Salviati University by ATIsuffix

SALVIATI UNIVERSITY ROMA CAMPUS AT ROME 2014 - 2015

COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF IDEAS PROGRAM COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF IDEAS PROGRAM, UNIVERSITY of WASHINGTON, Comparative History of Ideas, (CHID), is an interdisciplinary program that examines the interplay of ideas and their cultural, historical, and political contexts. The Program in the Comparative History of Ideas is widely recognized and respected for its innovative and transformative international programs. We believe that a “foreign” experience should be a part of every liberal education as a path toward critical participation in a world that is both increasingly unified and persistently diverse. www.chid.washington.edu

Program Coordinators Erin Clowes, Master of Arts, International Studies, Lecturer and International Program Director, Comparative History of Ideas Program University of Washington, Seattle, USA. Adriana Goni Mazzitelli, Cultural Anthropologist, PhD in Urban Studies and Planning, Lecturer and researcher in the Civic Art Laboratory, Universitá degli Studi Roma Tre, Italy.

LABORATORY OF CIVIC ART, UNIVERSITA DEGLI STUDI ROMA TRE. In a season marked by public art projects spreading around the world, LAC acts as a multidisciplinary research group with a particular interest on elaborating, together with social groups and local communities, a collective and shared vision over urban space, through the means of ‘Civic Arts’. LAC considers any intervention in the public realm as an opportunity for social transformation and operates as a device for a civic renaissance. www.articivche.net

Program Team Laboratory of Civic Art - Ati Suffix, Matteo Locci, Natalia Agati, Serena Olcuire, Panagiotis Samsarelos, Emanuele Caporrella, Alejandra Coste Montenegro

Professors Marco Brazzoduro, Universitá La Sapienza di Roma Francesco Careri, Laboratorio Arti Civiche, Universitá degli Studi Roma Tre

Graphics and Layouts Emanuele Caporrella Alejandra Coste Montenegro Photographers 2014 Marco Baroncini (freelance represented by Corbis), Alessandra Furnari (free lance Popica Onlus). 2015 Emanuele Caporrella

SALVIATI UNIVERSITY ROMA CAMPUS AT ROME Students 2014 Thomas Bigelow James Dahlstrom Hannah Dinan Charity Gage Chris Gallagher Stephanie Gero AnnMarie Henriksson Will Holland Alexandra Holmes Sam Hylas Spencer Ireland Hannah Kadletz, Faith Katsman Morgan Lee Chloe Mahar Pitchaya Phapanon Mackenzie Pochepan Alison Roth Lauren Rowles Ginny Singh Mackenzie Teddy Zach Wang Daniel Wykowski Aleyna Yamaguchi

2015 Casey Johnson Caryn Hreha Alexandra Sanchez Vanessa Nourozi Anna Doran Lyudmila Antonova Jasmine Ramezanzadeh Kimmie Glass Alexis Torres-Dawson Hannah Correll Charles Taylor John Menefee Jonathan Laura Henry Face Zach Gaston Charlie Parfet Chris Bunker Jamil Qazi Bryton Wildsmith Lauren Meoli Cristina LeCuyer Megan Wotherspoon Hannah Calas Caitlin Howard

index Forword. Why a program on Roma People in Europe and in Rome? Erin Clowes..................................................................4 Connecting with Roma Youth through Art Erin Clowes.................................................................. 5 Who are the Roma? Marco Brazzoduro....................................................... 8 The Roma in Rome, Challenging Apartheid Francesco Careri...................................................... 12 Trespassing the border, actions towards the coexistence of Roma and Gagé in Rome Adriana Goni Mazzitelli............................................. 14 Salviati University, Roma campus. Matteo Locci............................................................. 18 POSTCARDS SALVIATI............................................ 19

ForwORD Erin Clowes Why a program on Roma People in Europe and in Rome?

While directing previous international programs at the University of Washington’s Rome Center in Rome, it troubled me that students uncritically absorbed the overt racism against Roma people common among the local Italian population. The conversations initiated around the topic became the framework for this experiential, quarter-long course investigating the social and economic mechanisms leading to this extreme level of marginalization and interrogating some of the methods individuals and groups use to generate and interpret knowledge about themselves and about others. We examine what it means to say “we”, and how the circle of the “we” is implicitly or explicitly exclusionary. The ultimate aim of our work together is to learn to think critically about how we think, and how to understand our actions as purposeful and ethical in the world. In addition to the academic work, it was important that students also directly connect with Roma communities. This led me to a wonderful collaboration team.

Connecting with Roma Youth through Art Erin Clowes

2014 With professors Marco Brazzoduro and Adriana Goni Mazzitelli in Rome, we were able to bring together UW students and the Roma community in Salviati, starting with a collaborative art project at the UWâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Rome Center in the Campo de Fiori. Using cameras and a printer donated by the UW Pipeline Project, participants created artworks that reflected their individual dreams for the future.

The following week we visited Salviati and Salone, where the participants lived. Rather than charter a bus, we took public transportation, followed by a long walk, to reach the camps. Students experienced what it means to be on the periphery, to be pushed to the edge of society. These visits, coupled with assigned readings primarily by Roma academics and activists, not only introduced students to the complexity of Roma identity but also broadened their perspectives on identity and prejudice closer to home. Students became aware of their own privilege in ways they hadn’t before. The Rome program wrapped up with an exhibition of the shared artworks entitled, “There’s No Place Like Home,” a reference to the lack of social housing accessible for Roma people. The event, held at Michele Testa community center near the Roma camps, featured a meal prepared by UW students and Roma volunteers, with a representative of the municipality attending.

2015 Due to the positive relationships established in 2014 with the Roma community of Salviati, we were delighted to be invited to do a workshop directly inside the camp in 2015. The concept of Salviati University, with Salviati residents in the role of teachers for the visiting students, was initiated by our Salviati host families and our local partner the Civic Art Laboratory at the University of Rome Three. This was a wonderful opportunity to contract with Roma instructors to teach the University of Washington students the traditions and skills of the Salviati community. Salviati University was born. Some of the classes included preparing and cooking traditional Roma dishes, â&#x20AC;&#x153;sarmaleâ&#x20AC;?, and a sewing circle where students shopped for fabric at the multicultural Piazza Vittorio market, and sewed skirts alongside women in the community. In addition, students had the chance to learn metal smithing and some of the Romani language, as they assisted skilled craftsman, Mirsad Sejdovic, in creating a wood stove, beginning with two sheets of iron.

Who are the Roma? Marco Brazzoduro

hose who are currently called “gypsies” make up a range of peoples widespread in all the five continents. Only in Europe they are estimated to be around 10/12 millions. More precisely anthropologist refer to “romani peoples”. Romani peoples are five: Roma (the most numerous and widespread especially in Eastern Europe), Sinti (in Germany and Italy), manouches (in France), calè (in Spain, Wales and Finland), romanichels (Great Britain, USA and Canada). They originated from some areas in Northern India from where they moved Eastward around 1000 AD. Their language – romanès – has strong resemblance with Sanskript and none with different European language families. Just the in-depth study of their (oral and unwritten) language allowed to spot in Northern India (Punjab and Rajasthan) the origin of Romani peoples. Some German philologist at the end of nineteen century are credited with that discovery. First documents of their presence in Europe date back to the fourteen century. In Italy it was 1422. Sure as hell, it is a matter of a group of peoples belonging to the range of European peoples, to their culture and their civilization to whom they have brought an original contribution in the field of music and generally in arts. However a feeling imbued with hostility and rejection, a form of actual antigypsism

is still affecting Western societies. Why ? One explanation is their difference which is difference, somatic, religious and in lifestyle. In medieval Europe in which to be Christian was the essential requisite of citizenship (actually subjectness). Roma – for the sake of brevity from now on I shall refer to Romani peoples with this term – were seen as the different among different, the stranger par excellence. This feeling turned into forms of open discrimination which quite often turned into persecution. In middle age towns there were numerous bans reducing Roma (cingani) right to stay to 2/3 days after which killing them and seize their goods was not considered to be a crime. Nomadism, a custom that wrongly many attribute to their specific inclination, even of genetic origin, was born as a necessary reaction to those bans. One form of cultural adaptation to an external compulsion. Hostility and rejection have inevitably entailed during time a heap of prejudices which in an unstoppable vicious circle have fuelled and multiplied discrimination according the well known inner workings of scapegoat mechanism. The peak of this story occurred in the nazi regime which – and only a few know it because even at the Nurberg trial nobody hinted at it – has spotted Romani peoples as another of their extermination target

[porrajmos (great devouring) or samudaripen (all dead) in Romani language.] Among the most rooted prejudices there is that of children abduction. It is a popular belief largely widespread notwithstanding it never had the least evidence. As a matter of fact it has been never found any missing child in a Romani camp. Several trials occurred about attempted abduction and a couple of times they ended in conviction verdict. But an objective going-over of the cases revokes in doubt judges’ fairness. Judges too can fall as victims of popular prejudices. Among other numerous prejudices – all functional to the scapegoat building – it is also that one labeling Roma as parasites because unwilling to work and devoid of necessary work ethic. Whoever knows Roma and attends them can easily dispel this prejudice. Another label quite often put to Roma is that to be thieves, to systematically devote themselves to stealing. In that case it is not a question of prejudice but it is the interpretation to be wrong and misleading. Those Roma who use to steal – a point to reiterate is that one cannot put everyone into the same basket: generalization is the requisite of all racist attitudes – they do it someway obliged by their condition of extreme poverty. In its turn this is the outcome of their exclusion from labor market (who hires Roma ?). As a matter of fact the typology of crimes committed by Roma is easily attributable to the category of poverty crimes. Crimes of the underclass identical in Naples like in New York. It never happened that a Roma has been indicted for a crime as stock

manipulation or illegal transfer of capitals abroad that is white collars typical crimes. All over Europe high percentage of Roma live in extreme poverty condition attributable to a range of reasons among which the main is discrimination which takes the prevailing shape of obstacles to access the labor market. Several European states have started policies aimed at Roma social integration. European Union pressed its 27 (at present 28) member states - if they did not have it -to adopt a National Strategy of Roma inclusion. The Italian Government in February 2012 approved Italian Strategy of inclusion. It is based on four pillars: jobs, health, housing and education. The intense (and overloaded) document marks one trend reversal with respect to previous initiatives which coped with the Roma question exclusively from the point of view of security – but not that one concerning Roma – and law and order issue. Surely the document is full of good intentions and is founded on adequate knowledge of Roma condition. It does not however succeed in dispelling all the doubts on actual attainability of actions suggested because subjects in charge of attainment are the municipalities some of which keep on - so to speak – governing the situations through evictions which are to be considered unacceptable both from an ethical point of view and because they infringe precise international obligations being underwritten by Italy (see: Revised European Social Chart, clause 31, subsection c).

One of the most common solution all over Italy is that of building so called “nomad camps” which actually are out-and-out ethnical ghettoes, intolerable segregation sites. They had being built since the ‘80ies on the wrong premise that Roma were nomads. These sites along the years have turned into exclusion and decay spots. As a matter of fact one of the greatest aspirations of the majority of residents in these camps is just that to have normal accommodations like everybody else. Because Roma are human beings like us with similar aspirations, same needs, same vices and virtues. Elementary observation, being shared by whomever has acquaintance and familiarity with them. In Rome ten or so authorized camps have been built. At present they have been reduced to 7 because some of the camps being built by the Municipality have been then downgraded to “tolerated”, essential step to their further demolition. One of those is that called “Salviati 2”. This camp exists since December 28th, 1999 when about 260 Xoraxanè Romà (from Bosnia and Montenegro) were moved from so called Casilino 700 camp which have been demolished to give way to a public park. In a wide area, previously occupied by a no longer in use military airport, about 1,500 migrants not only Roma used to dwell. Roma moved to Salviati camp had been accomodated in 42 containers (number 4 to 45). 1-3 containers had been assigned to Dasikhanè Roma (Roma with Serbian citizenship belonging to the Rudari community) coming from “via della Martora” camp.

At present around 430 people in the camp are living, while initially 272 had been moved there. Birth rate is very high (5% !). In 2013-14 forty children were born. Crowding is also intolerable. At the beginning average crowding was 6 per container (33 square meters). At present it is 9 meaning a 50% increase. As a consequence most of the families have been obliged to widen their container adding new built rooms which already twice local police ordered to demolish condemning them to forced promiscuity which does not belong to their culture. Moreover public service of collecting garbage is made in a scandalous way. Sometimes garbage is left to rotten for weeks without anybody coming to take them away. In order to avoid the risk of sicknesses – apart the stink of decaying food – Roma are obliged to burn them. Hence the smokes which the neighbors at Tor Sapienza are complaining. The shameful state of neglect Roma in Salviati camp are enduring gave origin to a high level of degradation which in its turn caused undeniable hooligan like behaviors attributed to Roma children. Anyway one cannot reverse the relationship between victim and executioner. Roma are the first victims of degradation and if public authorities are not doing anything to improve their life condition their discomfort will increase and so will do hostility by neighbors. It is task and duty of public institutions to take the responsibility of an up to the standard of citizens’ actual needs area governance.

The Roma in Rome, Challenging Apartheid Francesco Careri

n Italy there is a creeping apartheid. While 90,000 Roma people live in houses, for the other 35,000 there is a city apart. For many years these Roma populations lived in the citieâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s margins, building their communities in abandoned spaces, but in recent years the municipality prepares for those Roma and Sinti people that have been living in camps for decades,

new encampments with high densities of emergency structures, remote from primary services, controlled by armed guards and closed circuit cameras, with curfews and mandatory identification photocards and bar codes, and perimeter fences erected around the communities, like a prison. We have produced a considerable literature concerning temporary zones where excess humanity lives (Rahola: 2003), spaces which open when the state of exception becomes the rule (in Agamben: 1995), suspended areas (Breasts: 2007) in a kind of frozen transitory zone that produce dependency syndromes and lives that become dependent on transfusion (Agier: 2002), supported by vacant and undesireable city land, (Boano & Floris: 2005) inhabited by citizens without citizenship rights and therefore without the city, or rather a city apart, separate, forced into margins selected just for them. In Italy those spaces were born as nomad camps - officially â&#x20AC;&#x153;temporary campsâ&#x20AC;? - and are regulated institutions. In the absence of a national legislative framework, regional laws were enacted in the nineties, a sort of an equipped parking imagined for wandering communities which were primarily Italian Roma in the 1980s. These spaces became perennially temporary settlements for the Roma fleeing the wars in the Balkans and then from

depressed areas of Romania. They evolved from the slums of shacks and caravans in the fields of containers to the current villages, with a growing state surveillance and dependence on institutions and a consequent loss of decision-making autonomy over their own lives and occupations. Even the history of Roma living in Italy has a long literature, it is the history of urban contempt (Brunello: 1996), which for centuries has driven them out of our cities, making them nomads by force (Wiernicki: 1997), foreigners everywhere (Brazzoduro & Candreva: 2009), the people of the landfills (Piasere: 1991), children of the ghetto (Sigona: 2002). What we are witnessing since 2008 with the commissioner of the “Roma issue”, is the Italian government taking extraordinary measures by declaring a “state of emergency in relation to nomad settlements in the territory of Campania, Lazio and Lombardy” (extended and currently extended to regions of Veneto and Piedmont). Additionally, the prefects of Naples, Rome and Milan were appointed by the Minister of the Interior Giuliano Amato “Commissioners Delegates for the realization of all actions necessary to overcome the state of emergency”. A further shift from old policies of marginalization in the slums to the institutionalization of the Roma ghettos as real places of ethnic concentration. The case of Rome, where the new system of apartheid is fully institutionalized, combines planning with many speculative interests. The Nomads Plan of the City of Rome permits just 6000 Roma people to be

in the city and was focused on the dismantling of illegal camps. The strategy was reducing the number of admissions and the concentration of displaced people in the villages, where the living conditions are often below minimum housing standards set by law, and even to those used by the Civil Protection for disasters like floods and earthquakes. If they would have invested all these economic resources in public construction, the funds spent on the Nomad Plan, would have resulted in more than 8000 Roma having access to live in public housing.

TREspaSsing the border, actions towards the coexistence of Roma and GaGÉ in Rome Adriana Goni Mazzitelli

ver the centuries most Roma people have abandoned nomadism. Long ago the pattern of traveling caravans and carnival employment ceased, but in the Gagé (non-Roma) imagination, (thanks in part to contributions of Roma beauty in music, like flamenco, in art, and in animating the traditional circus arts, keeping alive practices that belong to a seemingly magical world that slowly was lost), there remains around them a mysterious identity, the mystique of nomads, acrobats, and caravan travelers. (Vaux de Foltier: 1970). Roma inspired happiness in local events, it can be read in nearly all the historical documents how they were received with great joy and invited to stay in the center of the city during the celebrations, but then asked to go away as soon as the parties finished, or given permission to stay outside of the borders of the town (Piasere: 2004). Roma culture has a broad symbology that refers to a deep understanding of human relationships and feelings, and a love of nature and the cycles of life. The culture of this people is an intangible heritage of humanity as bearers of the essential elements of human

life. “The themes (of the anthologies of its poets) are those that affect man universally, as if to indicate that there is a single being, the human, albeit with many different cultures. Their poetry expresses the pain of living with love, family, the Roma and Gagé relationship, the status of women, and religious celebrations. There is a rich symbology, including the tree, the forest, the bird, the rain, the stars, and ultimately the marginalization and the present conditions. The tree is a symbol of life and fertility. The “ciriklò” (the bird) is the soul of the poet and the spirit of youth, the journey is freedom. The forest suggests security, family, creativity. The rain is a symbol of thought and hidden emotion. Stars .. a glimmer of light in a world dull and dark. The long Gypsy road, traveled for over ten centuries, leads either to the roots of their existence, or towards the uncertain future.”(Spinelli: 2001). It was in recognition of this cultural wealth that the Civic Arts Laboratory (LAC) of the ‘University of Roma Tre, in the last decade chose to walk shoulder to shoulder with the Roma community in Rome, in order to build together cultural messages that are able to

go beyond the prejudices and social barriers. In 2008 we began with the camp Casilino 900, the biggest Roma camp in Europe, in the project Savorengo Ker “The house for everybody,” (in Romani language), which was imagined into being together with the inhabitants of the camp as a great little utopia of mutual understanding. In 2010 LAC began working with the neighborhood of Tor Sapienza, in particular with the Metropoliz squat that hosts the first Roma communi-

ty that refused to go into the institutional camps that the municipality proposed to them, and self-built their homes inside of an abandoned pork sausage factory. With them LAC created many exchanges through artistic devices like the movie, Space Metropoliz, made by two anthropologists who achieved great visibility over this housing battle thanks to MAAM (Museum of the Other and the Elsewhere). The factory home and museum has attracted dozens of the greatest contemporary artists, who have created works of art with the inhabitants. From 2012 to 2013, the LAC undertook a work directed to the coexistence among families, youth and children of Roma camps of Salviati and Salone, with the neighborhood Tor Sapienza. The project was called SarSan - in Romani, “being well together”. This work was done in a highly charged context, with neo-nationalist movements that use the Roma camps to focus the hatred in suburban neighborhoods. One of the first steps in the research methodology of LAC was to understand who are the main actors, as well as the urban and anthropological history of this area, that has had many changes in the last century beyond the incidence of the Roma settlements. The vertiginous urban growth model lacked parameters of social and environmental sustainability in the city of Rome, and created anger in the various groups living separately, in urban enclaves. The neighborhood was founded at the beginning of the XX century as a little town that in the 60´s becomes the set-

ting of extensive industrial development with many factories operating in the area. In the 70Â´s high-rise blocks for social housing were built in throughout the periphery of Rome, taking 5000 inhabitants to Tor Sapienza overnight; an unemployed population with many social problems. In the 90Â´s Roma camps arrived with refugees of the Balkan war, that between the field of Martora and Salviati amount

to 800 people. In 2000 many immigrants arrived from the wars in Africa, and due to the poverty and misery in the world, and a lack of state support for these refugees resulted in the squatting of houses and abandoned factories. For the political refugees, the government opened refugee centers in the same area, pouring at least 1000 other people with difficulties into the overburdened territory.

The project SarSan was interested in intercepting the local cultural practices, and identifying the “possible bridges” to open channels of dialogue between the Roma community, the local community and the local municipality. Also here, the artistic key was essential, as well as the collaborative planning approach which attempted to create a dialogue among the different constituencies concerned with the Roma topic to work towards conflict resolution (Sclavi & Susskind: 2011). The various instruments used by the artistic approach were: the Globality of Languages (GDL), a science that was inspired in psychology, pedagogy, art and anthropology, in dialogue with a larger community with which to communicate the negative effects that the different social discriminations have on people`s lives. In addition to this, we included Participatory Video Art, a discipline that utilizes the communication sciences with all the technological revolutions of the last century. It works upon the cultural imagination through collecting the different voices, as well as creating a self-narration of Roma communities, that ends in a gradual process of empowerment and recognition of their own cultural and personal potential (Jackson: 2011). Finally, the Civic Art, a sort of urban archeology that highlights the memory of places, legends, myths, with their creative materialization, where aesthetics meets the diverse cultural geographies that are found in the exploration of the territories. It takes the public and immaterial dimension of architecture and, using the

imprint of public art, becomes a moment of urban synthesis of the various processes. LAC has worked to cross the boundaries of neighborhood spaces, working with the people who inhabit them, creating urban installations, performances, “dérives,” picking up the ritual and playful dimension of the meeting, of the sociality that has never existed between these enclaves. The results were the building of communities’ urban gardens, playgrounds in abandoned public spaces for their use, urban installations such as a giant World Map in a skating rink that incorporated stories and paths of different migrants arriving to the neighborhood. In addition to this, street circus, theater, ethnic dinners, carnival parades, all in public spaces looking for a non-rational interactions between Roma, migrant communities and local populations. In the last year, from 2014 to the present LAC research “Trespassing Borders”, follows in particular the establishment of a territorial network with various social actors, artists, activists, Roma people and active citizens that have been informed about the situation of the Roma community. The Roma Est Network elaborated proposals for closing the camps and integrating those populations into the rest of the city as normal citizens, demonstrating that a great part of the Italian society wants to go beyond the current apartheid. Building a multicultural Rome is possible, we hope politicians can understand this message as soon as possible, before more children suffer living in Roma camp conditions.

Salviati University, Roma campus at Rome MATTEO LOCCI

n a shameless country proud of its own racism, marginalized communities are in a constant struggle to overcome stigmas. Reality is socially manipulated according to the needs of those who control the symbolical power. Political revolutions imply a radical cognitive subversion towards a new order. Roma self-representation should no longer be confined to what marginal communities are assumed or allowed to be represented by. Education comes first . It’s time for those in charge of symbolical power to go back to school. State apparatus, newspapers, academics, intellectuals, tourist and general citizenship Salviati University. A new school indeed. How should it be? Certainly popular and relational. Probably biased. hopefully not revengeful, nevertheless hard headed. No more time to stereotypical self-representation of marginalization. Otherness becomes dangerous for the status quo when capable of creatively represent its own struggles. The future of Roma’s counter integration process grounds on the community’s capacity to express its own vitality and cultural dynamism within the restriction of today’s marginalization.

Salviati University is open to every national and international group willing to initiate a conscious path towards a closer one to one understanding of Roma communities under the lead of its professors specialized in daily struggles BibliograPHY of all articles

Agamben G., a) Homo sacer. Il potere soverano e la vita nuta. Ed. Einudi, Torino, 2005. Agier,M., Gèrer les indésirables. Des camps de réfugiés au governement humanitaire, Flammarion, Paris, 2008. Brazzoduro A., Candreva G.,(a cura di): Stranieri Ovunque. Kalè, Manouches, Rom, Romanichals, Sinti… Zapruder. Rivista di storia della conflittualità sociale, n° 19, Italia, 2009. Brunello P. (a cura di), L’urbanistica del disprezzo. Campi rom e società italiana, Manifestolibri, Roma 1996. Piasere L., Popoli delle discariche, Ed. CISU, Roma,1991. Jackson, S, “Social Works, performing art supporting publics”. Ed Routledge New York 2011. Petti A., Arcipelaghi e enclave. Architettura dell’ordinamento spaziale contemporaneo, Bruno Mondadori, Milano, 2007. Piasere L., I rom d’Europa, Editori Laterza, Bari, 2004. Rahola, F., Zone definitivamente temporanee. I luoghi dell’umanità in eccesso. Ombre Corte, Verona 2003. Sigona, N., Figli del ghetto. Gli italiani, i campi nomadi e l’invenzione degli zingari. Nonluoghi Libere Edizioni, Divezzano 2002 Spinelli S., Baxtalo Divès, ed Centre des recherches tsiganes, Paris, 2001. Susskind L., Sclavi M., Confronto creativo. Dal diritto alla parola al diritto di essere ascoltati, edizioni Et Al. Milano 2011. Vaux de Foltier, F., Mille anni di storia degli zingari,Ed. Jaca Book, 2010. Wiernicki, K Nomadi per forza. Storia degli zingari, Rusconi, Milano 1997.

ON web SAVORENGO KER vimeo.com/20351544 SONO SOLO UNA RAGAZZA VIDEO vimeo.com/65123732 SARSAN www.facebook.com/sarsanroma?fref=ts MAAM www.facebook.com/museoMAAM?fref=ts