October 2011

cpr

volume xi, no. 1

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW

ACKNOWLEDGING THE AMERICAS CHARTING A NEW COURSE FOR US FOREIGN POLICY

BY MATT A. GETZ

SILICON IMPLANT

BY HADI ELZAYN

RESHAPING NEW YORK!S ECONOMY TO WEATHER BOOM AND BUST

DIDACTIC DECEIT BY MARK HAY REVEALING THE UGLY TRUTH BEHIND AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION A PUBLICATION OF THE COLUMBIA POLITICAL UNION

October 2011

1

cpr

volume xi, no. 1

!"#$%&'#(')*#+, -./0#1*+& 23(34#(45!"#$%&

6+(#%&5!"#$%&1

7&$15!"#$%& 6$3,,57&$#1$15

2

NARAYAN SUBRAMANIAN MICHELLE DAWSON AYUSHI ROY

CHRIS BRENNAN HADI ELZAYN LUCAS REHAUT SIMON RIMMELE GEETIKA RUDRA TAYLOR THOMPSON HELENA YOO AMALIA RINEHART KAELA CHAMBERS ESHA MAHARISHI STEPHANIE MANNHEIM MARIE NGANELE DARYL SEITCHIK THUTO SOMO JUSTIN WALKER

)%895)*#+,

TREVOR COHEN

711#1$3($5)%895 !"#$%&1

TOM CARUSO MINGMING FENG

:39%.$5!"#$%&1

SAMANTHA HERZOG ALANA PACHECO

;+/5!"#$%&

CONSTANCE BOOZER

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

Editor’s Note While my layout editors and I are putting the finishing touches on this issue, my peers and members of my editorial staff are downtown participating in the Occupy Wall Street movement. Regardless of where one falls ideologically, the movement is undoubtedly an uprising against the corporate juggernaut that defines our time. The four popular political groups on campus (CU Democrats, College Republicans, College Libertarians, and International Socialist Organization) have weighed in on this very issue in our new recurring feature, Student Stump. I cannot think of a better addition to our magazine, which now begins its second decade of existence. Our mission has always been to showcase our student body’s perspectives and insights on both popular and lesser-known issues – this feature truly takes it to the next level and presents the clash among the political opinions that exist on our campus.

We may not know the fate of the Occupy Wall Street Movement, but rising antipathy for Wall Street and its economic volatility are a grave cause for concern today. This has inspired Hadi Elzayn (4) to advocate, in A Modest Proposal, for New York City to “diversify” its economic future by encouraging entrepreneurship and investing in alternative energy and biotechnology industries – in a sense, creating a Silicon Valley of its own.

Along with the constant headlines today about Wall Street, one cannot ignore the endless chatter within the media about the upcoming 2012 presidential election. Taylor Thompson (15) gives his own take on the elections, focusing on the rise of Herman Cain, who has recently become the new favorite of political satirists. Jordan Kalms (12) analyzes the rising influence of these political satirists on the mainstream media and the American public at-large. Neither the satirists nor the conventional anchors have been anything less than critical of Obama’s presidency, and in our cover story, Matt Getz (7) delves into the forgotten region of Obama’s foreign policy, Latin America, arguing for a new era of reengagement.

As CPR loves to constantly improve and reinvent itself, I ask our readers to provide us with feedback on how this magazine can better serve its readers. Please feel free to contact me at nss2130@columbia.edu.

Narayan Subramanian Editor-in-Chief

OCTOBER.2011 table of contents modest proposal

student stump

4

16

Silicon Implant Reshaping New York’s Economy to Weather Boom and Bust

By CU Democrats, College Republicans, College Libertarians, International Socialist Organization

By Hadi Elzayn

cover story 7

Acknowledging the Americas Charting a New Course for US Foreign Policy

By Matt A. Getz

features | international 18

I Am News (and So Can You!) The Impact of Satire on Political Journalism

Didactic Deceit Revealing the Ugly Truth Behind American Higher Education

By Mark Hay

features | national 12

Citizens United, Columbians Divided

22

#Hacktivism The Future of the Faceless

By Helene Barthelemy

By Jordan Kalms 15

Yes We Cain Herman Cain and the Shape of the Tax Debate

25

That Sinking Feeling Rising Seas and the Perils of Island Statehood

By Katya English

By Taylor Thompson

interview 28

A New Era for Radio A Conversation with Jad Abumrad

COVER ART BY JUSTIN WALKER October 2011

3

!"#"$%&'"()#*&+ Reshaping New York’s Economy to Weather Boom and Bust

By Hadi Elzayn

Protestors, slogans, police – Wall Street has not seen this kind of exuberance in a long time. The city’s past and present financial powers now meet on Wall Street in the shadow of the World Trade Center memorial – what is a symbol of American strength and unity in the face of mortal terror is now home to discontent and protests.

4

The message shouted in Zuccotti Park and disseminated through the web may not be entirely coherent, but the anger and discontent harbored by many citizens of the most capitalist nation in the world indicates a jarring loss of faith. This movement is more than an indictment of individuals or institutions, but rather it is symptomatic

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

of the city’s failure to maintain a balanced, innovative, and competitive economy.

What became clear in the recession is that New York’s economic model, with a disproportionately large share of income stemming from the maintenance and growth of the financial and service sectors, is unsustainable. In the aftermath of the 2008

[modest proposal] financial crisis, it has been widely acknowledged that the financial sector can be catastrophically vulnerable to exogenous shocks in demand – perhaps to the most widespread extent since the beginning of the “greed is good”, “masters of the universe” era. But it is not enough to merely introduce more regulation in order to prevent reckless gambling of assets by rogue bank managers, or to protect consumers from fraudulent institutional practices, or to protect institutions from fraudulent consumers, or even to fundamentally alter the incentives of management.

Even with all these reforms, the tangled global web of financial firms, governments and general consumers, will inevitably amplify even the smallest wobble in global capital markets. In a larger, ever-shifting global marketplace, financial stability for the City of New York requires a turn to a much more balanced economic composition – one that relies on countercyclical, or at least nonprocyclical, industries as an insurance policy so to speak.

In 2007, financial sector workers collected 35.9 percent of New York’s income, even though the sector accounted for only an eighth of the city’s jobs. In fact, New York has historically collected more in employment-

related taxes from the finance industry than from any other – 30 percent of the total in 2006. During the crisis, two-thirds of the fall in city tax revenue is ascribable to the financial sector. Of the $1.9 billion to which this amounted, about three quarters were due to the securities industry alone. These jaw-dropping figures do not even address the impact of job loss.

This strongly contrasts with the lessons of Stanford and MIT, which have been integral in transforming their respective locales into nationally recognized, innovative powerhouses. Companies started by Stanford graduates created over 250,000 new jobs in Silicon Valley between 1960 and 1990. In Massachusetts, by 2009, over 1.1 million jobs had been created by MIT-alumni-founded companies. The resilience of these cities and industries in the face of the widespread recession provides a glimpse of the future toward which New York must shift towards.

What would this future look like? Most importantly, a shift towards such a composition depends on a heavy focus on entrepreneurship in fledgling industries like alternative energy and biotechnology, which have tremendous innovative growth potential. By definition, the successful act of entrepreneurship – risk-taking

with the expectation of profit – creates jobs and combats negative economic fluctuations.

In general, national entrepreneurial activity tends to rise during downturns in the business cycle, and increases in entrepreneurial activity are strongly correlated with decreases in unemployment.

This is perhaps naturally intuitive; in a recession, workers are forced to compete for fewer jobs, driving down wages, and thus, there is a high supply of cheap labor.

Furthermore, the job scarcity encourages the vulnerable (those who are unemployed or facing job insecurity) to begin ventures – this is the “nothing to lose” effect. And while investors may be more risk-averse during a downturn, the reduction of costs associated with starting a new firm may cancel out at least some of their aversion, as a lower investment on a given venture means a higher return in the event of success.

Investors willing to shoulder this risk expect higher profits, and by definition investors are more willing to make these educated gambles than others. Overall, then, a downturn is the most favorable time for embarking on and investing in a risky venture. While the downturn may encourage entrepreneurship on the whole, it is not clear that the increase in entre-

October 2011

5

preneurship that may be expected will align in emergence of ‘Silicon Alley’ as a recognized enormous profits and unwarranted risk-taking the direction of high-technology, high-inno- player in the computer- and internet-focused were reined in to a sustainable economic vation production industries. side of the tech startup field is a good sign. equilibrium, the unbalanced dominance of the In fact, the entrenchment of Wall Street According to a study conducted by industry would decline, freeing up intellectual culture and the perception of New York as a fi- PricewaterhouseCoopers, New York is also and monetary capital to concentrate on what nance city – rath- ' seem to be the industries of the er than a manu,J79.'0..?>2/0>9'9./95@5069'06'6<::966A<1E'10>0.4'future.This is what Wall Street is facturing city or 6/2.;25;6'259'0H@5?>9;'A?5'211' innovation cenbest suited for and should focus ter – probably on: make possible the brilliant *H950:2.6'2.;'?A/9.'/79'F?51;K'/79';059:/' does the most to dreams and vibrant visions of the limit the num- 59F25;'0.'/79'A?5H'?A'@5?A0/'A?5'0.>96/?56'2.;' ingenious American entrepreneur ber of startups by identifying potential in ideas, A0.2.:0956'06E'?A':?<569E'9>9.'4592/95LI' in these fields. concepts, and products suited to New York has all long-term growth instead of shortof the attributes necessary to foster the tech- ranked highest among cities internationally term gain. When innovative enterprise is nological entrepreneurship necessary to bal- for ease of doing business, entrepreneurial successful, living standards are improved for ance its finance-heavy economy, and it holds environment, and research done in universities; all Americans and often the world; the direct unique advantages that, if leveraged properly, these, in addition to the aforementioned reward in the form of profit for investors and can provide for optimal positioning for a new intellectual capital attracted to the city, are financiers is, of course, even greater. The city firm in any of these fields. In addition to its some of the most critical secondary factors has begun to take positive steps, like the New deep integration into the world economy and to foster growth in the high-tech industry. York Bioscience Initiative, which provides established position as the literal and figura- But in spite of these positives, growth remains funding to existing startup incubators and tive center of trading between markets, it pos- slow and obstacles remain. The costs of builds new lab space. The biggest government sesses perhaps the most important ingredient doing business in New York are among the initiative was declared in 2008: a $100 million of the mix: intellectual capital. highest in the country, simply due to the high partnership between the city and a yet to be There is no denying that the sheer size of concentration of business and inflated real selected university to build a cutting-edge profits in the financial industry means that the estate, utilities and labor costs. It is important engineering and applied sciences campus. marginal stake a firm has in hiring decisions to provide even stronger incentives for high- These are good starts, but the most important is enormous; this means that companies have tech ventures. Potential policies include problem – the lack of incentives – remains to a strong incentive to attract the best and the targeted (not indiscriminate) tax breaks and be tackled. brightest workers. Similarly, with such high subsidized education that focuses on the hard Until taking risk in high-tech industries terms of monetary compensation, the best sciences, engineering, and entrepreneurship. is as exciting and attractive to experienced enand the brightest are enticed to enter such a The most important obstacle remains the trepreneurs and fresh graduates as a cushy job lucrative industry. The hiring pracin the financial tices of the top firms in the New ,-./01'/230.4'5063'0.'70478/9:7'0.;<6/5096'06' sector, New York York finance scene routinely focus will continue to 26'9=:0/0.4'2.;'2//52:/0>9'/?'9=@9509.:9;' on the top students of elite univervacillate between sities; many young graduates hired 9./59@59.9<56'2.;'A5967'452;<2/96'26'2':<67B' boom and bust, are skilled in mathematics, comever teetering at C?D'0.'/79'A0.2.:021'69:/?5E'&9F'G?53'F011' puter science, engineering, and the the mercy of exnatural and physical sciences. These :?./0.<9'/?'>2:0112/9'D9/F99.'D??H'2.;'D<6/I ogenous market workers are drawn to Wall Street by forces. But if the the money and lifestyle cocktail of New York, cultural hegemony of Wall Street. While the growing dissatisfaction with Wall Street is but just as often it seems that the opportunity benefits of capital and skill that Wall Street and channeled into well-thought, and useful reguto work with the best and brightest – many other services bring are certainly necessary latory and municipal policy-making, there of whom are of course currently employed in to the financing of any risky tech venture, as may indeed be hope for seeing one more refinancial services – is an enormous draw as long as the incentives remain so skewed, it birth of a city consistently known for reinventwell. With a similar combination of incentives, will be difficult to entice skilled graduates ing itself – this time of a technological Mecca there is no doubt that these students could be to enter those ventures. Since the financial and a city of the future. enticed to go to work at high-tech ventures crisis, the legislative failure to introduce based in the city. necessary regulation to rebalance incentives Hadi Elzayn studies Mathematics and EcoIn 2010, New York-based startups seems to have left the profits and popularity nomics at Columbia College, graduating in received $1.88 billion in venture capital, third of Wall Street more or less intact. No one 2013. He is a grounded pragmatist with headbehind Silicon Valley’s $8.51 billion and New wants to cripple the industry – in fact, the in-the-cloud sympathies, hoping to understand England’s $2.54 billion. For 2011, New York is existence of financial institutions is integral to and improve the world around him. projected to surpass Boston in venture capital capital allocation and the promotion of new funding for startups, demonstrating that industry, and will be especially important to Research for this article was contributed by ample seed funding exists. At the very least, the a transition of such a great magnitude. If the Shivrat Chhabra.

6

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

*$M&%J#NOP"&P' +QN'*(NR"$*!

Charting a New Course for US Foreign Policy

By Matt A. Getz

In 2008, President Barack Obama had a clear idea for Latin American foreign policy. The Bush administration, distracted by events in the Middle East, had pursued a harmful hemispheric policy of blustering unilateralism and neglect; Obama, conversely, would pursue a “new partnership” with the Americas, one marked by cooperation and mutual interests. His subsequent election was heralded throughout Latin America as an opportunity to repair the damage of the Bush era. According to one Latin American barometer poll, US favorability in the eyes of the Latin American public leapt from 58 percent in 2008 to 74 percent in 2009.

Judging from the astounding chorus of leaders and citizens in the region who expressed curiosity and excitement about Obama’s election, the hemisphere seemed primed to embrace change. But now, over halfway through Obama’s term, little progress has been made. To date, this administration has failed to renew diplomacy in the Americas because of its lack of sustained attention and its utter incoherence.

The bulk of Obama’s references to Latin America have been generalities. His National Security Strategy, published in May 2010, mentions the Americas poetically —he writes of developing allies “from the Americas to Africa; from the Middle East to Southeast Asia”—but devotes little attention to specific cases. His 2011 State of the Union address made but one reference to the Americas;

Illustration by Amalia Rinehart

October 2011

7

Illustration by Justin Walker

8

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

rather than discuss policy, he simply announced an intention to travel to the region. And although Obama’s immediate priority for the hemisphere was reinstating a special envoy to link the State Department to Latin America, it took over three months to merely nominate a replacement for Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela after his resignation last May. Obama has lost time and momentum to inherited wars and the economic crisis, but nonetheless his track record in the Americas is inconsistent at best. Despite Obama’s emphasis on engagement, the United States has experienced ambassadorial dismissals with Venezuela, Mexico, Bolivia and Ecuador. Several incidents, such as the Argentine seizure of US military equipment from a cargo plane this February, developed unnecessarily from minor misunderstandings between

countries into divisive posturing and headlinegrabbing criticism of each other’s leaders.

While this administration has laudably eased restrictions for travel and remittances to Cuba, it has failed to make good on its promises to restore negotiations with the receptive Cuban regime. In 2009, Cuban President Raúl Castro, in 2009, went so far as to say, “we are willing to discuss everything… We could be wrong, we admit it.”

But Cuba-US diplomatic relations have since broken down due to delays in the closing of Guantánamo and harsh language demanding immediate regime change. Lastly, the Honduran coup in June 2009, in which the Honduran military deposed democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya, was handled poorly by the Obama administration in diplomatic terms.

At first, Obama’s swift condemnation of the coup matched the regional response and demonstrated his commitment to democratic processes. Subsequently, though, the administration pursued a middle-ground policy, avoiding decisive action to reinstall Zelaya and instead acknowledging the coupinstalled president Roberto Micheletti as a key player in negotiations. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s reluctance to agree that restoring constitutional order in Honduras would necessitate Zelaya’s return left many Latin American leaders with the perception of ambivalence and indecision on the part of the administration.

Obama has paid for his shortcomings in the region. In a 2011 Gallup poll, Obama’s approval rating dropped by an average of 7 percent in Latin American countries between 2009 and 2010. Another poll conducted in the same two years demonstrated a 10 percent average falloff in the number of Central and South Americans who thought that the US-Latin America relationship would be strengthened by Obama’s presidency.

Obama had promised “principled and sustained diplomacy in the Americas,” but his administration has been unclear on its goals and inconsistent in its attention. This confusion reflects a debilitating general lack of information about the current state of politics in Latin America.

The most attention-grabbing component of the current stalemate is the emergence of new political actors – the so-called “populist Left” governments in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua – who have changed the Latin American landscape. In these nations, charismatic politicians have harnessed public dissatisfaction with the political system to win

[cover story] electoral support. More than anything, this a restoration of Obama’s plan to improve especially in a world that is changing.” takes shape as a reaction against two decades hemispheric relations – will require a more As such, Santos has developed a more of “triumphalist” neoliberalism throughout ample understanding of the political and pragmatic relationship of engagement with Latin America: the set of International Mon- cultural complexities in Latin America.

Chávez, looked to Europe and China for foretary Fund (IMF) prescriptions, fervently proWith respect to the US, the diverse eign investment and expanded into Latin moted by the United States in the 1980s and countries of Latin America lie on a broad American regional integration. At the same 1990s, that demanded rapid trade liberaliza- spectrum. To varying degrees, these nations time, he has called for the United States to retion, financial deregulation, privatization and are both open to engagement with the US main a central figure in his foreign policy and the elimination of govfor US diplomats ernment spending. to “reshuffle their ,%.'?.9'60;9'?A'/79';0>0;9'259'/79'4<252./99;' After decades cards” and revitalize of slow or negative 211096S'@25/.956'0.'A599'/52;9'2.;'/79'7?6/6'?A'-!' their attention to the growth, explosive ecoAmericas.

H010/25B'D2696LLL%.'/79'?/795'60;9LLL'259'/79' nomic crises, stagnaIn both Cotion and highly skewed lombia and Chile, :?.A5?./2/0?.21'2./08*H950:2.'/7592/6E'H?6/' income distribution, the reality is neither .?/2D1B'T9.9U<912E'$<D2'2.;'V?10>02I politicians like Vensubmission nor reezuelan president Hugo jection; both counChávez have rejected what financier-philan- and looking to expand independently of tries remain strong – but not unconditional thropist George Soros has called “market fun- Washington. Indeed, if there is any unifying allies of the United States. They increasingly damentalism”– and often the United States feature in current Latin American politics, expand the range of their foreign policy in orand its “imperialistic” economic policies along it is an effort to balance the US relationship der to prevent economic or political overdewith it. In its place, they have attempted to in- with new regional or international allies. Each pendence on one international actor. stitute a balance of state-controlled industries, country’s unique balance depends on complex On the other side is Venezuela, the sobroad social programs, and participatory de- factors like domestic politics, historical- called anti-U.S. enemy in the region. Chávez’s mocracy. cultural understandings, social systems and anti-neoliberal rhetoric is radical and farThese governments have conformed geography.Chile, for example, has consistently reaching; he frequently accuses the United poorly with existing political labels utilized by received praise from the West as “the good States’ “rampant, irresponsible capitalism” of Washington and the media. Some members house in a bad neighborhood.” Its commitment leading the world “on the road to hell.” His of the global press have evoked an antiquated to liberalism and historical relationship with desire to spread “21st century socialism” – a mentality, conceiving of this phenomenon the United States. have strictly identified Chile reconsideration of the role of government in as revamped communism, resurrecting as an automatic ally. In recent years, however, development – throughout South America is Cold War terminology of containment Chile has broadened its gaze. equally fervent. To do so, Chávez has created and the pernicious red tide. Others have First, it has sought to augment its institutions like the Bolivarian Alliance for sensationally taken fascism or dictatorship economic interdependence with Asia through the Americas (ALBA), which provides a as their metaphorical base. Regardless, the incorporation into the Asia-Pacific Economic solidarity-based (and petroleum-funded) race to categorize the phenomenon under Cooperation (APEC) forum. Second, alternative to the neoliberal model of regional one convenient label has trampled all of its Chile has attempted to solidify its presence integration. nuanced political subtlety. in Latin America through the Southern Chávez has also looked globally to As a result, many considerations of US Common Market (Mercosur) and the Andean Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad foreign policy in the Americas are clumsily Community of Nations (CAN). and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir bifurcated. On one side of the divide are These three regional institutions, together Putin for ideological fraternity and political the guaranteed allies: partners in free trade with various free trade agreements worldwide, support. This coalition of odd bedfellows and the hosts of US military bases. These are aimed at promoting trade beyond the has struck a State Department nerve with its countries, among which are Colombia, United States. Chile still embraces a close denouncement of the “Yankee Empire” and its Chile and El Salvador, receive glowing praise relationship with the US, but it has replaced the steady warnings of US exploitation. from Washington for their commitment to singular dependence of its past foreign policy Chávez’s rhetoric, however, is a mere democracy, moderation, liberal values and with a newfound diversification of its foreign political tool. It does not capture Venezuela’s economic openness. relationships. But this has not threatened US full political and economic reality. Despite the On the other side of this false division interests; despite Chile’s diversification, US- criticisms levied against the US government, are the confrontational anti-American threats, Chile trade still grew 17 percent between 2009 Venezuela is highly reliant on the increasing most notably Venezuela, Cuba and Bolivia. and 2010, and Chile remains a committed material benefits of trade with its top trading These nations have been labeled as dangerous, regional ally. partner: the United States. subject to severe sanctions, and threatened The same can be said for Colombia, In 2009 alone, trade between the two with consequences in the international arena. another long-standing US ally. President Juan countries reached $37 billion; 45 percent of Unfortunately, in this closed system, countries Manuel Santos has not abandoned the pro- Venezuelan exports went to the US, and 24 falling anywhere between these extreme American stance of his predecessor, but he has percent of Venezuelan imports came from the poles are poorly understood and frequently stated that “it’s common sense and common United States. Venezuela sent an average of overlooked. Progress in the Americas – and logic to diversify your international relations, 1.1 million barrels of petroleum products per October 2011

9

day to the United States that year. This great a pragmatic recognition of opportunity, not diplomatic counterbalances to the role of the irony was highlighted by Pedro Mario Burelli, because of ideological solidarity.

United States. a former board member of Venezuela’s stateOne illuminating example is Josette Brazil is another example of this new auowned petroleum company: Venezuela’s anti- Altmann Borbón’s 2009 study of ALBA tonomy. While embracing globalization, BraUS “petropolitics” is, in large part, funded by and Petrocaribe, Venezuela’s preferential zil has carefully maintained its social programs and dependent on the and essential state very country it is supposfunctions. It weledly meant to undermine. comes the United ,J2670.4/?.'06'1?2/7'/?'2@?1?40U9'A?5'0/6'?F.' From a diplomatic States as a potential 706/?50:21'<.;956/2.;0.46'2.;'.2/0?.21'@50;9K' standpoint, Venezuela has partner, but its inD945<;40.4'/7?69'?A'?/795'.2/0?.6'06'9./0591B' also indicated its willingternational projecness to engage the United tion – illustrated by :?<./95@5?;<:/0>9'/?'@?10:B'2.;'@5?45966I States on issues of drug its inclusion in the trafficking and energy seBRIC countries, curity. These various areas its campaign for of cooperation and dependence illustrate that payment agreement to provide cheap oil to a permanent seat on the United Nations Sethe anti-U.S. rhetoric in Venezuelan politics the region. Borbón finds that Petrocaribe has curity Council and its cooperative initiatives is only one component – and not necessarily won widespread support throughout Central with India and South Africa – gives Brasilia a the most fundamental one – of a multifaceted, America and the Caribbean because of the fuller range of options. This is not to say that complex foreign policy. low prices and delayed payments for oil that the United States’ role in Latin America has The distinction between rhetoric and it offers. ended. On the contrary, the region is, and will reality is subtle, but it is of vital importance.

ALBA’s political-ideological project, on remain, politically and economically critical.

For all of his caustic flamboyance, Chávez is the other hand, has not gained much ground Latin America is the largest foreign source a political actor seizing a historic opportunity. as countries – even including Nicaragua, with of oil for the United States, which imports 30 He, like many Latin American politicians its rhetorically anti-US and anti-imperialist percent of its oil from the Americas, compared after the 1990s, has channeled widespread president Daniel Ortega – have maintained to only 20 percent from the Middle East. discontent into support for a new range of their free-trade agreements and close From 1996 to 2006, US merchandise policy choices in the region. diplomatic ties with the United States. trade with Latin America increased by 139 As an example, it can be noted that Similarly, many of the states in South percent. In fact, Latin America is now the ALBA—originally the Bolivarian Alternative America that have increased interaction United States’ fastest-growing regional trade for the Americas—was conceived as an with Venezuela have done so on a limited, partner, and the United States must look to alternative to George W. Bush’s proposed pragmatic basis. Michael Schifter, writing for expand this relationship as it climbs from Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), Foreign Affairs, points out that even in 2006, recession. essentially a NAFTA-like agreement for all of when anti-US sentiment in the Americas Beyond economics, the hemisphere Latin America. was perhaps at its highest point, most Latin is forced to interact because of common The Bolivarian project, by means of its American leaders still did not perceive concerns, including climate change, alternative access to valuable energy resources, tries to Chávez’s Bolivarian “revolution” as a suitable energy, poverty and inequality, security circumvent traditionally US-led institutions model for their countries. and drug trafficking. These policy areas are and enable Latin American countries to Today, Brazil and Colombia’s trans-national in nature and directly affect interact with the United States out of interest relationships with Venezuela are marked by political, economic and social life at home. rather than necessity. tenuous pragmatism rather than ideological US policymakers cannot afford to alienate But this is a challenge by alternative, harmony. Just as Chávez’s rhetoric exaggerates themselves from the process of debating and not by aggressive antagonism. It merely the anti-US tendencies of his government, resolving these issues. provides a wider range of choice. It does not, Chávez’s sway over the region has been equally Nevertheless, the United States no longer by any means, prevent the United States from overstated. possesses the political capital to act without reformulating its hemispheric policy and Across Latin America, US primacy regard to each nation’s interests and political presenting still-newer alternatives. is eroding; in its place, countries enjoy environment. In the past, the Latin American The U.S. needs to move past its a broadening variety of policy options. countries were viewed as “junior partners;” petulant reactions to rhetoric in order to Argentina, for example, faced one of the the US would paternalistically exploit the develop a more complete understanding worst crises in recent history in 2001, when region’s perceived weaknesses to make policy of the complex realities in Latin America. the economy collapsed after a decade of demands. The senior–junior partner dynamic Washington is loath to apologize for its own subordination to the United States and is now a relic of the past. historical understandings and national pride; unfettered liberalization.

Recent history offers an illuminating begrudging those of other nations is entirely Now, President Cristina Fernández de negative example: the Bush administration’s counterproductive to policy and progress.

Kirchner – who, along with her husband, failure to bring the FTAA to fruition. The It is a mistake to overestimate Chávez’s has garnered widespread support as a result proposed agreement ignored the rejection of regional influence. Many of the countries of her hard-line negotiations with the IMF – boundless neoliberalism throughout Latin that have become increasingly involved with has looked toward rapprochement with Hugo America, disregarded the region’s existing Chávez’s initiatives have done so based on Chávez and regional economic integration as institutions of economic integration, and paid

10

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[cover story] no attention to fundamental differences in the conditions between countries. For the US to maintain a contribution to policymaking in the Americas and to counteract the steady emergence of new actors like China in the region, its diplomacy must be smarter.

Considering that Obama is facing an upcoming election and initiating withdrawal from Afghanistan, he may be faced with a rare opportunity to give new coherent direction and attention to his Latin American policy. The Council on Foreign Relationsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; 2008 Task Force Report on Latin America suggests, among other things, that the US expand its foreign aid; continue its assistance of the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), an independent organization promoting sustainable economic growth in poor nations; create new initiatives for poor pockets of middleincome countries not qualifying for MCA; promote investment in environmentally sustainable energy infrastructure; and commit intellectual resources to the training and professionalization of police and security forces in the region.

Several other changes could more immediately improve diplomacy in the Americas. First, ambassadorial contact must be reinstated where it was lost. Second, the various US State Department actors involved in the region should benefit from greater consistency in their public statements.

Third, diplomacy with the Castro regime must proceed beyond the all-or-nothing expectation of rapid regime change on the island. Last, but perhaps most importantly, the administration must push toward reform in the governance of the IMF. The IMF and the US operated handin-hand in the region in the 1980s and 1990s; by pushing for extension of the bodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s governance to include more developed countries, the US could more concretely distance itself from those highly criticized years.

Each of these goals, however symbolic, will likely contribute to the restoration of Latin American approval of Obama and increase political capital in the region for longer-term projects. They could help Obama return to the fundamentals of his diplomacy: mutual cooperation, non-paternalistic engagement and respect for autonomous democratic processes.

Most importantly, though, this administration should recognize that it is the manner in which policy is formulated and executed that most pressingly demands

change. No matter the issue, the US must consider its hemispheric partners to be an essential, immediate part of the planning process.

If the hemisphere is to form a new partnership, it will only be on an equal basis; the era of neglect, thankfully, has come to an end.

Matt A. Getz, CCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;12, is a double major in Political Science and Hispanic Studies. He recently returned from a semester in Argentina, which contributed to his interest in Latin American foreign relations. His career plans change with the tides, but he hopes to eventually work in diplomacy and policymaking. He can be reached at mag2211@columbia.edu.

October 2011

11

"'*('&NJ!' W*&O'!%'$*&' G%-XY The Impact of Political Satire on Journalism

By Jordan Kalms

Illustrations by Daryl Seitchik Coloring by Stephanie Mannheim

12

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[features | national] It was during the spring of last year that, through a series of fortunate events, I was able to secure an invitation to dinner with famed journalist Bob Woodward.

Awaiting Woodward’s arrival, I sat with the five other students, two alumni, and one events coordinator in attendance, the lot of us anxiously preparing questions for his arrival. Woodward graciously received the litany of inquiries thrown at him, but posed a question of his own as the night wore on: “So, tell me – where do you get your news?”

We went around in a circle, all of us offering different sources, everyone desperate to rattle off a publication more obscure or dignified than the last.

In the end, the list included all of the usual suspects: the New York Times, The Economist, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal, to name a few. When we were finished, Woodward smiled quizzically and responded with another question: “How many of you watch Jon Stewart?” First the undergraduates raised their hands, then the alumni and finally – and sheepishly – the events coordinator.

The question was posed by an icon of American journalism and answered by a troupe of university students and affiliates whose ages spanned three generations. All of us admitted to being avid followers, if not fans, of Jon Stewart, and when pressed on the matter, most confessed a similar proclivity for Stephen Colbert. Such is the ubiquitous influence of satirical news on today’s political discourse, a time in which many Americans would prefer to receive their news ironically rather than in earnest.

The 21st century is witnessing the rise of political satire to a place of unprecedented social prominence. Stewart now averages over two million viewers per night, a larger audience than any show on Fox News, excluding The O’Reilly Factor.

In the last decade, Colbert has testified before Congress, hosted President Barack Obama on his program, and created his own political action committee. In addition, programs such as Real Time with Bill Maher and Saturday Night Live’s “Weekend Update” enjoy tremendous success.

While it is blatantly apparent that embellished news and political satire are on the rise, it’s less easy to understand why this paradigm shift is occurring and what effects it will have on American political culture.

Undoubtedly, the success of unconventional news outlets can be traced back to the public’s dissatisfaction with traditional news, specifically the cable news channels. Indeed, it seems to have become the modus operandi of modern news outlets to hyperbolize and sensationalize, to turn politics into theater.

The twenty-four hour news cycle has created a dynamic in which it has become necessary to spotlight every occurrence of political bickering, every awkward gaffe, every faint trace of disagreement that arises on Capitol Hill. Unsurprisingly, the public has become desensitized to the antics of the media and jaded to the melodramatic titles and technologies used in an attempt to jazz up even the most mundane stories. The public has come to feel that the popular media is inherently biased, condescending and misleading.

The rise of the comedian in news is accompanied by the fall of the traditional news anchor. However, what remains to be answered is whether the movement of political satire to the forefront of our national political dialogue is a phenomenon to be cheered or bemoaned.

Certainly, it presents problems.

One major issue arising from the increasing influence of satire is that comedic sources may discourage genuine political engagement. For Stewart, Colbert and Maher, incompetent elected officials, bumbling bureaucrats and wildly gesticulating news commentators harping on President Obama’s birthplace all make for good material, and the ability to isolate sound bites affords these satirists the opportunity to highlight inanity where it exists. But as readers will know, our elected officials are not all ungainly imbeciles, and our political process is not quite the farce political satire portrays it to be. What is cause for concern is the fact that constantly and exclusively watching political satire prompts the public to feel even more dejected about the status of our political process, less respectful towards the efforts of American leaders, and less inclined to participate in reformation efforts.

In addition, news serves a distinct role in society that cannot be adequately replaced by political comedy or social commentary. The line between satire and news has blurred with the ballooning viewership of political satire rivaling that of traditional news outlets. However, one must constantly bear in mind the different intentions of journalists and satirists. It is the responsibility of news agencies to present a balanced, if still opinionated, perspective of our political landscape in the most effective, thought-provoking way possible. Ideally, news agencies strive to report matters of significance in a timely manner, perhaps with commentary that aids the viewers’ awareness and understanding. News agencies employ a vast array of personnel and resources to provide audiences with a clear picture.

Most important, they do all of this in real time, or as close to it as they can get. Such an extensive litany of functions could not be performed by an ensemble of satirists, nor is it their intention to do so. It is the satirists’ job to mock news, not report it. Subjectivity as a means of generating widespread appeal is the name of the game; journalistic research, development and verification of material fall to the wayside.

However, with increasing popularity has come rising expectations, calls for impartiality and the claim that by holding rallies or conducting serious interviews, these satirists are somehow assuming social responsibility and henceforth must uphold a higher standard of conduct and

October 2011

13

accept the culpability of shaping their criticisms and demands come from a his audience think twice about their politiviewers’ political opinions. Thus, the line fundamental misunderstanding of the role cal convictions by satirizing the corruption that would normally divide satire and news Stewart plays in American society. Jon and hypocrisy in government and media. has been smudged on one hand by the Stewart is a comedian. The subject of his In a recent interview with Chris Wallace, public’s disillusionment with traditional comedy is politics. Before Stewart made a Stewart confessed that his loftiest ambition news sources and on the other by its ris- living by satirizing the political process, is to resemble Mark Twain. When Waling expectations for those incisive come- he performed comedy routines centered lace retorted that Twain held a substantial dians whom they now prefer to “real” news on his Bar Mitzvah, his parents and his amount of political sway over the public, organizations. In their sensationalism, upbringing. Keeping Stewart in his proper Stewart responded by asking, “but was news organizations have moved closer to context allows us to situate him on the that his main thrust?” As Stewart put it, the comedy programs, and in their grow- spectrum of social commentary, which “I’m a comedian first. That’s not only.’” On ing ambition and influence, satirists have runs from comedy to journalism. this continuum, Stewart falls somewhere inadvertently developed into something On the comedy end, we find Jerry between Seinfeld and Murrow, and there resembling the subject of their mockery; Seinfeld, Ricky Gervais, Adam Sandler and he sits in the company of men like Twain they have become, in part, news programs. Chris Rock. These comedians each have and Oscar Wilde. Each of these men was What is to be done about this confusion of valuable and witty social insights of their first and foremost an author, before social roles, this identity crisis occurring in mod- own; however they present no overarching commentator, and they experimented in ern reporting? Perhaps some clarity will narrative to their comedy, and their literature outside of the realm of satire or come when news social commentary, organizations arrive plays and ,".'/7905'69.62/0?.2106HE'.9F6'?542.0U2/0?.6'72>9' writing at the realization poems that were disthat they cannot and H?>9;':1?695'/?'/79':?H9;B'@5?452H6E'2.;'0.'/7905' tinct from their soshould not compete cial criticisms. Simi45?F0.4'2HD0/0?.'2.;'0.A1<9.:9E'62/506/6''72>9' with comedians as larly, Stewart was a sources of entertain- 0.2;>95/9./1B';9>91?@9;'0./?'6?H9/70.4'5969HD10.4' stand-up comedian ment. making jokes about /79'6<DC9:/'?A'/7905'H?:395BK' U l t i m at e l y, a range of topics /79B'72>9'D9:?H9E'0.'@25/E'.9F6'@5?452H6I news should be digbefore he was the nified, and those iconic satirist he has who present it must see themselves as ar- sole goal is to induce laughter from the become, and no amount of viewership or biters of information rather than perform- audience. If one is compelled to employ influence is going to be able to pull Stewart ers. When individual news stations hope analytical thought during their programs, completely out of comedy and mold him to enhance viewership, they should do so such a reaction comes secondary to into a serious media gatekeeper. by providing more engaging commentary laughter. Stewart serves a slightly different Ultimately, the public will have to take and evocative debate rather than tawdry function – his purpose is to make people responsibility for the news. News organibickering or frivolous touch-screen tech- think and laugh. He strives to present a zations respond to ratings, and if people nologies. narrative of absurdity in politics to make continue to silently condone the decline of On the other hand, such a charge is his audience more aware. Thus, Stewart valid journalism, then the blurring of lines hopelessly idealistic and relieves actual does not belong squarely in the category of between satire and journalism is bound to viewers of the personal responsibility “comedian”. continue. needed to correct the declining trajectory On the opposite end of the specWhat is certain is that the public of modern news. Ideally, viewers would trum are icons of journalism like Edward should not be relying on Stewart or any stop watching the news when it degenerates R. Murrow and Walter Cronkite. These other social commentator or satirist for into querulous theatrics, though that men were real journalists whose function informed accounts of political news. As doesn’t seem to be happening. Instead of in society was to inform their audience with everything else in the free market, we viewers being repelled by the histrionic by reporting unique facts and providing will get the news that we demand, and find exploits of the media, they demand serious distinct insights that could not be found more of what we respond to. In the end, news from new sources and, arguably, the elsewhere. Their trademark was truth, and if the public proves too lethargic to make wrong ones. There are now claims that they were averse to bias and ideology. One a concerted effort toward demanding satirists – Stewart in particular – should modern-day example of this type of jour- intelligent journalism, then it can expect compensate the public for the illegitimacy nalist is Anderson Cooper. Stewart does nothing more than laughable news and they highlight in the mainstream media. not belong in this group because he is a prominent comedy.

Indeed, many seem to expect Stewart to satirist; his function is to examine the poconduct more serious interviews and even litical process rather than shape it, and he to help solve political issues, as if it were conducts these examinations through the Jordan Kalms is a CC sophomore majoring somehow his responsibility to make up for medium of comedy. Murrow and Cronkite in English. Born in London and raised in L.A. , the declining state of American journalism attempted to shape the conceptions of Jordan is a registered independent whose enjoys simply because he has a talent for pointing their audience through hard-hitting, as- literature, piano, politics, boxing and chess. He out its decrepitude. Ultimately, these siduous journalism; Stewart hopes to make can be reached at jak2208@columbia.edu.

14

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[features | national]

GN!'JN'$*"&

Herman Cain and the Shape of the Tax Debate adapted from the web column @ cpreview.org

By Taylor Thompson

While Chris Christie, the latest would-be savior of the conservative establishment, consumed much of the media bandwidth (and quite a few calories, too) as he agonized over whether to join the Republican race, the most important story in the GOP race in recent weeks has been the fall of Rick Perry and his eclipse by the most unlikely of candidates.

The Texas governor is down but certainly not out, as a cursory glance at the latest polls reveals. Perry has lost significant ground since his poor showings in recent debates, giving up a once-formidable national lead over Mitt Romney, but he remains a contender in early contest states, like Iowa and South Carolina, and raised more money in the third quarter than any other GOP candidate. While Perry has fallen behind Romney, the former Massachusetts governor’s numbers haven’t budged at all. In fact, all of the candidates have held steady for some time now, save one: Herman Cain, who jumped from single-digits in some polls just a few weeks ago to a lead in most national polls of Republican voters.

Cain, former Godfather’s Pizza CEO, happily reminds crowds that he has never held elected office. He may lack a typical politician’s résumé, but he knows how to appeal to the conservative base and certainly knows how to make a sale. The comparisons of his now-famous “9-9-9” tax plan to a pizza commercial are now a constant refrain for the political class, but they reflect something deeper.

Cain has the ability to take policy ideas and, alongside successful politicians, make them accessible to a large audience. Incidentally, the fact that Romney, with his 59-point jobs plan, lacks this talent is part of the reason why

he seems unable to lock down more support.

In response, many would argue that Cain’s tax proposal is overly simplistic and should be regarded as nothing more than a sales pitch.

From a policy standpoint, these criticisms may be valid, but the political appeal of this bold, new plan should not be underestimated, especially given the mixed feelings that Romney generates among the Republican faithful.

Though the idea of nuking the current tax code and replacing it with a 9 percent personal income tax, a 9 percent corporate income tax, and a 9 percent national sales tax may sound like brute-force public policy, it is nevertheless rooted in foundational and intelligent observations. While working- and middle-class Americans benefit the most from programs like Medicare and Social Security, they also pay the least to cover the costs of these programs. This is why Barack Obama, all Tea Party accusations aside, is not a European-style socialist. The difference between Europe and America is not that they tax the rich and we don’t – it’s that they tax the middle class and we don’t.

Cain’s ideas on taxes are rooted in a desire to force people to take ownership of the social programs on which they rely. While a “9-9-9” tax structure would force some lower-income people to pay higher taxes, it would also remove many distortions and loopholes that are currently written into US tax law. Lowering marginal tax rates and eliminating taxes on dividends and capital gains would also boost growth, savings and investment, and above all, it would force Americans to choose, once and for all, between higher spending on social programs and lower taxes.

So what does all of this mean for the Republican race? After all, despite his surge in the polls, the odds of Cain winning the nomination are still slim; his small organization has been overwhelmed by the recent burst of attention, while Romney’s has benefited from robust fundraising, solid debate performances and a creeping sense of inevitability. Still, Cain’s rise has provided him with an enormous platform on which to promote his ideas on taxes and spending, and Cain’s stage presence will likely press Romney to clarify his own message on the economy, as it did when Cain asked Romney to name all 59 points of his economic plan during a recent debate in New Hampshire. This is an especially effective line of attack against Romney, the management consultant-turned private equity executive, and if Romney wants to beat Obama, he would do well to start guarding against it, because it isn’t going away.

Right now, the flat tax is on the rise – even Democrats, including President Obama, are starting to come around to the idea of serious reform – and Cain is its most visible messenger. Cain may not win the Republican nomination for president, but he has won something that may be nearly as valuable: influence. Romney will never become a “99-9” acolyte, but he’ll certainly have to play a different tune when it comes to taxes – and maybe even offer up some VP buzz for Cain.

Taylor Thompson (CC ‘14) hails from Carrollton, Ohio. An incurable political junkie and a senior editor for CPR, he can be reached at tmt2126@columbia.edu.

October 2011

15

$"+"ZN&!'-&"+NOE'$%

In 2010, the Supreme Court in !"#"$%&'()&"#%*(+,(-%* unions could not be prohibited from broadcasting elec candidate) within 60 days of a general election or 30 campaigns and policymaking are influenced in the futu O N ( % $ R * + !

Citizens United cut against a century of both legal and judicial precedent, including the bipartisan McCain-Feingold Act of 2002, which the high court upheld in McConnell v. FEC (2003) before overturning it in Citizens United. Furthermore, the decision overturned Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990), which upheld campaign finance laws.

When these laws were passed, Congress took a stance on something that should be obvious: corporations are not people. In reifying the dangerous idea of corporate personhood, the Supreme Court claimed defense of free speech. But why are corporations entitled to First Amendment rights? Citizens United does not grant anyone free speech where it was previously restricted.

The Supreme Court, in effect, gave a few ultrawealthy and powerful corporate executives more speech than the rest of Americans who are not privileged enough to have corporate treasuries at their disposal. The dangerous and extensive influence (ex-

cluding only direct donations) this ruling gives to this select few removes democracy from where it belongs: the hands of the entire American public.The practical implications of Citizens United were made depressingly clear during the 2010 midterm elections, which boasted the dubious distinction of having hundreds of millions of dollars deluge the political system from outside organizations, including 78 Super Political Action Committees (PACs). Ironically, Citizens United made disclosure rules so lax that estimates for how much money was spent vary by orders of magnitude among different sources. The nightmare the political landscape has become post-Citizens United is not about the Republican or Democratic parties. It is about keeping America democratic with a small “d.” Candidates, already beholden to special interests, are given fewer and fewer incentives to pay attention to the people they ostensibly represent. Why should they, when they can be the beneficiaries of potentially unlimited corporate windfalls?

By Janine Balekdijan

# " V N R + * R " * & !

16

In favoring the demands of an interest group – ironically, one that is dedicated to restoring America to its citizens’ control – the Supreme Court has put the final nail in the coffin of an already-diluted American “democracy.”

But even before Citizens United, the federal government permitted a campaigning process in which millions of dollars are a requirement to run for public office. It then allowed over 2,000 PACs, mainly representing managers and shareholders, to shift the entire political spectrum to the right and diminish the differences between the Democratic and Republican parties.

However, the ruling should not be seen as an unprecedented assault on our principled “liberties.”

Already, the United States has resurrected levels of income disparity reminiscent of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. According to the Federal Reserve, in 2007, the top 10 percent of Americans

By Andrew Goss

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

owned 73.1 percent of the country’s net worth, while the Congressional Budget Office reports that the top 1 percent’s increase in total income share was around 120 percent from 1979 to 2007; in the same period, the wages of the bottom 90 percent have been stagnant. When the country operates under a mode of production that values accumulation, short-term profit growth and free market “efficiency,” is it any surprise that the political system adjusts to economic policies?

Looking forward, there will be record spending on a political campaign whose result will provide no substantial benefit to the American public. After all, when both candidates’ pockets are tied to the goodwill of magnates, what hope is there for systemic change?As Columbia Business School professor Joseph Stiglitz noted in an article published in Vanity Fair, the United States has become a nation “of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%.” Nowhere is that fact more obvious than in the Citizens United case.

T

[student stump]

%#-(V"*&!'O"T"ONO

*%./0(10%2#"3&(!344"''"3& held that corporations and ctioneering communications (ads that mention a days of a primary. What does this mean for the way ure?

T!

The most important question about Citizens United is whether it negatively impacts American freedom. Everyone’s heard the arguments about money and speech. The more interesting take on the question, however, focuses on the effects of Citizens United and the traditional effects of free speech.

Free speech increases debate across a society and serves an important educational purpose. As activists compete for influence, they’re forced to look for new ideas and insights, broadening and deepening the debate. They’re forced to reach out to people who would be otherwise apathetic and try to woo them into the political sphere. Politics has seeped into every pore of American society.

Free speech also greatly affects institutions.

The basic institutions of our lives should be private; government-run bureaucracies are inefficient, ossified, dispassionate and slow to change. As influential private institutions, corporations shape the basic contours of

our social existence. The larger and more plentiful the private political institutions that exist in our society, the more opportunity we have to get involved in politics, the more effective our donations are, and the larger the voluntary sphere is. This is why both sides of the aisle instinctively like populism.

It is also crucial to remember details about Citizens United itself. It was not an evil New York corporation, but a group of citizens that came together to advocate for a particular cause. Organizations like Citizens United make this country more free. There are interest groups for every possible point of view that can now begin campaigning directly for candidates.

They can organize, buy television ads, and actively help their candidates get elected. Without being forced to work directly through the campaigns, advocates can now spend more money during the electoral races, meaning that more voters will be approached and given more information with which to judge candidates.

By Jesse Eiseman

Individual liberties should be preserved above all other concerns, and people need information in order to protect, exercise and enjoy their liberties as best as they can. Speech, while an important liberty, should not be legally anonymous because anonymity insulates speakers from the consequences of their actions.

The anonymity that Citizens United v. FEC allows to political donors makes the system less transparent because it strips citizens of their right to know who is funding political campaigns.

Given the current state of American politics, the political process will not change significantly as a result of the decision. Throughout American history, power has been increasingly centralized in the federal government, leading to a high concentration of influential people in Washington.

This has drawn an army of special interest groups and lobbyists to the capital, each looking to shape policy to its advantage, leading to corruption and

By Virgilio Lazardi

special interest influence on national policy. Allowing the same interest groups who finance candidates to run independent election communication perpetuating the corruption in the system.

Even though the decision doesn’t fix the system, it does force PACs to disclose their donors, but unfortunately, non-profit organizations registered with the IRS as 501c(4)s are allowed to donate to PACs without disclosure of their 501c(4) donors. This anonymity prevents the public from learning who sponsored the advertisements they see, keeping people from making informed decisions, while simultaneously insulating sponsors from the potential repercussions of their donations.

Until this restriction is removed, the transparency of the political process is further restricted, and Citizens United provides a means for further corruption. The public has a right to know the source of funding for political campaigns.

R N ) V # " $ * & ! ! % $ " * # " ! + !

October 2011

17

O"O*$+"$'ON$N"+ Revealing the Ugly Truth Behind American Higher Education

By Mark Hay

Illustrations by Stephanie Mannheim

18

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[features | international] In April 2009, Columbia University’s Task Force on Undergraduate Education released “An Agenda for the Future,” a cheery strategic document, which, translated into two words, read: excelsior, Columbia! On pages 16 and 17, the report rejoices in and urges forward the internationalization of Columbia – not just the establishment of foreign outposts vis-à-vis Global Centers and the development of the Global Core credit distribution requirement for undergraduates, but also the increase in global applicants. Columbia is not alone: Nationally, the class of 2012 saw an eight percent rise in international students compared to the previous year. Part of that is a natural push – in February 2011, Grinnell College told the New York Times that almost one in 10 of its applicants that year were Chinese international students.

But universities encourage the trend as well, stumping for a more international student body; the international population of the University of Southern California hit 22 percent with the entrance of the class of 2012, and Harvard boosted its international population to 12 percent last year. Similarly, as the released report states, Columbia wishes to bolster its own number of international students.

The untrammeled embrace of globalization is born of twin optimistic impulses (both explicitly present in Columbia’s report). On the presumptuous and self-congratulatory end, American universities ostensibly believe in their ability to change the world by enlightening

the benighted children of dictatorial and underdeveloped nations. On the domestic sales call, universities would have Americans believe that the rise in internationals adds some intangible benefit to the classroom that will give students an edge and a new perspective in a rapidly interconnected world – will make them global citizens. But as with most trends global, behind the vague positivism is a depressing truth. The international trend in American education has increasingly become a bane to the rest of the globe – an agent of elite entrenchment and brain drain, an untenable buoy to America’s lilting system of higher education funding, and a disincentive for educational development in the developing world.

Universities are businesses. They are special businesses with unique concerns and philosophies, but they are not unthinking, idealistic actors. One cannot believe that vague promises of benefit to students and foreign nations alone would drive universities to bring in more foreigners, especially a nation in economic slump preaches foremost domestic job protection and competitiveness.

And it is true; universities do appear to want foreign students enrolled for practical and disconcerting reasons: they want an international subsidy for our domestic educational model.

The tactic is not explicit, but it is clear. The same New York Times article on Grinnell found that “an applicant from China or another country could

have an edge if he or she can pay full tuition.” Bradshaw College Consulting, an international college admissions aid firm, recognizes the same trend nationwide, adding that international students drive up test scores averages (due to preparatory education, not native intelligence) and the appeal of a university domestically as well. It’s not rapacious – Grinnell still looks for merit – but the fact that foreign tuition money (only six schools offer high quality financial aid to internationals as of the writing of this article) has become a factor in considering applications and shaping classes is disconcerting.

Universities wish to make this seem like a brief, necessary evil – Columbia’s report and current line voice the University’s desire to raise funds to provide domesticcomparable financial aid to internationals.

But it hasn’t happened yet, and the national trends are grim. In 2000, the Journal of Instructional Psychology published figures claiming that, of all international students in America, only 67.9 percent were paying their expenses from personal resources, while the rest could find donors, scholarships and aid. By the time The Institute for International Education compiled its 2005 Open Doors report, 80.9 percent of international students were paying their expenses out of familial pocket – and that was still before the contractions in funding and altruism that would hit three years later. As American education becomes more expensive and high levels of domestic financial aid and

October 2011

19

merit in the selection process become policy at Vanderbilt’s Peabody College Populist spooks in the wake of the financial sacred cows, it grows harder and harder of Education, complicates this model, crisis are not helping these trends. not to accept the idea that there is a noting that the risk of failure in expanding In May 2011, President Barack willing pool of subsidy providers ready overseas scares many top colleges (who Obama made a speech on immigration. to flood in from Responding to fearful the increasingly rhetoric, the president w e a l t h y , ,[?5'.?FE'0/\6'?.1B'/7?69'2D19'/?':?H9'/?'*H950:2' intimated that it is not underserviced America’s intent to train its F7?':2.'592@'/79'A<11'D9.9A0/']'0.'^<210/B'?A' developing competitors via American 9;<:2/0?.'2.;'0.'@956?.21'2.;'@5?A9660?.21' world. Perhaps education – the country is administrators not in the business of helping @596/049']'?A'7047819>91'*H950:2.';945996I believe they can to foster jobs and growth in eventually find foreign, competitor nations aid for internationals, but the numeric fear for damage to their brand) away during a time of economic downturn trends are discouraging, and what that says from the venture. Additionally, a number and national job loss. So the Obama about the demographics of international of national restrictions, especially in administration has decided to increase students is even more depressing. elite-dominated countries, mean that the number of H-1B visas for skilled Developed, robust nations can send whatever American schools do provide international college graduates, making it a diverse crowd to American schools, there is mainly trade/technical education, easier for them to stay in the nation (and but they are not the source of the jump divorced of the threatening analytic and American tax law, notes David North of the in international numbers. For the class introspective elements that help to define US Center for Immigration Studies, now of 2012, the nations that saw the highest the American university as something gives an effective 7.65 percent discount increase in their share of the applicant more and more nationally beneficial for foreign students becoming domestic pool were Vietnam, Nepal, Saudi Arabia, than a technical school. For now, it’s workers). From populism and job creation and China, while developed nations saw only those able to come to America who rhetoric comes the ease and incentive a decrease in attendance, most marked can reap the full benefit – in quality of for the acceleration of brain drain from in Japan. A 2006 study in Population, education and in personal and professional the lowest levels of the least developed Space and Place proves the obvious: this prestige – of high-level American degrees. and most deserving countries in the means a rise in the elite population of For those lucky few non-elite who do world – the theft of the underrepresented foreign students in America. Even in more come from developing nations to America, non-elite’s greatest minds.Those who developed nations, like South Korea, the the playing field is uneven – they are on recognize these trends try to be optimistic.

America-bound student population is average more encumbered with debt Ben Wildavsky, author of The Great mostly the spawn of elites who can send and obligation than their elite peers and Brain Race: How Global Universities Are their students to schools like Daewom, thus more likely to encounter academic Reshaping The World, believes that even if which offers intensive courses in SAT- difficulties. They are also far more likely to it is mainly elites who come to American taking, helping to artificially increase stay in America. This was one of the most universities and return home, American American universities’ educators can test score rankings while still influence providing a cash influx. elites to the ,*6'*H950:2.'9;<:2/0?.'D9:?H96'H?59' These ascendant nations are benefit of their those, generally speaking, 9=@9.60>9LLL0/'45?F6'725;95'2.;'725;95'/?'04.?59' own nations. with more concentrated /79'0;92'/72/'/7959'06'2'F0110.4'@??1'?A'6<D60;B' Unfortunately, wealth, less wealth overall, the most comand not inconsiderable levels @5?>0;956'592;B'/?'A1??;'0.'A5?H'/79'0.:59260.41B' mon programs of corruption and elitism. for internaF921/7BE'<.695>0:9;';9>91?@0.4'F?51;I Given the demographic tional students shifts in the American are business, international student population and the surprising findings of the 2006 Population, engineering, mathematics and computer limited ability to pay full American-level Space and Place study: foreign elites who science. Only 8 percent of the international tuition, the numbers and trends for most come to America have little incentive to stay population, according to a June 2000 article colleges are skewing towards a limited and here, as patronage networks back home, in the Journal of Instructional Psychology, elite stratum of international students. intense wealth disparity, and increasing has traditionally studied physical and life Certain colleges have made nods access to well-paying jobs and high-quality sciences and the social sciences, combined. toward opening up American education goods for the few in the limited-globalized This focus on pre-professional programs to a more diverse international world make life back home more attractive. by foreign elites often means that it is easy population – consider the use of satellite Yet for the non-elite, job prospects and for them (on an institutional and personal campuses in other nations to extend potential income in America are far more level) to circumvent instruction in citizenaccess. However, Stephen Heyneman, attractive and offer a higher chance to ship. Some of the elite seem fostered to a professor of international education provide for one’s family via remittances. focus on success over national awareness

20

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[features | inernational] and citizenship; Lee Won-hee, founder tions to accommodate a small fraction of economics in a vacuum from the global jobs of Daewom, publicly frets that his school those graduates. Part of this is corruption and markets equation helps to exacerbate has succeeded in making a generation of and traction on the government’s side, all of this. A number of partial solutions high-performing Koreans with no invest- but part is a recognition that the elite can be offered: conditionality in grants and ment in citizenship or public engagement. can just find their education elsewhere. aid to international students stipulating Those educators and observers who recogTo break to an anecdote, while in they return to their nations, measures nize these trends try to be optimistic. Ben Nairobi, Kenya, a few months ago, I to limit the attractiveness of damaging Wildavsky, a senior scholar at the Kauff- chanced to speak to a Kenyan judge remittance cultures, required courses man Foundation and author of The Great who described the situation as such: the for the children of elites in American Brain Race: How Global Universities Are ability of Kenya’s poorest to mobilize institutions, or perhaps a degree of Reshaping The World, believes that even and push for changes in the government economic international affirmative action. if it is mainly elites who come to Ameri- is limited, and the decreased salience of But closing the total gaps by can universities and the elite of the elite such issues to the nation’s elite, who can helping to develop a fair infrastructure who return home, American educators can buy a water tank when water mains fail, in other nations and equitable aid for still influence elites to the benefit of their a generator when the electrical grid fails, international students in America is own nations, instilling values and patters or an American education when Kenyan part of a larger, highly intractable, and of thought that will break negative cycles higher education fails, means that the incredibly depressing problem, part abroad. Unfortunately the most common elements of Kenyan society with the of a mess of education financing and programs for international students (at money and power to rectify the nation’s non-governmental organization aid least as of 2000, the last time comprehen- problems of higher education have no and dependency problems that none of sive numbers were compiled, but the an- incentives to do so. And as local education these individual measures can address. ecdotal evidence of The probinstructors shores lem can be easily this up) are busi- ,[5?H'@?@<106H'2.;'C?D':592/0?.'579/?50:':?H96'/79' identified, but the ness, engineering, requires 9269'2.;'0.:9./0>9'A?5'/79'2::91952/0?.'?A'D520.';520.' solution mathematics, and a level of global A5?H'/79'1?F96/'19>916'?A'/79'1926/8;9>91?@9;'2.;' institutional overcomputer science.

Only eight percent H?6/';9695>0.4':?<./5096'0.'/79'F?51;']'/79'/79A/'?A' haul that is far of the international too daunting for /79'<.;9559@5969./9;'.?.8910/96'4592/96/'H0.;6I population has trathis article, or ditionally studied for most adminphysical and life sciences and the social stagnates, the nation appears wealthier. istrators and educators to address with a sciences, combined. At many universities, The high number of non-elites straight face. While enthusiasm for interthis focus on pre-professional programs by from developing nations working in the national education is understandable, we foreign elites means that it is easy for them developed world has led to massive influxes must recognize that the concepts of global (on an institutional and personal level) of remittances to poor families, which citizenship and empowerment via Amerito circumvent instructions in citizenship. create the short-term illusion of increasing can education are, if admirable (and good Some of the elite seem fostered at prosperity that can mollify discontent for business), foundationally problematic. time to focus on success over national among the larger population with eliteAdministrators have good intentions awareness and citizenship; Lee Won-hee, dominated governments. But remittances – they make honest efforts to find aid, founder of the elite South Korean prep are highly dependent upon the health and they believe in diversity. But for now, school Daewom has publically fretted of foreign, developed nations, making the US educational model is, in strange that his school has succeeded in making (especially during recessions) the poor in and subtle ways, perpetuating elitism a generation of high-performing Koreans developing nations far more vulnerable to and poverty dynamics by waging an antiwith no investment in citizenship or pub- sudden income fluxes, while the wealthy democratic, anti-development campaign lic engagement. Beyond the entrenchment remain stable and grow relatively more in the developing world. We as students of elites in elite-dominated nations and powerful. The holistic nation appears to and educators, in order to stave off longthe draining off of talent from the most weather the financial storm better than the term problems for education at home and needy of populations, the current sys- developed world does, with the damages abroad, cannot fear acknowledging the tem of international student education in of the higher-education-fueled remittance chronic, ugly truths of our system – either America perpetuates educational and eco- culture on the world’s poor well hidden. to cower in recognition or, hopefully, nomic stagnation in developing countries.

This amounts to a multi-tiered and through recognition, to correct them.

In another example from Kenya, the self-fulfilling problem: funding issues in nation has developed its secondary edu- American education, the perpetuation of cation to the point where an exception- elite control in the developing world, and Mark Hay, CC ‘12, is a religion and political al number of its youths are graduating the perpetuation of poor developing nation science double major and the former editorwith the credentials to pursue a college infrastructure and funding mechanisms in-chief of the CPR. He spent several months education.The nation has only devel- to ensure that both non-elites and elites this summer in East Africa, exploring, among oped enough higher education institu- return in equal stride. Viewing American other things, issues of international education.

October 2011

21

_Q*$M+"T"!(

The Future of the Faceless

By Helene Barthelemy

We have learned by now to expect and to fear the masked army of the internet: Anonymous. It makes the consumer aware of the volatility of his privacy, at a time when our intense networking and the establishment of facial profiling and information databases have made our privacy disappear. By toying with the digital presence of Sony and the CIA, Anon has established the faceless mass as a player, however symbolic, in the power games between governments and corporations.

By providing an open forum for dissidents in Iran and Tunisia, it has advocated for freedom of expression, but has been equally willing to silence its own opponents in petty disputes. Anon seems to be deeply

fragmented and threatened by internal strife.

Organizational chaos and bickering, fostered by the principle of anonymity itself, have done more to harm the group than any cybersecurity official could. Anon, as an underground group in an overly regimented society, provides a platform for a new type of faceless activism, as well as an all-inclusive notion of identity: Anon is “everyone and no one”. As described on Encyclopedia Dramatica, one of the collective’s many portals: “Anonymous is not a person, nor is it a group, movement or cause.” It has respect for nothing but for a nebulous freedom that sometimes resembles licentiousness. The difference between the netizen and the citizen is that the state defines

Illustrations by Esha Maharishi

22

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

the citizen, whereas the netizen can free himself from those shackles and act online with very little fear of consequences – too little fear, perhaps, as evidenced by the dozens of arrests that have put an end to many a hacker’s immediate career.

The name Anon came from the group’s birthplace, /b/ – an imageboard on 4chan. net, where new posters are given the default handle “anonymous.” Anything can be posted within this platform and the page is updated at incredible speed, a sign of the many “lurking” users. Instant messaging is faster still, and it doesn’t leave an obvious record, making it Anon’s preferred platform for organization.

Projects diffuse quasi-instantaneously; an idea

[features | international] is posted and either draws sufficient attention or is quickly buried. One rule: Anon is NYPA – Not Your Personal Army. Don’t look here to get back at your ex.

The army of the internet also uses decidedly barbarian tactics. Distributed denial of service attacks – where users simply flood a website until its connection fails – are “no computer science.” The necessary software is easily downloadable for anyone who knows where to look.

Anon is basic, easy, and often construed as a safe way to break the rules, despite the fact that Anon users can indeed be traced and are only at times protected because of their huge numbers. Collective action is the modus operandi, and Anon’s success depends more on the quantity than the quality of their members. Who, then, directs this borderless mass of “no-bodies”?

Identifying leadership within the group is frustratingly difficult, if not impossible. A former member states bluntly, “There is no structure. I am not in the ‘core group,’ which I’m skeptical exists, so I can’t comment on this stuff.... I think anyone with a friend can be considered a core group.” Of course doubt remains – there is no way to know if this person is a member at all, or even to define the relevance of “membership” to Anon.

The mask hides friends from foes, and even from other friends. No member can identify anyone beyond himself, an extreme version of the compartmentalization tactics resistance movements have learned to employ.

This lack of identity seems to forbid the emergence of an upper class. Instead the idea, not the leader, drives the action. Anon claims

to be leaderless, and there is little indication that it is lying. The Business Insider quotes an Anon chat board: “Anonymous is a mindset not a group. Mindsets do not have leaders.”

Conveniently, mindsets also cannot be arrested. Lulzsec – a short-lived Anon offshoot – quickly crumbled after Scotland Yard was able to identify three of its leaders. Anyone who believes in Anon can be Anon. With this everchanging workforce, one might as well prefer to seize water than grab ahold of Anon.Anon resembles an archipelago of power, where any number of people who believe in a “project” or harbor the same grudge can organize action via imageboards and chat rooms without the need for a permanent leader.

Those who agree will help, the others will not, and it does not matter whether some choose to abstain. The Anon philosophy requires participation in an underground culture that is not unanimous or even cohesive. Though this structure, or lack thereof, has undeniably helped Anon survive attacks from outside, it may very well lead to disintegration from within. Indeed, this new system of freelance hacktivism is also the group’s Achilles’ heel. Anon contradicts itself often and its ideology can be so vague that it is impossible to grasp the limits of the collective.

The lawlessness of Anon has created a meandering organization that constantly bears the risk of internal conflict and delegitimization. There is no way to prevent unreliable hackers from performing actions in the group’s name. Anonnews.org has, in many instances, condemned operations carried out under Anon’s own alias. Often it seems the right hand does not know or care what the left

hand is doing. Whatever the case, the actions of both hands are attributed to Anon. The tyranny of the minority, in a sense, will not allow the group to form a consistent identity.

Many “members” have accused Anon of operating counter to its own goals.

Anon’s releasing the private data of individuals who happen to have offended the group, make it seem puerile, and calls into question Anon’s commitment to personal security and privacy.

A former member posted his discontent to a message board: “Because of your recent acts you’ve gone from liberators to terrorist dictators.” The poster seems unaware that political rhetoric may not appeal to those who are “in it for the lulz”, and always have been.

Is it possible, then, to isolate the mindset that makes Anon a political movement?

Could there be more efficient structures for hacktivism? Physical hackerspaces, such as the Berlin-based Chaos Computer Club (CCC), can be a place for “higher-minded hacking ideals: freedom of information, meritocracy of ideas, a joy of learning and antiauthoritarianism,” that nevertheless retains some cohesion and intelligence. Its members seek to reinstall transparency of government and individual privacy while remaining open themselves. They regularly meet and even attend conferences, and make decisions only after complete consensus.

The group also seems to police itself internally, expelling members that could become a liability for the group. One member was forced to leave after becoming a public spokesperson for WikiLeaks. Though officially leaderless, CCC holds itself accountable, which

October 2011

23

may have helped the group survive for the last twenty years.

Even with its openness CCC’s ability to challenge established power is remarkable. On October 13, CCC uncovered spyware in use

by German state governments, which allowed authorities to monitor citizens by, among other methods, accessing personal microphones and webcams. The club also famously gained

Anon, but open, transparent and accountable.

The nascent German Pirate Party, running on an internet civil rights platform, won 9 percent of votes in the 2011 Berlin State elections, showing the deep resonance the causes Anon claims to defend actually have among the electorate. Hacktivism’s ideology seems to be particularly widespread among young people, and if reassembled and targeted, it could constitute an incredible political power – in this case 10 percent of a major global city.

Anon might be legion after all. Might Anon get lost within the movement it helped create?

It is certainly gaining supporters among the mainstream, but it is also reforming its mode of action.

The Occupy Wall Street protests show that the Anon mentality spreads well beyond Anon itself and now trickles down from the web to the streets. Though AnonOps served as the platform from which to launch Occupy Wall Street, it has now dissolved into the static and confusion of the larger protest movement.

The freelance mindset of the group might have influenced many, but the organization per se seems to have weakened. It is unclear whether Anon can survive in 3D. We should take the Anon mindset for what can teach us: that post-9/11 emphasis on security coincided with new definitions of privacy. The appearance of facial profiling and other surveillance, along with the development of internet networking, has reduced our private sphere to our bathroom doors – perhaps forcing some to hide behind masks.

This struggle to regain personal freedom hit a popular chord in the internet subculture that has leaked into the mainstream, even if it has not been a pressing demand during the recent series of protests. The network

After serving as a springboard for street protests, can Anon combine its virtual and physical existence to serve its ideal and find the unity needed for the change it desires? What keeps Anon alive today is the mask. With little chance of retribution or betrayal, the virtual Anon is firewalled from the outside. But within traditional street protest, the individual resurfaces – and with it all are accountable, and possibly threatened.

Physical action also brings up the question of leadership for the legions. With no structure, Anon cannot survive in a world with faces, names and ID cards, where punishment is possible, and hearing out all voices is not. By looking at other hacker structures, defined physically and running on internal consent rather than constant rupture, Anon might be able to reform and evolve into a more powerful and intelligent hacktivist entity. Anon has always been, and continues to be, a mindset – one that will in all likelihood, outlive Anon itself.

,+79'2@@9252.:9'?A'A2:021'@5?A010.4'2.;'?/795' 6<5>90112.:9E'21?.4'F0/7'/79';9>91?@H9./'?A' 0./95.9/'.9/F?530.4E'726'59;<:9;'?<5'@50>2/9' 6@7959'/?'?<5'D2/75??H';??56I access to a German minister’s fingerprints and reprinted them on transparent film to fool fingerprint readers. The CCC serves as a model of elevated and even necessary hacktivism where anonymity is not essential.

Similarly, the emergence and rising popularity of so-called ‘pirate’ parties, which also contest the overwhelming power of the state and market in day-to-day society, have been a symbol of victory for a newly framed revolutionary mindset, similar in essence to

24

that emerged to combat this encroachment is capable of channeling other issues. There is a growing, if vaguely defined, concern among young people about the increasing power of centralized authority, be it corporations or governments, with authoritarian tendencies.

But Anon’s counterproductive spasms, destroying the freedom and anonymity of its enemies, undermine its own platform. The chaos of Anon has failed to gain coherence and is beginning to move in circles.

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

Helene Barthelemy is a Columbia College student majoring in MESAAS and Philosophy.

She moves her hands a lot, especially when talking about politics. She can be reached at hsb2121@columbia.edu.

+Q*+' !"&M"&P' [NN#"&P Rising Seas and the Perils of Island Statehood

By Katya English

While public concern about global warming has waned in recent years, ever-more scientific evidence shows that climate change is a grave and growing nightmare. Among problematic signs are the melting of glaciers and polar ice caps at an increasing rate, and the corresponding rise in sea levels. While perhaps a distant concern both geographically and temporally for much of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population, rising sea levels pose an imminent threat to the inhabitants of small island states (SIS) already suffering from the effects. The highest point in the Marshall Islands, for instance, is only 10 meters above sea level, while other SIS such as Tuvalu, Kiribati and the Republic of Maldives average just 1.5 meters above sea level. With sea levels projected to rise two meters or more by this centuryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s end, these states are threatened with virtual extinction.

Many of the 52 UN-designated Small Island Developing States are already experiencing the baleful effects of rising seas: increased frequency of tropical storms, flooding and coastal erosion. This in turn leads to the destruction of critical infrastructure: roads, bridges, ports and aqueducts.

Also concerning is the likely prospect of seawater intrusion into ground water supplies, with devastating implications for everything from agriculture and irrigation to sanitation and supplies of drinking water. While the SIS combined population is only several hundred thousand, many more are threatened if low-lying coastal regions in continental states are included.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon recently noted that over 60 million people worldwide live less than one meter above sea level, and many of them

Illustrations by Amalia Rinehart

October 2011

25

– crowded into developing-world city slums – states. If the island meets these requirements, are “tinder for the fires of social unrest.” its statehood is established and the associated For the most-threatened SIS, there economic privileges of statehood are awarded. exist neither the funds nor, more critically, According to the UN Convention on the Law any higher ground to which inhabitants can of the Sea, these include control over a zone of retreat. The Carteret Islands have become nearly uninhabitable due to the salination of farmland and freshwater supplies, forcing plans for evacuation of several thousand residents to Papua New Guinea.

The Solomon Islands face similar challenges, and Marshall Islanders are already being resettled in places as diverse as Australia and Arkansas.

To further complicate matters, the 1951 Convention on Refugees – the standard framework for displaced people – provides little guidance for the case of climate change refugees. In addition, protections in the United States and Europe for victims of environmental disaster are limited, and these protections do not much allow for transference into permanent residency. However, this has the potential to change in coming years, as countries begin to act on a moral obligation Illustration by Marie Nganele to help those affected by environmental shifts. International organizations such as the International Organization for Migration will play a role in this transition. The United territorial sea as well as an Exclusive Economic Nations Framework Convention on Climate Zone (EEZ), which guarantees states sole Change has already taken steps by recognizing jurisdiction over the natural resources in their the issue at the Cancun 2010 Conference, stat- waters. Determining these zones requires a ing the necessity “to enhance understanding, low-water line measurement, called a baseline, coordination and cooperation with regard to to be made along the coast. As coastlines climate change induced displacement…at na- recede, states that continue to claim these tional, regional and international levels.” privileges move into uncharted legal waters More fundamental than protection of where no rights are guaranteed. climate refugees, though, is the need to protect Moving beyond the economic privileges citizens of SIS through active legal strategies of territory, the question returns to the nature by which they can ensure the continued of the state as defined by the international existence of their states. These challenges are community. Conceptually, under the considerable and unprecedented. Never before Montevideo Convention, a sinking state have rising oceans forced the international ceases to exist once its territory is no longer legal framework to account for shrinking inhabitable, but this outcome quickly appears states. But to better understand the legal unacceptable. How can states retain their dilemmas surrounding the SIS’ fate, we must statehood and identity within the international begin with the definition of statehood. The community if their populated territory Montevideo Convention of 1933 stipulates disappears? several requirements a state must meet in The fundamental standards of order to achieve it: a permanent population, international legal order are founded on a defined territory, a government and the jus cogens norms, principles of legality that capacity to enter into relations with other entitle people and nations to basic human

26

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

rights. The rest of the world – especially the developed nations – has a moral obligation to SIS. Stripping a SIS of its statehood as its territory disappears would be controversial, considering that rising seas are due primarily

to the greenhouse gas emissions of developed nations (SIS emit less than 1% of global greenhouse gases).

There are several possible methods by which states can remain legally independent in the face of rising seas, even in the scenario that their populations no longer physically occupy their original territories or that those territories become inundated. Among these proposals, one is the concept of sea defenses – an appropriately broad term for constructions that protect islands from the encroaching ocean. According to one study, in order to preserve the atoll of Fanfuti – capital of Tuvalu – roughly 54 kilometers of sea-defenses would be needed for the 2.5-kilometer island.

Another concrete solution is the construction of artificial territory.

The Maldives, for example, has already built two artificial islands totaling three square kilometers. Both these proposals, however, while possible in theory, are incredibly expensive and – in practice –ultimately unrealistic.

Creative policymakers suggest that submerged

[features | international] states can resettle into other states while retaining their own autonomy; they would become deterritorialized states, theoretically possible under current international law. SIS governments could reorganize within other states, becoming “nations ex-situ,” and operate under a “trusteeship” arrangement established by both states, as described by University of Hawaii Law Professor Maxine Burkett at the first Threatened Island Nations Conference hosted by Columbia University’s Center for Climate Change Law. Given the expense of such relocation for the host nations, displaced states would presumably pay for the immigration of their population into the host nation with the revenues from continued management of their pre-existing maritime zones or with an outright transfer of those EEZ’s.

The displaced population would still vote through its displaced government. Ideally, they would be granted full citizenship rights by the host state, while simultaneously retaining home state citizenship.

The exiled government could fund and promote social and cultural continuity and provide additional social protections, but citizens would necessarily be under the host state’s legal jurisdiction. Unfortunately, this option currently faces many logistical road blocks, since migration and assimilation into many nations will not be simple, especially given the aforementioned inadequacies of the Convention on Refugees.

One possibility for reconciling this philosophical dilemma with the geopolitical reality of sinking states is by purchasing new territory for resettlement. The government of the Maldives has already conducted such a transaction with Indonesia on a small scale.

While legally this is one of the most appealing options for ensuring continued sovereignty, it is difficult to imagine it fulfilling all affected nations’ needs. From a strictly practical

perspective, as Rosemary Rayfuse – legal expert at the University of New South Wales – argues, it is hard to imagine any states being willing to sell to another state, for any price, territory of any substantial value.

Even if countries could be persuaded to cede land, much of the displaced population may still take the opportunity to attempt immigration to a different nation than their compatriots if the purchased land were not comparable to their home island. If the people of a nation were to disperse in this manner, sovereignty would, by definition, no longer be possible – there would be no fixed population to rule. Despite these potential stumbling blocks, it is hard to deny the appeal of this option for retaining statehood.

Acknowledging the necessity of new measures to support displaced populations is not enough to save their statehood. The lack of a true international consensus on the issue suggests that the developed world may not view the fate of SIS as a worthy concern. Rather, like the proverbial canary in the mineshaft, the plight of SIS foreshadows the international political and economic concerns that will be the focus of policymakers in the coming decades, as rising sea levels affect coastlines all over the world.

Some scholars, such as Cara Nine – a faculty member of University College Cork in Ireland – argue that where another state can be proven responsible for the plight of the small island nation, there are grounds – both moral and legal – for a direct claim to compensation by the responsible party, perhaps in the form of territory. Island nations thus face a tragic contradiction as they struggle to seek legal and economic recompense from those nations responsible for rising oceans while simultaneously forced to appeal to those same countries for continued recognition.

This tension is interestingly borne out in a lawsuit the Federated States of Micronesia launched this past December against a utility company in the Czech Republic – claiming that plans for the expansion of a massive coal plant would create direct negative consequences for the vulnerable Micronesia. The result has been a call for an independent international assessment of the potential effects the plant will have on Micronesia.

The success of this lawsuit has some experts optimistic that it can provide the grounds for future cases. The probability of the case setting an international precedent, though, seems unlikely given the underdevelopment of international legal mechanisms and that the case’s success was due in large part to the Micronesian government’s surprising ability to

access domestic Czech courts.

In terms of tangible options for SIS and the international community, the ideal solution, of course, is for the most developed states to take immediate, meaningful measures to cut greenhouse gas emissions and combat the warming that causes sea level rise. This would not only help to solve the underlying problem and save the SIS, but it is also in the interest of developed states. Yet, given the poor track record of such initiatives, other methods will inevitably be necessary.

Deterritorialized states in trusteeships can provide some measure of continued existence, but these may well devolve into faades of statehood that primarily provide a point of social reference for citizens. For SIS looking to maintain real sovereignty in a world of realpolitik, procurement of some new territory will likely be necessary. Such territorial transfers may be purchased with rights to SIS maritime zones, as discussed, or with duly substantial loans from the World Bank and IMF. The UN should play a role, perhaps in establishing a forum in which the necessary multitude of transactions can be fairly and consistently conducted. Even with all this, friction is foreseeable, and developments of artificial territory and – or certain states ¬– sea defenses may still be useful. Indeed, no policy prescriptions are one-size-fits-all.

SIS, which face the unprecedented loss of territory and, thereby, statehood deserve the attention of the international community.

Providing them with reasonable methods for guaranteeing their continued existence as states must be a minimum obligation. As unfortunate as it is, SIS are trapped in a situation which forces them to appeal to the developed nations – the unconcerned fountainheads of surging sea levels – through tangles of Western legal institutions.

By little fault of their own, SIS are chained to the whims of the very nations that caused their plight. The question ultimately becomes whether those transgressors have the political will to act.

Katya spent the summer after her graduation from high school working as an intern at the European Climate Foundation in Brussels. The opportunity to tag along at a variety of events-like the UNFCCC in Bonn--brought the issue of climate change to life for her.

While Katya has yet to figure out what she wants to do with this passion in the future, she is positive she will end up working in the field! She can be reached at kae2130@columbia.edu.

October 2011

27

*'&NJ'NR*'[%R' R*O"% A Conversation with Jad Abumrad Jad Abumrad, a Lebanese-American MacArthur Fellowship, nicking exceptional merit and hanced creative work.” He is acclaimed Radiolab, a raweaves stories and science rich documentaries. His “The Ring & I”, explores and influence of WagEve of the Metropolitan An insightful, funny, tion, it was aired nationally, and earned a total of theprestigious 2005 NaAward in Radio. From the on National Public Rareported and produced On The Media, PRI’s StuMorning Edition, All Things and WNYC’s “24 Hours at sat down with Abumrad to

radio host and producer, was awarded the 2011 named the Genius Award, for “showpromise for continued and enthe co-founder of the widely dio show and podcast that into sound and music2004 Radiolab special, the enduring power ner’s Ring Cycle on the Opera’s Presentation. and lyrical presentaally and internationten awards, including tional Headliner Grand local level to programs dio, Abumrad has also documentaries including dio 360 with Kurt Andersen, Considered, Democracy Now!, the Edge of Ground Zero.” CPR discuss the future of radio.

Illustration byAmalia Rinehart

28

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

[interview] Columbia Political Review: You recently won the MacArthur grant. Can you say anything about your reaction to that?

accessible to anyone that has an FM radio.

Where do you see yourself on the continuum of making art, education and entertainment?

Jad Abumrad: Well, I’m going through the Twilight Zone period right now where actually it’s sinking in a little bit, and I’m starting to be like, “Okay, this just happened, now what do I do?The day it happened was a really strange few hours. I was just getting off the plane for something I had done in Michigan, and I got a strange call from a guy named Daniel.

He, in a really roundabout way, basically, hilariously strung it out – I didn’t even know why he called me –maybe I was called on behalf of someone else, maybe it was a grant for something I didn’t know about?

At that point I kind of disassociated from it. It didn’t really hit me until I hung up with him, and I called my wife, and I heard her reaction. Even then, it didn’t really sink in. I just thought, this is a really good thing. I had no way of really assessing it until it was made public and I saw the response from the radio community and people I had worked with.

Everybody I ever knew in my life e-mailed me within the first few hours. It was a very strange thing that just kind of opened up. It was at that point that, in some weird way, it became life changing.

JA: In the middle of those three nouns you used. What I think we do is we get interested in [something]. What you hear on the air are these two guys who are really animated talking about big ideas and then going on a kind of surreal joyride through the landscape of this idea where you meet all kinds of interesting people: scientists, philosophers and just people who are engaged in some drama of one kind or another.

But it’s a great structure with these two guys kind of talking and sometimes arguing.

That’s how these shows come about. It’s a bunch of people – we all sit down, and we get interested in stuff, and we try and just figure out what’s the most interesting.

It’s maybe a little scary way to take a trip through this idea, and it is like a personal adventure in some sense, but it’s an adventure between people who really like each other, and so I don’t know that we’re teaching. I would sort of resist that idea because teaching implies a kind of distance, which I’m not comfortable with. It’s a distance that inevitably exists between a teacher and a student. But for us, it’s just more akin to that experience when you get a great record.

For some reason what I imagine in my head is like a final record. You want to share that record with your friend, and you’re like, “Dude, you’ve got to hear this record.” And maybe your friend loves it, or they hate it, and then you kind build on it from there. I feel like we’re doing that more than we’re doing education, and it’s more about just having an adventure with a friend, and the friendship is a noise that I think attracts people on the other side of the radio.

They want to know about this adventure we’re having, but they also want to be part of the sort of chemistry of that friendship.

So some stuff that we’re doing is just moving through the world and just encountering things.

If that ends up making scientific concepts understandable or if that ends up making philosophical concepts visceral, that’s great, but I wouldn’t say that’s our primary objective, ever. It’s just to somehow communicate the animal spirit of an adventure, kind of a friendship.

CPR: Besides the pride from the public adulation – which sounds like it was incredibly hard to process – this was a monetary prize, too; how did do you react to that?

JA: I’ve been circling that question for about two weeks now. Like, what am I going to do with this money? I don’t really have any concrete plans. I’m mind, body and soul committed to making Radiolab and making it grow, so I definitely know I want to use some of that money to bring new energies and new ideas into the show.

Often, they make that award with the idea that it’ll give you some space to look outside your narrow worldview. I also think that. on the whole, the public radio system, I want to somehow bring new voices in and sort of taking my role seriously for the first time. You know, Radiolab is this new sound and in a place where there hasn’t been a lot of new sounds. Maybe that gives a special opportunity to recruit new folks or get new types of voices on the air, again no concrete plans. I also have a second kid coming in February, so part of it is obviously going to be making that transition a little easier for my wife and I. CPR: Radiolab makes a lot of really complex scientific and philosophic issues, kind of

CPR: You said it’s kind of a theatrical conceit or an on-air banter between you and [your co-host] Robert; how much of the original organic conversations between you and Robert or between you and a room full of people end up in the final produced product?

JA: It kind of varies. I would say 50-50? That’s just a guess. There are times when more of it ends up on the air, and there are times when it has to be reconstructed. But it’s always sometimes real because if we’re there, we’re, like, pretending.

What we’re trying to pretend to be is an earlier version of ourselves, when we’re sitting down at an editorial meeting and we’re fighting it out. Maybe he’s got something he’s interested in, and I’m skeptical, so he’s trying to sell me on it. Or maybe I’m the person that thinks I’ve got the amazing story, and he’s the skeptic.

We sort of flip-flop roles, and then we argue it out, and then we’ll recognize that we should just have the conversation we had off the air air. So then we do, and so on some level we’re pretending and reconstructing the conversation we had off the air. And then we get into it and ten seconds go in, and you’re actually back in the conversation and it ends up being completely improvised. So there are moments of every story that are completely unknown to us.

Anytime you’re trying to tell a story, you’re trying to find the right shape so we’ll have these improvising moments, and maybe they’re a little flabby so we’ll start to edit them, and maybe you’ve got these two edited bits that need to be connected, and so you will write a sentence that you’ll stick in the middle but then connects it to the conversation.

So then you end up with some weird hybrid where it’s kind of like a written story, but it’s also totally improvised, and that only exists in the editing. I feel like you need that tension between the anarchy of improvisation and the architecture of editing. When they tug at each other really hard, that’s our sound.

CPR: Occupy Wall Street is getting louder and you’ve done work on democracy in the past. Have you been down to Zuccotti Park?

Any thoughts?

JA: I’ve been following the story pretty closely, but I actually have not been down there. I’ve been wanting to just go just as a New Yorker to see what’s happening down there. Politically, I don’t have a stake in it in the way that I might have had, back in my WBAI days.

But, as a movement that’s just starting to get underway, I find it really interesting.

There’s been a lot of coverage asking that question: is it a movement, or is it just a bunch of people getting together expressing a kind of inchoate anxiety that’s just going to dissolve once it gets cold? I find that question really interesting with the political context of our country right now. I don’t have a direct personal interest in what’s going on there.

October 2011

29

I’m just really interested to know where There’s something kind of interesting that CPR: As a composer, music arranger, and edithis country is going to go next. As a New happened in the psychological sciences when tor, how does that perspective change the stoYorker, I haven’t seen this kind of homegrown neuroscience came along. Suddenly you have rytelling dialogue process that you’re engaged movement in a long time. all these psychology students. They’re working in, in the show. Does that offer some kind of It’s also an special perspective? interesting question: ,LLL6?H9'6/<AA'/72/'F9\59';?0.4'06'C<6/'H?>0.4' how does a movement JA: I came to radio as a get born? We saw the not really as /75?<47'/79'F?51;'2.;'C<6/'9.:?<./950.4'/70.46L' musician, Tea Party and how that a journalist. I picked "A'/72/'9.;6'<@'H230.4'6:09./0A0:':?.:9@/6' happened. I’m curious up all the journalismto see the parallels. news stuff along the <.;956/2.;2D19'?5'0A'/72/'9.;6'<@'H230.4' way but the weird @701?6?@70:21':?.:9@/6'>06:9521E'/72/\6'4592/E CPR: Looking at the thing that happened specific aesthetic of 'D</'"'F?<1;.\/'62B'/72/\6'?<5'@50H25B'?DC9:/0>9E' to me in the last five to the show that’s kind of six years on the show born out of the editing, 9>95L'"/\6'C<6/'/?'6?H97?F':?HH<.0:2/9'/79'2.0H21' is that I realized, it’s what we get somehow all the same in some 6@050/'?A'2.'2;>9./<59LLLI seems unedited. Is that weird way. an incorrect perception?

The act of – not so in an institution, like Princeton, where, in the much reporting – when you get into the stuJA: No, that’s great. I’m really glad to hear to basement, they had this giant brain scanner dio, when you’re sort of working with the tape, hear you describe it that way. I don’t know machine. So you can ask these, really, sort of it is a deeply musical thing, and when you tell how we get to that place. It’s the kind of thing large, in a sense, ordinary questions about it, they’re using their voice, they are pitching that we kick it and kick it, and it finally gets how do humans behave? What makes us have it up and down. For me, there’s a wonderful to some shape. It’s kind of anarchic; it’s a morality? What makes human beings have a thing that happens in the editing process, little bit nuts. In that sense, it doesn’t feel like sense of right and wrong, and what happens to where if you go out and take your interviews somebody sat there and sweated every stupid a person when they feel conflicted, they don’t and stick them into the computer, they exist edit, because what you hear when someone know which way to go? You can actually see in the computer as these little chunks, little sweats every dumb edit is you hear a kind of what happened in a brain, and it’s a wonderful sound bites, and they’re literally like these over-manicured, over-produced deadness. thing that happens. It gives you a sense of little rectangles.

It’s the kind of thing where when you’re in empiricism, and it also gives you an access There are moments when I’ve got so the studio, you’re improvising and weird to that beautiful, probably unanswerable, many of these damn rectangles on my screen unanticipated stuff will always happen, and question. And so, I think neuroscience is a that I have to zoom all the way out and you normally, I think in every other show, they really interesting thing for the behavioral start to see them as these little dots. I am concut it out, and we cut it in. sciences, maybe that’s overstating it a little bit. sistently amazed that, at that scale, it looks a And that’s the question of how much For me, I don’t really think of myself as little bit like a musical score and that you are is too much? Weird artifacts and strange a science reporter. I am someone who’s just moving these bits of thoughts and grammar noises, that’s all the life of what we’re doing as really interested in what makes us tick, what around almost like notes. well. We try to put all that stuff in. Unedited makes all of us tick, and generally, I make up Now there are obvious differences. There quality is when it kind of sounds like people’s stories to try and answer those questions, sort is a part of the process where the editor-joursounds when they’re talking, but there is a of a “This American Life”-y sort of way. But nalism parts of my brain go silent and the musort of surrealness to it, which comes from neuroscience is what kind of drew me into sician part wakes up and somewhere about all those different layers popping out. It’s like the notion that stories about people could three-quarters of the way through, when I’ve two people are standing there talking, but be married with research about people, and got the story and it’s sort of hammered into they’re also somehow in a crowd of other you could get to a place where you both the right shape, I kind of close the door, and people. Imagine people like these scientists, experienced something but also explained it.

I become a musician again, and I think about researchers, who are in their thought bubble And that juxtaposition between expla- things like rhythm and pacing and syncopaand then, all of a sudden, vanish. So it’s a nation and experience is very important to tion. musical surreal version of a conversation two the show. It maybe grows out of that early Even when you’ve got like four different people might actually have. interest in neuroscience that a lot of people voices, and you’re trying to bring them in and have. I think in the next five years, we won’t out and get that right balance between them, CPR: You’ve done features on the brain and be seeing as many science headlines that say, I think about weird classes I sat through in neuroscience. Can you speak a little about “Republicans have this part of their brain, music school. There’s not much translation what drew you to that?

Democrats have that.” I don’t think so. I think but I think about what would Bach do in this that research was sort of, pretty, I won’t say moment, how would he achieve the right balJA: Back in the beginning, there were a lot of naïve, but it was preliminary, and the brain ance. stories that were like, “And this part of your isn’t really divided into these departments in Not to compare myself at all, but it’s brain does this, and that part of your brain the way that we thought it was, so it’s going to those kinds of musical questions that come does this.” I’m a little bit skeptical of that make my journalist job a little bit harder, but back to me at a certain point in the process. earlier version of ourselves now. We don’t do the idea that we can kind of gain access to the The fact that I get the space to indulge in that as much brain science now. But psychology locus of ourselves is such a cool thing. Who part of my brain is what I think makes the in the end is a question about behavior. knows where it’s going to go. show a little bit different from other shows.

30

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org

$*##'[%R')"+$QN! December 2011 Issue

The Columbia Political Review will be accepting article pitches from now until October 24, 2011!

Any student at the University is welcome to submit his/her idea(s) for an article, and we encourage everyone, no matter their backgrounds in writing or politics, to submit a pitch if they feel passionately about a topic.

We will be accepting ideas for articles throughout the coming weeks—you may submit any and all pitches that come to your mind up until 11:59 PM on Monday, October 24.

Please e-mail your article ideas to pitches.cpreview@gmail.com You may submit multiple pitches. We look forward to seeing your ideas!

To pitch us an idea for an article, please send the following: 1. Your Name, School, Year, and Phone Number.

2. One or two sentences explaining what you want to write about and why. What is your idea, your view? Please be clear and concise.

This can be just a thought that you’ve been kicking around for some time—our editorial staff will help you develop that idea into a feature article you can be proud of.

3. One or two more sentences expanding upon your idea. How do you intend to argue or defend your opinion? How is it unique and why will it be of interest to a broad readership?

4. Attach a writing sample. This can be a paper from a class or anything you’ve written within the last year. There is no minimum or maximum page limit - we just want to gauge your general writing style.

CPR has an active website, cpreview.org, for pieces that are either too short or cannot fit to the magazine’s editorial deadline. So do not worry about the length of your pitch, or the piece it may become, or your time constraints—send us your ideas and we will work with you to figure out where and how your thoughts can best turn into a piece.

If you are interested in doing illustrations or photography for CPR, please send an e-mail with the subject line “Art Submission.” If you have any questions about the pitching process, the magazine, or even just the world in general, do not hesitate to e-mail us.

October May 2011 2011

31

32

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW cpreview.org