WAR IN EUROPE

RUSSIA INVADES UKRAINE

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has continued to harbour significant resentment against Ukraine, the country it still thought of as a critical part of ‘Mother Russia’.

Russian President Vladimir Putin spared no effort to promote an historical narrative that Ukrainians and Russians constituted ‘one nation’.

Having declared independence in 1991, Ukraine had chosen a completely different path – an independent path of democratic development, reform and European integration.

However, Putin fervently wished to reassemble the countries of the former Soviet Union and reverse what he called the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century”.

With Ukraine getting closer to joining NATO, Russia considered the conquest of Ukraine as vital to the restoration of its so-called ‘Historical Russia’.

Putin’s ultimate goal was to ‘right the wrongs’, as he saw them, of the fall of the USSR in the Cold War, 30 years ago.

And so, after months of military buildup on Ukraine’s borders, and months of denying he had plans to invade, Russian forces finally crossed the line on 24 February 2022.

But Putin’s ambitions fell well short, as the performance of his own forces failed to live up to everyone’s expectations and Ukraine’s defenders pushed back with the zeal of a fight for something greater than self.

As the invaders were pushed back to smaller – all be they strategically significant – regions in the east of the country, President Volodymyr Zelenskyi stood defiant and pledged that next year’s Eurovision Song Contest would be held in the still-Russianoccupied Mariupol.

Ukraine’s steadfastness in the face of invasion from its giant neighbour must be admired and applauded – but not because of any ‘David v Golliath’ sentimentality.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyi believes that, if Russia secured its desired occupation of Ukraine, Putin would seek to reconstitute the entire, wider, historic, European security architecture, at huge cost to the West.

And the West certainly seemed to agree – delivering unprecedented external support to Ukraine, in the form of weapons, humanitarian aid and money. Everything that could be sent to Ukraine was sent – except aircraft and people.

While Ukraine was not yet a member of NATO – and likely never will, following an offer to that effect from President Zelenskyi – the West feared widening the conflict outside Ukraine’s borders, and sought to dance a very fine line between assisting a potentially important ally and not poking the great Russian bear too hard.

Fear of Russia’s nuclear arsenal demanded constraint, yet the abhorance of a potential 21st Century genocide in Europe was just as great.

TIMELINES OF A TRAGEDY

Nightmares of Bucha, Irpin and Hostomel

From war.ukraine.ua Before the sun rose on 24 February, people in the Kyiv region woke to the thundering sounds of Russian artillery and missile strikes. Ukraine was under attack.

Suburban towns outside Kyiv, home to the city’s commuters, flower gardens and picturesque parks, became the front line of Russia’s bloody advance on the Ukrainian capital. A nightmare filled with burning homes and civilians executed in the streets had begun.

Ukraine asserts that responsibility for the unspeakable crimes about to unfold lies on the shoulders of every Russian soldier, every commanding officer, and every representative of the Russian authorities who, through action or inaction, would make this a reality.

The airport in the city of Hostomel – population 17,000 – was one of Russia’s primary targets, as capturing it would allow effective air raids on Kyiv. Irpin – population 70,000 – Bucha – population 37,000 – and smaller nearby towns were chosen by Russia as ideal targets to encircle the capital and to be used as Russian military staging grounds.

From 24 February to 1 April, many towns and villages in the Kyiv region were under attack or occupation by Russian troops. Only at the beginning of April, Ukrainian forces would be able to liberate the region and discover the full extent of the terrible war crimes perpetrated by Russian soldiers.

Destruction in the Kyiv region. Photos courtsey President Volodymyr Zelensky’s office.

TIMELINE: 24 February Ukrainian forces defend Hostomel airport from Russian invaders. Ukrainian anti-aircraft systems shoot down three enemy helicopters. A Ukrainian tactical group defends the town from Russian paratroopers. 25 February The battle for Hostomel rages on. Russian artillery shells the area. Ukrainian armed forces defeat a column of Russian armored vehicles. 26 February Ukrainian armed forces stop the Russian advance toward the capital near Bucha, inflicting losses on the enemy. Russian troops are still trying to capture Hostomel. Individual groups of Russian soldiers slip into Kyiv – gunfights erupt on the streets. Enemy reconnaissance teams are eventually destroyed – Kyiv is freed of invading ground troops.

However, the Hostomel area is still mercilessly bombarded by Russian artillery and missile attacks.

Defence Minister Reznikov Oleksiy’s wife is killed by Russian shelling. He sits by his wounded daughter’s bedside all day. “God forbid anyone has to live through this. We used to live a completely normal life. My wife and I worked, the kids went to school. Now innocent people are dying. Ukraine needs help.” Minister Oleksiy said. 27-28 February Massive numbers of Russian ground forces, stretched north through the Kyiv region, attempt to advance toward the capital. Irpin is held and defended by the Ukrainian armed forces.

Russian artillery shelling and airstrikes continue in the region, damaging infrastructure and killing civilians. Some locals are able to flee or are evacuated, but thousands remain in their homes, hiding in basements and shelters as the bombs rain down.

1 March The first reports of marauding and robberies start to appear from Bucha and Hostomel, now occupied by Russian invaders. Communication remains difficult due to intense fighting and shelling in the region. 2 March Columns of Russian tanks, armoured personnel carriers, and soldiers continue advancing, and occupying more towns in the region. Bucha, Irpin, Hostomel and Borodianka remain among the most dangerous areas for civilians due to continued Russian shelling and ground fighting.

Hostomel airport is liberated by the Ukrainian army. The city remains embattled. 3 March Ukrainian forces temporarily retake Bucha, establishing the supply of humanitarian aid and evacuating civilians. Six trucks of food are delivered to Bucha and Irpin. 1500 women and children are evacuated to safer areas. Thousands of locals remain, because of logistical difficulties and bombing by Russian artillery, airstrikes, tanks and mortars. 5 March Russian forces blow up railroad tracks in Irpin, attempting to prevent the evacuation of civilians. Ukrainian soldiers are forced to evacuate people via buses. Priority is given to the most vulnerable. 6 March Russian troops intensify violence against civilians, opening fire on vehicles trying to flee Irpin. Shells hit infrastructure, leaving the city without heat. Bucha and Hostomel are occupied. Ukrainian authorities try to negotiate a safe evacuation, demanding that the invading forces not target refugees.

“They couldn’t break down the door, so they threw a grenade down the stairs,” Mykola from Bucha said. His friend Leonid was torn apart by the explosion. Next day, Russian soldiers told him he had 20 minutes to “clean up”. Mykola gathered parts of his friend’s body into a bag and dug what would be his third grave. 7 March Because of intensified Russian shelling, Irpin has been without electricity, water and heat for nearly

three days. Russian occupiers forbid local residents to leave their homes. Reports continue of violence and marauding by Russian forces. Communication from residents in areas north of Kyiv remains scarce, as Russian soldiers confiscate phones at checkpoints and rob people in their homes.

Humanitarian aid is blocked.

Stan, a coder, spoke of his failed attempt at leaving Irpin “…right beside us there’s a small, red car, all shot up, with the word “children” written on it. The body of a woman lies on the steering wheel. Civilian dead bodies on the sidewalk… the occupiers forbade filming the victims, took people’s phones, and this was a direct order “from up high”. They purposefully turned off electricity and communications and then said: “where’s the evidence?””. 9 March Ukrainian authorities organise another evacuation corridor from Bucha and Hostomel. Only especially vulnerable citizens are allowed on board due to limited space – women, children and the elderly. Russian occupiers block 50 buses filled with

refugees, not allowing them to leave Bucha or Hostomel.

After the liberation of Bucha, residents will report many men aged 16 to 60 executed by Russians to prevent resistance. Coroner Serhiy Kaplishny said, “On a single day, I picked up about 30 bodies — 13 of whom were men whose hands had been tied and who had been shot in the head at close range.” 11 March Russian forces continue using Bucha as a base of operations, terrorising local residents and marauding supplies. An attempt is made by the Russian army to push toward Kyiv once again, but it is repelled by Ukrainian troops.

Antonina Pomazanko said her daughter was shot by Russian soldiers as they entered Bucha. She was not able to fully bury her. “I buried her a bit in the night. There was so much shelling, I didn’t know what to do.” 12 March The Russian occupying army continues to hold Bucha, Irpin and Hostomel. More Russian armored vehicles and ground troops pile into the area, contested areas shelled by Russian artillery – apartment buildings, private homes and civilian infrastructure all targeted.

Humanitarian supplies are sent from Kyiv to all towns in the region, but the Russians continue to aggressively prevent any evacuation from Irpin. About 1000 people are successfully evacuated from Bucha under heavy Russian fire. Only 600 manage to escape from Hostomel. 17-21 March Kyiv sends humanitarian aid to Bucha, Hostomel and neighbouring villages – food, water, medicine and other supplies. It is impossible to distribute aid to locals on a larger scale because of the ongoing attacks and marauding by Russian soldiers. The towns are in a state of humanitarian crisis. They remained without electricity, water or heat.

By this point, a total of 4750 people have been evacuated from areas under attack. 23 March The armed forces of Ukraine move to counterattack the Russian army encircling Irpin, Bucha, and Hostomel. This is a breaking point in the bloody stalemate. Ukraine is finally able to attempt to liberate its cities from enemy occupation, as Russian forces are failing due to poor logistics and chaotic command.

Eyewitness reports start coming in from people who managed to escape Bucha. They speak of horrible war crimes committed by Russian soldiers – robberies, rape, executions.

Most locals remain in hellish conditions, evicted from their homes by Russian soldiers, forced to live in basements or sheds, with no access to food, water or heat, unable to bury the bodies of murdered family members.

Bucha resident Olena said “Getting water — shot, cooking outside on a fire — shot, running down a street — shot. The Russians became more brutal in the final days.” 25 March Bucha and Irpin are awarded the status of herocities by the President of Ukraine – the same status awarded to Kyiv and Odesa during WWII, for their heroic defence against the Nazis.

Vitaly Sinadin, a 45-year-old sculptor from Bucha, said “I was tied to a metal pole for two days. [The Russians] beat me, asking, “Where are the Ukrainian soldiers?” and “Who in town is in the Territorial Defense Force?””. 28 March The armed forces of Ukraine liberate Irpin, pushing out the Russian occupiers. Battles around the city had been raging since the start of Russia’s invasion. 1 April After more than a month of fierce battles in the Kyiv region, Russian occupying forces retreat and the Ukrainian Army is able to liberate the city of Bucha and render aid to local residents. 3 April Irpin is now fully under the control of the Ukrainian armed forces, but local authorities ask refugees

not to return until Ukrainian troops have removed mines and boobytraps spread by retreating Russian troops on roads and in residential areas – even in private homes, next to infants’ cots.

Oleksandr Markushyn, mayor of Irpin, said “… the Russian occupiers split families, they took the men and left the women and children… the ones they didn’t like – they shot. A child died, many men died. The cruelest and most inhumane part was when they rode over bodies with tanks… we had to use shovels to peel the bodies off the asphalt.” 4 April President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyi visits Bucha to see first hand the devastation and war crimes committed by the Russian army during its occupation. He speaks with local residents and says, “What’s currently happening in Ukraine is the calculated genocide of the Ukrainian people.” 5 April Ukrainian armed forces and emergency services of the Kyiv region continue to provide humanitarian and medical aid to residents of Bucha, Irpin and Hostomel. Irpin has started to conduct repairs to some of its damaged infrastructure.

Ukrainian authorities begin conducting investigations and gather evidence of hundreds of war crimes committed by Russian occupying forces – murder, theft, robbery, rape and more. 410 bodies were recovered on streets, sidewalks and in mass graves in Bucha alone. Evidence of sexual assault against women and children further highlights the inhuman nature of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Eyewitness accounts and physical evidence tell of deliberate executions and the needless killing of civilians out of wanton cruelty and greed. Damage to the city is immense.

Communications consultant and Ukrainian media volunteer Ivan Shovkoplias said this was a breach of not only international and Ukrainian laws but of the very boundaries of humanity and civilisation.

“The perpetrators of these crimes – from the ones who committed them physically, to those who gave the orders or allowed them through inaction, must be punished to the full extent of the law,” he said.

THE TRAGEDY OF MARIUPOL

By Anna Murlykina Chief Editor of 0629.com.ua, the website of Mariupol At about 5am on 24 February, the Russian army began its devastating bombardment of Mariupol. Defenders of the city, the Azov Brigade, said the bombs were not targeted at military infrastructure alone, as Putin claimed. In reality, Russia started shelling residential areas of Mariupol almost immediately.

In the first hours of the invasion, the Russian army destroyed eight private houses and hit 12 highrise buildings with Grad missiles in the Skhidny residential area. In those first few hours 33 people were wounded. These were not military targets, they were peaceful civilians sleeping in their homes in Mariupol and the nearby village of Talakivka.

Ukraine’s strong resistance and defense of Mariupol likely surprised the invading Russian forces. For almost a week Russia’s attempted advances were consistently pushed back by Ukrainian troops, after which, the Russian army began to deploy a scorched-earth policy of total destruction in an attempt to subdue the city.

On 1 March, Russian forces completed their encirclement of Mariupol. At the same time, they began to deliberately destroy the city’s infrastructure. Food warehouses were targeted firstly, to limit people’s access to vital supplies.

Just before the invasion, city authorities had started to stockpile contingency foodstuffs, stored at two places – on the territory of the municipal enterprise ‘Komunalnyk’ and at the Mariupol Central Market. On 1 March, these warehouses were specifically and accurately targeted by Russian troops and completely destroyed.

On 2 March, all 15 electrical-cable entry points into the city were targeted, leaving Mariupol without power. Without electricity, the city’s boiler houses stopped working, leaving citizens without heat in freezing weather conditions.

The same day, Russian troops bombed the main drinking-water supply channel and then the auxiliary supply, cutting off water to the entire city.

First 8 photos – wounded Ukrainian soldiers in the basement of the Azovstal steel plant in Mariupol – 9. A clearly-marked medical centre, bombed – 10. 11. Death on the streets of Mariupol – 12. A slain Russian soldier. Photos by Azov-Mariupol.

In their attempts to further punish and subdue Mariupol’s citizens, the Russian army targeted the main fire department to prevent emergency workers from protecting properties.

And finally, during this one, long, hellish day, the Russians bombed a primary gas pipeline, leaving Mariupol and other nearby cities, including Berdiansk, without gas for cooking or heating.

On 2 March, Russian forces also began systematically targeting and destroying the city’s mobile communication towers, preventing citizens from communicating with one another or with the Ukrainian authorities.

Thus, the cruel and inhuman blockade of Mariupol began. Russia implemented a strategy of total suppression and destruction of Mariupol’s civilian population deliberately and cynically. They created a humanitarian catastrophe, leaving the city without water, heat, light and phone connection, while at the same time blocking all routes for humanitarian aid to get to residents in need.

Before the Russian invasion, half a million people lived in Mariupol. It was one of the 10 largest cities in Ukraine. Since the beginning of the war, before Russian forces were able to complete their blockade of the city, about 100,000 inhabitants managed to flee. Those who were not able or willing to leave found themselves in a situation that can only be described as a hellish nightmare filled with suffering, death and destruction.

Mariupol resident Kateryna Ilchenko said “We stayed in the city because we believed in its defense capability. We believed in it so much that we considered everyone who left Mariupol to be traitors. But we were wrong. Nobody had imagined what started later. We saw the war in 2014. But what is happening now is not just war, it is destruction. The destruction of the civilian population. There were no military headquarters, bases of the Armed forces et cetera in our house – ordinary yard of high-rise buildings. But the missiles hit my house. And worst of all were the airstrikes. This horror is indescribable. It is impossible to hear

A wounded Ukrainian soldier in the basement of the Azovstal steel plant in Mariupol. Photo by Azov-Mariupol

such a sound. It paralyses your will. You realise that you have to save your child and you realise that you are powerless.”

On 2 March, it became clear that the remaining residents in Mariupol needed to be evacuated immediately. The issue of evacuation was raised repeatedly during talks between Ukrainian and Russian negotiators, but the Russian side refused to provide humanitarian corridors.

On 6 March, an agreement was finally reached for a ceasefire and a route for evacuees to leave the city, however, it was short lived. Oleksandr G and Oksana I, both from Mariupol, witnessed Russia’s cruel attack on their civilian convoy on their way out of the city. At the moment the column started moving, Russian troops opened fire with multiplelaunch rocket systems (called ‘Grad’, meaning hailstones) on the civilian vehicles.

On 9 March, Russian warplanes began a concerted bombing campaign against the city. Before this, Grad rockets had been a primary source of destruction, but now, heavy bombs and missiles

rained down from Russian fighter jets, causing complete destruction to already battered buildings and blocks of flats. Buildings that somehow remained standing were no more than shells, gutted by fire.

On that day, Russia targeted a technical university and the Mariupol City Maternity Hospital. Images from these bombings were seen around the world. Russia’s leadership claimed their soldiers had targeted the hospital because it was used as a base for so-called “Ukrainian Nazis”.

The harrowing pictures spoke for themselves – this was no military base and the victims were not soldiers, they were the most vulnerable people imaginable – heavily pregnant women, and unborn and newly born babies.

Three adults and one child died instantly, another woman died the next day from her wounds, along with her unborn baby.

After the bombing, several surviving maternityhospital patients were evacuated to the central Drama Theater building, which was serving as a temporary bomb shelter for more than 1000 citizens. At least three women with infants were taken there on 9 March, but were not housed in the basement because it was cold and damp, which could harm their newborn babies’ health. They were put in more comfortable rooms – actors’ dressing rooms located on the right wing of the building.

On 16 March, a Russian warplane dropped a massive bomb directly onto the right wing of the theatre, killing everyone sheltering on that side.

Nadezhda P and her daughter survived the attack and bore witness to the (at least 300) innocent civilians who died in the bombing.

There were no soldiers in the theater – but there were many, many children. Citizens taking shelter there had even written in large letters on the pavement outside, the Russian word ДЕТИ – CHILDREN – in a vain attempt to deter Russian pilots.

On the same day, 16 March, Russian warplanes bombed the military hospital No. 61. Next door was a public swimming pool, where about 600 people were taking shelter. One bomb hit this makeshift shelter too, killing an unknown number of people.

On 19 March, an explosion erupted at an art school in the Livoberezhnyi district of Mariupol where 400 women and children were hiding. A Russian warplane dropped one of its heavy bombs. The death toll is still unknown.

Reports of such atrocities often sound like mere statistics. But each number reflects so much more – lives destroyed, homes and businesses blown apart, bright and peaceful futures cut short.

The desire to hide these terrible crimes is one of the reasons Russian troops are blockading the city in every possible way. They believe this tragedy and all their crimes can be buried there.

Fortunately, thanks to the heroic actions of journalists, refugees and the Ukrainian military, the evidence is emerging.

Mariupol resident, Andriy Voloshin, cannot be calm when he hears the official death toll in Mariupol. “5000 dead? That’s not what it is! In the basement where I was hiding 50 Mariupol residents died after the bomb hit. Immediately! And how many such bombs have been falling? How many such basements are there?”

Mariupol resident Kateryna Ilchenko said “People don’t know what to do with corpses, so they just stack them on their balconies. Hundreds of balconies that have become a cemetery!”

Hundreds of graves are also in the yards of and on roadsides. Hundreds of bodies remain in destroyed buildings, crushed by slabs and bricks. There are several mass graves in which hundreds of unidentified bodies are buried.

We will only know the true scale of this tragedy once Ukraine has liberated Mariupol and pushed out the Russian occupiers. Today, thousands of Mariupol residents are looking for their relatives, friends and loved ones. But sooner or later, their corpses on the roadsides, balconies and in mass graves will begin to regain their names.

Then, the dark abyss of this tragedy will be opened for all to see and to seek justice.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison said on 1 March that Australia would provide significant military assistance and emergency humanitarian support to help the people of Ukraine.

The following day, a Royal Australian Air Force C-17A Globemaster departed RAAF Base Richmond for Europe, ‘carrying critical military equipment’ [identified by CONTACT as “clothing, special purpose” – and confirmed by another reporter as ‘socks and mittens’] and medical supplies.

“Australia will provide around $70 million in lethal military assistance to support the defence of Ukraine, including missiles and weapons,” the PM said.

“We will also provide a range of non-lethal military equipment and medical supplies in response to a specific request from the Ukrainian government.

“Our contributions will complement actions taken by partners such as the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, the European Union and other European nations – each of which we welcome.

“We will work with and through our partners and allies to supplement the already substantial support from the international community.

“Australia will also commit immediate humanitarian assistance of an initial $35 million to help meet the urgent needs of the Ukrainian people.

“Our lethal and non-lethal military assistance, along with our humanitarian funding, are in addition to the significant sanctions we have already imposed on Russia.”

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy addressed Australia’s Parliament via video link on 31 March.

During his speech he asked Australia to send even more aid, specifically requesting Australian-built Bushmaster protected mobility vehicles.

The following day, 1 April, Prime Minister Morrison confirmed that $25 million in further military support would be sent to Ukraine, including the requested Bushmasters.

“We’re not just sending our prayers, we’re sending our guns, we’re sending our munitions, we’re

Australian Bushmasters and artillery are prepared for airlift to Europe to support Ukraine’s defence against the Russian invasion.

sending our humanitarian aid, we’re sending body armour, and we’re going to be sending our armoured vehicles – our Bushmasters – as well.

Fourteen of the 20 Bushmasters initially supplied to Ukraine from Australia were equipped with remote weapon stations, while four were decked out as ambulance variants. All were fitted with radios, GPS and additional bolt-on armour.

The 20 vehicles were painted olive green to suit the intended operating environment [and, presumably, to dis-identify them as Australian – though a small kangaroo silhouette was added, beside a Ukrainian flag and the words “United with Ukraine” on both sides of each vehicle].

In late April, the Australian government announced it would send six M777 155mm lightweight towed howitzers and ammunition to Europe for on-forwarding to Ukraine.

“This $26.7 million in new support for Ukraine takes Australia’s total contribution to Ukraine to more than $225 million,” Mr Morrison said.

The six guns were taken by truck from 1st Regiment, Royal Australian Artillery, at Gallipoli Barracks in Brisbane to be despatched from RAAF Base Amberley. This was a significant contribution in so far as the Australia Army only had 54 guns to start with – now down to 48.

Shortly before the Australian federal election on 21 May [which saw the Prime Minister and his party ousted from government], Mr Morrison announced a further shipment of an additional 20 Bushmasters, plus 14 M113 armoured personnel carriers, plus 60 pallets of medical supplies donated by Australian citizens, along with three pallets of radiationmonitoring equipment and protective equipment – taking Australia’s total contribution to date to more than $285 million.

Given that Australia’s military and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine had bi-partisan support in parliament, the change of government, sworn in on 23 May, should have little affect on Australia’s ongoing commitment to ‘Stand with Ukraine’.

Leading Aircraftwoman Kate Czerny Corporal Jesse Kane

New Zealand also displayed strong support for Ukraine following Russia’s invasion, initially supporting international sanctions, then sending tangible military support in the form of about 50 personnel to assist with logistics, intelligence and planning.

A Royal New Zealand Air Force C-130 Hercules – under Operation Tieke – departed New Zealand for Europe on 13 April to assist with the shipment of weapons and aid to Ukraine.

Later, on 23 May, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced that a New Zealand Army artillery training team of up to 30 personnel would deploy to the UK to help train Ukrainian military personnel in operating L119 105mm light field guns.

Among the first deployment group were alternative flying crews, maintenance technicians, and two air load teams.

The Hercules was slated to be based in the UK, flying between third countries in Europe, picking up donated military aid and transporting the cargo to destinations from where the stores could be taken by land into Ukraine.

However, no New Zealand personnel would be entering Ukraine.

The movement of donated military aid around Europe was being coordinated by an international coordination centre in Stuttgart, Germany, in which at least eight New Zealand personnel were also embedded.

NZDF intelligence staff were also deployed to the United Kingdom early in the piece, with liaison officers also detached to the UK Permanent Joint Headquarters and a NATO headquarters in Belgium.

New Zealand-based open-source intelligence capability was also being used to take advantage of time-zone differences between New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

Prime Minister Ardern said the artillery-training support was requested in May and would be in place through June and July.

Minister of Defence Peeni Henare said the New Zealand government was acting on a call for help with training, which would enable members of the Ukrainian armed forces to operate L119 light field guns as they continued to defend their country against attacks by Russian forces.

“We are also providing approximately 40 gun sights to Ukraine, along with a small quantity of ammunition for training purposes,” he said.

Foreign Affairs Minister Nanaia Mahuta said Aotearoa New Zealand continued to work closely with a range of international partners to support Ukraine, including the military support outlined, as well as humanitarian assistance and efforts to ensure accountability for human rights violations.

“New Zealand has also donated approximately $15.7 million to purchase military equipment for Ukraine, commercial satellite access for Ukrainian defence intelligence, and has rolled out sanctions targeting those associated with Russia’s invasion,” Mrs Mahuta said.

LEFT TO RIGHT: An NZDF air-load-team member prepares pallets to be carried on a C-130 Hercules, in Germany – Royal New Zealand Air Force C-130 Hercules pilots on a Ukrainian weapons’-supply mission over Europe –pallets of weapons and/or ammo await loading on to a Royal New Zealand Air Force Hercules at a German air base. NZDF photos.

Australian Army soldier Sergeant Rana Chandan from the 1st/15th Royal New South Wales Lancers operates a Ghost Robotics quadruped robot using a novel braincomputer interface during a demonstration at Majura Training Area, Canberra. Researchers at the University of Technology Sydney and Army’s Robotic & Autonomous Implementation & Coordination Office (RICO) teamed up to demonstrate a brain-to-robot interface on 11 May 2022. Sergeant Rana had a selection of commands projected onto his augmented reality lens, which, when sighted, resulted in brainwaves that were interpreted and sent as commands to the robot. This allowed the operator to maintain weapon readiness or use their hands for other tasks. The purpose of the demonstration was to explore the potential of this technology for use in a tactical environment..

BRAIN GAMES

Defence Abuse

Final month to apply for reparation payment

Under the Defence Reparation Scheme, individuals who served in the Australian Defence Force, and experienced serious abuse before 30 June 2014, can report this abuse to the Commonwealth Ombudsman. You may be eligible for a reparation payment but you must act by 30 June 2022.

You must send the Commonwealth Ombudsman either a report of your abuse by midnight 30 June 2022, or an email stating your intent to report the abuse – email DefenceForce.Ombudsman@Ombudsman.gov.au by midnight 30 June 2022 AEST. Your email notification of intent to report will enable you to report up until midnight 30 June 2023.

For full details of the scheme and the forms to use for reporting, go to the ombudsman.gov.au website.

ombudsman.gov.au