any of the above mentioned Arab Spring countries (with strong unions, civic associations, and profes-

Africa

sional organizations) and without their influence on the nation’s politicians and leaders, the outcome could have been very different.

Historically speaking, the Mediterranean has always been a key world region. The Tunisian success story is a great example of how a nation’s will has triumphed over the vested interests of any one group. As renowned journalist Fareed Zakaria wrote in his Washington Post article on October 30th, ‘Tunisia has passed Samuel Huntington two-turnover test’, meaning it has successfully passed two peaceful transitions of power. The fundamental turning point is that Tunisia’s progressive interpretation of Islam has prevented it from adopting any form of autocratic interpretations. Tunisia is proof that democracy and Islam can coexist in a progressive and modern state, even

though there is more work to be done to confirm this tendency.

In conclusion, the biggest challenge faced by this North African country is to consolidate its fledgling democracy over the coming years. 21st century democracies need to call for greater citizen participation in all decision-making processes. Voting every four or five years is good, but it should become a regular habit. People ought to be able to give their opinion on those matters that affect their territory and their society.

Tunisia should definitely try to learn from the good and bad experiences of other world democracies. Meanwhile, other countries should learn from Tunisia’s civil society who said ‘no’ to corruption, and ‘yes’ to freedom and peace.

And last but not least, the world must understand that equating Islam with Islamism is incorrect. *Tayssir Azouz

French freelance translator and writer. Currently preparing a doctoral thesis on Anselm Turmeda and the influence of Arab Literature in Catalan Medieval Literature at the University of Girona. Member of the Catalan National Assembly and of the Association Culturelle tunisocatalane Tourjmane (Tunis). Holds a degree in International Affairs and Economics (George Washington University) and another one in Translation and Interpreting (Université de Perpignan), a Masters in Marketing and Leadership (Universitat de Girona), and a Masters in Catalan Language, Literature and Culture (Universitat Rovira i Virgili).

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Africa, terrorism and Ebola: the wrong equation

by Gemma Parellada*

Fishing boats carrying fresh tuna; timber sailing from the seond-biggest rainforest after the Amazon; airbases for drones; the source of chocolate; military intelligence (or American spies); cocaine trail… Behind the curtain of Ebola and terrorism, south of the Sahara desert, lies a subcontinent which is ignored so long as no white person is infected or if there are no kidnappings, despite it being the source of our daily well-being.

Snapshots of daily life are drowned out by the images of disaster, producing a distorted version of reality.

Rainforest and genocide

(Bambari, Central African Republic, May 2014) There’s an old concrete bridge in the middle of the African rainforest.

On the west bank: tanks at the ready, surveillance equipment to control the area, state of the art assault rifles and sophisticated western equipment on the front line. French soldiers, needless to say, well armoured. The French flag waving in the breeze.

We are in the heart of Central Africa’s brutal conflict; the continent’s ‘new’ war broke out after the conflict in Mali.

Both are (former) French colonies.

On the other riverbank, past the bridge that spans the river: a group of angry youths yell at the French. They’ve thrown together a makeshift barricade of tables and stools and brandish sticks and machetes. There are also axes and bows. The same tools they usually use

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to cultivate the fields and hunt are the ones taken to confront the French military. A few militiamen and a few rifles, but most are upset, frightened civilians.

Muslims.

The French cannon fires at the nameless youths. Two legs get blown off and three civilians get killed. Tomorrow the French army will also take to the air in a helicopter and destroy a pick-up driven by the armed group that controls the region: the former Séléka. New deaths add to the body count of this terrible ‘intercommunity’ war without making news.

A few hours earlier, an extraordinary peace reigned in Bambari. In a country driven mad by genocidal violence, General Ali (a former Séléka member) had managed to maintain an oasis of coexistence between Muslims and non-Muslims. But the Anti-balaka warriors are approaching with the clear goal of eliminating the Muslims. And

Africa

the French military are not stopping them. Theoretically they are a peacekeeping force, deployed in the eyes of the world to prevent the fighting and atrocities. But in Bambari they fail: the reality is quite the opposite.

On Tuesday peace reigned. On Wednesday the French ambassador and the general who commands the troops of Operation Sangaris (as the intervention by French troops in Central Africa is known) jumps off the helicopter coming from the capital, Bangui. In a packed amphitheatre they publicly humiliate General Ali and the military authorities, announcing that only international forces ‘are legitimate’, and they go back to Bangui, without halting the Anti-balaka advance.

By Thursday Bambari is the Wild West. Barricades, gunshots and the first casualties. The initial fighting breaks out between the Muslims and

the French. Fear, the explosions and confusion soon divide the population, as in the rest of the country. The oasis is destroyed.

Mediterranean WhatsApps and the gold next to the bridge

(Barcelona, June 2014) The mother tells her daughter to go drink up her hot chocolate. Keys, iPhone purse... she tosses them all into her handbag. They’re running late for school. WhatsApp to her colleague: ‘Just setting off, I’ll be there in a couple of minutes.’ The hands of her gold Rolex indicate that it’s the middle of rush hour. ‘Uff, these hold-ups always come at once… gotta stop for petrol’.She picks up her friend on the corner and drives down Diagonal Avenue. On the radio the weatherman announces it’s going to rain and then they start talking about that African virus again… Ebola. ‘Poor Catalan International View

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things, it’s the last thing they need, with so much hunger and war, and now this terrible virus’. To the girl: ‘make sure you eat all your lunch darling, an awful lot of children go hungry’.

We are in the heart of Central Africa’s brutal conflict. The continent’s ‘new’ war has continued in Mali, both (former) French colonies Africa is a long way off. Never mind that the morning cocoa her little angel drinks with such joy, and even the chocolate that drives her wild, come from the Ivory Coast (post-election conflict in 2010), that her smartphone (and tablet and laptop…) works thanks to minerals mined in the Congo (the worst conflict since the Second World War), that the petrol that fuels their dangerous manoeuvres to avoid being late comes from Nigeria (from a polluted Delta) and will soon come from South Sudan. And in spite of the fact the gold wristwatch has come a long way from a huge mine called Ndassima, worked by artisanal miners and located a short distance from Bambari bridge; a bridge in the middle of the Central African rainforest where young Africans face the French army.

This notwithstanding, when the mother hears people speaking about Africa (such a general concept) she thinks of sick children, Ebola and terrorists. Because that’s what newspapers, radios and TV’s talk about...

(A fictional collage based on flashes of reality)

Bloodstained dealers.

Bloodstained markets

(Rwanda, April 2014) The candles sputter all around the stadium in a city that still smells of the impossible. It’s hard to forget that only 46

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20 years ago, in this very stadium, there were hundreds of individuals killing and hundreds of individuals dying.

The commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide is a shameful reminder of human brutality and also the perverse relationship between global producers and consumers.

And the blindness with which we look at Africa. During the mourning period the genocide’s macabre ‘anthem’ is heard time and again. ‘Never again’ goes the song with a melody that grips the brain. It’s the same music that endlessly fills the radio, the TV and the roads that wind round tiny Rwanda, these terrible days of memory. Where nowadays buses go about their business, twenty years ago this is where the first victims fled from the massacres. And the executioners followed. It takes several hours to stumble across the border. And there, in the Congo, we can find the aftermath of a conflict that has shifted focus rather than ended. No other war has killed as many people since the Second World War: some 5 million. It is the heritage of the Rwandan genocide.

‘Never again’ goes the song.

I recall a conversation with a South African entrepreneur (a trafficker), years ago, at a Chinese restaurant in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. He was also getting ready to make the short journey made by the survivors, the executioners and the buses. And the same route the minerals take in reverse. ‘It’s easy to get the tin and coltan [blood minerals used in technological devices, such as smartphones] out of the Congo. Here in Rwanda we put a seal on it and then it doesn’t count as blood minerals. And bam, it’s on the global market!’. As with Liberia and Sierra Leone the war did not stop the diamond trade (quite the opposite). In the Congo the trade never stops. The UN peacekeepers are unable to halt either the war or the trade in minerals.

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Morning begins with a light mist covering Kigali’s thousand hills. Further south, an amputee athlete is being cross-examined in a South African court. He has the power to gain attention, more so than the Congolese girl Claudine, who was kidnapped and raped by a group of soldiers while still a child. More than Deholo, who will be hacked to death by machetes in Bangui in a couple of months’ time.

I have just escaped from the TV marquee in Pretoria, South Africa, which has sat outside the court for months, to come to Rwanda to remind myself how hollow this ‘Never Again’ sounds. But the morning mist rises in Kigali and the top presenters and the attention remain focused on the court in Pretoria...

‘Never Again’ ring the speakers at the stadium which burns candles, while in the Central African Republic

the ‘never’ disappears. The wave of revenge tainted with genocide reminders doesn’t manage to get the same attention as the Pistorius drama.

Excalibur in the African Havana

(Maputo, Mozambique, September 2014) An avalanche of tweets about Excalibur fills my feed that evening in Maputo. A bad connection usually gives me a pain in the neck, but this time it spouts quickly at 140 characters compass the obscenities of this biased world.

I’m just back after a talk with the editor of a brave Mozambican newspaper and have just finished a Skype call with Monrovia. The ding-dong ends my conversation with a fellow Liberian journalist who has the dejected bearing of those who report on a frightened capital contaminated and condemned Catalan International View

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by Ebola. Meanwhile, everyone on the Iberian Peninsula is talking about a dog. Huge oil and gas reserves have recently been discovered off Mozambique’s shores, ‘we hope this wealth doesn’t become a curse’, the editor adds pessimistically, ‘like what happened in Congo, South Sudan and Mali’.

We are in the midst of fighting, in the heart of Bambari’s chaos, and the mud wall that ineffectively protects us doesn’t exactly encourage one’s appetite Parenthesis

2011 began with France bogged down in the Ivorian conflict. In 2012, it sent troops to its northern neighbour, Mali. In 2013 it sprayed a new rain of soldiers, this time in the Central African Republic, also a former French colony.

And after every rapid military response the European Union and the United Nations end up following in its footsteps.

A sprinkling of soldiers dressed as ‘peacekeepers’ which, for the moment, has borne no fruit, at least in terms of peace.

Genocide in the rainforest and terrorists in the desert

Gunfire is the new music and it can be heard everywhere. But there are also loud explosions. It’s the first hours of fear and there’s absolute confusion.

Ibrahim insists I eat something. And

when this corpulent old militia leader tells you something with his imposing voice, it’s an order. But we are in the midst of fighting, in the heart of Bambari’s chaos, and the mud wall that ineffectively protects us doesn’t exactly encourage one’s appetite.

Ibrahim used to trade in diamonds.

Perhaps he still does. He’s a trader or a trafficker depending on who’s doing the labelling. Normally he ‘traffics’, but when the merchandise is bought by a western company it immediately becomes ‘trade’.

Last year, in the deserts of Mali, this young smuggler couldn’t have put it any clearer: ‘it is not we who consume cocaine, it goes to Europe, it just passes through here. For us it’s just business’.

Crossing the dunes, following the profitable Sahara route taken by the cocaine you arrive in one of the continent’s darkest corners. It’s called Arlit and, apart from being in the middle of a red terror alert area, it hosts two radioactive fissures from which France obtains a third of its electricity. In the midst of a desert, the hostility of the climate is mixed with the harsh work of busy miners. The camels and the Tuaregs’ robes are lost among workers in blue overalls in a kind of encampment that, paradoxically, lacks electricity. The French army has chosen to establish its ‘anti-terrorist’ base right here.

If the mines were to suddenly stop production, huge power problems would snap at France and at the neighbouring countries to which the state power company sells kilowatts.

* Gemma Parellada is the longest-serving Spanish foreign correspondent in Africa, having spent a decade covering the continent for national and international organisations (CNN, El País, RFI). Aside from covering high-profile events and crises over the last ten years, she has also reported on forgotten areas and conflicts. Winner of the Joan Gomis Journalism Award, 2013.

(Specialising in the Congo and the Great Lakes conflict, She has covered Somalia, the war in the Ivory Coast, the conflicts in Mali, the Central African Republic, the turbulent elections in Zimbabwe, post-revolution Burkina and South Sudan’s independence). She currently lives in Abidjan, Ivory Coast.

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Green Debate

The circular economy: Catalonia readies itself for a world of scarce resources

by Jordi Oliver-SolĂ * and Arnau Queralt*

The access to resources -energy, water, land, minerals, etc.- has been and continues to be a subject of strategic interest for governments and businesses all round the world. This interest becomes a serious concern when we consider demographic forecasts (a world population in excess of 9 billion by 2050) and the emergence of new global economic powers. Two factors which have increased the global demand for resources.

The surge in global demand, together with evidence of its effects on the competitiveness of companies and, in a broader sense, national and regional economies is leading to the adoption of policies and strategies (both public and private) aimed at resource efficiency. Evidence shows that the global market for environmental and resource efficient technologies has grown on average at an annual rate of 11.8% and stands at around 2.2 billion Euros. In addition, the rise in energy prices ensures growth will reach 4.4 billion Euros in 2025.

The market for green technologies is a force that must drive the growth of traditional industries. In this regard, the European Commission considers that the green economy will be one of the 3 main economic drivers in the next decade, together with ICT and health.

Catalonia is fully aware of the challenge presented by resource efficiency and in recent months various instruments have been approved and are 50

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under implementation, with the final aim of boosting circular economy. This article details the highlights, but to provide some context, first we have a brief introduction to the international situation and European Union policies.

A world in competition for resources

With a global population of 7 billion there has been an inevitable increase in the demand on the World’s natural resources. According to the OECD Environmental Outlook to 20301 a total of 39.3 billion tons of metal ores, fossil energy, and non-metallic minerals are extracted from Earth each year. That means that on average every inhabitant uses 16 kilos of resources extracted from the Earth every day (whether metals, fossil fuels or minerals). In the case of people living in the Western world this number is much higher: up to 57 kilos of newly-mined minerals per day.

The US National Mining Association has calculated that a newborn

Green Debate

North American infant will need a lifetime supply of 360 kilos of lead, 340 kilos of zinc, 680 kilos of copper, 1,630 kilos of aluminium, 14,800 kilos of iron, and 560,000 kilos of stone, sand, gravel and cement.

These already substantial figures are expected to rise further: the OECD has estimated that the production of mined metal commodities will increase by 250% by 2030. These high rates of consumption of non-renewable resources on a planet with finite resources are jeopardizing the availability of some resources essential for life such as: 1) Water: the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) predicts that by 2025, 1.8 billion people will live in countries or regions with absolute water scarcity.

2) Oil: the BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2014 measured total global oil at 238.2 million tonnes, from proven oil resources

at the end of 2013. This is only enough oil for the next 53.3 years, assuming that global production remains at its current rate.

1 http://www.oecd.org/ environment/indicatorsmodelling-outlooks/ oecdenvironmentaloutlookto2030.htm

3) Natural gas: a similar picture to oil, with enough gas in proven reserves to sustain 55.1 years of global production at 2013 levels.

4) Phosphorus: this essential fertiliser is only found in a handful of countries. With the need to feed 7 billion people, scientists from the Global Phosphorus Research Initiative predict mankind could run out of phosphorus in 50 to 100 years unless new reserves of the element are found.

5) Coal: this has the largest reserves remaining of all the fossil fuels, but as China and other developing countries continue to increase their appetite for coal, demand could finally outstrip Catalan International View

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Green Debate

supply. As it is, by the end of 2013 there was enough coal to meet 113 years of global production at the current rate of consumption.

6) Rare earth elements: exact reserves of the 17 rare earth elements are unknown, but currently 97% of the world’s supply comes from China, which could restrict supplies at will.

Business and innovation come together to create sustainable solutions that make better use of precious resources

2 http://www.ellenmacarthurfoundation.org/ 3 Communication from the Commission - Europe 2020. A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. COM(2010) 2020 final.

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The circular economy: a new paradigm put into practice

Since the Industrial Revolution, the leading political and economic theories that have enjoyed greater acceptance and implementation have been based on consumerism and a buy and throw away culture. As it has been presented, this linear production and consumption model relies on large quantities of easily accessible resources and energy, and as such model is increasingly unfit for a planet with limited resources and a growing population.

‘Growth’ as the ultimate objective that leads welfare for society is undergoing a crisis as we approach the physical limits of raw material and energy stocks. The economic system that has been used for centuries to enhance people’s quality of life has been growing for the last few decades to the detriment of social welfare and the environment. A change in the entire operating system seems necessary, and the principles of a circular economy may be the lever of change at the political, business and social level.

The circular economy is a lowcarbon, resource efficient economic Catalan International View

system, which incorporates social and environmental externalities and reduces risks. The Ellen MacArthur Foundation2 describes the circular economy as an industrial economy that is restorative by intention; it aims to rely on renewable energy; minimises, tracks, and hopefully eliminates the use of toxic chemicals; and eradicates waste through careful design.

It is estimated that over 80% of all product-related environmental impacts are determined during the design phase of a product. Ecodesign or Design for the Environment (DfE) can be defined as the ensemble of actions intended to improve a product with respect to the environment in its initial design stages by improving its function, selecting less harmful materials, applying alternative processes, improving transport and use and minimizing environmental impact during the final stages of treatment.

Ecodesign is a new approach to products and design processes. It is based on identifying environmental aspects connected with the product life cycle and including these aspects of the design process at an early stage in the product development. Environmental aspects are taken into account and given the same importance as other essential aspects such as function, safety, ergonomics, endurance, quality and costs.

The European Union’s commitment to the circular economy

The Europe 2020 strategy3, the aim of which is to promote a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy in the EU by 2020, includes seven flagship initiatives that may catalyse progress under the different strategic priorities.

One of these flagships is the so-called ‘resource-efficient Europe’, which is intended to contribute towards decoupling economic growth from the use of

Green Debate

resources (but also to support the shift towards a low carbon economy, among other related aims).

In order to make the initiative more concrete, in July 2014 the European Commission adopted a communication4 to establish a common framework for the promotion of a circular economy in the EU. According to the communication, with EU approval the EC wants to boost recycling and prevent the loss of valuable materials; to create jobs and economic growth; to show the contribution of new business models, eco-design and industrial symbiosis to a zero-waste scenario in the EU; and to reduce greenhouse emissions and other environmental externalities caused by economic activity.

In July 2014 the EC also adopted a legislative proposal5 which aims to increase the recycling/re-use of municipal waste to 70% in 2030; increase packaging waste recycling/re-use to 80% in 2030 with material-specific targets set to gradually increase between 2020 and 2030; and phase out land-filling by 2025 for recyclable waste in non-hazardous waste landfills. All these specific targets (and others included in the pro-

posal) should increase the competitiveness of the EU economy and reduce the demand for scarce resources.

This is not a new issue on the EU’s agenda: in October 2009, the EU institutions adopted a directive6 that establishes a common framework for the setting of ecodesign requirements for energy-related products. Furthermore, the EU has been especially active in the promotion of eco-innovation, a concept that according to the Executive Agency for Competitiveness and Innovation (EACI) means ‘changing consumption and production patterns and market uptake of technologies, products and services to reduce our impact on the environment’.

Business and innovation come together to create sustainable solutions that make better use of precious resources, reduce the negative sideeffects of our economy on the environment and create economic benefits and competitive advantage. However, it is not only the environment that stands to gain from eco-innovation. The world market for environmental products and services is growing every year and new markets are there to be exploited.

Catalan International View

4 Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions 5 Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Directives 2008/98/ EC on waste, 94/62/EC on packaging and packaging waste, 1999/31/EC on the landfill of waste, 2000/53/EC on end-of-life vehicles, 2006/66/EC on batteries and accumulators and waste batteries and accumulators, and 2012/19/ EU on waste electrical and electronic equipment.

COM/2014/0397 final 2014/0201 (COD).

6 Directive 2009/125/EC on ecodesign, establishing a framework for the setting of ecodesign requirements for energy-related products.

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Catalonia: from waste to resource

The Government of Catalonia laid the foundations of its waste policy more than 20 years ago. Since then, it has established numerous instruments for planning and waste management, culminating in the adoption of a new program for the period 2013-2020 (PRECAT20). This program has an integrated vision of waste management, as it integrates into a single program all existing fractions (municipal / industrial / construction) that initially were the subject of separate planning.

The application of the principles of a circular economy brings both economic benefits and competitive advantages However, the most significant novelty is that it introduces the concept of ‘resource’ instead of ‘waste’. This is especially important for a country that is poor in raw materials and needs to import many of the resources used in Catalonia (obviously this has a huge impact on the balance of payments and the competitiveness of the economy). It is, therefore, a step forward in the efficient use of resources and the reduction of the environmental impacts associated with waste.

In tandem with PRECAT20, which incorporates the paradigm of a circular economy, it should be noted that there are also noteworthy ongoing initiatives to promote ecodesign.

Starting from an initial ecodesign program (ecodiscat 2012-2015) approved in 2012, the Government of Catalonia has increased the importance given to this matter, including it in the new Industrial Strategy for Catalonia and promoting an ecodesign strategy which has been developed in recent months.

Ecodesign is also part of the Catalonia 2020 (ECAT 2020) strategy, the central document of the Government of Catalonia’s economic policy, which aims to achieve economic recovery, improve competitiveness and increase employment. In addition, it is seen as an essential instrument for achieving the objectives of the Strategy for Intelligent Specialisation in Catalonia (RIS3CAT).

The application of the principles of a circular economy is a golden opportunity for Catalan companies, as it brings both economic benefits and competitive advantages. There are numerous examples of companies that are creating sustainable solutions that make better use of resources and reduce the negative side effects of the economy on the environment, while simultaneously increasing their competitiveness.

*Jordi Oliver-Solà Executive Director - Inèdit Innovació SL (Autonomous University of Barcelona Research Park).

Researcher at the Institute of Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA). *Arnau Queralt Director – Advisory Council for the Sustainable Development of Catalonia (CADS).

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Opinion

Sexual violence in armed conflict: tools to end impunity

by Eulàlia Pascual*

Sexual violence is a crime that until recently has been committed with the most absolute impunity. In spite of having been a constant, grave backdrop to every conflict since time immemorial, acts of sexual violence have been silenced or considered of secondary importance. This is a particularly serious crime not only because of the extremely cruel abuse which the victims are frequently subjected to, but because, in addition, it destroys entire families and communities, thus hindering the peace process and the restoration of peaceful coexistence.

Nevertheless, cases of sexual violence have been ignored by the majority of truth commissions established following internal conflicts and they have been excluded from peace negotiations, where women’s participation has been in the minority.

Zainab Bangoura, the UN’s Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict, in a speech made in London 2013, stated: ‘I have witnessed the devastating and dehumanizing effects produced by sexual violence in Sierra Leone, my country, and I have had the terrible privilege of documenting this violence.

My youngest victim was 3 years old’.

The impunity that has historically surrounded this crime has occurred for several reasons. First, the lack of legal regulation in international criminal law and the rules governing the laws and 56

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customs of war. In more primitive times sexual violence was part of the spoils of war. Following the introduction of rules of customary and conventional international law of war, sexual violence was considered an unfortunate but inevitable consequence of conflict. It was not explicitly prohibited, with the exception of the Lieber Code, though reference was made to it from the perspective of protecting women. Nonetheless, the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and the genocide in Rwanda showed that, above all, sexual violence is an especially destructive

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weapon of war, with profound structural roots of a social and economic nature.

From the perspective of legal regulation, impunity ended with the international tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which had to legally formulate the crime of rape (among other crimes), as it was not defined in any conventional or customary norms as a war crime, crime against humanity, or much less as a crime of genocide.

United Nations resolutions 1325, 1820, 1888 and 2106 established that sexual

violence during a conflict is not simply collateral damage and cannot be seen as having cultural roots. The 68th Session of the UN General Assembly finally put the issue on the agenda with The Declaration on Sexual Violence in Conflict, which was ratified by 135 countries.

The definitive classification of crimes of sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide together with the procedural and legal tools to pursue, prosecute and punish those responsible for direct or indirect sexual violence in conflict, are contained in the Statute Catalan International View

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of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its Rules on Procedure and Evidence. Following this there have been corresponding legal developments with the drafting of the Elements of Crimes, adopted by the Review Conference of the Rome Statute of the ICC in 2010.

In spite of such progress, levels of impunity remain very high. In the International Criminal Court’s first ruling in the Lubanga case, despite abundant evidence regarding the exploitation of girls and women by the combatants, of rape and forced prostitution, the prosecutor

The Stop Rape and Gender Violence in Conflict Campaign put forward a list of recommendations which address the problem holistically and efficiently

1 https://www.gov.uk/ government/publications/ international-protocol-onthe-documentation-andinvestigation-of-sexualviolence-in-conflict

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did not file charges for sexual violence, provoking the indignant dissent of Judge Elizabeth Odio Benito and a commentary by the Tribunal.

The Lubanga case, together with cases brought before other ad hoc international or interregional courts, have shown that, in addition to there often being a lack of will to document sexual violence, since priority is given to the investigation of other crimes such as torture, murder or kidnappings, it continues to be an extremely difficult crime to investigate, document and prove.

The causes of such a difficulty are varied. The first is the reluctance of women themselves to relate their own experiences. Sexuality is one of the most intimate components of a person’s dignity. Accordingly the victims are very reluctant to speaking about experiences which fill them with anguish, embarrassment and great psychological suffering.

Another major difficulty is the stigma of prostitution and sexuality that means that people who suffer such violence are Catalan International View

often excluded from their community and family. Unlike soldiers or civilians who have suffered torture or forced labour and who receive medals and awards, the victims of sexual violence are rejected and dismissed, in spite of the severe physical injury and mental suffering they have endured. All these factors constitute a kind of taboo surrounding sexual violence which in turn means there is even less information regarding sexual abuse of men and children, even though these are becoming more frequent occurrences.

Another aspect to consider, as in the case of other crimes in the event of armed conflict, is the danger of retaliation against the victims themselves, witnesses and their families.

There is also a technical legal difficulty: the International Courts are mostly composed of judges from the common law tradition, of Anglo-Saxon origin, in which the victims are not part of the process and have no special significance.

This is in contrast to civil law, which allows victims to act on behalf of the prosecution. In addition, the rigor with which international courts wish to ensure the protection of the right to counsel (possibly to avoid the criticisms made at the time surrounding the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals) means it is especially important to ensure the effectiveness of testimonial and physical evidence.

The First Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict was held in London in June 2014, with the United Kingdom being its principal supporter.

While the summit dealt with many issues, both experts and eye-witnesses agreed that one of the key issues in the fight against sexual violence and the punishment of those responsible is the effectiveness of the investigation in proving that a crime has been committed. For this to happen it is essential that all professionals and NGOs working on the ground in conflict zones are familiar with the tools involved in the collection and handling of physical,

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documentary and testimonial evidence of sexual violence.

With this in mind, the London Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict produced the International Protocol on Documentation and Investigation on Sexual Violence in Conflict, which aims to establish international standards for the documentation of cases of sexual violence in order that evidence can reach the ICC without being contaminated from a legal point of view. The Protocol1 provides guidelines for training personnel who operate on the ground, in order that they receive information on how to identify survivors and witnesses, protecting their identity and taking into account their fragile psychological state. These guidelines include: how to obtain informed consent, how to ensure confidentiality, creating a calming, protective atmosphere for the people who are relating their experiences, the fundamental questions required to establish the truth and how to

transcribe and protect witness statements once they have been obtained.

The Protocol also includes guidelines for collecting physical evidence (whether documentary or material), its safekeeping, and establishing the geographical location of the offences through the use of new technology.

There are also guidelines regarding the photographing of evidence. Finally, the Protocol outlines the basic principles required in order that the the chain of custody remains unbroken when handling evidence.

All of these technicalities, which may often appear something of a burden for people who come to help and heal the victims, are nevertheless vital to prosecuting and convicting the guilty. Therefore, they are extremely important since the victims’ primary request is that the culprits are tried and convicted. The victims of sexual violence need the community to acknowledge their sufCatalan International View

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fering, together with an established structure for compensation and for the culprits, whether directly or indirectly involved, to be identified. In short, they need an end to the impunity of a form of violence which affects an enormous number of people in all conflicts and in which the victim is in reality victimized twice: in the social sphere and before the courts. Putting an end to this situation is not possible if the prosecutor does not file charges, as in the Lubanga case, due to a lack of will, because the evidence is insufficient or if it can be refuted by a renowned lawyer. Therefore, the dissemination of the Protocol is of utmost importance. When a case finally comes to trial, the existence of legal technicalities can deprive the victims of the moral and financial compensation they so clearly deserve.

As mentioned earlier, the London Congress also highlighted the important forensic possibilities offered by new technology when it comes to gathering information and evidence. It advised governments to develop these techniques and to 60

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ensure that armed forces and personnel sent by international organizations, international courts and NGOs are made aware of them.

Finally, under the auspices of the Summit, the Stop Rape and Gender Violence in Conflict Campaign put forward a list of recommendations which are fundamental to addressing the problem holistically and efficiently.

• Encouraging local women’s partnerships to protect and support survivors: the promotion of local women’s organizations is essential in order to help and protect victims and to gather testimonies. The importance of these organizations has been key to putting this issue on the agenda of governments and global institutions and when it comes to supporting victims, providing them with the emotional support necessary to report the facts and protect them.

• Establish the fact that the presence and active participation of women is essential to peace processes and negotiations, both in internal and international

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conflicts. The often token and negligible presence of women in these processes, in most cases, means the issue of sexual violence has been avoided or minimized. The result is that the guilty have not been brought to trial, those responsible have not been punished nor structural measures taken for health care of the victims and ensuring the necessary moral restitution is carried out. Of even greater concern is the fact that such crimes are often overlooked in order to reach peace agreements or pardon the culprits, leaving victims unprotected, as if their suffering was of no importance.

• Ensuring that the perpetrators, whether directly or indirectly involved, are identified, tried and punished. Identifying and prosecuting those who are indirectly responsible, senior government and military officials and even heads of state themselves, as well as those directly responsible. This sends a very powerful message to prevent such violence and to bring an end to the sense of impunity that prevails.

• Increase the protection of victims by governments and the international community. Special measures should include the provision of mechanisms to accommodate these victims in other countries, if they are unable to return to their own communities, through the creation of special provisions in existing asylum laws. International organizations have to take special measures to protect women and girls in refugee camps. Measures have to be implemented to prevent forced marriages

(and/or annul them), to prosecute the men who have bought women and/or the families that have forced women to marry.

• Encourage the creation of an international fund for victims of sexual violence within the ICC and the UN. It is vital that economic compensation is established as a means of reparation as there are often physical consequences which require lengthy and costly treatments and that countries involved in a conflict cannot or will not provide.

Despite these efforts and the growing recognition of their importance, crimes of sexual violence have increased enormously and still occur with great impunity, as recent conflicts have demonstrated.

In addition, it has been found that the scope of this violence is not limited, as the Rome Statute initially expected, to situations of international or internal armed conflict. Sexual violence as a tragic consequence of conflict also occurs in refugee camps and in every situation surrounding an armed confrontation, even if only in a residual form. It is increasingly necessary to strengthen the gains that have been made in international support in respect to crimes of sexual violence. Cases such as the kidnapping of the Nigerian girls by the Islamist group Boko Haram, the recurrent instances of rape in refugee camps, the selling of women as slaves in Iraq and the numerous cases of forced marriages in the case of Syria, demonstrate the seriousness of the phenomenon. As does the exponential increase in the use of such violence as one of the most powerful and destructive weapons of war.

* Eulàlia Pascual Lawyer. Member of The International Criminal Bar (Barreau Pénal International) ICB-BPI and member of the International Criminal Justice Committee of the Barcelona Bar Association. She holds a Master’s in Fundamental Rights and their Judicial Protection. Currently completing a PhD. in Sexual Violence in Conflict.

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Opinion

Catalonia: the capital of mobile technology and telecommunications

by Felip Puig*

Thanks to its privileged position in the Mediterranean, its history and the character of its people, Catalonia has always been a country open to the world, commerce, cultural exchange, creation and innovation. It has been this way for centuries and continues to be so now at the start of one of the most important revolutions in the history of mankind: the digital revolution.

We can see many examples of Catalonia’s spirit and determination. From the first modern maritime charts of the western Mediterranean (commissioned by Catalan counts and kings in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries) to the Mobile World Capital, the history of Catalonia is full of events and characters that have enriched the world with their industrial, commercial and humanist outlook. We find painters, architects, inventors, doctors, researchers, writers and even athletes and cooks.

This capacity would not have been possible without the entrepreneurial spirit, the commitment and the tenacity of this great power house of talent which is Catalonia.

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These characteristics have made our country into one of the most important centres of attraction in the world, both for tourism and for everything related to culture and the holding of events, along with the economic synergies that are derived from them. The Barcelona brand, capital of Catalonia, is a symbol of design, innovation and quality of life around the globe.

Some examples to illustrate our cultural and economic vitality: according to Google, Catalan is among the top 10 to 15 most active languages on the internet, despite only being spoken by 10 million people. Two business schools based in Catalonia are among the top 20 in the world. Barcelona is one of the

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top 10 cities with the best reputation in the world, just behind London. Half of the world’s great luxury cruise ships call in at the Catalan capital. In addition, it is fifth on the list of top cities in which executives like to do business and, according to Wired, it is one of the most important centres for startups in Europe.

It is not surprising, therefore, that since 2006 Catalonia has been an undisputed success at hosting one of the most important annual events for industry and the global economy: the Mobile World Congress. Since the first event, the MWC has created more than 53,000 jobs and contributed more than 2,450 million euros to the Catalan

economy. In the 9 years that we have hosted the Mobile World Congress, the congress’ economic impact has virtually quadrupled, from 100m euros at its start to nearly 380m in 2014. As a result of the growing demand for participation in the congress, the number of exhibitors has increased by 62% in the last four years; with the area occupied by the congress increasing by 80%; and hotel occupancy growing by over 30% during the congress since the first event. The most recent congress broke all attendance records with more than 85,000 professionals in telephony and telecommunications, over 1,700 exhibitors and 94,000 square meters of exhibition space at the Fira Gran Via. Catalan International View

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These figures all go to confirm the GSMA’s (the association which represents the interests of the mobile telecommunications sector around the world) great success in choosing Catalonia and its capital, as the Mobile World Capital for the 2012-2018 period.

Since 2006 Catalonia has been an undisputed success at hosting one of the most important annual events for industry and the global economy: the Mobile World Congress Nevertheless, Barcelona has not only continued to host the MWC, it has also continued working to establish Catalonia as a centre for technological and cultural outreach aimed at boosting the existing industrial fabric, creating new business opportunities and giving visibility to the potential of mobile applications. The Catalan capital has become a global hub for mobile telecommunications. A hub that has contributed to a new industrial structure with a highly technological component which generates significant synergies in the field of the development and application of mobile technologies. This success, coupled with the work of all stakeholders, is key to ensuring that the congress remains in Barcelona beyond 2018.

As a global showcase of the great and the good in innovation in digital solutions, the Mobile World Congress has been witness to the exponential growth of trends in telecommunication technologies. It has witnessed the diversification of the products and services they offer. Last year’s MWC saw the advent of wearable technology and LTE and NFC standards. They are all key to the evolution of one of the digital industry’s most promising areas 64

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of development: Smart Cities. In the 2015 MWC, to be held from 2nd to 5th March, we expect to see more new developments which will test the ‘limits of innovation’.

The Smart City is the convergence of digital technologies applied to the needs and social challenges of the twenty-first century. Such technologies are already transforming the way we view and manage complex and interconnected life in cities and metropolitan areas in the modern world.

Catalonia also wants to be a leader in this regard and be at the epicentre of this revolution. It is estimated that the business of smart technologies, which are considered to be of strategic importance, will have an annual turnover exceeding 12,000m dollars by 2025. This explains why we host the most important conference in this field: the Smart City Expo World Congress (SCEWC).

The Congress has become the showcase where the public and private sectors on five continents gather to present and discuss the best ideas and solutions from the smart universe. Since it began in 2011, the SCEWC has grown rapidly, positioning itself as a key event in the industry and for those responsible for the management and development of urban and metropolitan areas.

The most recent event was attended by representatives of nearly 300 cities, and featured more than 400 speakers.

Various administrations and councils and the government of Catalonia itself have been implementing smart projects for many years now on a small, localized scale. Nonetheless, there are challenges such as inter-urban mobility, tourism, education, taxation and health which need to be resolved on a larger scale. To this end, the Catalan Government will implement its SmartCATalonia strategy, with the aim of extending the concept of Smart Cities to Smart Regions throughout the country

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as a whole. This strategy is a response to the country’s need for growth and social and economic transformation in an increasingly complex and interconnected world, with the help of digital technology.

This and all other public initiatives introduced by the Generalitat in this area share a single clear objective: to unite the efforts of the various government administrations and the private sector in order to consolidate Catalonia’s position as a competitive country and a creator of wealth. This without forgetting the need to promote and

protect a network of small and medium-sized enterprises that bear fruit in all the productive sectors.

We want to make the most of what Catalonia has always been: a country with talent and human capital that has managed to overcome the shortcomings that stem from not having statehood. It is abundantly clear that in this, the twenty-first century, smart digital technology will be the basis of a new economy. And Catalonia won’t simply be playing the role of observer and consumer. Catalonia must also be a participant in, and above all a creator of, this new industry.

*Felip Puig (Barcelona, 1958) is Minister for Enterprise and Employment for the Generalitat of Catalonia. A civil engineer by profession, he holds a degree in Business Administration. He has been a member of Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya since 1976 and began his political career as head of the Parets del Vallès council and a councillor for Vallès Oriental District Council. He has held various ministerial portfolios in the Catalan government: Minister for Environment (1999 to 2001), Minister for Planning and Public Works (2001 to 2003) and Minister of Interior (2010 to 2013). He has been responsible for the Generalitat’s policies on employment and economic productivity since December 2013.

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Opinion

International and transnational networks: the Barcelona Provincial Council’s view

by Joan Carles Garcia*

The economic difficulties we have experienced in recent years have reinforced the desire and need for towns and cities to look for opportunities abroad. This has led to an increasing interdependence between local governments of different territories over the last few years, through transnational networks and alliances that benefit their participants, by increasing their international profile.

In most cases, cities seek to establish links with other municipalities with whom they share common goals and which allow them to work together on certain issues and decisions that affect their citizens’ daily lives. These links grow into networks where participants share ideas, experiences and goals. In many cases the networks begin at the national level involging cities in the same country, and they end up deciding to accept members from other countries on the same continent or from around the world, thus resulting in new transnational networks.

These transnational networks are now a first-class instrument for international outreach. Such networks are governed by their own rules which es66

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tablish the entry requirements for its partners. Apart from transnational networks of cities, there are those which include provinces and states. This is the case of the DiputaciĂł de Barcelona [Barcelona Provincial Council], which on one hand helps municipalities in the province of Barcelona participate in international networks, while on the other, it is directly involved in international, local government networks such as the Arco Latino Mediterranean network, the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) global network or the PLATFORMA network.

The Arco Latino association, the Executive Secretariat of which is located in Barcelona, represents a space for cooperation between territorial collec-

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tives in which integrated actions in different strategic spheres can be carried out to strengthen economic and social cohesion in member regions. Begun in 1999, the network consists of regions covering the western Mediterranean, including Spanish councils and island councils, Italian provinces and French departments.

Globally, the UCLG, which was created as a network in 2004, aims to be the united voice and world advocate of democratic local self-government, through the promotion of local interests before the international community and through cooperation between local governments. The network is divided into various sections, regional committees and working groups. The

Provincial Council occupies the presidency of one of these committees, specifically the Decentralization and Local Self-Government Committee, which works to strengthen processes towards decentralization and local autonomy in all regions of the world, thereby making local governments more efficient, while bringing them closer to their citizens.

The Barcelona Provincial Council is also part of PLATFORMA, a network created by the European Commission in 2008 and led by the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR). It has 24 members representing European associations of local and regional governments together with European and international netCatalan International View

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works. PLATFORMA’s main objective is to represent the voice of local and regional authorities before the European institutions to obtain, among other things, greater political recognition of decentralized cooperation in Europe.

The participation of the Barcelona Provincial Council is a result of its expertise in the field of decentralized cooperation and it allows it to keep abreast of the major debates and trends of the day, besides influencing the EU’s ideas and programs relating to development cooperation. In addition, the Provincial Council participates in sectorial networks such as the European Social Network (ESN), the Climate Alliance of European Cities with Indigenous Rainforest Peoples (Climate Alliance), the Local Governments for Sustainability ICLEI network and the European Association for Gender Research, Education and Documentation (ATGENDER).

Cities seek to establish links with other municipalities with whom they share common goals and which allow them to work together on certain issues and decisions that affect their citizens’ daily lives Aside from participating in numerous networks as a means to encourage and generate opportunities for local and national organisations, the Provincial Council also supports the participation of municipalities throughout the province in international associations of towns and cities. One of the most prominent examples in recent years has been the Plate-forme LocalMED, which aims to strengthen local public policies and social cohesion in the Mediterranean through networks 68

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of cooperation between municipalities in the province of Barcelona and the Tangier-Tetouan region, Morocco, thus creating a space for exchange and mutual learning. The project is currently in its second phase and involves 10 Moroccan communes and 14 partners, from the city of Barcelona itself to smaller municipalities such as Tordera, Cubelles and Rubí.

Other municipalities also participate in their respective international networks. There are general networks, as mentioned, as well as those related to specific sectors and topics. Local Catalan entities excel in those concerned with economic development, innovation, development cooperation, environmental issues and education.

Igualada and Barcelona, together with a renewed Terrassa, are all members of the Eurocities network in which members exchange expertise and experiences and develop innovative solutions to improve their citizens’ quality of life.

Moreover, several municipalities participate in the International Association of Educating Cities, a network of cities from around the world which collaborate on common projects and activities aimed at improving the quality of life of their residents, while promoting compliance with the principles of the Charter of Educating Cities. Members include towns such as Mataró, Sabadell and Molins de Rei, among many others. It is also worth highlighting the work of the Alcaldes per la Pau (Mayors for Peace) movement, a network that works to promote disarmament, coexistence between peoples of different nations and conflict resolution. The role of Granollers, a town with a strong commitment to promoting peace, has become especially active in this endeavour, particularly since the Catalan wing of the association was inaugurated. Catalan organisations also play an important role in the 4D CITIES

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network and the ACTE (European Textile Collectivities Association), of which both Mataró and Igualada have held the vice-presidency.

The support and advice which the Barcelona Provincial Council offers to municipalities is carried out through various outreach activities that promote the province’s towns and cities. Their outreach plan is particularly noteworthy, functioning as an instrument in the mid-term at the service of local governments and other participants in the territory who wish to strengthen their internationalization by providing a framework outlining public and planning policies in the international sphere with the aim of increasing the impact of their external activities. Five plans have already been approved: Calella, Castelldefels, Granollers, Igualada and

Vilafranca del Penedès. The aim is to increase our international profile while ensuring that we are exposed to more social, economic and cultural inputs.

In keeping with this strategy, the 2015 Development Cooperation and International Support Program has been completed. It was initiated in 2014 by the Department of International Relations, in an attempt to increase the international profile of local governments working in networks and in order to achieve growth targets that support the generation of opportunities for citizens, businesses and institutions in Catalonia. To this end they seek to strengthen the international relations of local entities and to provide added value in terms of improved public policies and regional development.

*Joan Carles Garcia holds a BSc in Industrial Design. He has been the Mayor of Tordera since 1995. He has also held a series of posts including: National Councillor of the Municipal Committee of the Catalan Association of Municipalities (2003-2011) and Provincial Member and Chairman of CiU’s Group at the Barcelona Provincial Council. He is currently the Provincial Member to the Presidency, Spokesman and President of CiU’s group at the Barcelona Provincial Council.

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Opinion

Light shed on Ebola

by Mònica Botta*

While Ebola can currently be defined as a public health crisis, in reality it is yet another forgotten African conflict. When Ebola first appeared at the end of the 70s, the outbreaks were initially self-limiting and confined to rural areas. Action at the international level was therefore minimal. In 2014 the outbreaks spread to towns and cities (Monrovia, Freetown and so on). The epidemic got out of hand while international organizations and the international community as a whole failed to reach an agreement or invest sufficient resources in putting an end to it. This events refer to a health epidemic but it could refer to virtually any other politico-social conflict in Africa.

The Ebola virus causes an acute infectious disease that leads to haemorrhagic fever in humans and primates (monkeys, gorillas and chimpanzees). The name of the virus comes from the River Ebola, which runs through Zaire. Ebola is a member of the Filoviridae family of viruses, of which there are five known serotypes: Ebola-Zaire, Ebola-Sudan, Ebola-Ivory Coast, Ebola-Bundibugyo and Ebola-Reston, with the latter having been found to cause disease in primates, but not in humans. It is an illness that is characterized by a high mortality rate, ranging between 50% and 95% of those infected. It was first detected in 1976 in two simultaneous outbreaks in Nzara (Sudan) and Yambuku (Zaire).

In the early 80s the disease was brought under control, with no further cases registered until 1994, with cases in the Ivory Coast, Gabon, South Africa and Zaire. This new outbreak, which left 70

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321 dead, was brought under control at the end of 1996. In the early 2000s Ebola made a more regular appearance in Central Africa (Zaire, Sudan and Uganda). From 2000 to 2012 the World Health Organization (WHO) recorded 1,209 cases of Ebola, which led to 784 deaths. Up until then the various outbreaks that had appeared were limited to rural areas and were self-limiting.

On 26th March 2014 the WHO published a report announcing a new outbreak of Ebola virus disease (EVD) in Guinea Conakry which spread to Liberia, Sierra Leone and Nigeria. In this outbreak the virus has spread to urban dwellers, which has meant the speed of infection is especially fast. In August 2014, the WHO recognized that the virus was out of control, mainly due to the ease and speed of transmission, and introduced measures at the local and international level to prevent its spread.

Opinion

At the time of writing, 21st November 2014, the WHO has reported 15,351 cases, with 5,459 deaths in eight countries (Guinea Conakry, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Spain and the United States).

How is the virus spread? The natural reservoir appears to be the fruit bat, which then goes on to infect a primate (apes and humans). The mechanism of transmission is through direct contact with an infected individual or by the ingestion of an infected animal. The consumption of primates is a frequent practice in West Africa. Person-toperson transmission does not occur in people who are asymptomatic, instead either one has to come into contact with someone who is displaying symptoms or with someone who has died of Ebola. African funeral rituals in which contact with the body features heavily may be a factor in the rapid transmis-

sion of the virus. Importantly, the risk of transmission is proportional to the symptoms displayed by the patient, with the highest risk of infection being associated with corpses. Transmission via contact means direct contact with broken skin, mucous membranes and body fluids: blood, vomit, urine, faeces, sweat and semen. In summary, Ebola is transmitted via direct contact with the blood, bodily secretions and tissues of an infected individual displaying symptoms. This means that, in spite of everything, Ebola is not a disease which is easily transmitted.

Nosocomial transmission, i.e. the spread of a disease in a hospital, is common during Ebola outbreaks, which means that health workers are particularly at risk. In the initial outbreaks, where medical instruments such as intramuscular syringes or transfusion equipment were reused, nosocomial Catalan International View

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transmission stood at 100%. With the introduction of preventive measures against the transmission of the AIDS virus and hepatitis B in 1996, transmission among health professionals decreased sharply. In South Africa in 1975, one out of every 35 doctors and nurses who treated two patients was infected, while by 1998 only one out of 300 workers who treated a patient became infected. Obviously, the transmission rate only dropped thanks to the introduction of these measures. Nevertheless, to this day, in many health centres in Africa patients are treated without the use of masks, gloves or gowns and syringes are still being reused.

The reason that the disease has spread at such a speed in West Africa is not due to its pathology but for other factors such as the economic situation of countries in the region and the poor state of their health systems. By way 72

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of example, in 2012 Guinea Conakry’s per capita GDP was 527 dollars, Sierra Leone’s 800, Liberia’s 443 and Nigeria’s 2,600. Compared to Spain’s 29,117 and Germany’s 45,084 dollars.

What are the signs and symptoms of the haemorrhagic fever caused by the Ebola virus? The disease has an incubation period of 2 to 21 days, typically appearing 8 to 10 days after exposure. As mentioned earlier, it is not contagious during the incubation period, rather it gradually increases over the period of the disease, especially in cadavers. The onset of symptoms is sudden, with high fever and chills, muscle aches, headache, sore throat and general weakness. Towards the fifth day gastroenteritis, skin rashes, and internal and external bleeding occur. After the sixth day the disease can lead to an improvement or death.

Patients who are cured become less contagious at around the same time as their

Opinion

symptoms recede, except males, whose semen remains contagious for 3 months.

The current treatment is support plus total blood and serum transfusions of convalescent patients. Some patients have been treated with experimental drugs never before tested on humans but with good results in primates. The drug is a cocktail of monoclonal antibodies, molecules created in the laboratory that mimic the human body’s immune response. In order to obtain these antibodies, mice are inoculated with the virus, the antibodies that fight the disease are isolated and virtually identical antibodies are created from tobacco plants.

Meanwhile, safety studies of the vaccine are being conducted, with the first human trial of an experimental vaccine against Ebola having obtained positive results. The 20 healthy adults who have received the vaccine have developed an immune response and have developed antibodies against Ebola, while none of them have suffered serious side-effects.

The CDC (Central for Disease Control) has calculated that in order to control an outbreak it is necessary to treat 70% of the patients in specialized treatment centres (or houses and community centres if these are overrun with patients), treat and monitor 70% of contacts (people who have been with patients with Ebola, but who show no symptoms) and discontinue unsafe funerary practices. The lack of infrastructure in West Africa hampers efforts to adhere to these recommendations, meaning that in certain places people remain confined to neighbourhoods which they are unable to leave.

In the West, the alarm caused by the current outbreak has led governments to develop their own protocols to deal with suspected cases of Ebola.

The goal of all health centres, except those which are designated treatment centres, is the early detection and diagnosis of possible cases of EVD, in order that they can be referred for treatment.

Meanwhile, they also aim to prevent secondary infections (of health workers, other patients and family members). Spain’s Carlos III Hospital failed in this objective.

The CDC has calculated that in order to control an outbreak it is necessary to treat 70% of the patients in specialized treatment centres, treat and monitor 70% of contacts and discontinue unsafe funerary practices A person is currently suspected of having EVD if they are displaying symptoms, have treated infected patients within the last 21 days, or they have recently been in Guinea Conakry, Liberia, Sierra Leone or Nigeria. The symptoms of Ebola are very common and therefore require a differential diagnosis to distinguish the virus from malaria, typhoid fever and flu in particular. Therefore, a careful examination of the patient’s symptoms and a thorough examination, including questions relating to recent travel to areas where Ebola is endemic, are of vital importance for a speedy diagnosis of infection by the Ebola virus.

*Mònica Botta is Medical Director of l’Hospital General de Granollers and has a Masters in Health Economics and Health Management from the UPF. She has experience working on cooperation for development and humanitarian action projects with in numerous contexts such as Bosnia, Rwanda and Kurdistan.

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Barcelona Echoes

Prototyping Barcelona In March 2014, Barcelona was declared the winner of the European Capital of Innovation ‘iCapital’ Award. In order to continue developing the innovation sector, Barcelona City Council has recently created the Prototyping Barcelona seal. It aims to enhance activities directed at innovation by both individuals and businesses, connecting them in order that the city can become a testing ground in which to try out projects under development.

Barcelona wants to be known to the world as a city of culture, knowledge, creativity, innovation and welfare. It aims to become a Smart City, where new technologies exist in the service of people to improve their well-being and quality of life.

The iCapital award is based on three main elements that allow the interconnection of all the agents of an innovative ecosystem: Open Government (U-Government), Smart Cities and Mobility.

Talent through innovation

Barcelona has the fantastic opportunity to develop its talent economy through innovation. Barcelona wants to move beyond the iCapital award and for this the city has a clear objective: Barcelona, the capital of prototyping.

As a European Capital of Innovation, Barcelona has the necessary at74

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tributes to test specific solutions and services in a real environment. The city has an excellent infrastructure for innovation; it is a cosmopolitan, open city, with an ideal environment for developing new ideas and it has a strong brand with a good potential for international recognition.

These characteristics make Barcelona the perfect city for testing solutions.

What is Prototyping Barcelona?

Prototyping Barcelona is a platform that highlights assets aimed at citizens and business innovation, where they are connected to a real testing arena for prototypes.

Barcelona provides all those companies and individuals that are developing projects and / or innovative services that are in the pre-commercialization phase with the possibility of accessing a real environment in which to test their innovations.

Barcelona Echoes

Prototypes which are to be tested in the city need to possess the following characteristics: they must be innovative while not having been previously commercialized; they cannot already exist; they must be time-bound; affordable; their design must be of utmost importance; they must be of benefit to society; and they must be exportable to other cities.

How does the platform work?

Every prototype which is received is canalized by Urban Lab. This is a tool designed to facilitate the use of public spaces in the city of Barcelona in order to carry out prototype programs on products and services with an urban impact. They need to be in the premarket stage and in line with the Barcelona City Council’s aims, priorities and operating practices.

When Barcelona City Council receives a proposal for prototyping in

Barcelona, the solution or idea has to meet the characteristics outlined above.

Prototyping Barcelona is a platform that highlights assets aimed at citizens and business innovation, where they are connected to a real testing arena for prototypes The Prototyping Barcelona seal of approval

The Prototyping Barcelona seal is awarded by the city to those prototypes that have been carried out successfully in the city and have met all the requirements.

It is an internationally recognised award that highlights those solutions that have been tested in Barcelona.

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Barcelona Echoes

To get the seal the prototype has to be registered on the Prototyping Barcelona website and needs to have been developed and tested in Barcelona for a maximum of 3 months. Multidisciplinary groups encompassing the fields of business, technology development and design should be involved in the prototype’s development. It is also crucial that the initiative related to the prototype has social or economic returns.

The Barcelona seal offers the possibility of using Barcelona’s assets and infrastructure, prototyping training, the communication and visualisation of the project (at international fairs) and the access to financial resources and mentoring.

Prototyping Barcelona has developed the following guidelines: • Prototyping should create something that does not exist: it is a search for the singular.

• Prototyping should generate experiences: playing, modelling, enjoying, communicating...

• The playing field is not the company it is the market, it is the city, it is Barcelona.

• A prototype should be validated throughout the city and should have a transversal contrast.

• The prototype is a meeting point in Barcelona where business, technology and design can come together.

*Elisabeth McWilliams Journalist

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• Communication is visual and therefore design is a key component of prototyping.

• Prototyping must be accessible, bounded in terms of cost and free from risk.

• The prototype should be timebound.

• The prototype should have continuity and commitment, with a clearly defined goal.

• Prototyping ought not to be boring.

Barcelona is currently working towards being known as the Capital of Prototyping. The city’s assets and characteristics allow us to compete and position ourselves internationally as a Business Lab: Our capacity and infrastructure for research and investigation, our talent and training, our experience in publicprivate partnerships in numerous sectors, especially in tech and mobile communications, the multinational tech companies such as Cisco or Microsoft that have chosen Barcelona to establish their R and D centres, experience in implementing collaborative projects, creativity and design, together with the avant-garde, cosmopolitan tendencies of its citizens. These factors, when combined with a city of Barcelona’s proportions mean there is an ecosystem that allows us to aim at becoming a Capital Business Lab and compete at the international level to join the global Top 10.

Such a commitment will allow us to retain, attract and connect with emerging talent and attract investment and business to our city.

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Universal Catalans

Badia i Margarit Wisdom, restraint and commitment

For many Catalans Antoni Badia i Margarit has come to represent a shining example and an emblematic figure of the twentieth century. As a scholar and a man of science, he has been recognized for his contributions to the grammar, lexicography and sociolinguistics of the Catalan language, among other achievements.

Nonetheless, his legacy is not limited to scientific studies in the field of linguistics; it includes other facets of social, civil, religious and humanistic endeavour. Driven by curiosity and vitality, he has become one of the great humanists of contemporary Catalonia.

Badia i Margarit was born in 1920, meaning he experienced at first hand the country’s decline in all senses following General Franco’s military coup.

His father sought to transmit the enormous import of the event to his children. On the 18th July 1936, the whole family went out into the streets of Barcelona with a clear warning from their father: ‘take a good look at everything, because today is the last day of freedom’.

Returning from the war Badia i Margarit attended the University of Barcelona devastated and crushed by the dictatorship, bereft of intellectuals, who had fled the clutches of fascism.

The faculty’s motto, Libertas Perfundet

Omnia Luce [Freedom Pervades All with Light], was called into question by the arrival of ‘lecturers’ who were subservient to the regime and who were of questionable professional value. Nevertheless, Badia i Margarit was already a leading light in his field and was able to obtain the knowledge that was being withheld. Already a married man, he tirelessly committed himself to devoting ten years of his life to studying on his own. It was an early example of the perseverance, fortitude and the rigor which he always exemplified.

Badia i Margarit’s career as a linguist was impressive and his output prolific.

He published over 600 works, exploring highly diverse areas of the Catalan Catalan International View

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language, including some little-known areas of research at that time, such as sociolinguistics. His prodigious output was always conducted with a clear desire for openness and scientific rigor (thanks to the influence of the great master Alexandre Galí of the Blanquerna School) within the framework of the Romance languages. Thanks to the fact that science does not believe in geographical borders, Badia i Margarit also had the opportunity to chair the Société de Linguistique romane and was invited to lecture at the universities of Munich, Heidelberg, Georgetown, Wisconsin and the Sorbonne. He was awarded numerous national and international honorary degrees, including those from the universities of Salzburg, Toulouse, Valencia and Alacant.

His career as a linguist was impressive and his output prolific. He published over 600 works, exploring some little-known areas of research at that time, such as sociolinguistics Thanks to his close links to academic institutions, such as the Institute of Catalan Studies and the University of Barcelona, he was able to exercise another of his professional facets: teaching. He has been called ‘the teacher’s teacher’, thanks to the countless generations who have attended the classes he gave both at home and abroad.

One should also make special mention of the passion and the love which he invested in everything he did. His students often emphasized his sheer hard work, his humane approach, both sensitive and committed, and his sense of humour.

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Aside from his scientific contributions, Badia i Margarit was also characteristic of the generation that had to live with its grief and desire for freedom and justice, and that insisted on keeping alive the legacy of what it was only able to experience for a short time before it was snatched away from them.

One of the most important decisions he was to take in his life was directly related to the country’s fate: to flee the dictatorship or to stay, prey to apprehension and fatigue.

Badia i Margarit’s commitment to his country, its society and language was a constant. As a result he decided to conduct his work while remaining in his native Barcelona. He was offered a position at the University of Barcelona while still very young. Here he attempted to exercise his commitment to his country and language, maintain intellectual standards worthy of such a venerable institution and stoke the fires of the silent resistance. On numerous occasions on which Badia i Margarit’s classes turned into private meetings, led by the students themselves, with whom he maintained a sincere understanding.

He remained steadfastly committed to the anti-Franco movement that existed in university circles, acting with generosity, while maintaining a formal and prudent position. He was always a man of dialogue.

In the early post-dictatorship period, having gained a certain degree of social and academic prestige, he was appointed rector of the University of Barcelona (1978-1986). It was a time which was marked by a certain regeneration of every university in Spain, starting with the arrival of democracy following the death of the dictator. Badia i Margarit was to play a significant role in this process. 1986 was also the year in which he

Universal Catalans

presided over the Second International Congress of the Catalan language, in what was a celebration of the linguistic unity of the Països Catalans, together with a call for Catalan to receive more attention as a scientific language from the political point of view and more overt academic and university support.

Badia i Margarit was unhappy about the feeling of isolation surrounding the Catalan language.

Spirituality was also an important aspect of Badia i Margarit’s life. A devout Christian with an open mind, he practiced his faith with the intention of pursuing justice, to the point of antagonizing the Franco regime for its actions in religious circles. He aligned himself with the more open-minded sectors of the Church, in agreement with Vatican II, seeing faith as a service to the community. This he demonstrated by being the soul of the Marriage Group, president of Our Lady of Montserrat’s Spiritual League and a parishioner of Santa Maria del Pi church. Religion was a cornerstone of Badia i Margarit’s life and he always acted in opposition to those who believed in an authoritarian form of Christianity.

Also noteworthy is his relationship with Catalonia’s development in recent years. Badia i Margarit actively followed the process and participated with organizations and associations such as Òmnium Cultural and Sobirania i Justícia. While recalling the acts of support by intellectuals from all over the Spanish State in the dark years of attacks against Catalan during Franco’s dictatorship, he also publicly called for independence (asking the public to calmly and clearly sing ‘in-de-pen-dence’) at the Barcelona Athenaeum in 2011.

The final years of his life were marked by the illness of his wife, Ma-

ria, a person who influenced him profoundly and with whom he shared his studies, interests and, above all, a full, respectful and warm family circle. Maria’s passing, together with that of a son, some years earlier, brought him great sadness, but they also brought him great kindness. The image of a tall, thin man, wearing a raincoat and carrying a black briefcase striding Carme Street, gave way to the image of an octogenarian, smiling, affable and always grateful.

With a modest, content gesture, typical of his generation, he lived out his old age full of hope, without upsets (as did his father before him) and the insistent desire to learn more and do more right until the very end.

A devout Christian with an open mind, he practiced his faith with the intention of pursuing justice, to the point of antagonizing the Franco regime for its actions Badia i Margarit’s funeral was also an example of how he had lived his life.

It was a simple, austere ceremony. Santa Maria del Pi church, which he so loved, was filled to overflowing. High-ranking politicians, the nation’s leading scientific, academic and religious personalities, together with teachers and students, cultural leaders and noteworthy members of civil organizations shared a pew with ordinary members of the public.

The attitude of respect, the commitment to dialogue, a love for a job well done and a commitment to civilian life and a country also form part of the invaluable legacy that he has bequeathed to us.

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A Poem Curated by Enric Bou Professor in Hispanic Studies, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

El Desig

Desire

(Títol proposat per Mariona Sagarra amb el consentiment de l’autora)

(Translated by Montserrat Abelló)

Estimo els teus ulls, les teves mans, la teva boca, el teus cabells, els teus llavis molsuts i càlids.

I love your eyes, Your hands, your mouth Your hair, your Warm fleshy lips.

Els narcisos grocs dins un gerro blau allargat damunt la taula, em miren erts i gentils, elegants, indiferents a la passió desbordada del meu viure.

The yellow narcissus In a long blue vase Upon the table, Firm and gentle stare at me.

Elegant, indifferent to The lavish passion Alive within me.

A l’insistent reclam de la meva mà que escriu.

To the insistent Clamour of my hand to write.

Montserrat Abelló (Tarragona, 1918 - Barcelona, 2014) is an award-winning poet and translator of poetry, to and from English, of such authors as Sylvia Plath and Adrienne Rich. In 1990 she was in charge of coordinating the poetry space in the Feminist Fourth International Book Fair in Barcelona. She became a corresponding member in Catalonia when the International PEN Women Writers Committee was created.

In 2002 Editorial Proa published all her poetry in a single volume, Al cor de les paraules (1963-2002), which received many awards including the prestigious ‘Lletra d’or’ (Golden Letter). She spent half her life in exile and as a poet she was a late bloomer: she did not start writing poetry until she was forty. In her poetry we discover a characteristic reflection on the nakedness of words, the power of words, the precision of poetry, and the power of life. Her brief poems become magical, thanks to a transparent, economical style, but her words are not cold or dry. According to Maria-Mercè Marçal her poetry is ‘essentially a long and bitter struggle against silence, the silence that eliminates many anonymous experiences’.

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A Short Story from History

Curated by Francesc de Dalmases

Barcelona 1936: the Games that never took place The Olimpiadas Obreras, or Workers Games, were a series of sporting events between 1925 and 1937.

They were intended as an initiative promoting sport and friendship, as with their counterpart, the Olympic Games, but organized by the workers themselves. They were not meant to accentuate national rivalries by means of a sporting ‘war,’ as with the Olympics, but rather to promote solidarity and comradeship through sport. The Olimpiadas were organized by the Socialist Workers’ Sport International (SWSI).

The People’s Olympiad was organized by the COOP (Comité Organizador de la Olimpiada Popular) and was intended to have taken place in Barcelona between the 19th and 26th of July 1936. It was seen as a protest against the Olympic Games which were held in Berlin that same year. The newly-elected Frente Popular government decided to boycott the Berlin Games by organising an alternative sporting event.

Some 6,000 athletes from 23 nations enrolled in the event, with delegations from the USA, France, Switzerland, England, including the Netherlands, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Algeria sending the most athletes. Germany and Italy’s teams consisted of exiles. There were also representations of Jewish émigré athletes from Alsace, the Basque Country, Galicia and Catalonia. On the afternoon of 18th July the delegations from 23 countries and regions paraded down Les Rambles.

The People’s Olympiad permitted alternative forms of participation in regard to territorial allegiance. It established three categories: national, regional and local. Thus allowing the delegations to send three representations in each sport. It was understood that the Olympiad would not simply be a competition between states, instead it allowed for non-state participants, such as Alsace and Lorraine or Morocco under French rule and Spanish Morocco. In this way the COOP introduced a system of delegations that broke with the state monopoly, particularly in relation to team sports. It also placed special emphasis on the participation of women, who at this time continued to have problems in terms of the access to sport. Most of the athletes belonged to sports clubs and associations belonging to workers’ organisations or leftwing political parties, rather than Olympic or state committees.

There were to have been competitions involving 16 sports in all, including football, tennis, basketball, boxing, athletics, wrestling, Basque pelota and even chess.

The People’s Olympiad was to make use of subsidies obtained from the French government (600,000 francs) the Spanish government (400,000 pesetas) and the Generalitat of Catalonia (100,000 pesetas). France did its utmost to support the People’s Olympiad, due to the fact that it had a left-wing government led by Leon Blum.

It was planned to use the hotels and accommodation built for the 1929 International Exposition. The Montjuïc Stadium was to be the headquarters of the

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games, which were to be inaugurated on the 19th July 1936 with various parades and festivities which were to last a week.

The day before the official inauguration, Saturday 18th of July, the stadium was heaving with activity. There were hundreds of foreign athletes who were training or socializing with the other participants. Also present were youngsters from Barcelona, members of the sporting section of the Ateneo Enciclopédico Popular, the Escuela del Trabajo de Barcelona, the Centro Gimnástico Barcelonés and other local clubs. A dress rehearsal was followed by gymnastic displays which were to be presented the next day. Many members of the organizing committee, too tired to go home, decided to spend the night in the stadium.

On the night of the 18th July the cellist Pau Casals led rehearsals of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, which the orchestra, together with the Orfeó Gracienc choir, was to perform the next day in Montjuïc’s Greek Theatre as part of the People’s Olympiad’s opening ceremony.

19th July 1936 was the date set for the start of the 1936 Barcelona People’s Olympiad. It was not to be. At dawn on Sunday 19th July 1936, a large contingent of soldiers from the Barcelona battalion left their barracks to participate in a military coup, following orders issued by Pamplona Command, under the control of General Emilio Mola, who headed the conspiracy. The coup’s objective was to topple the Frente Popular government in Madrid and the Generalitat in Catalonia. The war halted the celebration of the People’s Olympiad and put an end to Barcelona 1936, just a few hours before it was due to start.

Many athletes had come to Barcelona in the first place as a reaction to the threat of conflict and to show their opposition to the spectre of fascism that hung over Europe. It was therefore no surprise that many of them chose to join the militias. They were to be the first foreign volunteers in the republican army, the beginnings of what was to become the International Brigades.

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The Artist

Five jottings and four clearings for Narcís Comadira

by Perejaume

Endless trees. I am in the studio; the wooden palette is in my hand with the colours of the forest on it. Beyond the studio there is the forest, painting and painting. From amongst the shapes and colours of trees, a bright, dripping one asks me, ‘Are these the colours?’. Trees everywhere. The studio is a home for trees. The confusion of trees is endless. The growth is of such lushness that I am forced to keep cutting it back in the studio. There is a poem by Joan Brossa which says, ‘The last hand will be the hand of the forests’. And that is exactly it; if I were to stop, the studio would become wild; first overgrown and then completely wooded, with trees fusing together, fusing their roots.

Not just a few trees around the house, but full and living works of art. It is all in Isaiah: ‘Thorns shall grow over its strongholds, nettles and thistles in its fortresses. It shall be the haunt of jackals, an abode for ostriches.’

(Isaiah 34.13).

I leave the studio. From the doorway I see the sea at Arenys, the hills of Montalt and the Corredor, as though recently finished. The colours of the trees bubble up like a spring.

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(Two lines of trees completely deleted) Large white and grey clouds lit by shafts of sunlight. There are clearings of sunlight too in the thick holm-oak woods. The scribbles, scrawls, and scratches eventually ramify.

Alongside a patch of land are trees added in pencil. As for the trees painted into life, each tree, done and dusted, that comes out of the studio asks the others where it should go.

From time to time a tree lets slip, ‘Unity will make us prevail’.

There is a likeness and unlikeness between the trees. The painting defines, in the trees, that which corresponds to each tree. There are differently coloured trees and others more alike.

And always the same ceaseless painting.

The blots get slowly bigger. The splotches of the trees come together as they grow, blending into one another. The sun moves and pulls the shadows out of the trees and takes them away, so every day the trees have to fashion new ones .

(A complete potential forest left blank)

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Back in the studio. Trees spread their branches to prevent the sun’s rays from coming in too directly. I fail in an attempt to give them new colours since the rays do not light the trees.

Where I write work the word tree would also fit. I go out again: the trees are taller, blacker; different.

What well-made trees. I count a hundred. I climb one of them, the tallest, to see if I can make out what is written. It does not take much to see a forest as a system ordered by a form of writing with writing’s social and untamed parts running through it. Narcís Comadira calls it the ‘conductive availability’ of the shoots. I see all the timber as a path to something.

(A good place to stop, then carry on) Does the layout of the trees have any meaning? I imagine men coming and going, carry-

ing trees with their roots bound up and baskets of earth. A whole text written like that.

(A space ready for cultivation) In the context of the forest, every artwork is collective. The text starts half-way up the hill, with the trees upright to receive me. No matter how much I read the trees their names in Latin —quercus, populus, robur etc. — they show complete indifference to what they hear. This holm oak, the one behind, and that one there: what a threesome! The thickness of the air is also forest-like.

In the middle of the wooded studio, among the branches, planted on the floor, are the initials N.C. with the rest of the name left blank. As if they were in need of something, the trees paint without pause, never tiring.

Perhaps, when a perfect tree appears on the hill, they will stop.

An exhibition of Narcís Comadira’s work can be seen at Espai Volart from 22nd January to 26th April 2015. 22, Ausiàs Marc St. 08010 Barcelona - Ph: 934 81 79 85 · www.fundaciovilacasas.com Catalan International View

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Editorial Board Martí Anglada Former foreign news editor at TV3 (Catalonia Television). He has been foreign correspondent in the Middle East, Italy and Great Britain (1977-1984) for the Barcelona newspaper La Vanguardia and TV3’s foreign correspondent in the United States (1987-1990), Brussels and Berlin (2009-2011). He has also been an international political commentator. His books include Afers no tan estrangers [Not So Foreign Affairs] (Editorial Mina, 2008), Quatre vies per a la independència: Estònia, Letònia, Eslovàquia, Eslovènia [Four Ways To Independence: Estonia, Latvia, Slovakia, Slovenia] (Editorial Pòrtic, 2013) and La via alemanya [The German Way] (Brau Edicions, 2014). He was named the Generalitat’s new delegate for France and Switzerland in September 2014.

Enric Canela (Barcelona, 1949). Holds a degree in Chemistry from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB) and a PhD in Chemistry, specialising in Biochemistry. He has taught at the UB since 1974, where he is currently Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology and collaborates on research into intracellular communication. He also conducts research on theoretical Biochemistry and regularly publishes in scientific journals of international repute. He is a member of numerous scientific societies. Between 1991 and 1995 he was vice-president of the Catalan Society of Biology. Between 2007 and 2009 he was president of the Circle for Knowledge.

Between 2007 and 2011 he was a patron of the National Agency for Evaluation, Certification and Accreditation (ANECA) in Spain.

He is currently vice-rector of Science Policy at the UB.

Salvador Cardús (Terrassa, 1954). PhD in Economics at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB). Visiting researcher at the University of Cambridge, Cornell University (USA) and Queen Mary College of the University of London. Currently he is professor of Sociology at the UAB and the former Dean of the Faculty of Political Sciences and Sociology. He has conducted research into the sociology of religion and culture, media, nationalism and identity. His published works include, Plegar de viure [Giving Up on Life] with Joan Estruch, Saber el temps [Understanding Time], El desconcert de l’educació [The Education Puzzle], Ben educats [Well Educated] and El camí de la independència [The Road To Independence]. In the field of journalism he was the editor of the Crònica d’Ensenyament magazine (1987-1988) and was deputy editor of the Avui newspaper (1989-1991). He contributes to ARA, La Vanguardia, Diari de Terrassa and Deia newspapers. He is a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans.

August Gil-Matamala Has been a practising lawyer since 1960, specialising in the fields of criminal and labour law. He has taken part in numerous cases in defence of those on trial for their demands in favour of people’s rights, as well as hearings before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Gil-Matamala fought the first successful case against the Spanish state for the violation of basic rights. He is a founder member of the Commission for the Defence of Individual Rights of the Col·legi d’Advocats de Barcelona (the Barcelona Bar Association) and the Catalan Association for the Defence of Human Rights, which he presided over from its foundation in 1985 to 2001. Gil-Matamala has also been president of both the Fundació Catalunya and the European Democratic Lawyers organization. In 2007, coinciding with his retirement, he received the Creu de Sant Jordi (St. George’s Cross, the highest honour awarded by the Catalan government).

Montserrat Guibernau Professor of Politics at Queen Mary College, University of London. Holds a PhD and an MA in Social and Political Theory from the University of Cambridge and a degree in Philosophy from the Universitat de Barcelona. She has taught at the universities of Warwick, Cambridge, Barcelona, the London School of Economics and the Open University. Guibernau has held visiting professorships at the universities of Edinburgh, Tampere, Pompeu Fabra, the UQAM (Quebec) and the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Currently she holds a visiting fellowship at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, London School of Economics. Montserrat Guibernau is the author of numerous books and articles on nationalism, the nation-state, national identity, and national and ethnic minorities in the West from the perspective of global governance.

Guillem López-Casasnovas (Minorca, 1955). Holds a degree in Economics (distinction, 1978) and Law (1979) from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB) and a PhD in Public Economics from the University of York (1984). He has been a lecturer at the UB, visiting scholar at the Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of Sussex and at the Graduate School of Business at the University of Stanford. Since 1992 he is full professor of economics at Barcelona’s Universitat Pompeu Fabra (UPF), where he has been vice-rector of Economics and International Relations and dean of the School of Economics and Business Science. In 1998 he created the Economics and Health Research Centre (CRES-UPF), which he directed until 2005. In 2000 he received the Catalan Economics Society Award, in 2001 the Joan Sardà Dexeus Award and in 2008 the Ramon Llull Distinction from the Balearic government. He is a member of the Catalan Royal Academy of Medicine and distinguished member of the Economists’ Society of Catalonia. Former President of the International Health Economics Association and since 2005 a member of the Governing Board of the Spanish Central Bank. He serves on the advisory councils for Health, Economic Recovery and Catalan Research of the Government of Catalonia.

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Manuel Manonelles A political scientist specialised in international relations and human rights, he is Director General for Multilateral and European Affairs of the Catalan Government since June 2014; a position he combines with that of Associated Prof. of International Relations at the University Ramon Llull (Barcelona).

Member of the Steering Committee of the Jean Monnet Centre of European Excellence on ‘Intercultural Dialogue, Human Rights and Multi-level Governance’ located at the University of Padua (Italy), he has participated in the work of the Leading Group on Innovative Financing for Development (2009-13) under the coordination of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in support of the International Commission Against the Death Penalty (2011-2). He has been special advisor to the Co-chair of the UN High Level Group for the Alliance of Civilizations, as well as director of the Foundation Culture of Peace and the World Forum of Civil Society Networks (known as the Ubuntu Forum). He has been an international electoral observer and supervisor for the OSCE and the EU on many occasions, and has participated in several international intergovernmental and non-governmental processes. He is currently the Government of Catalonia’s Director General of Multilateral Affairs.

Fèlix Martí Former president of the International Catholic Movement for Intellectual and Cultural Affairs (Pax Romana), from 1975 to 1984; director of the Catalonia magazine (1987-2002), aimed at disseminating the Catalan culture around the world; director of the UNESCO centre of Catalonia (1984 to 2002) and subsequently its honorary president. From 1994 to 2002 he was editor of the Catalan editions of the yearly reports of the Washington-based Worldwatch Institute, L’Estat del món [The State of the World] and Signes vitals [Vital Signs]. He promoted the Declaration on Contributions by Religions to a Culture of Peace, signed by leaders of the great religious traditions in 1994. President of the Linguapax International Institute from 2001 to 2004 and its honorary president thereafter. He published his memoirs Diplomàtic sense estat [Diplomat Without a State], in 2006. His latest book is Déus desconeguts. Viatge iniciàtic a les religions de l’Orient [Unknown Gods. Journey of Initiation Through the Religions of the East], published in 2013. He was awarded the UNESCO Human Rights Medal in 1995 and the Generalitat de Catalunya’s Creu de Sant Jordi in 2002.

Eva Piquer (Barcelona, 1969).Writer and cultural journalist. Works for several newspapers and magazines. Has been a lecturer at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a New York news correspondent. Won the 2002 Josep Pla prize for her novel Una victòria diferent (A Different Victory). Also author of several books, including La noia del temps (The Weather Girl), Alícia al país de la televisió (Alice in Television Land) and No sóc obsessiva, no sóc obsessiva, no sóc obsessiva (I’m Not Obsessive, I’m Not Obsessive, I’m Not Obsessive). Her latest book is called La feina o la vida (Life or work).

Ricard Planas (Girona, 1976). Journalist, art critic and cultural promoter. Studied Philology and the History of Art at the Universitat de Girona. In 1999 he founded the magazine Bonart, dedicated to the contemporary art scene in the Catalan Countries. More recently he created and directed the Catalan art fair INART in 2005 and 2006. Has worked as the curator for exhibitions by important artists such as Arranz-Bravo, Lamazares, Formiguera, Cuixart, Ansesa and Grau-Garriga. Ricard has collaborated with Ona Catalana, Catalunya Ràdio, iCatfm and Onda Rambla radio stations. Has also worked for the Diari de Girona, El Punt and El Mundo newspapers, among others.

Clara Ponsatí Holds a degree in Economics from the Universitat de Barcelona, a Masters in Economics from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and a PhD from the University of Minnesota. She is a research professor and director at Institut d’Anàlisi EconòmicaC.S.I.C., affiliated faculty and research fellow at the Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. She has been senior researcher at C.S.I.C., associate professor and assistant professor at UAB and Postdoctoral research associate at Bell Communications Research, Morristown, NJ. She is a member of the editorial boards of The International Journal of Game Theory and The Review of Economic Design.

Arnau Queralt Holds a degree in Environmental Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and a Masters in Public Management from ESADE, the UAB and the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Since October 2011, he has been the director of the Advisory Council for the Sustainable Development of Catalonia (CADS), an advisory body of the Government of Catalonia attached to its Presidential Department. Since October 2012, he has been a member of the Steering Committee of the European Environment and Sustainable Development Advisory Councils (EEAC). From May 2010 to October 2011 he was secretary general of the Cercle Tecnològic de Catalunya Foundation. He has been on the board of the Catalan Association of Environmental Professionals since 2004 and was its president from 2010 to 2012.

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Vicent Sanchis (Valencia, 1961). Holds a degree in Information Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. In his career as a journalist it is worth highlighting that he has worked and collaborated on many publications and with numerous publishers; he is director of El Temps magazine, and he has been director of Setze magazine, the Catalan supplement of Cambio 16, and director of the newspapers El Observador and Avui. He has also excelled as a scriptwriter and director on different TV programmes.

At present he is president of the editorial board of Avui, and vice-president of Òmnium Cultural. Vicent is also a lecturer in the Faculty of Communication Sciences at Universitat Ramon Llull in Barcelona.

Mònica Terribas (Barcelona, 1968). Holds a BA in Journalism from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a PhD in Philosophy from the University of Stirling (Scotland). She is a lecturer at Universitat Pompeu Fabra. From 2002 to 2008 she presented and subsequently directed the current affairs programme La nit al dia for TV3 (the Catalan public television). From 2008 to 2012 she was Director of TV3 and the following year, the CEO and editor of the newspaper Ara. Since September 2013 she has presented El matí de Catalunya Ràdio, Catalonia’s public service broadcasting flagship current affairs programme.

Montserrat Vendrell (Barcelona, 1964). Has been BIOCAT’s CEO since April 2007. As a cluster organization, BIOCAT’s goals include promoting the development of biotechnology companies and research institutions. Vendrell has been the Chairwoman of CEBR (the Council of European Bioregions) since 2012. She holds a PhD in Biology (Universitat de Barcelona), a Masters in Science Communication (UPF, 1997) and a degree in Business Administration (IESE, PDG-2007). Before BIOCAT she was linked to the Barcelona Science Park, where she held several posts such as Scientific Director (1997-2005) and Deputy Director General (2005-2007). Among other tasks, Dr. Vendrell led the design and implementation of the Park’s Strategic Plan, as well as the organization and management of scientific activities and technological platforms. She was a member of the Steering Committee of the Park’s Biotech Incubator, and in charge of international relations.

Carles Vilarrubí (Barcelona, 1954). Businessman. He is currently Executive Vice-President of Rothschild Spain Investment Bank, specialising in key mergers and takeovers in the financial sector on an international scale. President of CVC Grupo Consejero, an equity and investment advisory firm, with a portfolio of shares in consulting and service companies from the world of communications, the media, marketing, technology and telecommunications. President of Doxa Consulting Group, independent consultants on technology, media and telecommunications, leaders in the sector and with a presence in Spain and Portugal. He is a member of the advisory board of the Catalan confederation Foment del Treball Nacional [National Employment Promotion] and patron of the Fundació Orfeó Català - Palau de la Música. He has also been a member of the governing council of ADENA WWF (World Wild Fund for Nature), and sat on the boards of the Fundación Arte y Tecnología, Fundesco and Fundación Entorno. He is vice-president of F.C Barcelona.

Vicenç Villatoro (Terrassa, 1957). Writer and journalist. Holds a degree in Information Sciences. He is director of CCCB (Barcelona’s Center for Contemporary Culture). Former president of the Ramon Trias Fargas Foundation and the former director of the Institut Ramon Llull.. As a journalist he has worked for numerous organizations. He was the editor of the Avui newspaper from 1993 to 1996 and head of the culture section of TV3. Between 2002 and 2004 was director general of the Catalan Radio and Television Corporation. He has contributed to a range of media companies, such as Avui, El Periódico, El País, El Temps, Catalunya Ràdio and COM ràdio. As a writer he has written a dozen novels.

Francesc de Dalmases (Director) (Barcelona, 1970). Journalist and consultant in humanitarian aid and cooperation and development. Has been president (1999-2006) of the Association of Periodicals in Catalan (APPEC); coordinator for the delegation to the Spanish state of European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages (1995-1999); coordinator for the third conference of the CONSEU (Conference of European Stateless Nations) (1999); and coordinator for the publication Europa de les Nacions (1993-1999). Has acted as a foreign expert in aid projects in such diverse locations as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mongolia, Kosovo, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mexico, Guatemala and Morocco. He is a member of the Cooperation Council of the Catalan government.

He recently (2011) joined Barcelona’s Council’s Aid Commitee and is a board member of the Federation of Internationally Recognized Catalan Organizations.

Víctor Terradellas (Editor) (Reus, 1962). Entrepreneur and political and cultural activist. President and founder of Fundació CATmón. Editor of Catalan International View and ONGC, a magazine dedicated to political thought, solidarity, aid and international relations. Víctor has always been involved in political and social activism, both nationally and internationally. The driving force behind the Plataforma per la Sobirania (The Platform for Self-Determination) as well as being responsible for significant Catalan aid operations and international relations in such diverse locations as Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Pakistan and Kurdistan. Currently he is General Secretary of International Relations for Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, the ruling party in Catalonia.

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