Children's right to play: An examination of the importance of play in the lives of children

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have been stolen. The games thus organize

lectively, these studies suggest that children from

a kind of physical contact that would not be

middle-class communities generally participate

permissible under other circumstances and

in structured and pre-set activities, with few

would be seen as a serious attack. They shift

signs of spontaneous play in public spaces.

the borders of the acceptable and of vulnerability. While hitting, kicking, and so on are

Cosco and Moore’s (2002: 41) observations of

prohibited under normal circumstances,

children in middle-class areas in Buenos Aries

in play anything goes, as long as it does not

note:

really hurt (Kelle 2000: 180). Children live in high-rise apartment buildSocio-economic status

ings with little chance to get outside to play

The relationship between children’s autono-

freely. These children’s time is over-occu-

mous movement in public space and family

pied, as they attend school from 8.00 am to

socio-economic and cultural resources is

5.00 pm and then take classes in computer

another significant variable influencing chil-

skills, martial arts, English and sports. On

dren’s spatial patterns (Rissotto and Giuliani

the week-end they participate in pro-

2006). Socio-economic status impacts on every

grammes at private clubs.

aspect of children’s spatial positioning; it determines locations of family life and avail-

Disability

able community resources and, when combined

Equally, research suggests that attitudinal and

with dominant constructs of childhood, has a

physical barriers severely compromise disabled

considerable influence on children’s ability to

children’s opportunity to appropriate time–

find their own time–spaces.

space for play. Research in the UK notes that disabled children’s everyday lives are subject

A general pattern suggests that there is increas-

to constant adult surveillance and attendance,

ing ‘timetabling’ of middle-class children’s free

which significantly affects their ability to

time (Lareau 2000, Tomanovic 2004, Sutton et

develop clandestine use of space, both in the

al. 2007, Vincent and Ball 2007), while children

organised spatial productions of school and

from lower social-economic backgrounds have

informally (Economic and Social Research

less structured free-time and greater opportuni-

Council 2000). Interviews with disabled children

ties to create time–space for play with peers in

indicate that most were aware of the ways in

their local neighbourhoods (Reay and Lucey

which adults attempted to order their lives, and

2000, Tomanovic 2004). This pattern is not con-

where possible children resisted adult notions

fined to affluent industrialised countries; there

of dependency and care. When asked if adults

seems to be a similar picture in urbanised areas

always did things for her, one child commented,

in the majority world (Bannerjee and Driskell

“they’re always doing it, it’s really annoying.

2002, Gosso et al. 2007, Goncu et al. 2009). Col-

But I try to get my own back on them by doing


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